stress in education

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• Published: 29 June 2016

Learning and memory under stress: implications for the classroom

• Susanne Vogel 1 &
• Lars Schwabe 1  

npj Science of Learning volume  1 , Article number:  16011 ( 2016 ) Cite this article

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• Hippocampus
• Human behaviour
• Stress and resilience

Exams, tight deadlines and interpersonal conflicts are just a few examples of the many events that may result in high levels of stress in both students and teachers. Research over the past two decades identified stress and the hormones and neurotransmitters released during and after a stressful event as major modulators of human learning and memory processes, with critical implications for educational contexts. While stress around the time of learning is thought to enhance memory formation, thus leading to robust memories, stress markedly impairs memory retrieval, bearing, for instance, the risk of underachieving at exams. Recent evidence further indicates that stress may hamper the updating of memories in the light of new information and induce a shift from a flexible, ‘cognitive’ form of learning towards rather rigid, ‘habit’-like behaviour. Together, these stress-induced changes may explain some of the difficulties of learning and remembering under stress in the classroom. Taking these insights from psychology and neuroscience into account could bear the potential to facilitate processes of education for both students and teachers.

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Stressful events are very common in educational settings, both for students and for teachers. A multitude of exams, evaluations and deadlines creates an enormous pressure to perform. This stress, however, can have a critical impact on learning and memory processes, 1 , 2 which are at the heart of our educational system. Beyond their relevance in educational contexts, stress-induced alterations in learning and memory are also thought to contribute to stress-related mental disorders, such as major depressive disorder or post-traumatic stress disorder. 3 Therefore, a large number of studies has been conducted to better understand how stress affects learning and memory. The effects of stress were found to be complex, though, with stress having both enhancing and impairing effects on memory, depending on the specific memory process or stage that is affected by stress 1 , 4 and the activity profile of major physiological stress response systems.

This review summarises the current state of knowledge on the impact of (acute) stress on memory and derives implications for educational settings from these laboratory findings. Because our focus is on memory processes most relevant in the classroom, we will concentrate mainly on the effects of (moderate) stress (induced in laboratory settings) on episodic and semantic memory, as well as the engagement of multiple memory systems in healthy humans (for reviews on the influence of stress on other forms of memory or other cognitive processes, see e.g. Arnsten 5 and Sandi 6 ). As the influence of stress on learning and memory is intimately linked to the physiological and endocrine changes initiated on a stressful encounter, we will cover these changes first. Next, we will provide a concise overview of how stress, through the action of major stress mediators, induces time-dependent changes in how much information is learned, consolidated and retrieved (i.e., memory quantity). In the third part of this review, we will discuss recent findings on how stress may change the dynamics of memories, their updating in the face of novel information, and the integration of new knowledge into existing memories, all key processes in educational settings. We will then highlight the impact of stress on the engagement of different memory systems, arguing that stress effects are not limited to how much we learn or remember but that stress also changes the nature (or quality) of memories, for instance, the strategies that are used during learning. Based on these empirical findings, we will finally discuss the implications of stress effects on learning and memory processes for the classroom.

The well-coordinated physiological response to stressors

Difficult situations in the classroom such as exams or interpersonal conflicts can challenge or exceed the coping strategies or resources available and thus threaten our homoeostasis, our inner balance, leading us to feel ‘stressed’. 7 The individual appraisal of the situation is critical as it determines the response that follows. 8 , 9 If a situation is appraised as stressful, a well-described cascade of physiological and endocrine changes is set in motion in order to re-establish homoeostasis and to promote long-term well-being. 10 Although this stress response is very complex with numerous mediators involved, two major stress systems appear to be critical for the modulation of learning and memory processes, the rapid autonomic nervous system (ANS) and the slower hypothalamus–pituitary–adrenal axis ( Figure 1 ). Within seconds, the ANS is activated, leading to the release of catecholamines such as noradrenaline (NA), both from the adrenal medulla and the locus coeruleus in the brain. 10 Catecholamines prepare the body for ‘fight-or-flight’ responses and rapidly affect neural functioning in several brain regions critical for learning and memory, such as the hippocampus, amygdala and prefrontal cortex (PFC). 5 , 11 Somewhat slower, a second system is activated in response to stress, the hypothalamus–pituitary–adrenal axis, resulting in the release of corticosteroids (in humans mainly cortisol) from the adrenal cortex. Cortisol reaches peak level concentrations ~20–30 min after stressor onset, 10 readily enters the brain and binds to two different receptors to induce its effects on cognition: The glucocorticoid receptor (GR) is expressed ubiquitously throughout the brain, whereas the mineralocorticoid receptor (MR) is mainly expressed in brain regions related to memory and emotion, for instance, the hippocampus, amygdala and PFC. 12 , 13 On binding to these receptors, cortisol operates via two different modes of action, a non-genomic, often MR-mediated mode develops rapidly 14 and enhances neural excitability in the amygdala and hippocampus, 15 , 16 presumably supporting memory formation. This rapid mode is followed by a slower, often GR-dependent mode that is assumed to develop ~60–90 min after stressor onset and to involve longer-lasting changes to DNA translation and transcription. 17 The slow genomic mode is assumed to revert the acute effects of stress and to re-establish homoeostasis by decreasing neural excitability in the amygdala and hippocampus long after stress. 4

Systems activated in response to stressful events. On a stressful encounter, the autonomic nervous system (left) is activated within seconds to release catecholamines (e.g., noradrenaline) from the adrenal medulla and the locus coeruleus in the brain stem. Catecholamines are implicated in the ‘fight-or-flight’ response, but they also have profound effects on attention, working memory and long-term memory. Somewhat slower, the hypothalamus–pituitary–adrenal axis is activated, releasing corticotropin-releasing hormone (CRH) from the hypothalamus which stimulates the anterior pituitary to secrete adrenocorticotropic hormone (ACTH). ACTH in turn causes the adrenal cortex to produce cortisol and release it into the blood stream. Cortisol reaches peak level concentrations ~20–30 min after stress onset and readily enters the brain to affect cognition and behaviour. Cortisol feedback to the pituitary, hypothalamus and other brain areas (e.g., the hippocampus) prevents the system from overshooting.

This striking temporal profile of the stress response leads to differential effects of stress on learning and memory, depending on the temporal proximity between the stressful event and the memory process investigated. For instance, stress experienced just before memory retrieval, when catecholamine levels are still high and cortisol levels are not elevated yet, may have very different effects than stress experienced 90 min before retrieval, when catecholamine levels returned to baseline and genomic cortisol actions are at work. 18 , 19 Moreover, distinct memory stages, i.e., encoding, consolidation or retrieval may be differently affected by these time-dependent physiological changes after a stressful encounter. In the next section, we will portray the time-dependent effects of stress on learning and memory, taking into account both the specific memory stage affected and the temporal proximity between the stressful event and the memory formation or retrieval process ( Figure 2 ).

The effects of stress on memory depend on the specific memory process investigated and the temporal proximity between the stressful event and this memory process. While stress (indicated as red flash) long before encoding impairs memory formation, stress shortly before or after the presentation of new information generally enhances subsequent memory performance. In sharp contrast, stress before memory retrieval impairs the recall of information learned previously which may directly affect performance at exams. In education, knowledge needs to be frequently updated by new facts or concepts relating to prior knowledge. In addition to its effects on memory encoding and retrieval, stress appears to impair this integration of new information into existing knowledge structures.

Time-dependent effects of stress on memory quantity

Emotionally arousing events are typically very well-remembered. Likewise, individuals who experienced extremely stressful (traumatic) events may suffer from very vivid memories of these events, suggesting that severe stress during or just before encoding may boost memory formation. In line with these observations, studies showed that also lower levels of stress (as they may occur more frequently in schools) during or just before learning may strengthen human memory. 20 – 23 This effect of stress on encoding was often stronger for emotional compared with neutral learning material. 24 Another factor moderating the influence of stress on learning is the correspondence between the stressful context and the learning material. For example, stress during learning specifically enhanced memory for material that was related to the context of the stressful task and thus putatively more relevant. 20 Material that is unrelated to an ongoing stressor, however, is typically not very well-remembered later on. 25 Despite many studies showing a stress-induced learning enhancement if stressor and learning coincide, some studies found the opposite effect. 26 , 27 This divergence might be due to other factors than just the timing of the stressful encounter, such as differences in the interval between study and retrieval or individual differences due to sex, genetics or the developmental background. 28 – 31 In sum, being moderately stressed can enhance memory formation for emotional material and information that is related to the stressful context, whereas stress may impair the encoding of stressor-unrelated material.

At the neural level, catecholamines such as NA appear to play a critical role in the enhancing effects of stress or emotional arousal on learning. Studies in rodents demonstrated that NA exposure strengthened synaptic contacts in the hippocampus 11 and that the concentration of NA in the amygdala after encoding predicted memory strength. 32 Corticosteroids, however, appear to play an important role as well. For instance, MR-activation rapidly enhanced neural excitability in the amygdala and hippocampus which may further aid successful memory encoding. 15 , 16 Additional evidence for a role of corticosteroids came from human pharmacological studies, demonstrating that the administration of 20 mg cortisol prior to learning boosted later memory, especially for emotionally arousing pictures. 33 Notably, this memory advantage for emotional material depends on NA, as it can be blocked by the beta-blocker propranolol. 34 Human neuroimaging studies then set out to elucidate the neural mechanism underlying the stress-induced learning enhancement. The immediate release of NA under stress activated a network of brain regions known as the salience network encompassing the amygdala, anterior cingulate cortex and anterior insula. 35 , 36 This rapid upregulation of the salience network allowed enhanced vigilance and better processing of threat-related information which may improve memory encoding in stressful situations. Some minutes later, the release of cortisol reduced global signal in the electroencephalogram (EEG), which was interpreted as a reduction in background processing in order to allow efficient processing of relevant information by enhancing the signal-to-noise ratio. 37 In line with an enhanced processing of important information, the stress-induced increase in processing and encoding of study items in the brain was related to better memory performance for these items at test. 38 , 39 Several studies also investigated the interplay of NA and cortisol in memory encoding. Supporting evidence for such an interaction came, for instance, from a study showing that emotional learning material activated the amygdala, an effect that depended on NA availability as it was abolished by propranolol. 40 Importantly, this amygdala response to emotional stimuli was particularly prominent in those individuals with higher cortisol levels during encoding. 41 Moreover, the combined administration of cortisol and yohimbine, a drug increasing NA stimulation, switched neural activity towards a strong deactivation of prefrontal areas, 42 potentially releasing the amygdala from inhibitory top-down control and improving memory encoding.

While stress around the time of learning enhances memory, stress (or cortisol administration of 25 mg) long before learning or in a distinctly different context does not promote new learning 43 and can even hinder successful encoding of new information. 21 For example, while stress directly before learning enhanced later recognition memory, memory was impaired if stress was experienced 30 min before learning. 21 This memory impairing effect of stress long before learning has been associated with a decrease in neural excitability in the hippocampus long after cortisol administration, 44 which might suggest that genomic actions of cortisol protect the consolidation of information learned during the stressful encounter. 2 In line with this finding of decreased hippocampal excitability, cortisol administered more than 1 h before MRI measurements reduced hippocampal and amygdala activity in humans, 45 , 46 possibly impairing the formation of new memories. In the same time period, the activity of the salience network decreased again to pre-stress levels while activity in the executive control network increased, 35 allowing the individual to recover from the stressful situation and to re-approach homoeostasis. However, there is evidence that this reversal of heightened salience network activity, which is important for higher cognitive control functions to improve coping in the aftermath of stress, does not occur when the participants remain in the stressful context. For instance, the coupling between the amygdala and the salience network remained enhanced after 1 h if the participants were still in the context of the stress induction procedure, 47 again highlighting the role of context as a moderator of stress effects on learning.

When stress is experienced before or during a learning episode, its effects on memory encoding can hardly be dissociated from those on memory consolidation. Also in educational settings, influences of stress on memory encoding can often not be separated from those on memory storage. However, by administering stress or stress mediators shortly after learning, thus excluding an influence on memory encoding, experimental studies were able to isolate stress effects on memory consolidation. Several studies in humans showed that stress or adrenaline injections shortly after learning improved memory consolidation, an effect which was more pronounced for emotionally arousing material, 26 , 48 , 49 , 50 highlighting the importance of the emotionality of the study material. Studies in rodents also demonstrated that the administration of NA or corticosteroids just after learning improved consolidation, 51 and that this enhancing effect (at least on hippocampal memory) required the interaction between NA and GR-mediated cortisol effects in the amygdala. 52 – 55

The effects of stress on memory are, however, not limited to the formation of memories (i.e., memory encoding and consolidation) but extend also to memory retrieval. Given that exams and tests can easily cause stress in students and students are evaluated based on their performance in these tests, it is particularly relevant to understand how stress affects memory recall. In line with seminal findings in rodents, 56 many studies in humans demonstrated that acute stress impaired memory retrieval after a stressful encounter (refs 18 , 19 , 57 , 58 , 59 but see refs 60 , 61 ). Retrieval in the stressful situation itself seemed not to be affected or even enhanced, 18 , 19 particularly when retrieval performance was directly relevant to the stressful encounter. Retrieval more than 20 min after stress, however, when cortisol levels were already elevated, was impaired by the cortisol response to stress 18 , 19 , 58 ( Figure 3 ) and the impairment appeared to be even stronger at a time point when genomic cortisol actions had developed, 18 suggesting that the impairing effects of stress can last much longer than previously known. This retrieval deficit after stress was not only found in adults but was also observed in 8–10-year-old children, highlighting the relevance of these findings for educational settings. 59 The disrupting effect of stress on retrieval was stronger for emotional material 26 , 62 and also the context appeared to play a moderating role on the effects of stress on retrieval. For instance, if the retrieval test was relevant for the stressful situation or if both learning and test took place in the same context, so that the context served as a retrieval cue, recall was spared from the impairing effects of stress. 19 , 63

Stress impairs memory retrieval. Participants learned a two-dimensional object location task similar to the game ‘concentration’ (note that for illustrative purposes encoding is depicted by a book, similar to studying in class). One day later, participants either underwent a mild stress induction procedure (indicated by the red flash) or a non-stressful control procedure before recalling the card pair locations learned on day 1. Participants in the stress group recalled significantly fewer card pair locations on day 2 than participants in the control group (relative to their performance on day 1), indicating that stress before retention testing reduced memory performance. Adjusted, with permission, from ref. 63 .

The negative effect of stress on retrieval could be mimicked by administering a GR agonist and blocked by the cortisol synthesis inhibitor metyrapone in rodents, which suggests a GR-dependent pathway 43 , 56 , 64 , 65 reducing blood flow in the medial temporal lobe. 66 However, the interaction with NA appears to be crucial as the impairing effects of cortisol depended on noradrenergic activation of the amygdala. 52 For instance, blocking the action of NA pharmacologically with propranolol abolished the impairing effect of cortisol on emotional memory retrieval. 67 Thus, similar to memory consolidation, the interaction between GR-mediated cortisol action and NA appears to be crucial for stress-induced effects on memory retrieval. 67

To summarise, stress affects memory in a time-dependent manner, often enhancing memory formation around the time of the stressful encounter but impairing memory retrieval and the acquisition of information encoded long after the stressful event. These effects depend on interactions between NA and cortisol in the amygdala and are thus often stronger for emotional than for neutral learning material. In the next paragraph, we will move beyond stress-induced changes in memory performance and describe how stress may also affect the integration of new information into existing memories, i.e., knowledge updating.

Stress and the dynamics of memory

Very often, students are not only required to recall study material, but to integrate new information into existing knowledge structures. In fact, integrating new information into existing memories is a key process in education (as well as in life in general where we are constantly required to update our knowledge). Such updating implicates that memories remain malleable even long time after they have been formed initially and research over the past 15 years shows that this is indeed the case (for review, see ref. 68 ). There is compelling evidence that consolidated, seemingly stable memories return to a labile state when they are reactivated, 68 – 71 which requires the re-stabilization of those memories in a process called reconsolidation. During reconsolidation, the reactivated memory can be weakened, strengthened or altered. 69 , 71 In other words, reconsolidation most likely represents the mechanism underlying memory updating processes. 72 As reconsolidation involves the hippocampus 71 and the PFC, 73 areas that are main targets of stress modulators, it seems reasonable to assume that stress would also affect reconsolidation. First evidence for such stress effects on reconsolidation came from rodent studies showing that stress or cortisol injections after memory reactivation impaired subsequent memory expression, suggesting that stress impaired reconsolidation. 74 , 75 For instance, stress after reactivation of a memory trace interfered with performance at a later memory test, an effect which depended on GR-mediated cortisol activity in the amygdala. 75 Several studies in humans support the hypothesis that stress can affect memory reconsolidation and thus memory updating, yet the specific conditions leading to impairing or enhancing effects of stress on reconsolidation are still under investigation. 76 – 78

Further evidence for a critical role of stress in the updating of memories comes from studies on the so-called misinformation effect. This effect describes the incorporation of misleading information presented after encoding the original event into the memory for this event. 79 Although this effect mainly concerns the biasing influence of misinformation on memory, it provides important insights into memory updating in general and studying how stress affects the misinformation effect may allow a deeper understanding of how stress affects the updating of memories. For instance, it was shown that if highly arousing information is learned during stress, this resulted in more robust memories that were less vulnerable to being ‘updated’ by subsequent (mis)information. 80 Similarly, misinformation was less often incorporated into existing memories if the participants were stressed before the presentation of misinformation, thus indicating that stress interferes with the updating of the existing memory trace 81 ( Figure 4 ). As the mechanism underlying the misinformation effect is assumed to be reconsolidation, 72 this finding is in line with reports showing an impairing effect of stress on memory reconsolidation. 74 , 75 , 78 In sum, there is accumulating evidence that stress may interfere with the updating of memories, which may have negative implications for education where new information often has to be incorporated into existing knowledge.

Stress reduces the integration of new information into existing memories. On day 1, participants were instructed to memorise different stories presented in short movie clips (note that encoding is illustrated by a book for illustrative purposes). On day two, participants either underwent a mild stress induction procedure (indicated by the red flash) or a non-stressful control procedure before they were presented with a questionnaire regarding the study material from day 1. Importantly, some items of this questionnaire included wrong information about the study material (misinformation, shown in orange). On day 3, forced choice questions were used to test whether the misinformation had been integrated into the memory trace of the study material. In the memory test, possible answers were the correct original information, the misinformation presented the day before and other incorrect answers (lures) that were not referred to on day 2. Overall, participants endorsed misinformation more often than lures, thus demonstrating a misinformation effect. Critically, stressed participants endorsed fewer misinformation items than participants of the control group, suggesting that stress reduced the modification of the original memory on day 2. Adjusted, with permission, from ref. 81 . * P <0.005

Stress alters the way we learn: effects on memory quality

Most studies investigating the effects of stress on memory encoding, retrieval or updating focused on memories encoded by the hippocampus. However, experiences can be encoded by multiple memory systems operating in parallel, differing in their neural substrate and in the information processed. 82 , 83 Several studies demonstrated that stress has a critical impact on which of these memory systems is used to form and retrieve memories, implicating that stress changes the nature or quality of memories 84 , 85 (see Figure 5 ). Early studies in rodents demonstrated that stress or amygdala activation through anxiogenic drugs at encoding induced a shift from a flexible ‘cognitive’ memory system depending on the hippocampus towards a more rigid, ‘habit’-like memory system based on the dorsal striatum. 82 , 86 , 87 Thus, under stress, more rigid stimulus–response associations are learned rather than complex representations of our environment including the relationship between stimuli or task requirements. This shift in the system that controls memory could be blocked by an MR-antagonist, suggesting that the shift is due to MR-mediated cortisol action. 88 , 89 Importantly, stress itself did not disrupt learning, but blocking the shift towards habit memories markedly impaired performance, 88 suggesting that the shift towards the striatum-based habit system is adaptive and beneficial for performance under stress. So far, only one study investigated whether this stress-induced shift also affects memory retrieval, and indeed anxiogenic drugs injected into the amygdala before retrieval biased rats towards an increased use of their dorsal striatum at the expense of the hippocampal memory system. 90 To summarise, these studies in rodents suggest that stress induces a qualitative shift in the systems guiding learning (and, most likely, retrieval), from a cognitive, hippocampus-dependent memory system towards a habit-like memory system based on the striatum.

Stress shifts the balance between multiple systems underlying learning and memory. At rest, this balance is tilted towards the ‘cognitive’ memory system depending on the hippocampus, allowing for the formation and recall of flexible memories. Stress, however, is thought to alter the system domination learning and memory. Under stress (indicated by a red flash), the balance tips towards more rigid ‘habit’ memories encoded by the dorsal striatum. Thus, stress affects not only how much is learned (memory quantity) but also what is encoded and how memories are built (memory quality).

In line with these rodent findings, stress shifts the systems dominating memory encoding also in humans towards an increased use of striatal habit-like memory, at the expense of hippocampal memory. 91 – 93 For example, stressed participants often used a habit-like striatal learning strategy instead of a hippocampal strategy to solve a learning task. 93 Similar to the findings in rodents, stress did not affect learning performance per se if participants switched to the striatal memory system, 91 yet performance was impaired when participants tried to recruit the hippocampal memory system despite stress. 93 Accordingly, task performance was positively correlated with hippocampal activity in non-stressed control participants, whereas performance correlated positively with striatal activity and even negatively with hippocampal activity in stressed participants. 93 The amygdala appeared to orchestrate this stress-induced shift by rapidly increasing functional connectivity with the dorsal striatum and decreasing its coupling with the hippocampus. 94 , 95 Importantly, an MR-antagonist blocked the stress-induced shift both at the behavioural and neural level, 94 , 95 demonstrating that the stress-induced shift appears to depend on cortisol acting via the MR. 89

In addition to the shift from hippocampal to striatal memory, stress affects the balance between memory systems underlying instrumental behaviour, i.e., behaviour aimed at obtaining rewards or avoiding punishments. Learning and performing these actions can be controlled by a ‘habitual’ system relying on the dorsolateral striatum which acts largely independently of the current value of the action-outcome, or a ‘goal-directed’ system depending on the PFC, dorsomedial striatum, and dorsomedial thalamus which is sensitive to changes in outcome value. 96 Under stress, human and rodent behaviour is rendered more habitual and based on stimulus–response associations rather than action-outcome associations which underlie goal-directed actions. 97 – 101 Moreover, the behaviour of stressed individuals was more resistant against extinction procedures, 92 further highlighting the rigid, rather habitual behaviour of stressed individuals. For example, stressed infants continued to use habit actions even though the behaviour was not reinforced anymore, whereas non-stressed infants stopped showing the behaviour when the reinforcement ended. 100 The stress-induced modulation of instrumental behaviour can be abolished by beta blockers, suggesting that NA plays a crucial role in this shift towards habit behaviour. 98 Again, NA appears to interact with the effects of cortisol as the stress-induced shift towards habits can be mimicked by the combined administration of cortisol and yohimbine, 97 and beta-adrenergic blockade by propranolol prevents the stress-induced bias towards habits. 98 In the brain, this shift has been associated with a reduced sensitivity of the orbitofrontal and medial PFC to changes in outcome value, whereas brain regions implicated in habit learning were not affected. 99

To summarise, stress cannot only affect how much information we learn and remember, but stress also flips the balance between the systems dominating learning and memory, which has considerable consequences for the nature and flexibility of memories and the goal-directedness of behaviour.

Stress and memory in the classroom

School children often encounter stressful events inside and outside of their school environment 102 and nearly 70% of primary school children report symptoms of stress such as worries, anxiety or sadness. 103 In the preceding chapters, we argued that situations appraised as stressful have strong and diverse effects on human memory. While learning during or immediately after stress is often enhanced, stress disrupts memory retrieval and updating, and these effects are most pronounced for emotionally arousing material. Finally, we argued that stress shifts the balance between multiple systems underlying memories and instrumental behaviours towards the formation and recall of rather rigid habit-like memories. Together, these findings highlight that stress may critically shape our memories, which is of utmost importance in all educational contexts.

In the classroom, these stress effects on memory may have far-reaching consequences for students. For instance, emotions or light to moderate forms of stress (i.e., cognitive challenges without excessive demands or moderate emotional arousal that results, e.g., from hearing something that is unexpected) may increase memory formation, which may have positive effects on memories for study material. Yet, these effects likely follow an inverted u-shape and can revert with too high levels of stress. 28 , 104 Moreover, stress may lead to stronger memories for negative events happening in the classroom, such as failed exams, embarrassing experiences or interpersonal conflicts (e.g., bullying) and these strong negative memories may induce long-lasting frustration and a negative attitude towards school and the individual’s abilities. These negative consequences of stress on students may be intensified by the deleterious effects of stress on memory retrieval. Moderate or high levels of stress before exams will most likely hinder memory retrieval and lead to an underestimation of the students’ knowledge, putatively resulting in bad grades. Furthermore, stress may hinder the integration of new information into existing knowledge structures, which may prevent the updating of knowledge by new facts or a deep multidisciplinary understanding of concepts which is often required in education. Finally, by altering the balance between memory systems, stress may lead to strong, rigid memories and the retrieval of habits rather than creative and complex solutions to new problems, which may again lead to an underestimation of the students’ abilities.

Although the effects of stress on memory are highly relevant to students, also teachers frequently encounter stressful events and >40% report high levels of work stress. 105 Also for teachers, appraising events as stressful may lead to strong negative memories of unpleasant situations in the classroom with implications for their work attitude and potentially their mental health. Moreover, stress may impair the quality of teaching if the teacher’s flexibility is decreased, which might hamper adaptive responding to the individual needs and resources of students. Instead, habitual procedures may be supported by stress, leading to a more repetitive teaching style, which may in turn lead to more problems in class.

Considering this wide range of possible stress effects in educational settings, strategies to deal with stress and its consequences are needed. First and foremost, teachers should be aware of the impact stress may have on memory formation, retrieval and updating. Moreover, students should be educated about the influence of stress on memory to raise awareness for the powerful effects stress may exert and the need for efficient coping strategies. It is important to note that potentially stressful events do not necessarily lead to a stress response, but that the individual appraisal of the situation and the available coping strategies determine whether a situation results in the activation of stress systems or not. This dependence on appraisal and coping can explain why some individuals suffer much less from potentially stressful circumstances than others. Thus, next to changing potentially stressful situations, students should be educated about effective coping strategies. 8 , 106

Furthermore, based on findings demonstrating that emotional material is typically better remembered than neutral material, an emotional component (mainly positive) may be added while students learn new information to enhance later memory. 21 , 23 , 24 , 33 , 49 , 107 , 108 For example, this could be achieved by explicit positive verbal reinforcement of students during learning in class. Furthermore, movie clips might be used which do not only focus on the learning material itself, but place it into an emotional context, e.g., by making the links to the student and his or her everyday life explicit.

To counteract the strong negative effects of stress on memory retrieval and updating, strong stressors before exams or before new information is presented to update students’ knowledge should be avoided as far as possible. To reduce stress, practice exams may familiarise the students with the exam situation and trainings in stress reduction techniques or other coping strategies might help students to alleviate stress symptoms. Teachers should also be aware that different forms of retrieval may be differentially affected by stress. Free recall seems to be disrupted more easily by stress than cued recall, 62 suggesting that recall cues may enhance the chance that students can actually retrieve the information they have learned. It is important to note that the impairing effects of stress on retrieval are quite long-lasting, such that stressors long before the exam (e.g., at home) may still affect performance in the test situation. Therefore, children with trouble at home or frequent stressful life events may need special attention before exams to reduce the effects of stress.

Stress does not only induce a deficit in memory retrieval and memory updating, it also changes the way information is stored and retrieved by multiple memory systems. Stress before learning may bias students towards rigid forms of learning, which may hinder the successful transfer of knowledge and reduce cognitive flexibility in problem solving. However, the negative effects of stress on memory retrieval may be counteracted to some extent by thoroughly and repeatedly practicing useful routines which can be recalled rather automatically. This may be especially relevant for the training of correct actions during emergency situations. For instance, given that flexible memory recall and knowledge application is hindered under stress, pilots or physicians should be trained extensively in the correct routines they should apply in stressful emergency situations. If these procedures are automatised, it is much more likely that they can actually be retrieved and translated to behaviour.

Last, students and teachers should be aware of the powerful effects of context. It has been shown repeatedly that memory is enhanced when learning and recall take place in the same context as the context serves as a strong retrieval cue. 109 Moreover, although stress often impairs retrieval, this effect seems to be alleviated if learning and retrieval context match, indicating that the effect of context might counteract stress-induced memory impairments. 63

Conclusion and outlook

Stress has far-reaching consequences on our ability to learn and remember, with major implications for educational settings. Considering that stress is ubiquitous in education and even primary school children often report stress symptoms, understanding the effects of stress on memory is very important. For one, an optimised education is of utmost importance for the individual, laying the foundation of later career success and socioeconomic status. In addition, our educational system is highly relevant for society as a whole by building and instructing the next generation.

Despite the striking advances the field has seen in our understanding of how stress changes learning and memory processes, several questions remain to be answered, e.g., concerning interindividual differences in the effects of stress on memory. While some studies suggested that differences in personality, gender or stress system reactivity may moderate how stress affects learning, 28 the findings are not conclusive yet and the involved mechanisms are not understood sufficiently well to derive recommendations for teachers. Understanding these interindividual differences is a key to personalised approaches or training programmes directed at preventing stress-induced impairments. In addition, more research is necessary to understand the precise development of stress effects on memories over time as it is currently unclear when exactly the enhancing and impairing effects of stress on memory formation arise and how long they last. Likewise, it is currently not well-understood whether different types 110 or intensities 104 of stressors have different effects on memory. Furthermore, most studies did not explicitly distinguish between stress effects on different types of declarative memory, i.e., semantic and declarative memories. Future studies are required to assess whether stress has differential effects on these memory systems, which would provide important insights into how stress changes different forms of learning and memory. Finally, the exposure to prolonged or repeated stress, as well as stress during critical periods of brain development may also have strong effects on learning and memory in children which need to be better understood to counteract the impairments they may cause. 111 Thus, different intensities of stress at different time points during development may induce different effects which remain to be further investigated. Future research on the effects of stress on learning and memory will hopefully answer these and related questions and thus further deepen our understanding of how stress affects memory and why individuals differ in response to stress. Answering these questions may help to personalise learning settings to the specific needs of the individual, to make optimal use of the beneficial effects of emotions on memory, and to alleviate the cognitive impairments stress and strong emotional responses may cause.

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This work was supported by the University of Hamburg. Both authors are supported by the University of Hamburg.

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Stress adaptation and resilience of academics in higher education

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Academics in higher education around the world indicate high levels of stress from multiple sources. The COVID-19 pandemic has only served to intensify stress levels. Adaptation and resilience are needed if academics, particularly those focused on education and teaching, are to endure, learn, and bounce back during this era of stress and contribute to education quality and student learning. This review is organized to answer two key questions. First, what are the main forms of stress for academics, especially those focused on education and teaching? Second, what are the responses of academics to stress and is the concept of resilience relevant to understand the consequences for academic careers oriented toward education and education quality? To answer these questions, we first critically review the literature on the responses of academics to stress and the concept of resilience, which has been employed by multiple disciplines, including teacher education. We then broadly define the resilience of academics as their capacity to learn from and adapt to stress; our definition is perhaps less about individual personality characteristics and more associated with the relational aspect of the socioecological higher education ecosystem. There are, however, limits to resilience and its potential effects on education quality and student learning. Given higher education’s adverse operating environment and the significant contributions of academics to the knowledge economy and graduate quality, understanding and building the resilience of academics to adapt and succeed has never been more critical.

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Introduction

Higher education worldwide is in an era of transformation (OECD, 2003 ). The COVID-19 pandemic, which brought about the rapid transition to online learning, has accelerated change and intensified stress by closing international borders. The travel restrictions triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic have significantly impacted university finances, resulting in academic redundancies and job losses (Crawford et al., 2020 ; Cohrssen et al., 2022 ; De los Reyes et al., 2021 , 2022 ; Mahat et al., 2022a , 2022b ; Mercado, 2020 ; Mok et al., 2020 ; OCED, 2021 ; Rapanta et al., 2020 ). Even before the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, increasingly regulatory approaches to higher education by government, including systemic assessments of research and reviews of education quality (Locke, 2012 , 2014 ; Teichler et al., 2013 ), resulted in organizational structural reforms. These reforms, in turn, have led to the emergence and increasing dominance of executive leadership models, the transformation of governing bodies into corporate boards, the weakening of academic disciplines and departments by the creation of schools, the concentration of research into research centers, and differentiation of the academic role with the establishment of education- or teaching-focused academics (Krause, 2020 ; Locke, 2014 ; Marginson, 2000 , 2007 ; Ross, 2019 ; Ross et al., 2022 ). Since then, executive leadership models have shaped higher education institutions into more corporate enterprises, altered the academic workforce, centralized decision-making, and sought efficiencies and cost savings through faculty and curriculum restructuring. This more corporate approach has widened the differences in values between the executive leadership and scholars, created conflict within the university environment, and imposed constraints on academic work (Winter & O’Donohue, 2012 ). Concern over restrictions on academic work has led to worrisome predictions about the impacts of this more corporate orientation of higher education institutions on knowledge creation, education quality, and academic freedom (French, 2019 ; Marginson, 2000 , 2007 ; Weatherson, 2018 ). Indeed, almost two decades ago, well before the COVID-19 pandemic, the consequence of such differences was described as a “destructive standoff… between traditional academic cultures and modernizing corporate cultures” (Marginson, 2000 p. 29). The present-day tensions between executive leadership and academics continue with no end in sight to the standoff.

Given the importance of universities to economies (Valero & Van Reenen, 2019 ), it is imperative that we have a better understanding of how academics are responding to the changes that have already occurred and that will continue to be a feature of higher education for the foreseeable future. A better understanding of the responses of academics to stress will enable the development of strategies to assist academics in responding to the adversity more positively, especially for early career academics (ECAs) who are just starting out and education-focused academics who are still finding their way in this rapidly changing landscape (Olsen & Sorcinelli, 1992 ). The concept of resilience may allow academics to better reach their potential and meet the expectations of high-quality contributions to education and discipline-based research. Given the further uncertainty and change looming for higher education, resilience is critical both for academics and higher education if they are to persist and develop solutions to the challenges facing the planet, such as COVID-19 (Mahat et al., 2022a ), and reach the educational sustainability development goals (OECD, 2021 ).

The key questions

This review is organized to answer two key questions. First, what are the main forms of stress on academics, especially those that derive from education and teaching in the contemporary higher education ecosystem, both pre- and post-COVID-19? We answer this by summarizing the origins and main sources of stress on academics. Second, what are the responses of academics to stress and is resilience a useful concept for understanding the consequences of stress for academic careers? To answer this, we review the literature on the responses of academics to stress, including in the field of teacher education. We then provide a conceptual framework of resilience that extends the Bronfenbrenner socioecological model to describe how higher educational leaders can implement strategies to reduce the magnitude and time needed for academics to recover from the impact of stress so they can learn from and adapt to these strains. Finally, we offer solutions to build resilience of academics because of the potential negative effects of stress on the retention of ECAs and education-focused academics and the flow-on effects to students and education quality. Understanding and building resilience by academic professionals at various levels in the higher education ecosystem is crucial. The strengthening of the resilience and adaptive capacity by academics is likely to have positive impacts on the resilience of students, to improve research and education quality, and to increase trust in the wider democratic practices of higher education.

Literature review

We will now conduct a critical narrative review, a leading type of literature review (Green et al., 2006 ). The aim of the literature review was to identify and comprehensively survey the most significant ideas on resilience within and across fields and unite them in a narrative, conceptual synthesis. As is typical of critical narrative reviews, it involved a nonsystematic search (Green et al., 2006 ) and compilation of main ideas from several areas and disciplines that have established research traditions on stress and resilience, from educational psychology to ecology. A critical narrative review is an ideal form of literature review to combine novel ideas across fields. The key benefits of the approach are the ability to cast a wider scope in the pursuit of novel conceptual synthesis and insights (Baethge et al., 2019 ). The decision to use this form of review was intentional, as it allowed a summary of the literature in a way that is not explicitly systematic (Baethge et al., 2019 ; Green et al., 2006 ). Although critical narrative reviews are not without criticism (Green et al., 2006 ), they have the major benefit of reduced risk of bias when collating the sum total of evidence on a topic. To identify the relevant literature, we used several databases and search engines, including Google Scholar (Halevi et al., 2017 ), the Educational Resources Information Center (ERIC), the Institute of Education Sciences and ProQuest Central for education, the Ecology and Society organization for literature on ecological resilience, and the American Psychological Association (Psyc.Net). The search terms included academic & resilience , ecosystem & resilience , ecology & resilience , stress & resilience , adaptive capacity & resilience , stress and academics , university & resilience , teacher resilience , resilience of higher education , and academic resilience . These search terms and engines were used to scan the psychological, educational, and ecological resilience literature over the last decade. In Google, the literature returned on the first three search pages for each search was then read. In ERIC and ProQuest, the first 500 papers were scanned for relevance. Additionally, key literature from the 1960s onward on stress and resilience with citation rates of approximately 10,000 from the fields of ecology and psychology were also added to the nonsystematic critical narrative review. Overall, more than 3000 articles were accessed and 168 were read closely and cited in this review. The rationale here was to take a broad perspective and span across disciplines and timelines to enable a transdisciplinary definition and understanding of resilience from the perspectives of psychology, education, and ecology.

Sources of stress on academics

Even prior to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, academics across the globe had been indicating escalating workloads and high levels of stress in research and teaching (Winefield & Jarrett, 2001 ). The origins of academic stress are both proximal and distal. The proximal origins of stress for academics arise from the immersion in a hypercompetitive environment where rejection and criticism are normal features of everyday life. In more recent times, increasing stress on academics has also derived from predatory journals and conference organizers, adding to an already overwhelming email correspondence. The distal origins of stress for academics arise from decisions made by executive leaders and governments, which cascade down through higher education onto the academics themselves. Such distal origins of academic stress include the increasing pressure on academics to teach a greater number and diversity of students, decreasing funding, reduced opportunities for research (disciplinary or education), and increasing and more complex forms of contract cheating and concomitant breaches of academic integrity. As executive leaders seek to save costs and increase efficiencies, academics also experience increasing administration workloads from change management plans that reduce or redeploy professional staff centrally, decreasing casual budgets, and increasing faculty restructuring and curriculum revisions designed to better align with changing and competitive markets for students (Bone & Ross, 2021 ; Krause, 2020 ; Whitchurch, 2009 ; Whitchurch & Gordon, 2013 ). Academics also experience increasing stress with expectations to rapidly learn and implement new technologies and from digital transformations unrelated to those attributable to COVID-19 (). Moreover, stress arises when the values and beliefs of academics are in conflict with those of executive leaders whose priorities are increasingly geared toward the economic bottom line rather than the academic and higher education mission (Carson et al., 2013 ; Chan et al., 2020 ; Day, 2011 ; Erikson et al., 2020 ; Winter, 2009 ; Winter & O’Donohue, 2012 ; Winefield, 2000 ; Winefield et al., 2008 ). Added to these already significant stressors has been the COVID-19 pandemic.

The COVID-19 pandemic has been an acute and intensive stressor. For many academic professionals on the front lines of educational delivery during the COVID-19 pandemic, there were severe consequences for the work-life balance and productivity (Crawford et al., 2020 ; Mahat et al., 2022a , 2022b ; Mercado, 2020 ; Mok et al., 2020 ; Peters et al., 2020 ; Rapanta et al., 2020 ).

Chronic stress experienced by academics include critiques and rejections of manuscripts, research grant proposals, and promotion applications, criticisms from peers, negative teaching evaluations by students, increasing academic workloads, the widening gap in values between academics and higher education leadership, changes and reform of the academic role and the constant tensions between academics and professional administrators (Chan et al., 2020 ; Day, 2011 ; Del Favero & Bray, 2010 ; Lee et al., 2021 ; Ross et al., 2022 ; Whitchurch, 2019 ; Winter & O’Donohue, 2012 ).

Rejection of manuscripts and grant applications by peers has a significant impact on academics because their raison d’être is to construct new knowledge and develop the field or subdiscipline; to do this, they need to publish and bring in grant income. Rejection of manuscripts and grants by peers can also be considered as synonymous with rejection from the exclusive social circle of successful academics (Day, 2011 ). Even when rejections do not occur, peer reviews can damage self-efficacy when the language is harsh and the tone demeaning (Clements, 2020 ). Clements ( 2020 ) states that the peer review process is “… rife with unnecessary, personal comments that merely served as subjective criticisms of the authors’ competencies, … implying that the authors themselves were illogical and unintelligent” (p. 472). The use of personal remarks to describe a research proposal or study can also entrench disadvantages of certain groups (Silbiger & Stubler, 2019 ) and is unnecessary when more reasonable and constructive criticism can be used.

Another chronic source of stress for academics is student evaluations of their teaching. The origins of student teaching evaluations date back to the 1920s (Marsh, 1980 , 1981 , 1982 , 1984 , 1987 ; Marsh & Bailey, 1993 and reviews within) with the development of the Students’ Evaluation of Educational Quality (SEEQ). While student evaluations vary in name and content by institution and context, the general purpose of student evaluations is to provide academics with needed feedback to assess their teaching effectiveness, understand what has worked and what has not worked, and identify what needs to change. Student evaluations were also created so that administrators could help future learners decide which units to take. Student evaluations were designed to be a reliable and valid multidimensional construct that reflected the complex, multidimensional nature of teaching and provided academics with student feedback on their teaching effectiveness compared to others (Roche & Marsh, 2000 ). For example, a teacher may be passionate about a topic but not well organized or be able to explain concepts well but need improvement in assessment and feedback. As Roche and Marsh ( 2000 ) stated, “helping people to believe in themselves is often considered to be the most important, but also the most challenging, aspect of fostering successful outcomes in many settings” (p. 439). Criticisms and evaluations by colleagues, peers, and students can lead to social rejection, isolation, and hyper vigilance that involves constantly checking for possible threats (Gornall, 2012 ). Criticism and negative judgments by students, the government and society that consider higher education as not delivering on its expected role are also powerful.

Another source of chronic stress is the increasing academic workload. Reports commissioned by academic unions have found that 90% of academics work more than the allocated hours they are paid for (Strachan et al., 2012 ; Winefield et al., 2008 ). Even before the COVID-19 pandemic, excessive workloads were linked to declines in the mental health and well-being of academic professionals. There are no longer peaks and troughs of the workload but rather work is on-going and relentless throughout the year (Morrish, 2019 ). Even academics who are not engaged in research as a part of their academic role are expected to contribute to scholarship or the governance of the university. Work intensification, where the “amount of work to be done in a fixed time and the time pressure experienced to undertake and complete that work has increased, i.e., how hard and fast an employee is working in any given period” (Fein et al., 2017 , p. 361) has also become a feature of academic work (Lee et al., 2021 ). Furthermore, the type of work performed by academics is increasingly constrained and dependent on university strategic plans. Only those academics with significant research funding are able to maintain the freedom and flexibility to choose work in an area of interest (Chan et al., 2020 ; Gornall, 2012 ). Workload models are found in almost all higher education institutions where teaching, student contact hours, and supervision are tallied, but which do not account for the actual time that tasks take to complete, resulting in demotivation (Vardi, 2009 ). Paradoxically, while the surveillance of academics is increasing (Karlsen, 2013 ) and presenteeism expected, many academics continually perform unseen work, reflecting a compulsive form of hyper professionality “where they are always working and always electronically connected” (Gornall, 2012 p. 150).

There is an increasingly widening gap in values between academics and the more corporate approach of executive leadership to workload stress. Studies have found that academics share a deep-seated antipathy to the corporatization of universities (Winter & O’Donohue, 2012 ). Winter and O’Donohue ( 2012 ) surveyed over 952 teaching and research academics at levels up to the rank of professor and found that academic values were first and foremost aligned with the view of universities as places of intellectual rigor and with the essential purpose of academic work being scholarship and student learning. Winter and O’Donohue ( 2012 ) also found academics were divided into those who will and those who will not be managed professionals (Rhoades, 1998 ).

Academics are also under pressure due to educational reforms of the academic role (Ross, 2019 ; Ross et al., 2022 ). Numerous studies globally provide evidence of the changing nature of both the academic role and higher education more broadly (Bexley et al., 2011 ; Coates, 2009 ; James et al., 2013 ; Locke, 2014 ; Marini et al., 2019 ; Teichler et al., 2013 ). Over the last decade, there has been an increasing trend toward the differentiation of the higher education workforce and academics have been encouraged to target specific activities (Whitchurch, 2019 ). Stratification is also occurring with the higher education sector, between academics in different types of institutions (e.g., research intensive versus others), mode of employment (e.g., part time and full time, permanent and fixed term), and between disciplinary groupings and between para-academics and academics (Locke, 2014 ). There has also been an increase in the diversity of the profession, with a growth in the number of academics who have entered higher education from professional practitioner-based disciplines (e.g., law and health). In parallel, there has been a trend toward the emergence of professional staff with specific specialist functions in education, finance, marketing, recruitment, and student services appointed on the basis of external experience in a wide range of sectors (Whitchurch, 2019 ). Education-focused academics are increasingly a feature of the higher education landscape, including in research intensive universities (Bentley et al., 2013 ; Coates & Goedgegebuure, 2012 ; James et al., 2013 ). Education-focused academics are under pressure because of uncertain career trajectories in higher education and less opportunity to do disciplinary or education research (Ross et al., 2022 ). Even higher education leaders are unsure and yet use academics as agents of institutional change (Henkel, 2002 , 2005 ) to deliver on societal expectations of graduate employment (Chandler et al., 2002 ; Deem, 2016 ; Deem et al., 2008 ; Diefenbach & Klarner, 2008 ; Hill, 2012 ). The evidence of success of these roles which is yet to be determined (Wolf & Jenkins, 2021 ). 

These changes have not occurred without tensions (Bentley et al., 2013 ; Dobson, 2000 ), particularly in the often fractious relationship between academics and professional administrators (Del Favero & Bray, 2010 ), which has become a major source of stress for academics in higher education. Del Favero and Bray ( 2010 ) describe a higher education system with contentious relationships between top-down administrators and academics. Tensions between academics and administrators arise over who has the greatest influence, authority, and right to make decisions and express themselves as a lack of trust (Bone & Ross, 2021 ; Del Favero & Bray, 2010 ; Jones, 2012 ). Growing apprehension and eroded trust between academics and administrators has become a standard feature of higher education institutions (Del Favero & Bray, 2010 ). The root of this conflict is structural and cultural. Structurally, the increase in the number and type of administrative staff raises concerns that growth in higher education administration has come at the cost of academic positions. Culturally, administrators are seen as cultivating a managerial climate characterized by restructuring and influenced by the external demands of accreditation bodies and graduate demands for employability rather than a focus on academics and disciplines. One reason for this faculty–administrator cultural clash is perhaps that administrators are driven by their collective responsibility to their institutions, whereas academics are motivated by their individual disciplinary-based scholarly pursuits (Del Favero & Bray, 2010 ). As Larsen et al. ( 2009 ) state, there is a need to deal with the “lack of trust between academics and administrators” (p. 14). The widening gap between academics and administrators is important to resolve because it has major implications for academic resilience (Del Favero & Bray, 2010 ; Larsen et al., 2009 ). Certainly, there needs to be movement toward a consensual relationship that is transparent, accountable, equitable, inclusive, and built-on trust (Sheng, 2013 ).

A significant source of acute stress for academics in recent times is the COVID-19 pandemic. As successive waves of COVID-19 infections spread around the world, lockdowns were enforced, international borders were closed, and academics pivoted to working online almost overnight (Chronicle of Higher Education, 2020 ). The myriad of challenges created for higher education by the COVID-19 pandemic are likely to continue for several years. Some commentators have offered graphic descriptions of the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic. For example, ) claim that the impact of COVID-19 is similar to “well-known aspects of academics’ recent history” with “professional dysfunction and disturbance, of inequality, exploitation and neglect; of confidence and trust abused and squandered; of disempowerment, displacement, and marginalization; of self-concept on trial and in tatters; of vulnerability and helplessness; and of the loss of a much maligned past superseded by the perceived machinations of digital dystopia and threat of professional oblivion” which has “supercharged a sense of existential panic among academics” (Watermeyer et al., 2021a p. 638). It will be important for future studies to disentangle the actual impacts of universities’ responses to the pandemic from the immediate or distal perceptions of academics to stress related to the disruptions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic experienced in “the heat of the moment.” We should also be careful about the influence of such dystopian representations on the morale of academia. That said, it remains the case that academics’ experience with stress and the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic have been shared internationally and is multidimensional (McGaughey et al., 2021 ; Shanker et al., 2021 ; Table 1 ).

Similar to the responses to other crises, the COVID-19 pandemic has resulted in job losses and cuts to academic staff positions. For those remaining staff, there have been concerns about work intensification, but it is too soon to determine whether this reflects a greater scrutiny of performance and an acceleration of the corporate character of universities (Watermeyer et al., 2021b ; Table 1 ). It seems evident that COVID-19 has caused a reprioritization of teaching over research, which some consider to have returned teaching to its rightful place of importance. Nevertheless, the closure of campuses and restrictions on laboratory investigations and field work have caused much research and practice teaching to cease, especially in the Science, Technology, Engineering, Mathematics, and Medical (STEMM) laboratory-based disciplines (Peters et al., 2020 ; McGaughey et al., 2021 ; Shanker et al., 2021 ; Table 1 ). There are valid concerns about the flow-on effect of research cessation and the shift from research to teaching on academic permanence and the achievement of faculty tenure, promotion, and progression (Shanker et al., 2021 ). COVID-19 has also led to significant job losses, disturbance to pedagogical and pastoral roles of academics, and escalation of work-related stress for the academics who remain (Watermeyer et al., 2021a , b ). Academics report stress and waning resilience, fatigue and exhaustion, and a destabilization of the work-life balance. Furthermore, these impacts are unequally experienced by women with children and those with caring responsibilities (McGaughey et al., 2021 ; Shanker et al., 2021 ).

Responses of academics to stress

How have academics responded to these stressors? To understand the responses of academics to these sources of stress, we summarize below what is known about the main impacts of these stressors on academics, including any positive adaptive responses to potentially negative stress.

As expected, responses by academics to the stress of rejection and criticism is usually, but not always, negative. A negative response to rejection can be counterproductive and lead to reduced effort and the avoidance of further research. More positive responses to rejection entail thoughts, such as “I can learn from this,” as opposed to “I’m useless,” and may lead to more positive actions, including submitting a manuscript to another journal or moving on to another project, rather than ruminating (Chan et al., 2020 ). Rejection and criticism can also create a “battle-hardened academic” better able to accept and more immune to rejection and criticism (Chan et al., 2020 , p. 457). These “battle-hardened” (Chan et al., 2020 , p. 458) and sometimes older and more experienced academics have learned to emotionally detach themselves from rejection and, consequently, are able to leverage negative feedback through criticism to become more productive. Academics, like students, however, vary in their rejection sensitivity (Butler et al., 2007 ). Rejection-sensitive authors, upon receiving a rejection, may engage in more social monitoring, scrutinizing interactions with others to see if they will be rejected, or may avoid discussions of rejections in an attempt to manage others’ impressions of them while cognitively enhancing the value of the journals in which they have published (Pickett et al., 2004 ). Rejection sensitivity also influences cognition, perception, self-regulation, emotion, motivation, and performance and has been found to result in dysfunctional coping mechanisms (Downey & Feldman, 1996 ; Frydenberg, 2017 ; Kaiser & Kaplan, 2006 ). Rejection sensitivity is a particular concern in academia; because it is a dynamic construct that occurs frequently, the potential for developing rejection sensitivity among academic professionals is high (Day, 2011 ). Developing such sensitivity is ultimately counterproductive to building resilience. Although some faculty are able to utilize rejection to build resilience, in the worst-case scenario, academics may respond to rejection by abandoning an academic career and higher education (Day, 2011 ),

Responses of academics to student evaluations are complex. Most simply, in response to poor student evaluations, academics may respond negatively and defensively as they rationalize their poor performance to protect their self-concept (Arthur, 2009 ; McKeachie, 1979 ). Roche and Marsh ( 2000 ) emphasize the importance “of teachers’ perceptions of their own teaching effectiveness—their teacher self-concepts and the flow-on effect of self-concept on motivation, behavior, and value” (p. 440). Studies have found convergence between the academic self-concept and student evaluations. That is, academics adjust their perceptions upward or downward in response to student evaluations (Marsh & Roche, 1997 , 1999 , 2000 ; McKeachie, 1979 ). Marsh and Roche ( 2000 ) found that professors who receive poor ratings can become anxious and defensive and may adopt unhelpful self-serving rationalizations in which they attribute the poor rating to external biases, to protect their self-concept. Academics who receive lower than expected ratings by students may respond with denial and defensiveness and may reject student evaluations overall as a valid source of information. In such a situation, academics may direct their attention away from improving their teaching practice and toward alternative activities, such as research and university governance. Even when academics agree with poor student evaluations, they may find themselves at a loss about how to improve (Marsh & Roche, 2000 ). Roche and Marsh ( 2000 ) state, “it is not surprising that many university teachers lack confidence about their teaching effectiveness and may not know how to improve, even if motivated do so” (Marsh & Roche, 2000 p. 446). Similar to rejection sensitivity, the responses of academics to negative feedback vary. Moore and Kuol ( 2005 ) found that while academics respond positively to positive feedback, in response to negative feedback, half respond negatively and half react positively. Academics whose response was positive to negative feedback acknowledged that they would change something in their class to address the feedback (Moore & Kuol, 2005 ). Such positive responses to the stress of negative feedback are similar to learning from the experience of rejection of a manuscript or grant. Given that rejection is here to stay and has a greater impact at the beginning of an academic career, it is especially important that ECAs learn coping mechanisms to normalize rejection and use the negative feedback to improve the quality of their work, avoiding the development of rejection sensitivity (Conn et al., 2016 ; Day, 2011 ; Mantai, 2017 ; Matthews et al., 2014 ).

In contrast, those academics who respond negatively to negative feedback, even though they may embark on a realistic commitment to improvement, risk dismay, rejection, and withdrawal from a commitment to developing teaching effectiveness (Moore & Kuol, 2005 ). Rather like the case of the battle-hardened academic (Chan et al., 2020 ; Day, 2011 ), negative responses toward negative feedback likely become less frequent with more experience (Arthur, 2009 ). When negative feedback occurs, adaptive processes need to be put in place to provide the support necessary to identify issues and solutions, especially given that so many faculties are not trained in education or pedagogy. If support is provided, the worst-case scenario is that academics resort to manipulative strategies by lowering standards or awarding students very high grades in response to negative feedback (Marsh & Roche, 2000 ). Acceptance, rather than rejection, of negative feedback in student evaluations can build resilience.

Unfortunately, the shortcomings of student evaluations have recently received greater attention than their benefits (Fan et al., 2019 ; Frederike et al., 2017 ; Hamermesh & Parker, 2003 ). Studies have found strong biases against females or culturally diverse non-native English speakers (Fan et al., 2019 ; Frederike et al., 2017 ; Kaschak, 1978 ; Sinclair & Kunda, 2000 ). In some cases, the feedback received by female faculty is 37% lower than that of their male colleagues (Frederike et al., 2017 ), especially at the upper end where the biases are strongest against young women (Boring, 2017 ; Frederike et al., 2017 ). There is also evidence that good-looking (Hamermesh & Parker, 2003 ) or easy-grading (Greenwald & Gilmore, 1997 ; Neath, 1996 ) academics receive more positive student evaluations. While these biases support arguments that student evaluations should not be used for judging performance, tenure, and promotion, regardless of their value (Zabaleta, 2007 ), they can also get in the way of academics using them effectively as instruments of valuable feedback. Overall, the responses of academics to student evaluations matter because they influence the take up of reflective practice, professional development, and the potential to improve (Arthur, 2009 ; Moore & Kuol, 2005 ).

The response of academics to the more corporate higher education enterprise has been either to acquiesce or, conversely, to defend their position, practice, and identity (Winter, 2009 ). Defensive responses of academics include unionizing and protesting about the constraints on the academic enterprise and real reductions in academic freedom (Becher & Trowler, 2001 ; Teichert et al., 2013 ; Weatherson, 2018 ). Such a defense, however, costs energy and time, which could be more effectively allocated to other activities, and erodes resilience. As Whitchurch and Gordon ( 2013 ) found, “the psychological impact of change [in higher education] cannot be underestimated….listening, empathetic skills were seen as vital” (p. 225). To build resilience in academics, executive leadership must understand scholarly pressures and build relationships of trust (Whitchurch & Gordon, 2013 ). To continue with an autocratic and authoritarian executive management leadership style—including the outsourcing of enterprise bargaining agreements to large multinational professional services firms and “spill and fill” restructuring processes—erodes trust, productivity, and academic resilience.

Systematic assessments of research and underperformance of academics in research have led to the establishment of education-focused roles. The responses of university leadership to educational-focused roles are positive and are viewed as the single most powerful force for reshaping higher education (James et al., 2013 ; Norton, 2016 ; Probert, 2013 , 2015 ). Nevertheless, the response of academics to education-focused roles has been mixed (Probert, 2013 , 2015 ; Ross, 2019 ; Ross et al., 2022 ; Whitchurch & Gordon, 2010 ). While some academics view changes to the academic role as an opportunity to focus on teaching rather than research (Bush et al., 2008 ; Flecknoe et al., 2017 ; Probert, 2013 ), others, especially those who have been transferred from traditional teaching and research role to education-focused roles due to underperformance in research, consider it unconscionable (Probert, 2013 , 2015 ; Ross, 2019 ; Ross et al., 2022 ). Even academics in executive leadership roles express concerns that the removal of research from the academic role will erode research-led teaching (Schmidt, 2019 ) and lead to permanent changes to academic identities (Henkel, 2002 , 2005 ). There are reasons for concern, given that transforming the academic role will more likely affect women and entrench their existing underrepresentation in research roles at the senior levels in higher education (Bell, 2009 , 2010 ; Diezmann & Grieshaber, 2019 ; Ross, 2021 ).

Positive responses to the COVID-19 pandemic have been far less visible than the negative reactions to the acute stressful experiences. Responses of academics to the stress and adversity of COVID-19 have been described by Watermeyer et al., ( 2021a ; Table 1 ) as afflictions and affordances or negative and positive outcomes. The positive responses of academics to the COVID-19 pandemic include the reprioritization of teaching over research and opportunities for novel pedagogical experimentation and ensuing reflective practice (Shanker et al., 2021 ; Watermeyer et al., 2021a ; Table 1 ). Academics report positive changes from remote working, including increased flexibility and greater social connectivity and inclusivity, which is ironic given that this has been the time when academics have been physically the furthest apart (McGaughey et al.; 2021 ; Watermeyer et al., 2021a ; Table 1 ). There have been several reports that the COVID-19 pandemic has done more for digital transformation and online learning than any other development in higher education (Dietrich et al., 2020 ). Opportunities for change in the curriculum and in teaching approaches are being widely discussed (Bryson & Andres, 2020 ; Dietrich et al., 2020 ; Gonzalez et al., 2020 ; Kay et al., 2020 ; Kedraka & Kaltsidis, 2020 ; Lyons et al., 2020 ; Peters et al., 2020 ; Rapanta et al., 2020 ). Increased emphasis on pedagogy and uncertainty about what to leave behind and what to carry forward provide hope for a positive outcome (Peters et al., 2020 ) from the experience of great adversity by scholars (de los Reyes et al., 2021 ). Despite the pressures from COVID-19, academics at different stages in their careers and in different global contexts have demonstrated sustained engagement (Cohrssen et al., 2022 ). Studies have suggested that institutions need to support academics systematically and sustainably in times of adversity (Mahat et al., 2022a , 2022b ); this will build resilience and help them navigate what is a complex and changing higher education ecosystem (de los Reyes et al., 2022 ).

So how do we build the conditions that create positive responses to stress and optimize the resilience of academic professionals throughout the higher education ecosystem? We answer this first by defining resilience, reviewing what is known about resilience in teacher education and finally by outlining a framework or model to reduce the impact of negative stress by building strategies for academics to create positive response techniques to stress. This can be particularly useful when higher education faces a crisis, such as the COVID-19 pandemic.

Resilience of academics

Multiple disciplinary fields over the last half century have explored responses to stress and resilience of complex systems and individuals in the face of adversity (Carpenter et al., 2001 ; Folke et al., 2004 ; Frydenberg, 2017 ; Gu, 2014 ; Gunderson, 2000 ; Karlson et al., 2013 ; Masten, 2001 ; Walker, 2019 ). Resilience is broadly defined as the capacity of an ecosystem, society, or individual to bounce back and recover from change and stress, whether stress is at a small scale, such as a curriculum or faculty restructuring or a full-blown crisis, such as COVID-19, which has catapulted resilience into the everyday vernacular (Gunderson, 2000 ; Walker, 2019 , 2020 ). Resilience was first used in the field of engineering to describe systems that resisted stress by not changing (Holling, 1973 , 1996 ). Gunderson, ( 2000 ) drawing on the earlier work of Holling ( 1973 ), defines resilience as the magnitude or time required for a complex system to return to an equilibrium or steady state following stress, i.e., the duration that the system or individual is pushed away in a negative direction from equilibrium by stress (Fig.  1 ) or as the time taken to return to an equilibrium (Gunderson, 2000 ), i.e., when a complex ecosystem or a component of an ecosystem moves from one state to another, the magnitude or time taken for this change to occur is the resilience (Fig.  1 ).

Resilience measured as the A time or B magnitude of stress that the system or individual academic has been disturbed from equilibrium. C Capacity of the system or the individual academic to endure despite repeated adversity or stress

Psychologists utilize a broader definition of resilience described in terms of the individual rather than the ecosystem (Carver, 1998 ; Earvolino‐Ramirez, 2007 ; Masten, 2001 ; Tugade et al., 2004 ). Resilience is the emotional response of an individual that entails enduring or bouncing back and overcoming stress. Resilience is also considered the capacity to respond to repeated or cumulative stress and maintain emotional equilibrium, rather than how one copes with a single adverse event (Fig.  1 C). Responses to coping with stress include strong social connections and a more positive mindset, which are known to increase resilience and ameliorate stress (Frydenberg, 2014 ). Although resilience was originally thought of as an extraordinary attribute, more often it is now thought of as a normal and ordinary response to the frequency of stress which is needed to endure and overcome adversity (Masten, 2001 ; Schoon, 2006 ).

As the frequency of global disasters such as the COVID-19 pandemic and climate change increases, resilience by ecosystems, society, and individuals has become part of our everyday language. Importantly, multiple fields agree that resilience is not simply about bouncing back (Walker, 2019 , 2020 ), but about having the adaptive capacity to learn from adversity and stress. The concept of resilience has been used in the fields of ecology, psychology, and more recently school education to conceptualize the capacity of ecosystems, societies, and individuals to have a positive response to stress and, thereby, maintain identity; for example, in the case of a teacher being retained in the school ecosystem. In contrast, resilience has rarely been used to conceptualize how academics respond to change and adversity (but see the recent study by de los Reyes et al., 2021 ; Mahat et al., 2022a , 2022b and references within).

Overall, remarkably, responses of academics to the multiplicity of stressors in a contemporary university are not always negative, providing evidence of the capacity of academics to learn from or adapt to stress and, as a consequence, have the same function and structure, maintain the same identity—i.e., to remain much the same type of system—persist in the face of setbacks, and build resilience. However, resilience has limits, which can be thought of as tipping points . Tipping points are reached when the cumulative effect of the stress and challenges related to significant, traumatic events do not build resilience, are counterproductive, and tip over a threshold of tolerance to an alternate state (Gladwell, 2000 ; Hughes et al., 2003 , 2005 ). Once a threshold is breached, an ecosystem, organization or teacher can tip over to an alternate, undesirable state and, in the case of a teacher or an academic, become lost from the system (Gu, 2014 ). When an ecosystem, organization, or teacher are close to the limits or threshold of resilience, even a small amount of stress can breach the threshold and tip the system or individual over to an alternate state or individual collapse. These alternate states are difficult or almost impossible to reverse; for example, when the COVID-19 pandemic resulted in the replacement of face-to-face lectures with online lectures. An academic may also tip over a threshold of tolerance in a higher education context, from a small amount of stress that has been building over time to a tipping point, in which the individual leaves the system. Paradoxically, being pushed to the limits and adapting to stress at the boundaries of thresholds can actually build resilience, i.e., avoiding stress does not build resilience. Repeated exposure to stress can also build resilience and act as an inoculation against subsequent stress, rather like a vaccination—also known as stress inoculation (Parker et al., 2006 ; Ross et al., 2022 ). Resilience should not always be thought of as a good state; there are some undesirable ecosystems where resilience prevails. There are also times when resilience should not be maintained because a more substantial change is needed. A change from a current to a new and different system is known as a transformation (Carpenter et al., 2001 ; Gunderson, 2000 ; Walker, 2019 ). Transformations require leaders who are intentional and who can move the system away from the status quo and out of a state of denial toward alternatives, i.e., a transformation requires actors in the system to stop doing the same things which are not working and move the system toward change (Walker, 2019 , 2020 ).

While academic resilience has received significant attention in terms of a multidimensional construct and having the capacity to recover from setbacks and failures in learning (Martin & Marsh, 2006 , 2008 ), the resilience of scholars to the stresses of everyday academic life (Chan et al., 2020 ; Lee et al., 2021 ) and to the more significant pressure of a pandemic has received less attention (de los Reyes et al., 2021 ; Mahat et al., 2022a , 2022b ). Only recently have studies defined the resilience of academics as “the dynamic process and interaction between an academic and their ever-changing environment that uses available internal and external resources to produce positive outcomes in response to different contextual, environmental, and developmental challenges” (de los Reyes et al., 2021 , p. 13). This definition emphasizes the relational aspect of resilience, rather than focusing on the individual as in teacher education (Gu & Day, 2007 , 2013 ), and positive outcomes; however, it does not explicitly refer to the key aspect of resilience, that is, the capacity to learn from and adapt to stress.

How to make academics more resilient may be informed by a better understanding of resilience among schoolteachers which has emerged over the last decade in response to the increasing demands on the teaching profession (Ainsworth & Oldfield, 2019 ; Day & Gu, 2010 ; Gu & Day, 2007 ). This research has focused on the importance of teacher retention and teacher resilience for student performance and the conditions needed to build both student and teacher resilience (Gu & Day, 2007 , 2013 ). As in other fields, the resilience of school teachers is defined as the capacity to bounce back when faced with adversity or stress (Day & Gu, 2010 ; Gu & Day, 2007 , 2013 ). At first, the basis of teacher resilience was thought to be dependent on individual personality traits, such as self-efficacy and self-esteem. Personality differences were used to explain the variation in responses of teachers to adversity and the subsequent reasons for teacher retention or loss (Bonanno, 2004 ; Luthar & Brown, 2007 ). However, once the relational aspect was recognized, teacher resilience was viewed as dependent on the level of trust and support among colleagues and principals in the social and organizational structure of a school. Such a relational view of resilience, rather than as an individual personality trait, puts more responsibility on school governance to create a supportive environment (Beltman et al., 2011 ; Day, 2011 ; Day & Gu, 2010 ; Gu, 2014 ; Gu & Day, 2007 ; Luthar & Brown, 2007 ; Mansfield et al., 2016 ; Ungar et al., 2012 ; Ungar et al., 2013 ). Ungar ( 2012 ) emphasized the difficulty in reconciling the relational aspects of teacher resilience independent of individual personality traits, such as self-efficacy and self-esteem, which also depend on good relationships (Ungar, 2012 ). It is now thought that teacher resilience, that is, the capacity of teachers to bounce back from adversity, reflects the interaction between individual personality resources such as self-efficacy and self-esteem and the relational aspects of the internal and external social and organizational environments (Beltman et al., 2015 ; Gu, 2014 ; Ungar, 2012 ). When these interactions are positive, they build resilience and form the basis of teacher well-being and job satisfaction as well as student performance; when they are less than positive, they erode resilience and lead to teacher burnout and departure from the profession (Beltman et al., 2011 ). Ungar et al.’s ( 2013 ) model can be applied to an understanding of academic resilience because academics have the capacity to draw on resources available to them to build resilience, including interrelationships, support from colleagues, and the executive leadership; at the same time, however, these colleagues are also their direct competitors. Academic professionals within higher education are individualistic and operate in increasingly competitive environments, where achieving individual goals aids institutional performance. In contrast to teachers in schools, academics in universities are judged on their performance primarily in research and grant winning rather than in education and teaching quality. Unlike teachers, scholars have allegiances to cultures of disciplines rather than institutions (Becher & Trowler, 2001 ).

Understanding the resilience of academics may also come from better understanding of resilience of the entire higher education ecosystem. Executive leaders can limit the stress on academics by building resilience of the higher education ecosystem through effective functioning and governance (Karlsen, 2013 p. 18). Institutional resilience is the intrinsic ability of an institution to adjust its functions prior to, during, and following unexpected change or stress (Karlsen, 2013 ) and to develop a highly tuned sense of future developments (Valikangas & Romme, 2012 ; Wildavsky, 1991 ). Valikangas and Romme ( 2012 ) describe three strategic management practices for institutions to build resilience. These are cultivating foresight, rehearsing non-routine behaviors, and building an experiment-orientated community. They also suggest that resilience of organizations has two dimensions: operational resilience, i.e., the ability to bounce back after a crisis, and strategic resilience, which is the ability to turn a crisis into an opportunity (Valikangas & Romme, 2012 ). Since the mid-1980s, attempts to create more adaptive governance structures have been a priority of higher education (Larsen et al., 2009 ; Whitchurch & Gordon, 2013 ). Building future resilience in higher education requires the resolution of conflicts and dilemmas between executive leadership, administrators, and academics to build trust through adaptive management practices which cultivate foresight and experimentation both at an operational and strategic level; thus, when a crisis occurs, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, it can be effectively weathered. Such resolutions are needed for arguments over parallel academic and administration decision-making structures, the mix and influence of representation of internal and external stakeholders, including domestic and international students, the balance between centralization and decentralization, and the redistribution of authority within institutions (Larsen et al., 2009 ).

A framework to build the resilience of academics

The resilience of academics can be considered in the framework of Bronfenbrenner’s ( 1977 ) socioecological model of development (Ungar, 2012 ; Ungar et al., 2013 ). Bronfenbrenner ( 1977 ) conceived of a child’s environment as a series of nested babushka dolls and defined human development “as the person’s evolving conception of the ecological environment and his [sic] relation to it, as well as the person’s growing capacity to discover, sustain, or alter its properties” (p. 9). Bronfenbrenner’s ( 1977 ) model positions the child in a set of nested relationships in his or her environment, where the individual is influenced by the environment and, in turn, the environment influences the individual (Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994 ; Ungar, 2012 ; Ungar et al., 2013 ), shown as a series of concentric circles (Fig.  2 ). At the center of the circle is the child or individual, and the circles that then span out from the individual are the microsystem, the mesosystem, the exosystem, the macrosystem, and the chronosystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1977 ; Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994 ; Guy-Evans, 2020 ). The first circle is the microsystem, where the interactions between the individual and the environment are bidirectional; each can influence and change the opinion of the other. The mesosystem is where the interactions among microsystems take place. The exosystem is the environment that does not directly contain the individual but has significant influence. The macrosystem is the influential culture in which an individual is immersed and which influences the individual’s beliefs. Finally, the chronosystem is the place of events that influences individuals and occurs over a lifetime (Guy-Evans, 2020 ; Fig.  2 ). Ungar et al. ( 2013 ) used Bronfenbrenner’s model to conceptualize an ecological model of resilience that can also be applied to academics in the higher education ecosystem. An academic is in the microsystem with direct influence from peers, colleagues, students, and supervisors. The exosystem is the environment that does not directly contain the individual, but exercises significant influence over that individual, e.g., decisions made by deans and vice chancellors. The macrosystem is the influential culture in which an academic is immersed, which influences beliefs, i.e., the culture of higher education. Ungar et al. ( 2013 ) state, “this way of conceptualizing resilience means that individuals are not always the most important locus for change” (p. 357). Resilience in academics, similar to resilience in school teachers’ experiences of stress, is not all explained by the individual characteristics of an academic but, rather, is a product of the multiple systems in which the academic interacts and is influenced by the relationships in the exosystem and mesosystem (Beltman et al., 2015 ; Mansfield et al., 2016 ; Ungar et al., 2013 ). As Ungar et al. ( 2013 ) states, “our understanding of resilience is shifting in much the same way that Bronfenbrenner shifted the focus on human development from the individual to the multiple systems with which the individual interacts” (p. 349). More recently, Kinchin ( 2022a , 2022b ) has reinforced the conceptualization of a university and individuals within as a socioecological ecosystem. He uses an ecological lens on the professional development of academics and applies Holling’s ( 1996 ) adaptive cycles to describe the constructive and destructive processes which occur at different levels (i.e., at the individual, the discipline, and the institution level) and time scales within the university ecosystem ( 2022b ; Kinchin, 2022a ).

Bronfenbrenner’s socioecological model representing the layers of influence and stress on academics in higher education 

The resilience of an academic is thought to be greatest when there is a moderate period of time between stress-inducing events. In other words, too much stress can be overwhelming, yet not enough stress can result in complacency. Resilience may also be reduced when there are long gaps or short gaps of time between stressful episodes, i.e., long periods without stress and short intervals between stressful events are likely to be equally damaging when a future stress-inducing event occurs (Hughes et al., 2021 ). For example, consider two career trajectories of academics A and B, with stress and recovery periods caused by rejection, competition, and end of contract or loss of tenure (Fig.  3 ). Academic individual A experiences less significant impact to the same stressors than individual B and less energy is expended to recover and survive to reach a new equilibrium; conversely, academic B suffers significant impact and becomes lost from higher education. The Bronfenbrenner’s socioecological model can also be integrated and conceptualized to understand the recovery from stress of academic individuals A and B (Fig.  3 ). Academic A goes on to experience more positive bidirectional relationships in the microsystem and exosystem, while academic B does not. As a consequence academic A survives and may go on to reach a new equilibrium, such as a leadership position or promotion; conversely, academic B does not receive the support expected and needs to find a new career. Transformation applies to both academic A and B: academic A may have transformed and created a new identity as a teacher or researcher, whereas academic B may have found him or herself unable to connect with social networks and mentoring or be open to new ideas led by the leaders in the macrosystem. In this way, the relationships described by Bronfenbrenner’s model are activated at each stress point and can increase the effectiveness of the recovery (Fig.  3 ). Bronfenbrenner’s socioecological model of resilience moves our understanding of resilience away from the individual, in this case the academic toward a focus on the socioecological factors or the environment that affect academics in the higher education ecosystem, facilitating well-being under stress (Ungar et al., 2013 ). It provides a useful model for conceptualizing the various stressors on academics and how they are moderated or magnified.

Career trajectory of academic A and B with stress and recovery periods caused by rejection, competition, and end of contract or loss of tenure. Academic A experiences more significant impact to the same stressors than academic B and more energy is expended to recover and is lost from the system, whereas academic B survives in a new equilibrium. (Black bars are stress and green bars recovery). Bronfenbrenner’s model of human development being present in the recovery stage of academic A. Bronfenbrenner’s model in operation at moments of stress in A and B , but more effective in A

The literature also distinguishes resistance from resilience. Resistance has been considered a complimentary attribute of resilience (Carpenter et al., 2001 ), and sometimes resistance is distinguished from resilience (Connell et al., 2016 ). Some systems are capable of absorbing high levels of external pressure without experiencing a measurable disturbance and are, therefore, considered resistant (Fig. 1 C). For example, an academic, particularly a battle-hardened academic, may appear resistant to the stress of grant rejection. Nevertheless, the memory of this experience remains and may affect his or her propensity to reapply and a future response to rejection.

Recommendations and conclusion

Multiple authors have offered solutions or recommendations to the challenges of building resilience, including mentoring, establishing supportive networks of colleagues, and creating institutional cultures that are not hostile but rather collegial. These solutions provide support, soften the impact of rejection and criticism (Chan et al., 2020 ; Conn et al., 2016 ; Day, 2011 ; Hollywood et al., 2020 ; Mahat et al., 2022a , 2022b ), facilitate adaptive capacity, and build success and resilience; and all have become importance because of COVID-19 (Mahat et al., 2022a , 2022b ). Such strategies have been implemented in institutions to limit the magnitude of the impact of the stress on academics, particularly those at the early- or mid-career stages in an attempt to socialize stress and decrease the time required for recovery.

In answering the key questions posed in this review, we argue that if academics and higher education leaders can understand and build the resilience of academics, they then are more likely to retain and strengthen performance, particularly in the case of scholars who are at the start of their career, such as ECAs and education-focused academics, who are still learning the system and are vulnerable (de los Reyes et al., 2022 ; Ross et al., 2022 )  The improved resilience of academics will also likely affect students’ performance and education quality (Gu, 2014 ) as well as contribute to the building of trust in the wider democratic practices in higher education ecosystems. The advantages of conceptualizing academic resilience as relational as described by Bronfenbrenner are, first, that it provides both academics and higher education leadership with a framework to deliver and build a culture that is more trusting than that which currently exists and, second, it provides a powerful heuristic for academics and higher education leaders to navigate what is clearly a changing and uncertain landscape. The problem with the widening gap in values between academics and higher education leadership is that the relationships can become frayed, cascading the negative impacts on academics and then onto students. The socioecological model of Bronfenbrenner provides a framework for conceptualizing influence and finding solutions. Given the future adverse operating environment for higher education, the changing nature of the academic role, the on-going structural reforms, and the uncertainty of the COVID-19 pandemic, understanding how academics and higher education ecosystems learn and adapt to stress and build resilience has never been more urgent.

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The Neuroscience Behind Stress and Learning

The realities of standardized tests and increasingly structured, if not synchronized, curriculum continue to build classroom stress levels. Neuroimaging research reveals the disturbances in the brain's learning circuits and neurotransmitters that accompany stressful learning environments. The neuroscientific research about learning has revealed the negative impact of stress and anxiety and the qualitative improvement of the brain circuitry involved in memory and executive function that accompanies positive motivation and engagement.

The Proven Effects of Positive Motivation

Thankfully, this information has led to the development of brain-compatible strategies to help students through the bleak terrain created by some of the current trends imposed by the Common Core State Standards and similar mandates. With brain-based teaching strategies that reduce classroom anxiety and increase student connection to their lessons, educators can help students learn more effectively.

In the past two decades, neuroimaging and brain-mapping research have provided objective support to the student-centered educational model. This brain research demonstrates that superior learning takes place when classroom experiences are relevant to students' lives, interests, and experiences. Lessons can be stimulating and challenging without being intimidating, and the increasing curriculum requirements can be achieved without stress, anxiety, boredom, and alienation as the pervasive emotions of the school day.

During my 15 years of practicing adult and child neurology with neuroimaging and brain mapping as part of my diagnostic tool kit, I worked with children and adults with brain function disorders, including learning differences. When I then returned to university to obtain my credential and Masters of Education degree, these familiar neuroimaging tools had become available to education researchers. Their widespread use in schools and classrooms globally has yet to occur.

This brain research demonstrates that superior learning takes place when classroom experiences are motivating and engaging. Positive motivation impacts brain metabolism, conduction of nerve impulses through the memory areas, and the release of neurotransmitters that increase executive function and attention. Relevant lessons help students feel that they are partners in their education, and they are engaged and motivated.

We live in a stressful world and troubled times, and that is not supposed to be the way for children to grow up. Schools can be the safe haven where academic practices and classroom strategies provide children with emotional comfort and pleasure as well as knowledge. When teachers use strategies to reduce stress and build a positive emotional environment, students gain emotional resilience and learn more efficiently and at higher levels of cognition.

Neuroimaging and EEG Studies

Studies of electrical activity (EEG or brain waves) and metabolic activity (from specialized brain scans measuring glucose or oxygen use and blood flow) show the synchronization of brain activity as information passes from the sensory input processing areas of the somatosensory cortex to the reticular activating and limbic systems. For example, bursts of brain activity from the somatosensory cortex are followed milliseconds later by bursts of electrical activity in the hippocampus, amygdala, and then the other parts of the limbic system. This data from one of the most exciting areas of brain-based learning research gives us a way to see which techniques and strategies stimulate or impede communication between the parts of the brain when information is processed and stored. In other words, properly applied, we can identify and remove barriers to student understanding!

The amygdala is part of limbic system in the temporal lobe. It was first believed to function as a brain center for responding primarily to anxiety and fear. Indeed, when the amygdala senses threat, it becomes over-activated. In students, these neuroimaging findings in the amygdala are seen with feelings of helplessness and anxiety. When the amygdala is in this state of stress-induced over-activation, new sensory information cannot pass through it to access the memory and association circuits.

This is the actual neuroimaging visualization of what has been called the affective filter by Stephen Krashen and others. This term describes an emotional state of stress in students during which they are not responsive to learning and storing new information. What is now evident on brain scans during times of stress is objective physical evidence of this affective filter. With such evidence-based research, the affective filter theories cannot be disparaged as "feel-good education" or an "excuse to coddle students" -- if students are stressed out, the information cannot get in. This is a matter of science.

This affective state occurs when students feel alienated from their academic experience and anxious about their lack of understanding. Consider the example of the decodable "books" used in phonics-heavy reading instruction. These are not engaging and motivating. They are usually not relevant to the students' lives because their goal is to include words that can be decoded based on the lesson. Decodability is often at the expense of authentic meaning to the child. Reading becomes tedious and, for some children, confusing and anxiety-provoking. In this state, there is reduced passage of information through the neural pathways from the amygdala to higher cognitive centers of the brain, including the prefrontal cortex, where information is processed, associated, and stored for later retrieval and executive functioning.

Additional neuroimaging studies of the amygdala, hippocampus, and the rest of the limbic system, along with measurement of dopamine and other brain chemical transmitters during the learning process, reveal that students' comfort level has critical impact on information transmission and storage in the brain. The factors that have been found to affect this comfort level such as self-confidence, trust and positive feelings for teachers, and supportive classroom and school communities are directly related to the state of mind compatible with the most successful learning, remembering, and higher-order thinking.

The Power of Joyful Learning

The highest-level executive thinking, making connections, and "aha" moments of insight and creative innovation are more likely to occur in an atmosphere of what Alfie Kohn calls exuberant discovery , where students of all ages retain that kindergarten enthusiasm of embracing each day with the joy of learning. With current research and data in the field of neuroscience, we see growing opportunities to coordinate the design of curriculum, instruction, and assessment in ways that will reflect these incredible discoveries.

Joy and enthusiasm are absolutely essential for learning to happen -- literally, scientifically, as a matter of fact and research. Shouldn't it be our challenge and opportunity to design learning that embraces these ingredients?

How much do teachers struggle with stress and burnout?

Subscribe to the brown center on education policy newsletter, seth gershenson and seth gershenson associate professor, school of public affairs - american university, research fellow - institute for the study of labor (iza) stephen holt stephen holt assistant professor of public administration and policy - suny albany.

February 8, 2022

There’s long been a perception—even before COVID-19—that schoolteachers are perpetually stressed and on the verge of burning out. Teaching is, without question, a challenging profession. The nature of the work is uniquely challenging, and many facets of the job are outside of teachers’ control—namely, the experiences that students bring to class. And those facets that teachers can control, like lesson preparation and good classroom management, require long hours of managing emotions during the workday and extra, uncompensated effort at night.

Stories in popular media frequently tell these stories with a narrative arc that portrays teaching as a Sisyphean task. One such story , “Hey, New Teachers, It’s OK To Cry In Your Car,” caught our attention years ago due to the vivid description of a rookie teacher hitting her breaking point just a couple months into the school year. Listening to the story, we wondered if teaching really differed from other professions in terms of mental health issues, or if everyone’s similarly stressed out in an increasingly fast-paced, cynical world.

Exploring perception and reality

Does the perception that teachers are uniquely stressed out match the reality? Has mental health worsened over time? And how are trends in mental health different for teachers than similar nonteachers? With Rui Wang of Shanghai University of Finance and Economics and support from the Spencer Foundation, we answered these questions .

We use nationally representative survey data from the National Longitudinal Surveys of Youth (NLSY) that tracks two cohorts of young adults as they age. The NLSY 79 sample includes roughly 13,000 respondents who were aged 14-22 when first interviewed in 1979; it assessed mental health in follow-up interviews in 1997, and at ages 40 and 50 for participants. The NLSY 97 sample includes roughly 9,000 respondents aged 12-17 when first interviewed in 1997; it assessed mental health in five different follow-up interviews spanning 2004 and 2015.

With these survey responses, we establish some basic facts about teachers’ mental health:

• In the 1979 cohort, women who became teachers had similar mental health to college-educated nonteachers prior to entering the profession. This suggests differences between teachers’ and nonteachers’ mental health are not due to pre-existing differences. We find no evidence that women with better (or worse) mental health than their peers opt for teaching as a profession.
• While teaching, educators appear to enjoy slightly better mental health, on average, than their nonteaching, college-educated peers. This is not to say that teachers experience no stress, but that their stress levels are no worse—and perhaps even better—than college-educated women in other professions.
• Regarding changes over time, in the 1997 cohort, teachers self-report worse mental health, on average, than their counterparts in the 1979 cohort. Yet, there is no significant difference between teachers’ and nonteachers’ mental health measures in the 1997 cohort—so it appears everyone has more stressors over time, and the decline in mental health is not unique to teaching.

These findings suggest that concerns about mental health, stress, burnout, and work-life balance are universal, and not unique (or uniquely pressing) in the teaching profession. A team at University College London has been studying similar questions in Europe and reached similar conclusions. This doesn’t mean that we should ignore teachers’ concerns, of course. Everyone needs to be in good mental and physical health to do their job well. And in the case of teaching, there’s a lot we can do to ease their workload, boost their morale, and provide supports that enable teachers to be their best selves in the classroom.

Teacher stress and mental health in the 2020s

A major limitation is that all of this research predates the pandemic. Alongside their role as educators, COVID-19 put teachers on the frontlines of managing ever-changing public health guidance and forced an abrupt pivot to remote instruction for prolonged periods of time. The dual burden has re-ignited concerns about teachers’ mental health, workloads, and what this means for the future of the teaching force.

As the pandemic and efforts to control it continue, teachers face unprecedented work-related stress, for sure. Recently, a survey released by the Alberta Teachers’ Association made headlines with the striking result that one-third of surveyed teachers said they were not sure they’d return to the classroom next school year. In the U.S. context, a recent survey conducted by the RAND Corporation finds a notable increase (almost 50%) in the share of teachers who say they might leave the profession at the end of the current school year, compared to pre-pandemic survey results. In addition to concerns about mass departures, stress hinders the effectiveness of those who remain in the profession. Protecting and maintaining a robust workforce of effective teachers necessitates helping teachers in developing the tools and skills for managing workplace stress. But first, we need to understand the sources of workplace stress.

As if keeping schools operational during a pandemic wasn’t stressful enough, keep in mind that teachers have had to confront the ripple effects of extreme political polarization in the U.S. in recent years as well. Teachers now find themselves in the center of conflicts over mask and vaccine mandates,  how to teach about racial issues in social studies and history, and a nonstop cycle of current events that continue to raise the salience of both deep partisan divisions and racial inequities.

The need to address these controversial topics with students, with increasing interference from parents, has undoubtedly made an already difficult job that much more challenging. And, since public schools are a safety net institution in the U.S.—often providing children multiple meals per day and their primary access to technology—teachers, especially those in preschool and day-care centers , have also been tasked with helping students navigate pandemic impacts on basic needs while experiencing their own pandemic-related hardships. In short, America’s contentious political climate and ongoing pandemic have simultaneously increased teachers’ workloads—and work-related stress.

New podcast turns spotlight onto teachers’ workloads

To help parents, school leaders, policymakers, and teachers understand and confront these challenges, we created a five-episode podcast called “ Mind the Teacher ,” with support from the Spencer Foundation and American University’s School of Public Affairs. In it, we speak to a range of experts including educators, researchers, and journalists about identifying and addressing problems related to teachers’ mental health.

Our main takeaway is that mental health is an important, and too often overlooked, aspect of our lives. This is true for everyone: teachers and nonteachers, parents and students. The global pandemic has shone a spotlight on the importance of, and inequities in, mental health. It’s also made the broader public, including parents, more aware of the challenges that teachers face, and the hard work they do, on a daily basis. While mental health concerns are not unique to teachers, teachers play a hugely important role in society, and their concerns must be addressed.

There’s a lot that school leaders, policymakers, and community stakeholders can do to support teachers. Some of these lessons come from the general psychology literature on workplace mental health, some come from listening to teachers, and some are just common sense.

There’s no silver bullet here. Rather, our reading of the literature suggests a two-pronged approach , with both individual-facing interventions and organizational-level changes. Teacher-directed interventions may include increased pay or programs that provide free counseling. Other teacher-facing interventions that have been shown to lift teacher morale include mindfulness training , peer mentorship, and coaching programs . School leadership might consider allowing teachers more autonomy, input on policy issues, planning and preparation time, and paid personal/mental health days. Decision-makers can free up valuable teaching capacity by providing grading assistance, reducing class sizes, and employing more counselors, social workers, and supervisory administrators.

At the organizational level, interventions should focus on quality, supportive leadership, access to free or affordable health care (including mental health care), and systematic policies to ease teachers’ workloads. And leadership should recognize racial and socioeconomic disparities and design support systems that alleviate the historical stresses on Black and other marginalized teachers.

Ultimately, many aspects of workplace stress stem from anxiety about being effective at work. Teachers, like many other professionals, want to be effective in their jobs and suffer from increased stress, anxiety, and depression when they know they aren’t at their best or are not receiving needed support. Both the individual- and organization-level approaches outlined here share a recognition that teachers’ mental health is inextricably linked to feeling supported and effective in the classroom—and that means giving teachers the dedicated time, space, and resources they need.

At the end of the day, public schools play a fundamentally important role in society, and teachers play a fundamentally important role within schools. It’s a difficult job made even tougher by the pandemic. We should fully support teachers and their mental health, as they can’t do their best work—and ensure that our students reach their full potential—when they’re suffering from chronic fatigue, pressure, and stress.

Authors’ note: If you’ve read this far, we hope that you’ll give “ Mind the Teacher ” a listen. All stakeholders should find this to be a useful resource. Episodes are available on Apple and Stitcher , and can also be streamed from American University’s website ; the latter also offers transcripts and links to the research referred to in each episode.

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Understanding Academic Stress in College

How can you tell if your college stress is unhealthy, signs you may need professional support, get more academic stress tips.

Share this resource

If you’re like most college students, you experience school-related stress. Stress isn’t always a bad thing. At manageable levels, it’s necessary and healthy because it keeps you motivated and pushes you to stay on track with studying and classwork. 

But when stress, worry, and anxiety start to overwhelm you, it makes it harder to focus and get things done. National studies of college students have repeatedly found that the biggest stumbling blocks to academic success are emotional health challenges including:

• Not getting enough sleep
• Depression 

Many things can create stress in college. Maybe you’re on a scholarship and you need to maintain certain grades to stay eligible. Maybe you’re worried about the financial burden of college on your family. You may even be the first person in your family to attend college, and it can be a lot of pressure to carry the weight of those expectations.

Stress seems like it should be typical, so it’s easy to dismiss it. You may even get down on yourself because you feel like you should handle it better. But research shows that feeling overwhelming school-related stress actually reduces your motivation to do the work, impacts your overall academic achievement, and increases your odds of dropping out.

Stress can also cause health problems such as depression, poor sleep, substance abuse, and anxiety.

For all those reasons—and just because you deserve as much balance in your life as possible—it’s important to figure out if your stress is making things harder than they need to be, affecting your health, or getting in the way of your life.

Then you can get help and learn ways to reduce the impact of stress on your life. 

First identify what’s causing your stress.

• Is it a particular class or type of work?
• Is it an issue of time management and prioritization?
• Do you have too much on your plate?
• Is it due to family expectations or financial obligations?

Next think about how college stress affects you overall.

• Does it prevent you from sleeping?
• Does it make it take longer to do your work or paralyze you from even starting?
• Does it cause you to feel anxious, unwell, or depressed?

If any of that feels familiar, it’s time to find support to ease your stress and help you feel better. Check out these tips to figure out the best support and approach for you. 

It’s important to be able to recognize when stress starts to become all-encompassing, affecting your overall mental health and well-being. Here are some signs you might need to get help:

• Insomnia or chronic trouble sleeping
• Inability to motivate
• Anxiety that results in physical symptoms such as hair loss, nail biting, or losing weight
• Depression, which may manifest as not wanting to spend time with friends, making excuses, or sleeping excessively
• Mood swings, such as bursting into tears or bouts of anger

Learn how to find professional mental health support at your school or elsewhere. 

If you need help right now, text HOME to 741-741 for a free, confidential conversation with a trained counselor any time of day, or text or call 988 or use the chat function at 988lifeline.org .

If this is a medical emergency or there is immediate danger of harm, call 911 and explain that you need support for a mental health crisis.

Tips for Managing Academic Stress in College

How to Reduce Stress by Prioritizing and Getting Organized

5 Ways to Stay Calm When You’re Stressed About School

6 Ways to Take Care of Yourself During Exam Time

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Tips for stressful election conversations, what i wish i knew before coming out, 3 steps to make it easier to ask for mental health support, search resource center.

If you or someone you know needs to talk to someone right now, text, call, or chat  988 for a free confidential conversation with a trained counselor 24/7. 

You can also contact the Crisis Text Line by texting HOME to 741-741.

If this is a medical emergency or if there is immediate danger of harm, call 911 and explain that you need support for a mental health crisis.

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Interventions to Reduce Stress and Burnout among Teachers: A Scoping Review

Belinda agyapong.

1 Department of Psychiatry, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB T6G 2B7, Canada

Pamela Brett-MacLean

Lisa burback, vincent israel opoku agyapong.

2 Department of Psychiatry, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS B3H 2E2, Canada

Associated Data

Not applicable.

Background: Teaching is recognized as a highly challenging profession. Experience of chronic stress is a risk factor for poor mental and physical well-being, and burnout. There is limited knowledge regarding optimal interventions to address stress and burnout among teachers. Objective: To undertake a scoping review of the literature in the last five years to determine various psychological interventions to address stress and burnout among teachers. Method: The PRISMA-ScR (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews was followed. Relevant search terms were used to determine different interventions adopted to reduce teachers’ stress and burnout. Articles published between 2018 and 2022 were identified using five bibliographic databases. Relevant articles were extracted, reviewed, collated, and thematically analyzed, and findings s were summarized. Results: Forty studies conducted in Asia, North America, Oceania, Europe, and Africa, met the inclusion criteria. Sixteen kinds of burnout and stress-reduction interventions were identified. The most popularly studied intervention were Mindfulness-Based Interventions alone or in combination with yoga or Cognitive Behavioural Therapy (CBT), followed by Rational Emotive Behavioral Therapy (REBT). Mindfulness-Based Interventions led to decreased overall Teacher Stress Inventory (TSI) and emotional exhaustion subscale scores. REBT, primarily used with special education teachers, especially in Africa, has also shown positive results. Other interventions reporting positive outcomes include Inquiry-Based Stress Reduction (IBSR), the Stress Management and Resiliency Training Program (SMART), Cyclic Meditation, Group Sandplay, Progressive Muscle Relaxation, Autogenic Training, Sport-Based Physical Activity, Emotional Intelligence Ability Models and Christian Prayer and Prayer-Reflection. Conclusions: Stress and burnout can have a negative impact on teachers and, very often, on the students they teach. Implementing suitable school-based interventions is necessary to improve teachers’ stress-coping ability, reduce the likelihood of burnout and improve general well-being. Policymakers, governments, school boards and administrators should prioritize the implementation of school-based awareness and intervention programs.

1. Introduction

Stress has been defined as a state of mental or emotional strain due to adverse or challenging circumstances [ 1 ]. Teaching is recognized as a high-pressure, stressful profession across the world. The term “teacher stress” was first defined by Kyriacou and Sutcliffe (1978) and refers to the experience of “negative affect (such as anger or depression) by a teacher usually accompanied by potentially pathogenic physical or biological and biochemical changes … resulting from parts of the teacher’s job ‘mediated by the perception that’ demands made upon the teacher constitute a threat to his self-esteem or well-being and by coping mechanisms activated to reduce the perceived threat” [ 2 ].

A recent scoping review reported that the prevalence of chronic stress among teachers ranged from 8.3% to 87.1%, while moderate to severe burnout among teachers ranged from 25.1% to 74.0% [ 3 ]. Teachers’ stress and burnout are reported to be influenced by several factors, including school (organizational) and work-related factors like the years of teaching, class size, job satisfaction, and the subject taught, and socio-demographic factors such as sex, age, and marital status [ 4 , 5 ]. In recent years, stressors experienced by teachers have only been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic [ 6 , 7 ]. High levels of occupational stress experienced by teachers have been associated with increased absenteeism, staff turnover and a wide range of adverse health outcomes [ 8 , 9 ], such as fatigue, sleep disturbance, hormonal changes [ 10 ], and elevated rates of burnout, anxiety and depression. These can negatively affect teachers’ personal lives, work-related performance, and productivity, thus inadvertently impacting students [ 8 , 11 ]. As cumulative stress may lead to burnout and, subsequently, anxiety and depression, interventions focused on helping teachers to manage stress may enhance the health and well-being of teachers and reduce healthcare costs [ 3 , 8 , 12 ]. Considering the high levels of chronic stress and burnout experienced by teachers and its associated negative impacts, it is important to examine and assess interventions that have been introduced to address these psychological issues among teachers.

A previous systematic review [ 13 ] by von der Embse et al. (2019), which included 24 articles published from 1998–2017, suggested that the most effective interventions were in the mindfulness, behavioral, and cognitive-behavioral domains, while interventions solely delivering solely informational content were among the least effective. Another review [ 14 ] conducted by Sanetti et al. (2021) reported on 18 articles published from 1987–2016 and indicated that the most commonly evaluated stress-reduction intervention incorporated meditation or mindfulness-based practices. A systematic review that focused on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic found that many workers who shifted to working from home via telework experienced physical and mental stress [ 15 ]. One cross-sectional study [ 16 ] indicated that half of the respondents self-reported a decrease in their well-being at work and increased stress levels. However, in another study [ 17 ], it was reported that teachers had less difficulty with the teaching-learning model changes and how they dealt with confinement during the pandemic. The shift away from having to physically deal with students’ discipline and attendance issues to other needs may have been a factor. Similar conclusions were noted in a study [ 16 ] investigating the impact of COVID-19 on childcare centers. This study reported that educators working remotely were more likely to report a lower level of stress than when working with children at daycare (36.1% vs. 19.7%). This scoping review gives a current overview (2018 to 2022) of the interventions published in the last five years that were adopted to combat stress and burnout among teachers, which includes relevant literature during the COVID-19 pandemic. This scoping review aims to determine the different modes of psychological interventions adopted specifically for teachers and to summarize their reported effectiveness for reducing stress and burnout. The specific research question was: What interventions have been used to reduce stress and burnout among teachers, and what was their reported effectiveness? The review will identify the gaps in knowledge related to interventions to address stress and burnout among teachers and identify opportunities for future research. This manuscript includes the following sections: methods, how the scoping review was conducted, results, discussion, implications for policy and practice and future research directions, limitations, and conclusion.

2.1. Study Design

This review was conducted in adherence to the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses Extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR) statement [ 18 ]. A comprehensive search strategy that allows replicability, reliability, and transparency was adopted. The review followed Arksey and O’Malley’s five-stage approach to scoping reviews [ 19 ], including developing the research question, searching for relevant studies, selecting articles, data charting and data extraction and collating, summarizing and reporting the results.

2.2. Identifying Relevant Studies

A systematic literature search of several electronic bibliographic databases, including the following databases: CINAHL (Cumulative Index of Nursing and Allied Health Literature) Plus with Full Text (EBSCOhost interface), PubMed (Public/Publisher MEDLINE (NLM journal articles database), APA PsycINFO (Ovid interface), MEDLINE (Medical Literature Analysis and Retrieval System Online), and Scopus Elsevier was conducted using relevant terms to identify and select articles. The search consisted of keywords representing the concepts of interventions to mitigate stress and burnout among teachers. The specific MeSH terms, keywords and descriptors included (teacher* or “school teachers” or educators or “school staff” or tutor* or schoolteacher or teach*) AND (stress or “mental exhaustion” or “psychological stress” or “emotional exhaustion” or burnout or “burn out” OR burnout) AND (“intervention*” OR therapy OR management OR treatment OR intervention OR interventions or strategies or techniques or management OR “psychological treatment” OR “teachers stress management technique” or “teacher burnout management techniques” OR “teacher stress intervention” OR “teachers burnout interventions”). Publication year restrictions were applied (2018 to 2022) to ensure only current interventions are captured. This scoping review builds on previous reviews of the literature, for instance, by Von der Embase et al., 2019 and Hagermoser et al., 2021 [ 13 , 14 ], extending understanding of this growing area of literature.

2.3. Articles Selection

Two researchers independently reviewed the citations during the title, abstract screening, and full-text review phase based on specific eligibility criteria. All discrepancies were resolved through discussion and consensus. Articles were eligible for inclusion only if they discussed interventions to reduce burnout or stress among classroom, special education, primary, elementary, middle, and secondary school teachers and educators. Meta-analyses, systematic reviews, case reports, opinion pieces, commentaries, editorials, or grey literature such as non-peer-reviewed graduate student theses, non-research articles or conference reports were excluded. Articles were limited to original, peer-reviewed articles written in English. Articles were excluded from the review if the study focused only on correlates of or prevalence of stress and burnout. Articles were also excluded if study participants included preschool teachers or tertiary educators working in vocational, adult or community continuing education settings, university teachers, students, or a combination of teachers and students.

We identified 63 articles for full-text review but excluded 25 articles that did not meet the inclusion criteria on closer examination. A review of the reference list from other studies was also explored and yielded two additional eligible articles, which were included in this scoping review. The PRISMA flow diagram presented in Figure 1 gives comprehensive details of this information.

PRISMA flow chart.

2.4. Data Charting and Extraction

The research team extracted the following information from each selected article according to the following domains: author(s) name, year of publication, country of study, study design, intervention (focus and content), study procedures, participants; sample size (N), participant age range, assessment measures used, and key findings.

2.5. Collating, Summarizing, and Reporting the Results

This scoping review summarizes recent evidence regarding interventions that have been used to reduce stress and burnout among teachers. All the relevant data were organized into tables and validated by at least two team members. The characteristics and results reported in each included article were summarized.

The database search was completed on 10 December 2022 and included results from 2018 to 2022. A total of 9086 records were identified through the database searches. Five hundred sixty-eight (568) duplicate records were identified and removed automatically when imported into the systematic review management software, Covidence [ 20 ]. The characteristics of the 40 articles in this scoping review are presented in Table 1 . Most of the studies (n = 20, 50.0%) were non-randomized controlled trials (Non RCTs), Sixteen studies (n = 16, 40.0%) were simple RCT or RCT waitlist or group-randomized waitlist control (WLC) trials, and the remaining four were (n = 4, 10.0%) cluster RCT’s. The 40 articles included a total of 4344 participants. The sample size for the individual articles ranged from 24 to 672 participants, with an age range from 21 to 70 years. Most studies (77.0%) were published between 2020 and 2022, and most of the studies were conducted in Asia (30.0%), followed by Europe (25.0%), then Africa (22.0%) and North America (15.0%), and Oceania (8.0%) as shown in Figure 2 .

Summary of studies by continent.

From Figure 3 , 15 out of 40 articles (37.5%) focused on reducing both burnout and stress among teachers, 16 articles (40.0%) focused on stress, and nine articles (22.5%) focused on burnout.

The number of articles reporting on stress and burnout.

Figure 4 shows a visual network of the individual studies. The visual network was created by inputting all the studies included in this scoping review into the ResearchRabbit online application [ 21 ].

Visual network of included studies (authors and year of publication).

Figure 4 suggests that Uzodinma 2022 and Okeke 2021 are each connected by citation to five of the included articles, whilst Hwang 2019, Ogba 2020, and Onuigbo 2018 are each connected by citation to four of the included studies. In addition, Ugwoke 2018, Obiweluozo 2021, and Carroll 2021 are each connected by citation to three of the included articles, and Tsang 2021 and Tarrasch are connected by citation to two of the included articles. Finally, Mihic 2020, Dave 2020, Todd 2019, Zadok-Gurman 2021, and Scnaider-Levi 2020 are each connected by citation to only one of the included studies in this scoping review. The remaining other studies, including Nwabuko 2020, Chesak 2019, Chirico 2020 and Song 2020, have no connections by citation with any other study included in the scoping review. Most of the visually highly connected studies were conducted in Africa with a sample of teachers who teach special needs students.

3.1. Scales Used to Measure Stress and Burnout

The Perceived Stress Scale (PSS-10) was used to assess stress in 16 articles; the Depression, Anxiety and Stress Scales (DASS-21) in six articles; the Teacher Stress Inventory (TSI) in six articles; the Single Item Stress Questionnaire (SISQ) in four articles; the Perceived Occupational Stress Scale in 2 articles; the Teacher stress questionnaire (TSQ), in one article; and the Coping Style Questionnaire and the Teacher Stress Question were used in one article each.

Burnout was assessed using the Maslach Burnout Inventory—(both the “Educators Survey” (MBI-ES) and the “General Survey” (MBI-GS) versions) in 18 articles, the Shirom-Melamed Burnout Measure (SMBM) in two articles, and the Copenhagen Burnout Inventory (CBI), Spanish Burnout Inventory and the Teacher Burnout inventory (TBI), in one article each.

3.2. Interventions to Reduce Stress and Burnout among Teachers

This scoping review identified several interventions (summarized in Table 1 , Table 2 and Table 3 ) that have been adopted to alleviate teachers’ stress and burnout.

Rational-Emotive Therapy Intervention.

TSI—Teacher stress inventory, DP—Depersonalization, PA—Personal accomplishment, EE—Emotional exhaustion, Y-CBT—Yoga-Based Cognitive Behavioral Therapy, CBT—Cognitive Behavioral Therapy, MBI—Mindfulness-Based Intervention, MBSR—Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction, WLC—Waitlist control, RCT—Randomized control trial, NR—Not reported, IG—Intervention group, CG—Control group, CASS—Classroom Assessment Scoring System, SD—Standard Deviation, h (s)—Hour (s).

Other interventions to reduce stress and burnout in teachers.

Mindfulness-based interventions, CBT, and Yoga, either alone or in combination.

This review found 40 articles with sixteen types of interventions for addressing burnout and stress in teachers: (a) 18 studies on mindfulness-based interventions [ 12 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 27 , 29 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 ] including in combination with yoga [ 32 ] or in combination with Cognitive Behavioural Therapy (CBT) [ 26 , 42 ], (b) seven studies reported on CBT only [ 30 , 31 ] or CBT in combination with yoga [ 22 , 28 ], or other derivatives, e.g., Inquiry-Based Stress Reduction (IBSR) [ 57 , 60 ] and Cyclic meditation [ 43 ] (c) seven studies used Rational Emotive Behavior Therapy [ 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 ], (d) one study on Sports-Based Physical Activity Program [ 55 ] (e) Christian prayer and prayer-reflection [ 52 ] (f) Group Sandplay [ 58 ], (g) stress reduction training (e.g., Stress Management and Resiliency Training Program (SMART) [ 51 ], Autogenic Training [ 59 ], Progressive Muscle Relaxation with music and aromatherapy [ 53 ]), and (h) interventions focusing on building social and emotional competence (e.g., A+ intervention [ 56 ], Ability Model of Emotional intelligence [ 54 ].

3.3. Mindfulness and Mindfulness-Based with CBT or Yoga Interventions

Mindfulness is the most popularly utilized intervention studied to reduce stress and burnout among teachers, and most studies reported high efficacy [ 25 , 27 , 29 , 38 ], with a significant decrease in Teacher Stress Inventory (TSI) scores and emotional exhaustion subscale. However, one study reported no change in the depersonalization subscale of burnout [ 27 ]. Most mindfulness-based interventions are time intensive; Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR), for example, includes eight weekly 2.5 h sessions and a 7 h or full day retreat [ 24 , 32 ], and Compassionate Mind Training (CMT) program extends for 12 weeks [ 34 ]. Yoga-based practices for teachers complement some mindfulness-based interventions, with reported lower levels of perceived stress [ 32 ].

CBT-based interventions resulted in statistically significant improvements in perceived stress [ 31 ] and MBI-ES subscales for emotional exhaustion and depersonalization [ 30 , 31 ] and personal accomplishment [ 30 ]. Yoga in combination with CBT (Y-CBT) involved sessions of physical/posture exercises and meditation practices associated with reductions in perceived stress and burnout [ 22 , 28 ].

3.4. Rational Emotive Occupational Health Coaching (REOHC)

Rational Emotive Occupational Health Coaching (REOHC), though similar to CBT, focuses on rational thinking and positive regard for the self. It involves a 12-week of 2 h weekly stress management program and has been employed mostly among teachers of children with special needs, including children with autism [ 46 , 48 , 49 ]. REOHC significantly decreased job burnout and emotional exhaustion among special needs teachers [ 46 , 48 , 49 ].

3.5. Inquiry-Based Stress Reduction (IBSR) Intervention

This intervention is a cognitive-reframing program and includes 3.5 h weekly group meetings and weekly individual sessions with a facilitator (1 h/session) for 12 weeks [ 57 ]. The outcome of one study indicated that teachers in the intervention group showed greater improvements in emotional exhaustion ( p = 0.01) and personal accomplishment ( p = 0.04) compared to controls [ 57 ]. This contradicts the outcome reported by Zadok-Gurman et al., which suggested no difference in personal accomplishment scales between the intervention and control groups [ 60 ].

3.6. Other Interventions

Other interventions to decrease teachers’ stress and burnout include the A+ intervention [ 56 ], sports-based physical activity program [ 55 ], the ability model of the emotional intelligence training program [ 54 ], progressive muscle relaxation with music and aromatherapy [ 53 ], Christian prayer and prayer reflection [ 52 ], Stress Management and Resiliency Training Program; SMART [ 51 ], group sandplay [ 58 ], and Autogenic training [ 59 ].

The A+ intervention had reported positive impacts on emotional well-being, occupational stress and emotional exhaustion symptoms in one study [ 56 ]. The sports-based physical activity program [ 55 ] comprises seven weeks of training in catchall, a team sport and a tournament as the culminating event. Qualitative results suggested this program helped decrease teachers’ stress levels. However, quantitative results indicated no significant pre–post main effect on the Perceived Stress Scale (PSS-10) scores. The ability model of emotional intelligence [ 54 ] training program consisted of five two hours sessions for three months. The effect size was moderate to high, but the differences at Time 2 were only partially maintained at Time 3, and multivariate tests indicated only marginal significance for burnout ( p = 0.06). In addition, no significant differences were found for emotional symptoms ( p = 0.31). However, the intervention group experienced reduced levels of work-related stress and emotional symptoms compared to the control group. Progressive muscle relaxation with music and aromatherapy [ 53 ] included four 20 min therapy sessions over four days. Participants in the intervention group reported a significant reduction in the Teacher Stress Inventory, compared to no change in the control group. The Christian prayer and prayer reflection [ 52 ] involved two 30 min training sessions a week over two months. This intervention is a combination of individual Christian prayer and a focus group of prayer reflection. Teachers who received this intervention reported significant improvement in emotional exhaustion ( p < 0.001) and depersonalization ( p < 0.001) levels. SMART [ 51 ] program consists of an initial 90-min introductory session, followed by 12 online, self-paced modules, which participants complete at their convenience and desired pace. Weekly emails were also sent to the participants during weeks 8 to 52 of the study. In addition, eight one-hour teleconferences were provided at regular intervals. This program was associated with significantly lower stress at each follow-up survey (2, 6, and 12 months) compared to baseline ( p = 0.003). Group sandplay [ 58 ] engaged participants in group sandplay activities where they were given opportunities to create scenes and themes. These are then analyzed, and problems regarding work-related stress scenarios are solved while receiving social support from the other group members. This study reported significant improvement in the experimental sandplay group, with a shift from passive coping pre-test to active coping post-test, suggesting that group sandplay improved overall stress-coping abilities. The final intervention showing a reduction in work-related stressors ( p = 0.05) was Autogenic training [ 59 ]. This relaxation training technique involves six progressive steps practiced for 15–20 min while concentrating on breathing and relaxing the muscles.

4. Discussion

Stress and burnout among teachers can negatively impact their capacity to perform job functions, productivity and their ability to build positive relationships related to their role [ 8 , 61 ]. This is an important global problem, given the connection between stress and burnout and the subsequent development of anxiety and depression among teachers, as highlighted in a recent scoping review [ 8 ]. Thus, interventions designed to reduce stress response, burnout, associated negative beliefs and other aspects of functioning may be essential to reducing teachers’ anxiety and depression. Identifying effective interventions for addressing stress and burnout among teachers is a vital initial step in dealing with this global problem. This scoping review identified 40 studies examining interventions to reduce or mitigate teachers’ stress and burnout. Moreover, effective coping, which may be improved during such programs, is an instrumental skill set that ultimately benefits the teachers’ role [ 62 ]. Although most interventions intended to reduce teachers’ stress and burnout have had limited success [ 9 ], this scoping review found that some interventions can potentially address stress and burnout among teachers.

Mindfulness is an attribute of consciousness and can play a critical role in promoting the psychological well-being of teachers [ 63 , 64 ]. Mindfulness has been used across several fields of health to prevent or reduce stress and burnout symptoms [ 65 ]. In addition, mindfulness in teachers has been reported to show a negative association with negative emotional states such as burnout (emotional exhaustion) [ 63 ]. In clinical practice, mindfulness-based interventions have been found efficacious for depression and anxiety and placed in the same category as CBT [ 66 , 67 ]. Mindfulness-based interventions have also shown small-to-medium positive effects on therapeutic processes and therapeutic outcomes [ 9 ] and had a medium treatment effect on teacher outcomes and an inverse relation with teachers’ psychological distress [ 9 , 63 ]. In other professionals, such as nurses, mindfulness meditation has also decreased stress and burnout [ 68 , 69 ]. Most mindfulness-based interventions require time to practice and learn [ 24 , 32 , 34 ]. Teachers already experience high levels of stress associated with intense job demands even when working conditions are optimal [ 70 ], which may make these interventions challenging to access, especially during the school term. Researchers have proposed a 4-day intensive mindfulness training program [ 38 ], which may have higher acceptance and feasibility than the standard 8-week training program. A program with a shorter duration may improve engagement, and hence teachers may benefit from participating. This may be a promising way to decrease teachers’ stress and improve their emotional health.

There were very few online or computerized interventions. Online interventions may be more accessible and flexible for teachers who already have busy schedules, improving feasibility. In addition, this may improve access and address the needs of those in remote areas [ 71 ]. For instance, the SMART intervention [ 51 ] was an online-based program that eliminated the face-to-face nature of other interventions and positively impacted teacher stress and burnout [ 32 ]. SMART intervention [ 72 ] has also been employed among nurses resulting in statistically significant decreases in stress and burnout and increases in resilience. However, SMART consists of 12 modules, requiring significant time to complete [ 51 , 72 ].

CBT is based on the theory that dysfunctional thoughts and beliefs are the main drivers of distress and that thoughts, behaviors, and emotions all impact each other. CBT has been adopted in several healthcare sectors [ 73 ], with proven benefits for various psychiatric disorders, including depression, anxiety, and personality disorders [ 74 ]. For instance, a group-based CBT program [ 30 ] reported significantly greater improvements, compared to the control condition, on the total burnout subscales scores (emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and reduced personal accomplishment) at post-treatment, with treatment effects maintained at 6-month follow-up. REBT, similar to CBT, has also demonstrated positive impacts on stress and burnout, among special educators [ 46 , 47 , 48 ] and in the health sector, in addition to reducing depression in adults with congenital heart disease [ 75 ].

In contrast, yoga is a complementary mind-body intervention with a limited focus on cognition and yet has also been found helpful in reducing psychosomatic challenges such as stress and burnout in the clinical sample [ 76 ]. Interestingly, the combination of yoga-based CBT interventions among teachers [ 22 , 28 ] has been reported to be effective in reducing stress and burnout, perhaps by combining benefits derived from both cognitive and body-based foci. Nonetheless, this intervention is also time-consuming, involving two hours weekly program for 12 weeks, which may create excess time demands, contributing to additional stress. Stress is presumed to occur when a person perceives an external demand as exceeding their capability [ 77 ]. Thus, teachers, when work or time demand exceeds their capability, then they may be stressed. Therefore, future research should therefore focus on teachers teaching different groups of students with different abilities, socioeconomic backgrounds and special needs to address the research gaps arising from differences in the effects of interventions to mitigate stress and burnout. Furthermore, some interventions involving physical activities [ 22 , 55 ] may be inaccessible to individual teachers with mobility or morbidity issues.

Christian prayer and prayer-reflection interventions [ 52 ] are novel and have rarely been used as a management strategy for stress or burnout in other professions. However, exploring the spirituality of physicians through a survey, respondents indicated barriers to time and training [ 78 ]. Christian prayer and prayer-reflection intervention [ 52 ] seemed to have a significant positive effect on depersonalization, unlike brief mindfulness-based interventions [ 12 ], which showed no significant effects for either the depersonalization subscale or the personal accomplishment subscale. However, not all teachers may be willing to access this intervention due to its faith-based nature. Depersonalization or cynicism is the interpersonal dimension of burnout and is associated with the negative, callous, or excessively detached response to other people [ 79 ]. Prayer/spiritual intervention may relieve teachers of the subscale depersonalization by helping them to focus on something larger than themselves and address some of the beliefs or narratives that might contribute to depersonalization. This speculation remains to be tested empirically.

Unlike Christian prayer and prayer-reflection [ 52 ], Blended Inquiry-Based Stress Reduction (IBSR) technique does not require any religious or spiritual preparation or intellectual ability but rather one’s desire to deepen self-awareness [ 60 , 80 ]. Compared to other interventions [ 34 , 55 , 58 ], IBSR does not require a trained facilitator. IBSR [ 60 ] resulted in no change in the personal accomplishment scales in the intervention group compared to an increase in the control group. However, a contradictory report was found in another study [ 57 ], which reported improvements in emotional exhaustion and personal accomplishment. IBSR intervention also includes weekly group meetings (3.5 h per meeting) requiring teachers to set time aside. This contradiction indicates that more advanced research with a representative sample is needed to validate the impact of IBSR.

Another unique intervention is group sandplay [ 58 ], which has not been extensively researched among educators or other professionals. Sandplay has, however, been adopted among college students to improve their interpersonal sensitivity level, which was reported to be significantly lower than that before the intervention ( p < 0.01) [ 81 ]. This intervention helped teachers’ overall stress-coping abilities by shifting from passive to active coping [ 58 ]. However, there was no direct measurement of changes in stress or burnout levels among the teachers and therefore, the results need to be further consolidated in future research. Furthermore, the dynamics and mechanisms employed in this intervention have yet to be extensively investigated among teachers; hence future research may further explore this gap.

4.1. Implications for Policy and Practice and Future Research Directions

First, the scales used to measure stress and burnout scores in the various studies identified through this scoping review differed. However, the Perceived Stress Scale-10 and Maslach Burnout Inventory-Educator Survey (MBI-ES) were the most commonly used. The use of different scales makes an effective comparison of the efficacy of all the interventions difficult. Future systematic reviews and meta-analyses can target studies in which only specific valid and reliable scales were used for uniformity and accuracy when reporting and comparing the impact of these interventions on teacher stress and burnout.

Second, most of the interventions identified through this scoping review, although effective in mitigating teacher stress and burnout, require a considerable amount of time to complete, and this presents a barrier, as there is demand for teachers’ time is already significant. Considering the busy school environment and the issue of time for most of these interventions, alternative interventions, such as mobile text-based programs to reduce stress and burnout in teachers, can be explored. Mobile text technology is an evidence-based, innovative, convenient, easily accessible, low-cost, and scalable intervention. It has been adopted as a means of delivering psychological treatments and support for the public and patients [ 71 , 82 , 83 , 84 , 85 ]. Such innovations can easily be implemented at the school level to support teachers’ psychological needs. For example, the Wellness4Teachers program, currently being evaluated in Canada, is a CBT-based supportive messaging program that delivers daily text messages and mental health literacy information to teachers [ 85 ]. If found effective, this intervention can potentially reduce the time demand and the need for face-to-face interventions [ 55 , 58 ]. The outcomes of the Wellness4Teachers program evaluation will have implications for the support available to teachers to reduce their stress and burnout and improve their general well-being.

Third, this scoping review summarizes currently available interventions to address teacher stress and burnout. Although most identified interventions reported positive outcomes, the methodological quality of intervention studies has yet to be explored. Therefore, a meta-analysis or systematic review of these interventions is warranted to determine the levels of evidence of the intervention’s effectiveness.

Fourth, burnout has been described as an occupational illness, yet none of the interventions primarily focuses on causes such as overwork, lack of systemic support, work modifications, or specific work skills development. Future studies regarding interventions that prioritize and incorporate some of these parameters are needed.

Five, recently, Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (ACT), a ‘third wave’ more cognitive therapy updated version of CBT) has also been applied as an intervention for stress-related illnesses such as anxiety and depression [ 86 ]. Burnout has usually been linked with personal values related to cynicism [ 87 ]. Thus, ACT may be a better therapy than CBT or REBT, as it includes mindfulness and cognitive strategies and focuses on self-concept, values, psychological flexibility, and committed action to make a positive change, such as coping through efficacy.

Finally, given the physical stress responses inherent in burnout and the effectiveness of Progressive muscle relaxation (PMR) and autogenic training, it would be beneficial in the future to investigate other interventions that directly target the stress response, including activating the parasympathetic nervous system.

4.2. Limitations

The scoping review has some limitations. First, the search strategy was limited by the year of publication which may have excluded other potentially effective interventions. Second, only English language databases were searched; thus, some relevant studies in other languages may have been left out, impacting the interpretation of the findings. Third, the overall search strategy may have been biased towards health and sciences databases, and searching other bibliographic databases may have generated additional relevant studies. Five, the sample size for most of the individual studies included in this scoping review was small. Finally, two of the included studies, Okeke et al. 2021 [ 47 ] and Obiweluozo et al. 2021 [ 45 ] were published in the same year, utilizing the exact same study sample, sample size, study setting and intervention. The two studies also had the same study objectives, methods, flow chart and results, even though they had different authors and were published in different journals. Despite the similarities between the two manuscripts, the different authors made it impossible to determine which of the two manuscripts to exclude from the review. Notwithstanding these limitations, this scoping review offers good insight into the interventions used to reduce stress and burnout among teachers.

5. Conclusions

Stress and burnout in the teaching profession are widespread, and intervention to reduce these problems warrants attention both at the level of policy and practice. This review summarizes and discusses interventions that have been used to mitigate educator stress and burnout. This summary of the evidence may help inform health and education leaders to develop policies and adopt programs that are effective in addressing teacher stress and burnout. The review identified several effective interventions to address stress and burnout, although there are some shortfalls, especially regarding time constraints. Due to teachers’ busy schedules, time-consuming interventions may be challenging to undertake or may even add to teachers’ stress. Notwithstanding, schools need to promote and prioritize some of these interventions specifically designed to reduce teachers’ stress and burnout. Implementing suitable school-based interventions at all schools is appropriate and necessary to improve teachers’ stress-coping ability with the expectation that this will prevent or reduce the likelihood of burnout. Future studies need to investigate the effectiveness of teacher stress and burnout reduction programs that do not have time constraints and that are cost-effective, geographic location independent and easily scalable, such as the Wellness4Teachers program in Canada. The virtual nature of such programs may offset the need for teachers’ physical presence at a particular set time. Despite both the methodological differences and variations in the interventions used in the studies included in this scoping review, each of the interventions was found to reduce educator stress and burnout. These methodological differences and the quality of the included studies make it impossible to draw conclusions about which interventions are most effective in supporting educators’ mental health based on this scoping review.

Researchers need to work in partnership with governments, policymakers and school boards in the design, co-creation, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of teacher wellness initiatives to ensure their adoption.

Funding Statement

This study was supported by the Mental Health Foundation and the Douglas Harden Trust Fund. The funder had no role in the design and conduct of the study; collection, management, analysis, data interpretation; preparation, review, or approval of the manuscript; or the submission of the results for publication.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, B.A.; software and validation, B.A. and V.I.O.A.; methodology and formal analysis, B.A.; data curation, B.A. and V.I.O.A.; investigation and resources, B.A., V.I.O.A. and Y.W.; writing—original draft preparation, B.A.; writing—review and editing, B.A., P.B.-M., L.B., V.I.O.A. and Y.W.; supervision, P.B.-M. and Y.W. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Informed consent statement, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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Top 10 Stress Management Techniques for Students

How to de-stress when you're feeling overwhelmed

No doubt about it, school is stressful. Academic deadlines, worrying about grades, pressure from parents and teachers, and juggling these challenges with your other responsibilities can leave you feeling frazzled and anxious.

The bad news is that all this stress can take a toll on your health, happiness, relationships, and grades. The good news is that learning to utilize some effective stress management strategies for students can help you tame these anxieties and keep your stress at manageable levels—even during midterms and finals.

At a Glance

Most students experience significant amounts of stress. This can significantly affect your academic performance, social life, and well-being. Learning stress management techniques can help you avoid negative effects in these areas. Strategies that can help include:

• Getting enough sleep
• Using guided imagery
• Exercise regularly
• Practicing deep breathing
• Using progressive muscle relaxation
• Listening to music
• Finding social support
• Eating a healthy diet
• Eliminating sources of stress
• Trying mindfulness

Let's take a closer look at why stress management is so important for students and what you can do to get a handle on the stress in your life.

Why Stress Management Is Important for Students

A study by the American Psychological Association (APA) found that teens report stress levels similar to adults. This means teens are experiencing significant levels of chronic stress and feel their stress levels generally exceed their ability to cope effectively .

Roughly 30% of the teens reported feeling overwhelmed, depressed, or sad because of their stress. According to one Pew Research Center report, 70% of teens view anxiety and depression as major problems for people their age.

Stress can also affect health-related behaviors. Stressed students are more likely to have problems with disrupted sleep, poor diet, and lack of exercise. This is understandable given that nearly half of APA survey respondents reported completing three hours of homework per night in addition to their full day of school work and extracurriculars.

Common Causes of Student Stress

Why are students today so stressed? According to the APA 2023 Stress in America report, Gen Z and younger millennials are overwhelmed by stress. The causes of this stress come from many areas. Financial worries , loneliness and isolation, climate concerns, political strife, the collective trauma linked to the pandemic, and other world events are all factors that play a part in the pressure on young people today. 

Another study found that much of high school students' stress originates from school and activities, and that this chronic stress can persist into college years and lead to academic disengagement and mental health problems.

Top Student Stressors

Common sources of student stress include:

• Extracurricular activities
• Social challenges
• Transitions (e.g., graduating, moving out , living independently)
• Relationships
• Pressure to succeed
• World events

Among High School Students

High school students face the intense competitiveness of taking challenging courses, amassing impressive extracurriculars, studying and acing college placement tests, and deciding on important and life-changing plans for their future. At the same time, they have to navigate the social challenges inherent to the high school experience.

Among College Students

This stress continues if students decide to attend college. Stress is an unavoidable part of life, but research has found that increased daily stressors put college-aged young adults at a higher risk for stress than other age groups.

Making new friends, handling a more challenging workload, feeling pressured to succeed, being without parental support, and navigating the stresses of more independent living are all added challenges that make this transition more difficult. Romantic relationships always add an extra layer of potential stress.

Students often recognize that they need to relieve stress . However, all the activities and responsibilities that fill a student’s schedule sometimes make it difficult to find the time to try new stress relievers to help dissipate that stress.

10 Stress Management Techniques for Students

Here you will learn 10 stress management techniques for students. These options are relatively easy, quick, and relevant to a student’s life and types of stress .

Get Enough Sleep

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Students, with their packed schedules, are notorious for missing sleep. Unfortunately, operating in a sleep-deprived state puts you at a distinct disadvantage. You’re less productive, may find it more difficult to learn, and may even be a hazard behind the wheel.

Research suggests that sleep deprivation and daytime sleepiness are also linked to impaired mood, higher risk for car accidents, lower grade point averages, worse learning, and a higher risk of academic failure.

Don't neglect your sleep schedule. Aim to get at least 8 hours a night and take power naps when needed.

Use Guided Imagery

David Malan / Getty Images

Guided imagery can also be a useful and effective tool to help stressed students cope with academic, social, and other stressors. Visualizations can help you calm down, detach from what’s stressing you, and reduce your body’s stress response.

You can use guided imagery to relax your body by sitting in a quiet, comfortable place, closing your eyes, and imagining a peaceful scene. Spend several minutes relaxing as you enjoy mentally basking in your restful image.

Consider trying a guided imagery app if you need extra help visualizing a scene and inducting a relaxation response. Research suggests that such tools might be an affordable and convenient way to reduce stress.

Exercise Regularly

One of the healthiest ways to blow off steam is to get regular exercise . Evidence indicates that students who participate in regular physical activity report lower levels of perceived stress.

While these students still grapple with the same social, academic, and life pressures as their less-active peers, these challenges feel less stressful and are easier to manage.

Finding time for exercise might be a challenge, but there are strategies that you can use to add more physical activity to your day. Some ideas that you might try include:

• Doing yoga in the morning
• Walking or biking to class
• Reviewing for tests with a friend while walking on a treadmill at the gym
• Taking an elective gym class focused on leisure sports or exercise
• Joining an intramural sport

Exercise can help buffer against the negative effects of student stress. Starting now and keeping a regular exercise practice throughout your lifetime can help you live longer and enjoy your life more.

Take Calming Breaths

When your body is experiencing a stress response, you’re often not thinking as clearly as you could be. You are also likely not breathing properly. You might be taking short, shallow breaths. When you breathe improperly, it upsets the exchange of oxygen and carbon dioxide in your body.

Studies suggest this imbalance can contribute to various physical symptoms, including increased anxiety, fatigue, stress, emotional problems, and panic attacks.

A quick way to calm down is to practice breathing exercises . These can be done virtually anywhere to relieve stress in minutes.

Because they are fast-acting, breathing exercises are a great way to cope with moments of acute stress , such as right before an exam or presentation. But they can also help manage longer-lasting stress such as dealing with relationships, work, or financial problems.

Practice Progressive Muscle Relaxation (PMR)

Another great stress management technique for students that can be used during tests, before bed, or at other times when stress has you physically wound up is progressive muscle relaxation ( PMR ).

This technique involves tensing and relaxing all muscles until the body is completely relaxed. With practice, you can learn to release stress from your body in seconds. This can be particularly helpful for students because it can be adapted to help relaxation efforts before sleep for a deeper sleep.

Once a person learns how to use PMR effectively, it can be a quick and handy way to induce relaxation in any stressful situation, such as bouts of momentary panic before a speech or exam, dealing with a disagreement with your roommate, or preparing to discuss a problem with your academic advisor.

Listen to Music

As convenient stress reliever that has also shown many cognitive benefits, music can help relieve stress and calm you down or stimulate your mind depending on what you need in the moment.

Research has found that playing upbeat music can improve processing speed and memory. Stressed students may find that listening to relaxing music can help calm the body and mind. One study found that students who listened to the sounds of relaxing music were able to recover more quickly after a stressful situation.

Students can harness the benefits of music by playing classical music while studying, playing upbeat music to "wake up" mentally, or relaxing with the help of their favorite slow melodies.

Build Your Support Network

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Having emotional support can help create a protective buffer against stress. Unfortunately,  interpersonal relationships can also sometimes be a source of anxiety for students. Changes in friendships, romantic breakups, and life transitions such as moving away for college can create significant upheaval and stress for students.

One way to combat feelings of loneliness and make sure that you have people to lean on in times of need is to expand your support network and nurture your relationships.

Look for opportunities to meet new people, whether it involves joining study groups or participating in other academic, social, and leisure activities.

Remember that different types of relationships offer differing types of support . Your relationships with teachers, counselors, and mentors can be a great source of information and resources that may help you academically. Relationships with friends can provide emotional and practical support.

Widening your social circle can combat student stress on various fronts and ensure you have what you need to succeed.

Eat a Healthy Diet

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You may not realize it, but your diet can either boost your brainpower or sap you of mental energy. It can also make you more reactive to the stress in your life. As a result, you might find yourself turning to high-sugar, high-fat snacks to provide a temporary sense of relief.

A healthy diet can help combat stress in several ways. Improving your diet can keep you from experiencing diet-related mood swings, light-headedness, and more.

Unfortunately, students are often prone to poor dietary habits. Feelings of stress can make it harder to stick to a consistently healthy diet, but other concerns such as finances, access to cooking facilities, and time to prepare healthy meals can make it more challenging for students.

Some tactics that can help students make healthy choices include:

• Eating regularly
• Carrying a water bottle to class
• Keeping healthy snacks such as fruits and nuts handy
• Limiting caffeine, nicotine, and alcohol intake

Find Ways to Minimize Stress

One way to improve your ability to manage student stress is to look for ways you cut stress out of your life altogether. Evaluate the things that are bringing stress or anxiety into your life. Are they necessary? Are they providing more benefits than the toll they take on your mental health? If the answer is no, sometimes the best option is just to ditch them altogether.

This might mean cutting some extracurricular activities out of your schedule. It might mean limiting your use of social media. Or it might mean learning to say no to requests for your time, energy, and resources. 

While it might be challenging at first, learning how to prioritize yourself and your mental well-being is an important step toward reducing your stress.

Try Mindfulness

When you find yourself dealing with stress—whether it's due to academics, relationships, financial pressures, or social challenges—becoming more aware of how you feel in the moment may help you respond more effectively.

Mindfulness involves becoming more aware of the present moment. Rather than judging, reacting, or avoiding problems, the goal is to focus on the present, become more aware of how you are feeling, observe your reactions, and accept these feelings without passing judgment on them.

Research suggests that mindfulness-based stress management practices can be a useful tool for reducing student stress. Such strategies may also help reduce feelings of anxiety and depression.

It is important to remember that stress isn't the same for everyone. Figuring out what works for you may take some trial and error. A good start is to ensure that you are taking care of yourself physically and emotionally and to experiment with different stress relief strategies to figure out what works best to help you feel less stressed.

If stress and anxiety are causing distress or making it difficult to function in your daily life, it is important to seek help. Many schools offer resources that can help, including face-to-face and online mental health services. You might start by talking to your school counselor or student advisor about the stress you are coping with. You can also talk to a parent, another trusted adult, or your doctor.

If you or a loved one are struggling with anxiety, contact the  Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) National Helpline  at 1-800-662-4357 for information on support and treatment facilities in your area.

For more mental health resources, see our  National Helpline Database .

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By Elizabeth Scott, PhD Elizabeth Scott, PhD is an author, workshop leader, educator, and award-winning blogger on stress management, positive psychology, relationships, and emotional wellbeing.

Stress in School: What Kids Need to Know

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Stress in Students: Causes & Symptoms

Unlike adults, who can communicate about how stress impacts their lives, children and teens may not recognize or even have the words to describe how they’re feeling. Students are experiencing stress at growing rates, with a 2014 American Psychological Association study finding teens in the U.S. are even more stressed than adults.

However, parents and teachers can watch for short-term behaviors and physical symptoms that manifest when stress becomes a problem. Since age plays a major role in how stress affects us, here are some common causes and symptoms for students in elementary school, middle school, high school and college to help identify when there may be a concern.

Elementary school

While most kids don’t enjoy taking tests, it can cause extreme stress in some children. Those with extreme test anxiety may end up completely shutting down during exams, which can directly impact a student’s grades.

Getting up in front of the class is scary for students worried they’ll do something embarrassing and become the fodder for peer gossip.

In addition to the dread of being picked last when the class divides into teams, kids often must prove they’ve met fitness standards (curl-ups, push-ups, etc.) in front of the group each semester.

Whether it’s for being tardy, eating an unusual-looking lunch or not knowing the answer when called on, being the center of attention can be stressful for young children.

School lockdowns, fire drills, tornado drills … kids are reminded about potential dangers on a regular basis.

Middle school

The amount of homework students receive in middle school is markedly higher than elementary school, with an average of over 3 hours of homework per night for students with 5 classes according to one study.

For middle schoolers involved in activities outside of school (sports, dancing, playing an instrument, and other enrichment) finding downtime can difficult.

Even before middle school begins students are starting to care more about what their peers think including drugs and alcohol.

Social media has created a 24-hour-a-day platform for peer pressure and bullying, a problem that didn’t exist for their parents.

In middle school, kids who can’t afford the hottest brands of clothing, backpacks or smartphone can feel left out.

High school

Pressure to be in a romantic relationship picks up in high school and cause stress for students, especially for those questioning their sexuality.

High school teens, especially those who don’t have an established peer group, worry about making friends and avoiding bullying.

Keeping grades up to get into college becomes increasingly difficult as classes become more challenging.

It takes considerable time and effort to decide which colleges to apply to, complete applications, visit schools, go on interviews, etc.

Parents often put pressure on their high schoolers to excel and get into a good college at the same time teens are trying to establish independence.

Keeping up with classes can be hard, especially for students juggling large course louds and part- or full-time jobs.

Because learning to balance social activities and academic responsibilities takes time, mistakes are often made along the way.

It’s easy to skimp on sleep when there is so much competing for your time.

For college students living on campus, homesickness and loneliness are common.

Whether working part-time, full-time, or living on financial aid, learning to manage money is an issue in college.

By senior year, students feel pressure to secure a job for after graduation.

How Teachers Can Help Limit Student Stress

Because children and teens spend most of the day in classrooms, teachers can play a powerful role in limiting stress. One way to “displace nervous energy,” according to mental health professional Stefanie Juliano, is to allow students to use standing desks, sit on exercise balls or even work on the floor. She also suggests creating a quiet, serene corner by adding a beanbag chair, relaxing pictures and positive sayings.

Below are some additional ideas teachers can use to limit stress in the classroom:

Classroom Activities to Reduce Stress

Jessica Tappana, a mental health therapist who works with students of various ages, calls things that stress them out “cling-ons.” Here are three strategies she teaches to students that teachers can use for wiping these stressors away:

Brush it off!

Beginning at the top of the head use your hands to gently brush down the face and front of the body, flicking away the negative energy (not onto the person next to you!). Then repeat for the back of the body, arms and sides. When finished, shake your hands and stomp your feet!

Leave it at the door

Place a small paper shredder, paper, pens and a trash bin by the classroom door. Ask students to write a word or sentence that represents something causing them stress and then have them shred it! The problem won’t disappear, but the activity encourages them to leave stress outside the classroom.

Me the Tree

Sometimes when we are stressed, it feels like we are floating above the earth so it’s important to ground your feet and reconnect. Stand tall and bend your knees a bit and imagine your body is a tree trunk. Pretend that there are roots growing out of your feet and picture them growing into the earth. Then imagine your arms are branches and reach out and stretch into the sunshine!

Parent Tips for Reducing Stress

When children suffer from stress, it affects the entire family. Because parents are used to being able to fix problems, not knowing how to intervene can be frustrating and even add to stress in the home. Fortunately, parents can take action by instituting the following tips to reduce symptoms of toxic stress.

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Related Stress Disorders

When sadness and depression become unmanageable it can be a sign of a mood disorder, which affect 1 in 5 children . While experts can identify many reasons why mood disorders occur in children, such as parents getting divorced, loss of a loved one and emotional trauma, stress can be a trigger. In addition, coping with stress can exacerbate symptoms, increasing the pressures associated with having a mood disorder. Here are some examples of mood disorders related to stress and links to more information.

Primary symptoms of continued sadness and hopelessness that interfere with the ability to function and last longer than two weeks. Other symptoms of depression may include irritability, changes in sleep, loss of appetite and mood swings.

Families for Depression Awareness

Anxiety and Depression Association of America

Generalized Anxiety Disorder (GAD)

Excessive worry and fear that interfere with normal activities. Children and young adults with GAD commonly feel anxiety over past or future events involving family, peers and school which can also present as physical symptoms.

Child Mind Institute: Anxiety

Coping Skills for Kids: Calming Anxiety in Children

Panic Disorder

Sudden, unexpected episodes of intense anxiety. People who suffer from panic disorder may feel shortness of breath, sweating and heart palpitations as well as an overall feeling of loss of control.

National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH): Panic Disorder

American Psychological Association (APA): Panic Disorder

Sleep Disorders

Sleep disorders occur when abnormal sleep patterns interrupt emotional, mental and physical health. Stress and anxiety can cause sleep disorders such as Excessive Sleepiness, Insomnia and Sleep Apnea, among others.

National Sleep Foundation: Sleep Disorders

National Alliance of Mental Illness (NAMI): Sleep Disorders

Social Anxiety Disorder

Young people with social anxiety disorder experience an overwhelming fear of social situations. They also have difficulty when performing in front of others or being the center of attention at school or during sports activities.

AnxietyBC: Social Anxiety

Anxiety Disorders Association of America (ADDA): Triumph Over Shyness

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD)/Acute Stress Disorder (ASD)

PTSD can occur after a stressful or traumatic event. While the symptoms (anxiety, intrusive thoughts, difficulty functioning) are normal reactions to trauma, PTSD occurs when they negatively affect the ability to function. A less severe form of PTSD is Acute Stress Disorder, which is also triggered by a stressful event but is short-term.

StudentsFIRSTProject.org: Posttraumatic Stress

Learning & the Brain: How to Recognize PTSD in the Classroom

Substance Abuse/Addiction

Repeated drug use changes the way the brain functions. Young adults who suffer from anxiety and depression may use drugs to cope.

National Institute on Drug Abuse: College-Age and Young Adults

National Institute on Drug Abuse for Teens: Drug Abuse and the Brain

Test Anxiety & How to Treat It

Most people get nervous before taking a test. In fact, feeling nervous motivates us to study so we can pass! But for some students, it goes beyond feeling nervous to the point that it causes them to freeze up and be unable to perform well. In this section, we discuss the definition and symptoms of test anxiety and how students can prevent it from getting out of control.

What is it?

Students with test anxiety become so anxious that it causes a physical response. They may feel their heart beating fast, begin to sweat and become nauseous. Unfortunately, the more they are preoccupied with the anxious feelings, the more anxious they become, creating a seemingly never-ending cycle. In other words, it’s the worrying about worrying that gets in the way.

What are the symptoms?

The main symptom of test anxiety is an accelerated heart rate. However, there are additional physical, emotional, and behavioral symptoms that can occur. For instance, students may feel light-headed, have digestive problems and sweat profusely. It’s also common to become angry and scared and feel disappointed in yourself. All these symptoms make it impossible to concentrate.

How can students handle it?

Therapist Jessica Tappana explains that knowing how to breathe is an important part of fighting test anxiety. “Breathing helps us to ground and center and feel present. The increased oxygen flow to the brain will help students think more clearly.”

Getting a good night sleep and eating a balanced meal in the morning is mandatory, adds mental health professional Stefanie Juliano. College students should avoid substances such as alcohol before a test.

Juliano stresses that knowing your triggers will help. “If you feel yourself tensing, getting a headache, feeling your back hurt, or so on, take a quick break either standing (if able) or seated and continue to breathe. Older students can also investigate alternative practices prior to major tests, such as acupuncture, essential oils, massage or chiropractic care.”

Quick Student Stress Busters

Learning how to recognize signs of stress and practicing ways to address these symptoms are important steps on the path to good mental health. Here are some activities from our mental health experts that parents and educators can teach children and teens to get them started.

For elementary school kids

Draw your feelings.

Children respond well to visual manifestations of stress. Ask them to draw their feelings of stress on a piece of paper. They can use crayons, markers, colored pencils or even paint. Then ask them to crumple up the paper or tear it into pieces. As they get up to throw the paper away, explain to them that they are also throwing away the negative feelings and stressors.

Deep breathing exercises

Breathing exercises are good practice for learning how the body responds when we breathe correctly. Ask children to take a deep breath through the nose and then slowly, slowly, slowly breathe out as though they are blowing bubbles, dandelions or candles on a birthday cake. Remind them to pay attention to how their stomach and chest move in and out.

Protective bubble

This activity models how to feel safe even when feeling stressed. Instruct children to image they are in a big bubble that surrounds them completely. Inside the bubble are all the people and things that make them feel safe like family members, friends, pets and stuffed animals. Let them sit for a few minutes as you prompt them to listen to how their bodies feel in a safe space that they can go to in their minds when they are feeling stressed.

For middle schoolers

Silent catch.

This activity requires complete silence, so children should be instructed that there is no talking at all. Use a lightweight ball such as a nerf ball to ensure nobody gets hurt. Tell the children to throw the ball to each other but that they can’t throw it to the same person who threw it to them. If they miss, they must sit down. This activity can relieve stress and calm down an anxious classroom.

Learning to stretch

Teach older children how to stretch correctly to relieve tension and help their bodies relax. It can be done at any time of day for a quick break.

Neck: Put your hands behind your back, grasping your right wrist with your left hand. Use your left hand to gently straighten your right arm, pulling it slightly. Lower your left ear toward your shoulder and hold for 30 seconds. Switch to the other side. Repeat with your left wrist and right hand.

Back: Lie on the floor stretching your arms above your head and pointing your toes. Bend your right leg to your chest with your hands behind your knee and hold for 30 seconds. Repeat with the left leg.

For high school students

Progressive muscle relaxation.

Progressive muscle relaxation is a useful tool for teens to relax, especially at night when having trouble falling asleep. They can sit or lay on the floor. Instruct them to relax each part of the body, starting with their toes and working up until they get to their heads. Take time to address each part in detail. Instruct them to repeat what you say in their heads, “I’m relaxing my toes, relaxing the top of my foot, bottom of my foot, etc.”

Diaphragmatic breathing

Because breathing becomes erratic when we are stressed, it’s helpful to practice breathing from the diaphragm which is the natural method. Lie down, place a hand on your chest and a hand on abs. Breathe in through nose and out through mouth.

Experience classical music

Classical music slows your pulse and heart rate, lowers your blood pressure and decreases stress hormones . Make it a habit to play classical music in the classroom and at home to reduce stress and prevent distractions . Free classical music is available on Spotify and YouTube.

For college students

Visual imagery.

Visual imagery involves using the imagination to create soothing feelings. Using free guided imagery scripts like those available from Healthy Place PSU at Plymouth State University, teaches students how to use visual imagery to feel calm and centered.

Mindfulness meditation

There are many benefits associated with mindfulness including lowered heart rate, decreased stress hormone levels, and better physical and emotional health. Instruct students to sit on floor with their legs crossed. Posture should be straight but relaxed. Have students place their hands on their legs. They should become aware of their breathing, letting their thoughts go. It’s alright if a thought comes, in which case they should acknowledge it and let it go while continuing to breathe in and out.

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Managing Stress in High School

Our reasons may vary, but everyone experiences stress. Here are some of the common reasons high school students feel stressed, and what they can do about it.

Pamela Reynolds

Exams. Choosing a college. Figuring out what to do with your life.

No doubt, high school can be a high-pressure time in life. And high school students, as a result, get stressed out.  

In fact, according to the American Psychological Association’s Stress in America 2020 survey, teens who are already under stress due to the normal pressures of high school have felt even more stress in recent years, thanks to the pandemic. About 43 percent of teens surveyed in 2020 said their stress levels had gone up, and 45 percent said they had a hard time concentrating on schoolwork. Many reported feeling less motivated.

Although life has mostly returned back to normal, that doesn’t mean the stress that high school students feel has disappeared. 

The typical challenges that anyone faces in high school continue as they always have, and, in some cases, have grown more complicated. Consequently, surveys suggest, many teens continue to experience a decline in mental and physical health. 

If you’re in high school and stressed, we get it. In this blog, we’ll talk about what stress is, what triggers it, and how you can manage it. 

What is Stress?

“Stress” is a term we use constantly in conversation, but what does it really mean? 

Stress can be defined as our physical and mental responses to some external event. The event might be considered “good” like preparing to go to the prom, or bad, like feeling tense after an illness, an argument with a friend, or while preparing for an upcoming test. 

The good thing about most stress is that it usually goes away once the external event causing the stress is over. 

Alternatively, there is a type of stress that results more from an internal dialogue than an external event. We call this “anxiety.” It involves persistent feelings of dread or apprehension that interfere with your daily life, even after the test, the argument, or prom, are just a distant memory. 

Why Are Teens So Stressed? 

Simply being a teenager can be hard. Your body is changing. You may be grappling with your sexuality or gender identity. Add to that the academic demands of high school and throw in the pressures of social media, and the tension mounts. 

“Some of the common triggers of stress in teens might be anxiety to perform well in academics such as getting into a good college, peer pressure, interpersonal relationships, or body image issues,” says Sakshi Khurana, Research Fellow at Harvard’s Weisz Lab for Youth Mental Health. “Other larger issues that the world is going through — for example, climate change or war— might also act as stressors for teens as they are learning about the world.”

The most common source of stress for high school students, according to the 2017 APA Stress survey , is school itself, with about 83 percent of teens identifying school as a major stressor. The second biggest source of student stress, (according to 69 percent of students), was getting into a good college or deciding what to do after high school. The third biggest teen stress was financial concerns for the family (65 percent of students). 

Here’s a quick breakdown of broad categories of factors that may stress you out:

• Academics. In high school, not only are you worried about next week’s English, History or Calculus exam, but you’re also worried about applying to college and taking the SAT tests, too. It can all feel overwhelming, and you may feel pressure to please your parents and teachers.
• Social Stress. Even without the pressures of academics, life in high school can be demanding. Dealing with friends and classmates, starting new romantic relationships, handling bullies and peer pressure both online and off, can be a lot to handle.
• Family Issues. If your parents are divorcing, if your family is experiencing financial problems, or even if you just have trouble getting along with siblings, your stress levels can go up.
• Trauma . Dramatic life events ranging from a death in the family, to an accident, to emotional and physical abuse, can cause stress. Also in this category, you can include the collective trauma of such global events such as school shootings, terrorism, and natural disasters. 
• Big Life Changes . Changes like moving and starting a new school can be a major stress for teens. 

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What are Signs of Stress in High School Students?

If you’re a high school student feeling stressed, you may not even recognize the symptoms. 

In fact, many symptoms of stress might be considered normal for teens who are also dealing with natural hormonal and physical changes. For that reason, it’s important to consider whether behavioral changes can be linked in time to an external event. 

Signs of stress include:

• Feeling more agitated, anxious, short-tempered, or depressed  
• Getting sick more often
• Having more headaches, stomachaches, or other aches and pains
• Feeling more tired than usual
• Not being able to sleep, or sleeping too much
• Skipping meals or overeating 
• Neglecting chores or hobbies 
• Trouble concentrating and forgetfulness
• High blood pressure

According to the APA 2017 survey, the most common symptoms of stress among teens were insomnia, overeating or eating unhealthy foods, skipping meals, feeling angry, nervous, or anxious, feeling fatigued, and snapping at friends and classmates.

Why is Stress so Problematic for Teens?

Let’s be clear, a little bit of stress is a normal part of life, and sometimes even desirable. 

Stress can act as a motivator, getting us to do things we might not otherwise. Good stress is called “eustress” and can help get you excited and energized about that first date or taking the stage in your first musical.

But too much unrelieved stress can lead to mental and physical health issues.  

Your body reacts to stress by releasing a hormone called cortisol which regulates blood pressure and immune function. If you’re stressed all the time and your body produces too much cortisol, it can lower your immunity, raise your blood pressure, and impair your cognitive performance.

In teens, the part of the brain regulating the stress response is less developed than in adults, meaning that if you’re a stressed-out teen, you may experience stress longer than an adult. 

“In the teen years, due to hormonal changes, stress tends to influence the emotional functioning of the brain, which in turn impacts the cognitive and executive functioning,” says Khurana.

You might not be able to sleep, you may overeat, or develop digestive, cardiovascular, or immune problems. Stress can even put you at a higher risk for developing mental illnesses like anxiety or depression . 

What are the Best Techniques to Help Students Manage Stress?

Since too much stress is not a good thing for your mind or body, you should think about incorporating a few stress management techniques into your daily life. 

“A few techniques that might help teens manage stress are relaxation through deep breathing, meditation, or mindfulness, channeling energy into sports or creative pursuits such as music, art, theater, and forming meaningful relationships or friendships,” says Khurana. “Additionally, every culture has its own way of enabling young people to manage stress, so drawing from those traditions might be helpful as well.”

Here are few ideas of how high school students can learn how to deal with stress at school: 

• Keeping a journal
• Getting plenty of exercise
• Eating healthy, regular meals
• Making sure you get enough sleep  
• Downloading an app that provides relaxation exercises (such as deep breathing or visualization) or tips for practicing mindfulness
• Limiting excess caffeine in soft drinks or coffee
• Reaching out to friends or family members who help you cope in a positive way
• Making time to do fun things
• Learning to recognize and prepare for stressful periods by doing all of the above

With so many big life decisions ahead, getting through high school happy and whole can definitely feel challenging at times. It’s easy to see why so many high school students feel stressed. The good news is that there are solutions. Adopt the strategies above, take a deep breath, and remember, it’s not forever! 

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About the Author

Pamela Reynolds is a Boston-area feature writer and editor whose work appears in numerous publications. She is the author of “Revamp: A Memoir of Travel and Obsessive Renovation.”

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Time Management and Stress Reduction for Educators

This 25-hour course over 5 days is designed to equip educators with essential skills in time management and stress reduction. Participants will learn practical strategies to effectively manage their time, enhance productivity, and mitigate stress in the demanding field of education.

Description

• Understanding Time Management Principles
• Prioritization Techniques
• Goal Setting for Educators
• Creating Effective Work Plans
• Task Delegation Strategies
• Managing Procrastination
• Identifying Stress Triggers in Education
• Stress Reduction Techniques
• Mindfulness and Relaxation Exercises
• Time-Saving Tools and Technologies
• Strategies for Managing Interruptions
• Effective Decision Making
• Review of Key Learnings
• Action Planning for Implementation
• Reflecting on Personal Growth and Development

Learning objectives

• Understand the principles and techniques of effective time management.
• Develop strategies to prioritize tasks and organize workload efficiently.
• Learn stress reduction techniques to promote a balanced work-life.
• Enhance productivity and performance in educational settings.
• Apply practical tools for effective time management and stress management.

Methodology & assessment

Certification details, pricing, packages and other information.

• Price: 480 Euro
• Package contents: Course

Additional information

• Language: English
• Target audience ISCED: Primary education (ISCED 1) Lower secondary education (ISCED 2) Upper secondary education (ISCED 3)
• Target audience type: Teacher Student Teacher Head Teacher / Principal
• Learning time: 20-25 hours

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