rogerian essay on school uniforms

Mandatory School Uniforms Debate from Rogerian Perspective

Several major scholarly publications discuss the issue of introducing mandatory uniforms in schools, adopting particular positions towards the problem. While some studies defend the appropriateness of this regulation, suggesting that schools can implement dress code rules, other authors claim that initiating such practices depoliticizes differences between individuals. A summary article by Wendell Anderson, published by the ERIC Clearinghouse on Educational Management in the Policy Report journal in 2002, is a perfect example of the first stance.

This investigation summarizes scientific and practical advances, concluding that if relevant justifications are present, the schools can introduce mandatory uniforms for the students (Anderson, 2002). According to the author, when this decision is supported by the institution, community, and parents, a specific dress code can beneficially impact the educational climate, improving the students’ achievements.

Nevertheless, an opposite perspective is offered by another scholarly article in the field of philosophy. Written by Samantha Deane and published in the Philosophical Studies in Education journal in 2015, this study addresses diversity and difference issues raised by the introduction of mandatory school uniforms. The author argues that such policies are harmful to the young populations, promoting unrealistic expectations of equality and prohibiting the children from receiving appropriate knowledge on this topic (Deane, 2015). Furthermore, the justifications behind school uniforms are considered questionable in itself, stating that the educational environment should address diversity instead of suppressing it.

I believe that a valid Rogerian argument could be used to find a feasible solution for this dispute, acknowledging the concerns of both sides. As uniforms can be advantageous for the school climate but destructive towards personal differences, dress codes should be voluntary, justified by the administration, and approved by all parents, especially from disadvantaged populations and minorities. Individuals from underprivileged families and cultural minorities are remarkably affected by the introduction of such measures, and considering the needs of these communities is crucial when addressing this issue. In this regard, while some students will be allowed to choose their appearance, others will be able to wear formal clothing, upholding diversity and meeting the demands of the involved populations.

Finally, the suggested claim incorporates the ideas demonstrated in both articles, finding a working solution to appease both sides. According to Deane (2015), mandatory use of uniforms in schools is often supplemented by unrealistic justifications, creating an illusory representation of society. However, Anderson (2002) also reports that reasons behind the use of dress codes should be clearly understandable, adhering to the desires of the community. The presented argument includes both of these considerations, negating the need for mandatory uniforms and the occurrence of an unrealistic environment, proposing that each involved party participates in the decision and presents clear reasoning.

The Rogerian model allowed me to evaluate the reasoning behind each of the perspectives, clarifying their primary concerns. I was able to understand how each of the sides views the problem and which details of the topic are considered most crucial. Acknowledging each of the opinions may present valuable insights into the complication, examining it from a different perspective and suggesting a compromise that suits both parties. In this regard, I will use the Rogerian approach in my argumentative essay, establishing the basis behind the other side’s justifications. Thus, I will uncover the concerns behind the opponents’ views, clarifying how these considerations can be resolved.

Anderson, W. (2002). School dress codes and uniform policies. Policy Report, 4 , 1–22.

Deane, S. (2015). Dressing diversity: politics of difference and the case of school uniforms. Philosophical Studies in Education , 46 , 111–120.

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School Uniforms: Presenting Rogerian Argument

Summary of positions.

Whether or not to impose a dress code at school has been a debated topic in the past several decades as social standards for dressing have gotten looser and less conservative. Some argue that school dress codes allow students to concentrate on school activities and avoid distractions, while others say that they are too restrictive and limit children’s opportunities for self-expression. In their articles, Anderson (2002) and Deane (2015) explored prominent issues related to dress codes and policies that educational institutions establish for uniforms. Anderson’s (2002) article “School Dress Codes and Uniform Policies” was published in Policy Report in the fall of 2002, a journal reporting on policy issues in K-12 educational management. The article by Deane (2015), “Dressing Diversity: Politics of Difference and the Case of School Uniforms,” was published in volume 46 of Philosophical Studies in Education, which focuses on philosophical, theoretical, policy, as well as conceptual issues in educational research.

After exploring the perspectives of students, teachers, and policymakers, Anderson (2002) made an important conclusion regarding the enforcement of school uniform regulations. In cases of school uniforms align with the context at the educational facility where they are enforced and are developed wisely and collaboratively with the community, they benefit the school climate, behavior, and academic success. Deane’s stance (2015) was more profound as it emphasized the connection between school dress code policies and social relations. Thus, such policies must bring students together in a shared environment and not highlight the social differences that may limit the potential for reaching equality.

There should be a balance in the modern school uniform practices to ensure that they are well-justified and fit the specific educational context, prompting discussions about why they are enforced – bringing unity to a diverse group of individuals who are equal in their learning opportunities. Such a thesis considers both sides of the discussion presented in the articles about school dress codes. It entails that dress codes are not mandatory nor universal throughout the educational context. Instead, each school should analyze its needs, student characteristics, as well as both internal and external factors for developing a policy that will suit the specific context. The other side of the discussion in this thesis is reflected in the idea of bringing unity in the socio-educational context to bring students on the same level so that they have equal opportunities for learning. The claim offers a middle ground – creating a balance between distinct differences of a school context and the need for facilitating unity.

The thesis proposed above is supported by the claims of the articles that represent different sides of the argument on the issue of school uniforms. Anderson (2002, p. 18) wrote that “it is critical to keep such policies in proper perspective and avoid overestimating or exaggerating their potential benefits,” which shows that the approach can vary depending on the context. At the same time, it is necessary to avoid “blindness to the difference of disadvantaged groups whose experience, culture, and socialized capacities differ from those of privileged groups” (Deane, 2015, p. 117). Overall, the issue of reaching a balance in school uniform policies requires consideration of deeper social underpinnings of the current practices. It is important to celebrate diversity while also establishing an environment of unity and equality in the learning process.

Anderson, W. (2002). School dress codes and uniform policies . Policy Report.  Web.

Deane, S. (2015). Dressing diversity: Politics of difference and the case of school uniforms. Philosophical Studies in Education, 46 , 111-120.

Mandatory School Uniforms: Rogerian Argument Essay

The dress code and mandatory school uniform for all school-going students is an issue which has sparked a debate with parents, teachers, government, and society who have divergent views on the whole matter. The burden of the entire matter lies with parents who have to ensure that their children are well dressed, afford all the necessary stationery required at school, and purchase other items that the school might need the children to have for learning purposes. The cost of buying school uniforms varies from one school to the other depending on the uniforms the students are to wear and how the school strictly adheres to the set guidelines on the uniform to be worn by students.

Those who are for the idea of students wearing school uniforms argue that school uniforms enhance the learning environment by making the students be at the same level, and their safety is also guaranteed. On the other hand, the antagonists argues that since students are part of the nation and there is a need to value their freedom of expression, then they should be let free to choose on whether they should be wearing school uniforms or not. Those who are not for school uniforms insist that school uniforms allow students to dress differently, but concerns about diversity, racism and cultural conflicts are not addressed. To improve students’ lives and well-being in schools, there is a need for stakeholders forming part of the education sector to review matters concerning dress code and the policies on mandatory school uniforms to factor in the issue of social justice.

An article on school dress code and policies has divergent views on the issue of mandatory school uniforms in American schools. The department of education would give every school a manual to offer guidance on dress codes and uniforms; this was done after the address of president Clinton (Anderson, 2002). Wendell’s publication, therefore, is to give a guideline that considers the historical factors, cases, arguments that are emerging from the controversial topic of dress codes and uniforms and the findings of research of the policies. This paper, therefore, argues on both sides of the issue and suggests the best policies to be implemented in schools when code of dressing and school uniforms is concerned.

Another article by Samantha Deane, “Dressing Diversity,” bases its arguments on the aspect of social justice. The article further suggests that the code of dressing or uniform policy does not uphold justice. Deane sees school uniforms as a way of getting to school, and wearing the uniforms does not translate to attaining justice. The issue of school uniforms does not address issues to do with violence and how such acts affect children’s performance and well-being while at school (Deane, 2015). This article is against dressing similarly by students at school. Instead, it encourages students that they should dress differently so that they can embrace their identity and culture. When you choose what to wear, learners can portray their true self, unlike when they are forced into wearing a uniform.

In her article, Deane tries to explain other benefits of dressing differently at school; she cites the messy and different world and feels that children should be let on their own to choose what to wear. When children are dressed differently, it prepares them for the world after school, which is never similar and toxic. Education itself is never rigid to only focus on the curriculum; it equips learners with the ability to survive beyond today when they are left to be on their own after finishing their studies.

My viewpoint on the whole controversy on whether the mandatory school uniform should remain to be in effect or not is a neutral one. On the one hand, lies the people who feel that school uniforms are a guarantee for the safety of the children and restrains them from behaving in a way not expected of them. According to Anderson (2002), some logos are printed in some clothes that make children unsafe. Another claim from those for school uniforms is that students who wear school uniforms register excellent performance because they will be on the same level. Some students’ self-esteem will be reduced for seeing their fellows with the most trending fashion of clothes. However, those who are firmly against the idea of school uniforms say that the policies put in place do not intend to address the underlying issues. Somewhat, the mandatory school uniform in schools simply robs students of their rights to self-expression. Other than the issue of infringed rights of students, learners are not allowed to embrace diversity and appreciate their cultural practices through school uniforms.

Assessing the two sides of the arguments, each faction has a point, and it is well supported. While those for mandatory school uniforms give their opinion as to why it is essential, those against it equally have a reason. When everything is considered, opportunity remains a fundamental right (Anderson, 2002). While taking a stand on this controversial topic, it would be to bring on board parents, teachers, and government officials to discuss what is best for them regarding the mandatory school uniform. If a solution can be reached, then every school should be allowed to regulate and control whether students should wear school uniforms or not.

Anderson, W. (2002). School dress codes and uniform policies . Policy Report.

Deane, S. (2015). Dressing diversity: Politics of difference and the case of school uniforms. Philosophical Studies in Education , 46, 111-120.

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Rogerian Argument

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The Rogerian argument (or Rogerian rhetoric) is a form of argumentative reasoning that aims to establish a middle ground between parties with opposing viewpoints or goals. Developed by psychotherapist Carl Rogers and adapted to rhetoric by writing scholars Young, Becker, and Pike, the speaker seeks compromise, acknowledging positive aspects of each party’s argument to arrive at a mutually-beneficial solution to an issue. 

You may already use Rogerian argument in your everyday life to negotiate with your friends, family, and/or romantic partners. For example, if you wanted to watch a comedy and your friend wanted to watch a romance, you might compromise by offering to watch a rom-com, as this offers each of you a bit of what you are looking for in that particular moment. Note, however, that this style of argument is decidedly less common in academic settings, where various empirical or theoretical notions of truth are often prized above the practical advantages of the Rogerian method.

While Aristotelian styles of argument are often seen as eristic (concerned primarily with winning), the Rogerian argument can be viewed as more dialectic in nature (a conversation between two or more parties with the goal of arriving at some mutually-satisfying solution). Thus, practicing the Rogerian argument will enhance your ability to understand the complex relations of opposing viewpoints and provide tools for addressing such discrepancies sympathetically. It’s also great for day-to-day conflict resolution at home or in the workplace.

However, Rogerian argument does come with disadvantages. For example, because Rogerian argument relies on compromise between opposing parties, it may not work well when your opponents are unwilling or unable to compromise, or if they are arguing in bad faith (e.g., they care only about winning). It may also lead to sub-optimal solutions if your opponent’s position is demonstrably wrong, since in this case you may nevertheless be forced to sacrifice some of your (ostensibly superior) goals order to accommodate your opponent’s (inferior) ones.

In “Rhetoric: Discovery and Change” (1970), Young, Becker, and Pike describe the primary aims of the Rogerian argument as follows:

• to convey to the reader that he is understood,
• to delineate the area within which he believes the reader's position to be valid, and
• to induce him to believe that he and the writer share similar moral qualities (honesty, integrity, and good will) and aspirations (the desire to discover a mutually acceptable solution).

The first aim shows the reader that you understand the complexities of the argument and that you have listened sympathetically to what it is they have to say. This is important, because the success of the Rogerian arguments relies on cooperation and collaboration. The second aim puts this understanding into practice by seeking a symbiotic solution. The third aim builds ethos and rapport between the parties. If audiences believe they share a value system with a speaker or writer, they are more likely to agree to the terms of whatever solution is presented.

While each of these aims is important, Young, Becker, and Pike stress that they are just that: aims, not steps. You should not necessarily view these aims as occurring in a linear, step-by-step process. The authors present a synthesized discussion of what a successful Rogerian argument should contain, but they eschew any formalized structure. The structure of the argument should instead be determined by the speaker, and it should be modified and adapted according to the rhetorical situation at hand.

Again, there is no formalized structure for the Rogerian argument, though the following example provides a foundation   for considering how you might structure your own argument.

A successful Rogerian argument will likely include the following:

• Introduction (addressing the topic to be discussed and/or the problem to be solved)
• Opposing position (showing that you understand your opposition’s viewpoints/goals)
• Context for opposing position (showing that you understand the situations in which their viewpoint is valid)
• Your position (introducing/addressing your viewpoint as it differs from the reader’s)
• Context for your position (objectively showing the reader the context(s) under which your position is valid)
• Benefits (appeal to the opposition by showing how they would benefit by adopting elements of your position)

Below, we’ve provided an example Rogerian argument that follows the formula above. In this example, we will take the position that technology (e.g., laptops and tablets) should be allowed in writing classes while also considering the opinion of the opposition, who argue that such technology is more of a distraction than   a helpful tool. In so doing, we should be able to arrive at a solution that considers both arguments and develops a solution that benefits both parties while still achieving our goal of allowing technology in the classroom.

Introduction

Here, we would introduce the topic and briefly discuss why it is a matter of contention. We would lay out the differing perspectives, briefly mention the merits of each argument, and discuss the implications closely considering all perspectives to arrive at a solution that works for everyone.

Opposing position

Here, we would introduce the opposing position that digital technology should not be allowed in the writing classroom. We would also list and discuss their objections to the proposition of technology in the classroom. These might include the notions that it’s distracting for the individual, the class, and the instructor, and is often used to avoid the lesson and instead play games or go on social media.

Context for opposing position

Here we might provide specific details that lend merit to their argument. We want to show that we are fully considering their claims and not just giving lip service, in the hope that that they will give similar value to our opinions. We could include statistics, testimony from instructors and students, or even examples from media that support their theory that digital technology can indeed be a distraction during instruction.

Your Position

Here, we would introduce our claim that digital technology should be allowed in the writing classroom. We would still want to speak as objectively as possible in order to establish our ethos as concerned but unbiased speaker. We might even qualify our position by acknowledging that there are, of course, situations in which technology should be put away, but reiterate that, generally speaking, the presence of digital technology is a positive.

Context for your position

Here, we can provide examples that run contrary to the ones we used for the context of our opposition’s position. For example, we could gather testimony from students who claim that using these technologies in class has been beneficial. We could include research and scholarship that supports our position and even quote instructors who have developed pedagogy around these technologies. We might even subtly demonstrate that our opposition has failed to account for all possibilities by choosing our examples carefully. For instance, we could easily include accounts of students with learning disabilities who might otherwise have a difficult time succeeding in class without the help of assistive technologies.

Here, we would use the points we’ve established throughout the argument to appeal to our opposition and find some productive middle ground that benefits both parties. We would acknowledge that some instructors do not want digital technologies present in the classroom, as they believe they distract from paying attention during lectures. We would maintain, however, that these technologies can indeed be productive tools for learning—in some cases, they can even be a virtual requirement for learning. We could then offer a solution: that these digital technologies should be kept aside during lecture portions of a lesson except in the case of students with documented disabilities. This way, students will likely be paying attention, taking notes by hand which they can transcribe later if they so wish. However, once a class moves from lecture to activity (whether group or individual), students should be allowed to access these technologies to more effectively engage with the activity, organize their thoughts, and access information. Now that the instructor is no longer lecturing, it should be easier to monitor student progress and engagement and the use of technology for these activities will lead to more developed and better organized results from the students.

Do uniforms make schools better?

by: Marian Wilde | Updated: March 1, 2024

Print article

Schools, parents, and students frequently clash over the issue of regulating what students may and may not wear to school. These controversies often pegged to the culture war of the moment touch on everything from gender and sexuality to politics, race, and religion. In 2021, a group of about 50 students in Georgia protested their middle school’s dress code for being discriminatory against BIPOC girls by wearing t-shirts every Friday emblazoned with the words “sexist,” “racist,” and “classist.” In 2022, a fight between students, staff, and police officers broke out at a Pennsylvania high school when hats and hoodies were banned as part of a revision by the school board to the school’s dress code. And in 2023, two Michigan middle schoolers, via their mother, sued their school district after they were banned from wearing “Let’s Go Brandon” sweatshirts.

Are school uniforms the best solution to this contentious debate? If every student is wearing the same outfit, will a host of campus problems be solved? Researchers are divided over how much of an impact — if any — dress policies have on student learning. There are multiple studies with conflicting conclusions, plus books such as 2018’s The Debate About School Uniforms , but the argument wears on, with a list of pros and cons on each side.

Why do some public schools have uniforms?

In the 1980s, public schools were often compared unfavorably to Catholic schools. Noting the perceived benefit that uniforms conferred upon Catholic schools, some public schools decided to adopt a school uniform policy.

President Clinton provided momentum to the school uniform movement when he said in his 1996 State of the Union speech, “If it means teenagers will stop killing each other over designer jackets, then our public schools should be able to require their students to wear school uniforms.”

The pros and cons of school uniforms

According to proponents, school uniforms:.

• Help prevent gangs from forming on campus

• Encourage discipline

• Help students resist peer pressure to buy trendy clothes

• Help identify intruders in the school

• Diminish economic and social barriers between students

• Increase a sense of belonging and school pride

• Improve attendance

Opponents contend that school uniforms:

• Violate a student’s right to freedom of expression

• Are simply a Band-Aid on the issue of school violence

• Make students a target for bullies from other schools

• Are a financial burden for poor families

• Are an unfair additional expense for parents who pay taxes for a free public education

• Are difficult to enforce in public schools

Uniforms vs. dress codes

Schools and districts vary widely in how closely they adhere to the concept of uniformity.

What’s a dress code?

Generally, dress codes are more relaxed than uniform policies. Sometimes, however, dress codes are quite strict with requirements that are potentially viewed as biased based on race or gender. In 2020, two Black male students in Texas, cousins with West Indian heritage, were suspended for wearing dreadlocks in supposed violation of the district’s hair and grooming policy, part of the dress code. The elder one, a senior, was told he couldn’t attend prom or graduation until his dreads were trimmed. In 2022, girls on the track team at an Albany, NY high school were sent home for wearing sports bras at practice.

Uniforms are certainly easier for administrators to enforce than dress codes, largely because the ACLU (American Civil Liberties Union) can be depended upon to protect a student’s “right to express themselves.” The ACLU believes dress codes are often used to, “shame girls, force students to conform to gender stereotypes… punish students who wear political and countercultural messages. Such policies can be used as cover for racial discrimination… Dress codes can also infringe on a student’s religious rights…” To successfully enforce a dress code, insists the ACLU, the school must prove the student’s attire, “is disruptive to school activities.”

The ACLU’s dress code stance is regularly supported by federal courts , like the 2023 lower court ruling in North Carolina that ended a charter school decree that girls couldn’t wear pants to school. ACLU lawyers claimed this violated Title IX because the dress code “discriminated against female students by limiting their ability to fully participate in school activities, such as using the playground.” The U.S. Supreme Court later declined to take up a case challenging the lower court’s ruling.

Check with your school to see what the dress code is, as they can be fairly specific. In Tulsa, Oklahoma, for example, the dress code prohibits :

• Symbols, mottoes, words or acronyms that convey crude, vulgar, profane, violent, death-oriented, gang-related, sexually explicit, or sexually suggestive messages.
• Symbols, mottoes, words or acronyms advertising tobacco, alcohol, or illegal drugs or drug paraphernalia.
• Symbols, mottoes, words or acronyms identifying a student as a member of a secret or overtly antisocial group or gang or that identifies a student as a member of an organization that professes violence or hatred toward one’s fellow man.
• Visible and permanent tattoos/brands incompatible with the standards set forth herein shall be covered to prohibit their display.
• Excessively large or baggy clothes

What’s a uniform?

School uniforms worldwide can widely range from nondescript to bizarre. (Extreme examples from China, Australia, and the UK on this YouTube video ) Most public school outfits in the USA are quite casual, with a “ common type ” for boys often a polo shirt in a solid color, with pants in khaki, black, or navy blue. A girl’s uniform is often a skirt and a white buttoned-up shirt. Dress shoes are frequently required for both genders.

In the United States, low-income families spend an average of $249 on a child’s school uniform annually, far less than the typical Australian student’s $578. But still, the cost is sometimes viewed as unfair because public education is intended to be free, paid by tax dollars, not “a stress for families on lower incomes.” The ACLU believes that public schools should provide free school uniforms , because the expense is unconstitutional, and it increases wealth inequity.

What research says about school uniforms

In 2006, Virginia Draa, professor at Youngstown State University, reviewed the impact of school uniforms at 64 public high schools that had larger percentages of economically disadvantaged and minority students than other urban schools. Her conclusion surprised her: “I really went into this thinking uniforms don’t make a difference, but I came away seeing that they do… I was absolutely floored.” Her analysis determined that the schools with uniforms improved their students attendance, and graduation rates rose an average almost 11 percent.

In 2022, Ohio State University and University of Pennsylvania researchers reached a contrary opinion in their report titled “ School Uniforms and Students Behavior: Is There a Link? ” Their view was that, in general, evidence that school uniforms improve social skills in the students was “inconclusive.” The solitary praise they provided to uniform-wearing was noting there was “some indication that low-income students in schools that required uniforms demonstrated better school attendance than low-income students in schools that did not.”

What to believe? Jury is still out.

What do students think about uniforms?

A student discussion: pros and cons of uniforms

Editor’s note: This video is part of our high school milestones series about communication skills. The students in this video discuss the pros and cons of school uniforms.

A University of Nevada, Reno, survey of 1,848 middle school students, published in 2022, revealed that 90 percent did not like wearing a uniform to school . Only 30 percent believed the uniforms “might reduce discipline issues, a mere 17 percent thought the uniform helped them focus at school, 34 percent believed their school was safer due to the uniforms and 37 percent said, “I worry less about my appearance” due to the uniform requirement.”

An earlier study, also in Nevada, displayed similar unpopularity with newly instituted uniforms among middle school students. However, when the researchers looked into school discipline and local police records and compared them to the prior year’s data, discipline referrals were down 10 percent, there were 63 percent fewer police log reports, and incidences of graffiti, fights, and gang-related activity were all down.

It’s a big issue

A new trend is the mounting pressure to establish dress codes for teachers. Apparently, the same casual mindset toward revealing outfits is cropping up in the ranks of our teachers.

The debate over uniforms in public schools encompasses many larger issues than simply what children should wear to school. It touches on issues of school improvement, freedom of expression, and hot-button culture wars. It’s no wonder the debate rages on.

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Visual Investigations

How a Haitian Gang Is Trying to Turn Itself Into a Militia

By Christiaan Triebert, Maria Abi-Habib and John Ismay

In recent years, one of Haiti’s most powerful and best armed gangs, 5 Segonn, promoted itself with brash rap videos posted on social media.

But videos and photos recently posted by the gang to TikTok show a shift: It’s trying to present itself as an organized security force.

The gang members are now uniformed and wielding more powerful weapons.

One of these weapons is the Belgian-designed FN FAL rifle.

It’s typically carried by militaries and hasn’t been seen being used before by the 5 Segonn gang.

The group now appears to be more capable as a Kenyan-led multinational police force is set to arrive in Haiti.

Since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse, the security situation in Haiti has deteriorated and gangs have stepped in to fill the void. They now control or exert their influence across most of the capital, Port-au-Prince.

The recent transformation of 5 Segonn coincided with the unification of several rival gangs in late February. Days later, the allied groups orchestrated a massive prison break, plunging the country into further chaos and leading Prime Minister Ariel Henry, the country’s de facto ruler, to resign.

Together, the gangs have commandeered key roads that criss-cross Haiti and enter neighboring Dominican Republic, and have occupied several strategic police stations, according to an analysis by The New York Times.

Port-au-Prince

Gang control

Primary areas

Many police

stations have

been seized

PORT-AU-PRINCE

Port-au-Prince Bay

Sources: Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime, Human Rights Watch; MakyavelStudios via X; the National Human Rights Defence Network (RNDDH), the U.N. Human Rights Office and the U.N. Integrated Office in Haiti.

Note: These are estimates, and the situation is fluid. Areas of control change frequently, and gangs may operate outside their main territory.

The Kenyan-led deployment, aided by U.S. supplies and funding, could face a far more volatile situation than past international U.N. peacekeeping missions. Earlier this month, 5 Segonn’s leader took to social media to taunt and threaten the incoming security force, which will be based at the capital’s airport.

The U.S. is investigating whether European and American weapons, made exclusively for militaries and sold in Latin America, are being smuggled to 5 Segonn and other Haitian gangs, according to two senior Justice Department officials who were not authorized to speak publicly.

5 Segonn’s promotion of its new image began with the creation of a TikTok account, shortly after the rival gangs united. Posts display the gang’s military appearance and weaponry.

Although the account was suspended after just 11 posts, The Times archived and analyzed the contents, along with hundreds of media files posted by gang members, to track how 5 Segonn's capabilities have evolved.

5 Segonn’s name is Creole for Five Seconds. They are thought to be one of Haiti’s biggest cocaine traffickers, according to Western diplomats and a regional intelligence official.

Their leader is 27-year-old Johnson André, known as Izo, whom the U.S. sanctioned in December for the kidnapping of U.S. citizens, assassination, possession of illegal firearms, hijacking and documented cases of sexual violence.

On social media, Izo often posts videos of himself dancing and drinking.

But starting in March he added a new persona, openly declaring himself a cartel leader and the head of a new “tactical corps.”

Its logo bears the corps’ name: Unité Village de Dieu, or Unite Village of God, the name of Izo’s neighborhood.

Videos show Izo using live drone feeds to direct attacks against the police.

And he’s seen in highly choreographed footage overseeing men in tactical gear.

Their vehicles’ appearance was once inspired by the notorious Los Angeles Crips gang.

Now their vehicles are wrapped in camouflage and organized with sequential license plates.

And 5 Segonn’s actions are growing bolder, attacking targets deeper in government-held territory.

They’ve taunted security forces by destroying one of their vehicles near the National Palace, a major government symbol.

And in April, they hijacked a cargo ship, moored it at a gang-controlled dock and plundered some of the rice it carried.

The weapons that historically fueled Haiti’s violence were usually stolen from the Haitian Army and police or purchased from stores in the United States and smuggled to the Caribbean.

But the FN FAL rifles seen with the 5 Segonn gang, for instance, are a newer model than the version acquired by the Haitian Army in the 1980s, a former high-ranking Haitian official told The Times, raising questions about their origin.

The new weapons could be coming from Colombia, where President Gustavo Petro announced last month that millions of bullets, thousands of grenades and other weapons were looted from military warehouses. They were sold to armed groups, like cartels, he said, and on the international black market, including to Haitian gangs.

Associated Press

The Justice Department officials say the sources may be more widespread, with weapons coming from other militaries in South and Central America. Brazil is one of the largest weapons manufacturers in the world, they note, manufacturing some of the military weapons that are now used by Haitian gangs.

Still, U.S. officials say they have limited insight into what is happening in Haiti as the dire security situation means they have insufficient personnel on the ground to monitor gang activity.

The growing lethality of the gangs’ arsenals may also indicate a strengthening tie with cartels in Latin America, said a senior regional intelligence official and two diplomats who spoke on background to discuss sensitive information. They pointed to Haiti’s growing importance as a cocaine trafficking route to Europe.

Izo is now working with one of the key suspects in Mr. Moïse’s 2021 assassination: Dimitri Hérard, the one-time chief of the president’s security detail, according to the intelligence official, a senior State Department official, and a third Western diplomat based in Haiti who was not authorized to speak publicly.

Mr. Hérard was among the inmates freed during the February prison break, according to Haitian officials.

A wanted poster for Mr. Hérard released by the Haitian police this month warns that he is armed and dangerous, and is wanted on several charges including: rape, homicide, terrorism and prison escape.

Haitian National Police via Facebook

The sources said Mr. Hérard seems to be helping organize and advise Izo’s gang to look beyond local turf battles and pursue more strategic goals tied to drug trafficking and national politics, and that he may be a link to larger criminal organizations in the region, including drug cartels.

The rise of Haitian gangs started a few decades ago. The armed bandits were used by politicians to suppress voter turnout or anti-government protests and by the business elite to secure land for industrial purposes or to attack rival businesses.

But like many things in Haiti that has now all been upended.

Haiti’s Gangs Grow Stronger as Kenyan-Led Force Prepares to Deploy

Gang leaders with suspected links to the 2021 Haitian president’s assassination now control key infrastructure, and pose a major threat to the incoming Kenya-led force.

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