dissertation on alternative education

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Understanding Alternative Education: A Mixed Methods Examination of Student Experiences

• Dissertation
• Susan Glassett Farrelly
• Prado-Olmos, Patricia
• Hofsetter, Carolyn
• Daniels, Erika
• Education, Health & Human Services
• California State University, San Marcos
• Educational Leadership
• self-determination theory
• alternative education
• cluster analysis
• narrative inquiry
• 2013-02-21T22:42:04Z
• http://hdl.handle.net/10211.3/10211.8_301

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Theses and Dissertations

The effectiveness of alternative dissertation models in graduate education.

Rebecca Arlene Thomas , Brigham Young University - Provo Follow

Historically, the doctoral dissertation has had two purposes: to train young scholars in proper research methodology, and to contribute original findings to research. However, some feel that the traditional dissertation format falls short of these goals for two reasons. First, the majority of dissertations never get published in academic journals, and dissertations are unlikely to get cited in academic articles. Second, many students in doctoral programs see little authenticity in traditional dissertations because the writing style and process differ from that of academic articles. In response to these concerns, many Instructional Technology programs have implemented alternative dissertation formats. This study used survey data to investigate the benefits, challenges, perceptions and current practices of alternative dissertation formats in Instructional Technology. Online surveys were sent to 74 students, 61 alumni, and 38 faculty of Instructional Technology programs in 2010, and 78 students, 43 alumni, and 12 department representatives in 2014. Data were analyzed using qualitative and quantitative methods. Surveys found that alumni who completed alternative dissertation formats received more citations for their dissertations than those who completed traditional dissertations, showing that alternative dissertations increase the likelihood of impact. Additionally, respondents reported that alternative dissertation formats facilitate authenticity and collaboration, and prepare students for a career in academia. However, some participants perceived alternative dissertations as less rigorous than traditional dissertations, with ambiguous requirements and expectations of quality. More research is needed in order to understand current practices for alternative dissertation formats in Instructional Technology.

College and Department

David O. McKay School of Education; Instructional Psychology and Technology

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BYU ScholarsArchive Citation

Thomas, Rebecca Arlene, "The Effectiveness of Alternative Dissertation Models in Graduate Education" (2015). Theses and Dissertations . 5276. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/5276

Date Submitted

Document type.

http://hdl.lib.byu.edu/1877/etd8510

alternative dissertation formats, multiple article format, instructional technology

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Alternative Dissertation Formats: Preparing Scholars for the Academy and Beyond

• September 2016
• In book: Contemporary Approaches to Dissertation Development and Research Methods (pp.43-52)
• Editors: Storey and Hesbol

• University of Nevada, Las Vegas
• This person is not on ResearchGate, or hasn't claimed this research yet.

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Alternate Education: Key Themes in Research A Collaborative Literature Review

Transformative Educational Leadership Journal | ISSUE: Fall 2020

Several actions were initiated as part of an investigative scan of what was happening in our current contexts as well as within the field of alternative education. One of those action items was to complete a literature review of the current research.

By Shauna Ross & Joanna Angelidis

The Spiral of Inquiry  ( Halbert & Kaser ), offers a six-stage inquiry process that cultivates conditions where “curiosity is encouraged, developed and sustained” and this curiosity provides momentum for transformation. As part of the Learning Phase, our metro-region alternative sub-committee posed the following question:

“What do we need to know in order to engage and improve the learning of students in alternative programs?”

Shauna Ross (Surrey) and Joanna Angelidis (Delta) co-authored this literature review to explore the possibilities and used this evidence to anchor the inquiry work at Surrey Learning Centres and the Delta alternative education programs this year.

The intent of this summary is to provide a brief thematic analysis of the current research in the area of Alternate Education and to look at key themes presented in the research for working successfully with complex youth. This review included consideration of research from scholarly articles, action research studies, dissertations, and reviews completed by two other Canadian school districts as well as the McCreary Society in B.C. This report was a collaborative effort written and prepared by Directors of Instruction within both the Surrey and Delta school districts.

Definitions

Alternate Education (as defined by the Ministry of Education in BC): Alternate education programs focus on educational, social and emotional issues for students whose needs are not being met in a traditional school program. Alternate education programs that satisfy certain requirements are deemed a “Type 3” facility and students qualify for 1.0FTE (full time equivalent) funding to the district.

Alternative Education (as defined by the Ministry of Education in BC): Alternative education programs also focus on educational, social and emotional issues for students whose needs are not being met in a traditional school program. Alternative education programs do not satisfy the requirements to be deemed a type 3 facility and students are offered an ‘alternative’ to the traditional model and are funded on a per-block basis. For the purposes of this paper, the term Alternative education is used to describe the needs of all learners needing an environment outside of the traditional secondary school, regardless of funding.

On November 5, 2019, the Surrey School District convened an informal facilitated conversation to explore potential areas of coordination and cooperation on Alternative Education and related initiatives in school districts in BC. Representatives from twelve BC school districts were present. Participants agreed that each school district was unique in its needs for alternative education and that no single program or structure would suit all contexts. Several actions were initiated as part of an investigative scan of what was happening in our current contexts as well as within the field of alternative education. One of those action items was to complete a literature review of the current research.

General Context

Within BC School districts, alternative education schools strive to provide a safe, caring environment for our learners. Over the past several years in education, what we know about learning has changed significantly. The focus of education is no longer about completing work in return for a grade, but rather is driven by creating an engaging, meaningful learning experience for students. This is significant because we have a responsibility to provide all of our learners with an educational experience that will prepare them for the future. Every learner should come away from our schools with the competencies, skills, attitude, and enthusiasm for learning that will enable them to be successful.

Secondly, given our unique geographical location within the province of British Columbia, we want to recognize, honour and support Aboriginal learner success. It is our shared responsibility to foster positive personal and cultural identity highlighting the strengths of Aboriginal peoples, to maintain high expectations while providing relevant support, to celebrate Aboriginal learners’ success, and to include the First Peoples’ Principles of Learning into all of our buildings and classrooms. While all of our alternative education sites serve and appreciate students from around the world, the purposeful inclusion of Aboriginal perspectives and knowledge within alternative education settings provides a foundation of equity, understanding and inclusion that will undoubtedly lead to greater learner success. When looking at the overarching themes, key ideas and considerations presented in this review it is imperative that we challenge ourselves to consider, wherever possible, an Indigenous Learning lens and perspective.

Finally, we must also give consideration to the changing world context in which our learners now live. Our youth are experiencing a world where there are increasingly new social pressures, global issues and other stressors. The 2018 BC Adolescent Health Survey (BC AHS) involving 38,000 youth aged 12-19, provided key findings about our youth today. Results of this survey were reported in a 2019 report titled, “Balance and Connection in BC: The Health and Well-Being of Our Youth.” This report indicated an increase in mental health conditions, anxiety disorders, panic attacks, depression, PTSD, and ADHD. It also showed an increase over previous years in the number of students with self-injurious behaviour or suicidal ideation. It is important when reviewing the themes discussed in this paper to keep our own unique BC context in mind and to be aware of challenges the youth of today now face.

Overarching Themes for Successful Alternative Programs

The intent of this review was to uncover key themes presented in current research leading to successful work with complex youth. Several overarching, recurring themes emerged. These larger themes will be addressed throughout the review and will be broken down into key ideas and concepts to explore and they will also be addressed in the considerations moving forward. The overarching themes for greatest learner impact and success are:

• Low teacher-to-student ratios
• Student access to teaching assistants, youth care workers, counsellors and staff trained to work with at-risk youth
• Supportive atmosphere
• School connectedness
• Removal of barriers and timely entrance
• Accessible and engaging learning opportunities for all learners
• The concept of “programs designed for students” – not “students who fit programs”. A differentiated approach guided by the question of “What does this child need right now and how do we provide this”?
• Translate into flexible, individual learner outcomes
• Involve regular, ongoing assessment of both program and individual learner outcomes
•  Individual Education Plans and Student Learning Plans among others
• Integrated, timely wrap around supports involving community agencies and individual student support networks
• Effective and innovative pedagogy
• Student voice and choice
• Flexible schedules
• Flexible curriculum structures that allow for the identification of individual learner needs and strengths, the personalization of learning, student access to additional support where required, and the ongoing adjustment of strategies to support student success
• Flexible attendance (This is a vital component of Alternative Education Programs for students experiencing personal challenges; 30% of youth in some studies reported that flexibility was the factor that kept them attending.)
• Partnerships with community agencies providing students with access to volunteer and work experience, community mentors, community-based leadership opportunities, mental health services such as addictions counselling, and pre-employment training
• Strength-based philosophies
• Belief in the collective efficacy of the adults working with the student to cause positive change in the student’s life
• Belief in the students’ abilities to experience success in their learning and in their personal lives when the right learning opportunities are provided in combination with necessary supports.
• Effective transitions between learning environments and to life beyond graduation.

Unlocking Common Understanding: Key ideas to explore and discuss

The research describes an ongoing difficulty in establishing one widely accepted definition of alternative education with accompanying broadly agreed upon criteria for the identification and categorization of alternative education programs. As a result, alternative education means different things in different places. A. Alternative education programs may be categorized according to the program purpose or goal. For example:

• A learning environment separated physically from the neighborhood school with the goal of providing students exhibiting personal and academic challenges with the support required to achieve graduation. These programs provide a protected learning environment, smaller than the neighborhood school, with increased opportunities for individualized learning, community connections and access to wrap-around supports as compared to larger, neighborhood schools

B. Alternative education programs may be categorized according to the program function. For example:

• Schools of choice reflecting programmatic themes or emphasis on specific content or on a specific instructional approach or both. Enrollment typically involves both students who experienced success in their neighborhood schools along with students who experienced significant challenges in their neighborhood schools.
• Alternative education programs in which students are required to enrol as a means of providing intensive and highly individualized social emotional and mental health support; sometimes following a suspension or other process revealing the student’s intense support needs

C. Alternative education programs may be categorized according to the program focus. For example:

• Alternative education programs centered around providing students with opportunities to participate in specific activities such as work experience, outdoor education programs or art-based programs among others.

D. Alternative education programs may be categorized according to the target population. For example:

• Alternative education programs designed to provide highly targeted supports and services to students experiencing common social emotional or mental health challenges. Enrolment in the program may be temporary with the goal of equipping learners with the competencies and personalized support networks required to address personal challenges.

The literature on alternative education programs identifies several existing tensions. Some of these include:

• Whether alternative education is intended only for students experiencing difficulties in their neighborhood schools or whether alternative education should be available to all students interested in alternative learning experiences.
• Ensuring that alternative education programs form a component of a district-wide continuum of academic, social emotional and mental health supports and options.
• Student populations are diverse with ongoing shifts in student strengths and support needs. To achieve student success, schooling options must be responsive and flexible. To this end, there must be ongoing review and adjustment in both neighborhood schools and in alternative education programs of social emotional and mental health supports, and of the nature of academic learning opportunities and of pedagogy. The goal is to ensure that diverse student populations experience success in both schooling options. The alternative education program must not be the only option available to students experiencing challenges in their neighborhood schools.
• Possible Barriers 

The literature on alternative education identifies several criticisms and associated areas for improvement. Some of these include:

• Programs of choice may present unintended barriers to student access including affordability, transportation, the willingness or ability of young people to leave familiar locations to attend programs and the relative scarcity of alternative provision in rural communities. Many questions exisit regarding equity of access.
• Referral processes may alienate students and families due to the administrative and organizational processes used to manage referrals, transfers and monitoring processes. (This is in stark contrast to the agency and success students experience once enrolled in an alternative education program.)
• When alternative education program attendance is required as a result of chronic behavioral challenges, there may be an unintended over emphasis on positive behavioral support in comparison to engaging and innovative pedagogy and curriculum.
• Recruiting and retaining staff may be a challenge when alternative education programs are not considered to be as stable as neighborhood schools. When funding fluctuates, skilled staff may choose employment in the neighborhood school over the alternative education program.
• While the available data about the outcomes of alternative education is largely positive indicating positive changes for students with regards to attendance, engagement, social emotional competency development and academic attainment, the research on alternative education remains limited. For example, there is limited available comparative data and limited data on long term outcomes. Ongoing and robust data collection is required.
• For a variety of reasons, the curriculum in alternative education programs may not be as differentiated as in neighborhood schools.
• Communication between the students’ neighborhood school and the alternative education program may be limited in particular as related to:
• Comprehensive assessment information
• Student transitions
• Wrap around supports and services
• Students enrolled in alternative education programs may not maintain sufficient contact with their neighborhood schools. Unintended consequences may involve reducing students’ access to peer relationships with students enrolled in the neighborhood schools, reducing students’ access to positive adult mentors, reducing students’ access to courses offered in the neighborhood school, and hindering student transitions from the alternative education program to the neighborhood school; thereby unintentionally reducing student choice and agency as related to schooling options.
• The literature on alternative education indicates that successful student transitions from alternative education programs to neighborhood schools requires the following conditions. Without these conditions, student transitions are compromised.
• Timely and targeted access to needed supports.
• Connections to adults matching the highly positive relationships with adults that students experience in alternative education settings.
• Positive peer interactions
• Ongoing adult support with developing and maintaining positive peer relationships
• Engaging, accessible learning opportunities with teachers who are aware of and respond to the student’s specific learning needs and strengths
• While intended to enhance student success through the provision of an alternative, protected, individualized and highly supportive learning environment, alternative education programs may have the unintended and unfortunate outcome of increasing student exclusion from neighborhood schools. This unintended outcome must be mitigated through the ongoing review and adjustment of both neighborhood schools and of alternative education programs to ensure both options remain responsive to diverse student populations and to shifting student strengths and support needs.

The literature describes stigma associated with some alternative education programs. Removing this stigma is required to achieve equity. Factors related to stigma referenced in the literature are as follows:

• While unintended, alternative education programs may be seen as “other” to the neighborhood school. The neighborhood school may be viewed as the norm against which any other kind of option is seen as not only different but also lesser.
• Some students report experiencing stigmatization from attending an alternative education program.
• Students attending alternative education programs intended for at risk or marginalized youth have expressed that program descriptions and program names can be damaging to their identity resulting in stigmatization.
• Using the language of at-risk and vulnerability in reference to alternative education programs perpetuates the idea that it is primarily factors attached to the young person – psychological makeup, personal education history, behaviors or social environment, that have resulted in the young person’s inability to experience success in neighborhood school. This, in turn, may make less urgent the need for ongoing review and adjustment of the supports and services and of academic learning options available in the neighborhood school.
• Best Practice

The research on alternative education programs reveals the following best practices:

• Inclusive environments: ensuring equity and access to a high-quality education for a diverse student population in ways that are responsive, accepting, respectful and supportive;
• Commitment to equitable practice: identifying what individual learners need and how can we help support them;
• Developmentally responsive programs: involving a deep understanding of the developmental spectrum of students and nurturing student social, emotional, physical and cognitive development;
• Comprehensive programs: providing a broad range of robust learning opportunities, universal and targeted wrap-around supports and services, community connections and transitions between educational programs and to post-graduation opportunities;
• Access to an alternative environment that is available in a timely manner: minimal or no delay for students experiencing a critical need for an alternative education program;
• Flexibility in a variety of formats: personalized and flexible learning opportunities in combination with flexible scheduling and flexible course completion timelines;
• Programs committed to youth engagement, empowerment and mentorship;
• Connected relationships: fostering youth connection to school, their families, their communities and to their individual support networks;
• Smaller class sizes and lower teacher to student ratios.
• Relevant and flexible curriculum that is:
• Connected to the students’ experiences, needs, aspirations and interests;
• Combines experiential learning with opportunities to “catch up” and accelerate learning;
• Offers challenging tasks with real world applications; and
• Access to a range of health, social emotional and community supports.

Teaching approaches that are successful in alternate programs involve the following:

• Having a positive orientation to student behavior and to student agency, voice and choice;
• Listening and are patience;
• Demonstrated enjoyment working with the students;
• Are less formal, fair and kind while remaining firm about rules;
• Negotiating when needed;
• Clear, high and achievable expectations; and
• View all students as filled with potential
• Student Perspectives

The literature identifies largely positive student perspectives about participation in alternative education programs. These are as follows:

• Some of the key themes include:
• Community and belonging
• Ambience of acceptance
• Meaningful relationships with teachers
• Mentorship relationships with teachers
• The ability of teachers to function in different roles in order to meet different student needs
• Increasing student self-awareness and agency
• Some of the positive perspectives students expressed include:
• The alternative education program provided an opportunity to achieve academic goals such as high school graduation.
• Students were influenced positively by the level of respect, encouragement and support they received.
• Students valued the sense of belonging and community.
• Students were provided with time and encouragement to reflect on their past experiences, present circumstances and future prospects.
• Students appreciated the non-intimidating, supportive atmosphere; referring both to the physical and emotional environment.
• Students shared the importance of staff providing opportunities for one to one conversations about personal and academic challenges and the support that staff provided.
• Students expressed the importance of having opportunities to refine their interpersonal communication and social skills.
• Monitoring and Measuring Quality

The literature identifies several challenges with monitoring and measuring the quality of alternative education programs. At the root of this challenge is the question of what is determined to be a valuable outcome of alternative education. Educational leaders and governments tend to emphasize alternative education outcomes including futures-oriented goals such as educational achievement, student well-being, post-graduation outcomes and access to further education. In contrast, students emphasize the value of relationships, the sense of agency and identity, academic achievement, and opportunities to participate in activities that are both enjoyable and productive. Program staff emphasize the differences between students when they arrive and the observable positive changes that occur during the student’s time in the program.

Also at the root of the difficulty with monitoring and measuring program quality is the challenge associated with identifying and measuring outcomes with differing timelines including immediate, medium and long term outcomes. Some positive outcomes may be immediate while others may take time to be revealed. Some positive outcomes may be apparent in the short term, but are not maintained over longer periods. As a third root to the difficulty of monitoring and measurement is the question of whether or not alternative education programs should be held solely responsible for outcomes. The question asked is whether or not what happens in alternative education be separated from other factors in a community and in the students’ personal lives.

Moving Forward: Considerations for Greatest Impact

• Trauma Informed Practice

Students who have experienced adverse childhood experiences may experience trauma. The literature identifies trauma informed practice and trauma-skilled schools as key to the school success of these students.

• Trauma-skilled schools act on the understanding that trauma influences students’ beliefs, assumptions, reactions and learning. They build student resilience through connection, security, achievement, autonomy and fulfillment (awareness and concern for others).
• Trauma-skilled schools require buy-in from all staff, disciplinary policies that are sensitive to students, staff professional learning and strong relationships between school staff and mental health professionals.
• Trauma-sensitive strategies in schools can assist traumatized students even without a direct interaction with students. Schools that create a school culture of sensitivity through institutional implementation of trauma- informed practices can impact student outcomes t positively by cultivating in students the competencies required to build better futures.
• Student Engagement

Student engagement is an effective strategy for student success. As such, an emphasis on student engagement forms a critical component of schools for students experiencing vulnerability or for students seeking an alternative education experience by choice or both.

• Several studies point to student engagement as a critical factor in students’ academic success.
• Research demonstrates that student engagement is an effective strategy for students to develop academic, social emotional, career, and civic competencies.
• Student engagement responds to the challenges many students identify as reasons why they do not attend regularly or leave school altogether including boredom and lack of motivation
• Student engagement occurs when:
• Students have invested themselves, their energy and their commitment to the learning environment, both within and outside the classroom.
• Students willingly put forth the required effort to find a level of personal success academically, socially and emotionally, care about the success of others, including peers and adults, contribute meaningfully to the school and classroom climate and recognize that their presence is of value.
• Students recognize that learning is a personal endeavor.
• Students who are engaged:
• Sustain energy commitment to achieve goals for the purpose of personal growth rather than for a measure of student achievement or other external outcomes.
• Continue to perform a task until the desired outcome is achieved.
• Demonstrate a willingness to persist even in the face of obstacles.
• Exhibit positive emotions during the learning process.
• Student engagement involves:
• Authentic student voice.
• The incorporation of meaningful learning with authentic choice
• Student ownership and control over the learning process (empowerment and self-efficacy)
• Supportive learning environments with connection to both the school and broader communities
• High expectations for every student
• Innovative and suitable pedagogy
• Shared leadership among staff, students, families and the community
• Centering student voices and experiences with the goal of removing barriers to student success.

Having a growth mindset and a strength-based approach in education (for both educators and students) is critical to the success of all students, particularly those identified as at risk and experiencing academic challenges.

• Research on neuroplasticity indicates that human brains are highly adaptable and that every time humans learn something new the brain changes and reorganizes. We need to be cognizant regarding fixed-ability thinking about intelligence that may unintentionally limit student potential and achievement.
• Studies in brain science identify the impact of self-beliefs and the role of teachers in influencing self-beliefs.
• When educators approach student learning with the following key ideas in place (in combination with robust learning opportunities and a supportive, connected learning environment), students experience increased personal and academic success.
• Every time students learn something, their brains form, strengthen or connect neural pathways. Replacing the idea that learning ability is fixed with the recognition that everyone is on a growth journey results in increased student success.
• The times when students are struggling and making mistakes are the best times for brain growth. When students are presented with the right amount of challenge in a learning task and are willing to face obstacles and make mistakes in the learning process, they enhance neural connections expediting and improving the learning experience. The value of changing mindsets needs to be accompanied by different approaches to teaching involving students learning and trying new strategies and seeking input when they are stuck.
• When students change their beliefs, their bodies and brains physically change as well. Considerable evidence exists showing that students demonstrate progress when they believe in their learning potential and let go of ideas that their achievement is genetically determined. Therefore, it is critical to create opportunities for students to develop a growth mindset.
• A multidimensional approach to teaching and learning increases brain connectivity.
• Speed of thinking is not an accurate measure of aptitude, competence or mastery. Learning is optimized when students approach ideas and life with creativity and flexibility.
• Connecting with people and ideas enhances neural pathways and learning. Part of the reason students give up on learning is because they find it difficult and think they are alone in their struggle. An important change takes place when students work together and discover that everybody finds some or all of the work difficult. Additionally, collaboration provides students with opportunities to connect with another person’s ideas, something which requires and develops higher levels of understanding.

“If a child can’t learn the way we teach, maybe we should teach the way they learn.” Ignacio Estrada Pedagogy is at the core of teaching and learning. All students benefit from robust learning opportunities resulting from effective pedagogy. Pedagogies are specific configurations of teaching and learning in interaction, combining theory and practice and ways of thinking and implementing learning designs.

• Pedagogical expertise is exercised through:
• Effective classroom management (how teachers keep students organised, attentive and focused);
• A supportive climate (teacher-student relationships);
• Effective and authentic assessment practices; and
• The strong focus on students acquiring diverse competencies, the expectation that all learners achieve a higher level of educational attainment, and the expectation that all young people become lifelong learners with deep understandings and broad sets of socials skills
• Effective pedagogy requires teachers to pursue the proficient development of competencies.
• The learner-centred pedagogies (e.g., inquiry-based learning, project-based learning, collaborative learning) are particularly suitable to achieving deeper learning goals.
• Assessment of the core competencies demands the use of complex and authentic tasks rather than an excessive focus on discrete knowledge. Teacher modelling, demonstrations and the presentation of information remain highly relevant but framed with the ultimate objective of promoting students’ performance and their active role in solving tasks.
• Emphasizing competencies does not come at the expense of content knowledge and a deep grasp of substance. The reality is that both competencies and a deep understanding of content knowledge are needed.

What we know about learning and learners is constantly evolving. Youth today are navigating an increasingly complex world that requires more than just the basic skills and rote knowledge of the past. They need to be able to confront complex ethical questions, make informed decisions in the face of uncertainty and tackle open-ended questions in creative, critical and collaborative ways (Mehta and Fine, 2017). They will also need to be able to communicate and advocate for their own perspectives, engage in productive dialogue and decide amongst imperfect options. All students are capable of learning and contributing their full potential. Learners in our alternate school settings are often struggling with outside pressures, anxieties, learning disabilities, traumas, equity imbalance and disconnectedness from neighbourhood schools. As such, it is our moral imperative to celebrate our successes in these alternative school environments but also to review, revisit and challenge current practice.

It is clear from the research reviewed in this paper that further collaborative stakeholder discussion and exploration is needed amongst our school and district teams, regarding key foundational ideas and concepts. As educational leaders, we should consider providing clarity in terms of our definition of alternate education as it exists today, and work with to consider the criticisms within existing systems world-wide and the perceived barriers that might exist. Perhaps we could start by generating questions that emerge from each of the key ideas to provide the baseline for common language or a possible inquiry moving forward. Secondly, students who are successful in alternative settings have been regularly surveyed and report many positive experiences. Further research could be collected from those learners who perhaps feel they are becoming disenfranchised or disengaged from our alternative school settings. It might be relevant for us to reach out to those who are struggling with attendance, no longer coming or who are moving within and amongst systems.

Finally, when thinking about moving forward, the most current research suggests that we need to consider trauma informed practice, student engagement, mindset and pedagogy in order to experience the deepest learning impact. These would be topics to explore with our learners and leaders throughout the entire system in order to initiate the sustainable influence we are hoping to achieve for our students.

The purpose of this review was to provide a brief thematic analysis of the current research in the area of Alternative Education and to look at key themes presented in the research for working successfully with complex youth. As each school district is unique and no single alternative education program or structure will be able to transfer identically to all contexts, we are hoping that the research in this review will provide a guide for discussion moving forward. The key themes, the ideas for exploration, as well as the considerations for greatest impact presented in this paper will hopefully serve as the groundwork for collaborative conversation and planning to provide successful learning experiences and greatest possible life impact for our complex and diverse learners.

Shauna Ross

Twitter | LinkedIn | Email Shauna Ross' leadership vision is to act with a high level of integrity and ethics, collaborating with others to support, question, encourage and celebrate learning – allowing every student valuable opportunities to move forward with the knowledge, skills and competencies to live their best life. She has been blessed to work in education for over 20 years, in a variety of roles and in a variety of locations. Currently, she is thrilled to be thoroughly engaged in the role of Acting Director of Instruction for Continuous Learning in Surrey.

Joanna Angelidis

Twitter Joanna Angelidis is Director of Learning Services with the Delta School District. She is committed to the success of every student; believing that inclusion and equity are irrefutable truths and the responsibility all educators.

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• Mills, Martin and McGregor, Glenda. (2017). Alternative education. Oxford Research Encyclopedia, Education. Retrieved from: https://oxfordre.com/education/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190264093.001.0001/acrefore-9780190264093-e-40
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Theses and Dissertations

An autoethnographic analysis of school leadership in an alternative education environment.

LeRoi Jones

Date Approved

Embargo period, document type.

Dissertation

Degree Name

Ed.D. Educational Leadership

Educational Leadership

College of Education

Coaxum III, James

Alternative schools; High school principals

• Disciplines

Elementary and Middle and Secondary Education Administration

This research represents an extremely personalized account of the complicated field of educational leadership and analysis of my journey through two very different alternative education environments. I documented my leadership experience for this self study to further understand how my leadership impacted two alternative educational settings. Through the vantage point of my lens, I documented and recorded my experiences through artifacts, a digital journal, and personal documentation as an administrator using the qualitative method of autoethnography. This type of qualitative research brings the reader inside of my personal experiences as an administrator. Every school district has its own climate and culture. My evaluation through the methodology of autoethnography illustrated the complexities I faced as an administrator. My leadership experiences, personal challenges, faculty interactions, and how central office administration supported and challenged my leadership as an administrator in two different alternative educational settings were documented through my lived experiences as an educational leader. Through my analysis I experienced the political, cultural, and ethical perceptions as the self researcher investigating my leadership, which challenged me to reflect on my decisions that ultimately affected students. My analysis provided me with a profound understanding that leaders need support from central office to develop and continually build upon the organizational objectives such as positive school culture, caring teachers, and an environment conducive to learning, which were embedded in my educational mission. Leadership from my lens offered me the opportunity to foster change that was meaningful, which positively impacted students. I was able to grow professionally when support for my educational vision was realized and understood, however, the lack of support drastically changed my leadership focus. Within these two educational academic setting my focused shifted from changing the culture and setting high expectations for all students during my leadership experience at Wood Beach Alternative High School, to protecting the basic rights of students who I was responsible for educating during my tenure at Mountain View Alternative High School and the unethical behaviors from faculty and central office administration.

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Jones, LeRoi, "An autoethnographic analysis of school leadership in an alternative education environment" (2012). Theses and Dissertations . 244. https://rdw.rowan.edu/etd/244

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Article contents

Alternative education.

• Martin Mills Martin Mills University of Queensland
•  and  Glenda McGregor Glenda McGregor Griffith University
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190264093.013.40
• Published online: 27 July 2017

Alternative schooling has a long history. However, defining alternative schooling is difficult because it necessitates an answer to the question: “alternative to what?” It suggests that there is an accepted schooling archetype from which to differentiate. However, just what that model might be is likely to vary over time and place. In one perspective, alternative schools challenge what Tyack and Tobin, in 1994, referred to as the traditional grammar of schooling as it pertains to conventional forms of schooling developed in Western societies since the Industrial Revolution. Alternative schools challenge the taken-for-granted grammar of schooling variously through their organization, governance structures, curriculum, pedagogy, type of students, and/or particular philosophy. Certain types of alternative schools, including democratic schools, developmental and holistic alternative schools (e.g., Montessori and Waldorf/Steiner), and flexi schools, might offer lessons to the educational mainstream on how to be more inclusive and socially just. However, there are also ways in which they can work against such principles.

• alternative schools
• democratic schools
• Steiner/Waldorf
• flexi schools
• grammar of schooling
• social justice

Introduction

In this article we explore different types of alternative schools. We begin with a consideration of the term “alternative” followed by an exploration of three different modes of alternative schooling. We subsequently conclude with an analysis of the issues associated with alternative schooling in relation to social justice. Here we seek to elucidate the lessons from alternative schooling movements/models that will further the aims of creating an education system that caters to the needs of all young people.

The key question in considering alternative schools as a category is: “Alternative to what ?” In today’s climate when schools are increasingly becoming part of a “systemless system” (Lawn, 2013 ), as a consequence of devolution and differentiation through movements toward charter schools (United States), free schools and academies (England, Sweden), and independent public schools (Australia), it can become a little difficult to determine what is “alternative” and what is “mainstream.” To some extent, as Peter Kraftl ( 2013 ) has recognized, a mainstream/alternative binary is a fallacy. Furthermore, as Hope ( 2015 , p. 109) says of the United Kingdom: “there is not one cohesive alternative system.” Thus we contend that the term “alternative” is extremely problematic as it relates to a myriad of ways in which schools differ from traditional forms of schooling (Mills & McGregor, 2014 ; Quinn, Poirier, Faller, Gable, & Tonelson, 2006 ; Raywid, 1990 , 1994 ; te Riele, 2007 ; Woods & Woods, 2009 ).

In trying to come to grips with the term “alternative schooling,” we have used Raywid’s ( 1994 ) typology of three different types of provision because of its continued currency in contemporary educational landscapes. Type 1 includes schools that seek to develop innovative structures, curriculum, and pedagogies to engage young people in learning. These, she argues, are very much focused on student needs. Type 2 refers to flexi schools, second chance schools, or last chance schools. Such schools focus on “fixing up” the behavior of students and provide a curriculum that is very similar to that of mainstream schools. Type 3 also attempts to “fix” students, but with the aim of returning them to the mainstream. In this article we are primarily interested in Type 1 and Type 2 schools because Type 3 situates the “problem” within the student rather than the institution. We have argued elsewhere (see McGregor, Mills, te Riele, Baroutsis, & Hayes, 2017 ) that such a perspective reinforces social injustice and reproduction of class privilege. Here we focus on those alternative schools that stake a claim to an existence in their own right because of the different ways they approach the education of young people. Within Raywid’s typology, however, there is no mention of what these schools are “different from.”

In his working definition of what he calls alternative learning spaces, Kraftl ( 2013 ) provides the following insights. For him, “alternative educational approaches are those not administered, controlled and/or predominantly funded through state-sanctioned educational programmes assumed to be the ‘mainstream’ in countries where education is an assumed, universal right for children” (Kraftl, 2013 , p. 2). We find aspects of this definition useful for determining “alternative” educational sites because in most cases there is evidence of independence from a central government authority; however, they are usually still subject to accreditation regulations. However, as indicated above, the fragmentation of the mainstream poses new questions for those wanting to define “alternative” within the context of shifting educational landscapes. Within such a divided system it is theoretically possible for an English free school (a school set up by an organization or a group of individuals, funded by the government but not controlled by the local authority) to develop and market itself as a “democratic alternative school” while being completely dependent upon government funding. Thus, for our purposes here, we have chosen to use a definition of “alternative school” that clearly challenges traditional notions of schooling.

In this article we limit our discussion of “alternative schools” to those that in some way or other subvert/challenge/undermine what Tyack and Tobin ( 1994 ) call the “grammar of schooling”: that is, the taken-for-granted regulations, rules, and assumptions about how classrooms and schools are structured and operate. This might entail how decisions are made in respect of governance structures but also underpinning philosophies of education and development; how and what curriculum is implemented; how the school day is organized; the types of students enrolled; the nature of the school climate; and the engagement of non-educational staff in the daily life of the school. Thus, the ways in which a school might challenge the “grammar” of schooling could include all or some of these factors in a variety of combinations.

There is a long history of alternative schooling in many countries reflecting attempts to challenge conventional wisdom about schooling and to provide an alternative “grammar” of school organization through the inclusion of student voice in all matters related to schooling. These schools tend to be located within a democratic schooling tradition. In Kraftl’s ( 2013 ) terms, such schools tend to be “independent” in that they are autonomous from any form of central control and largely rely upon school fees to operate. The English school Summerhill, which opened in 1921 and continues to operate today, is the classic example of such an alternative school (see Neill, 1960 , 1970 ). As with the schools we discuss in the next section, the underpinning philosophy of the school when it was established was located within a context concerned about rising authoritarianism in Europe in the aftermath of World War I. Fundamental to this school’s foundation was, and still is, the belief that the students should be integrated into the decision-making processes of the school and have personal control over their daily lives. Examples of other schools that have adopted such democratic, student-centered approaches to the structures of schooling include the Sands School in Devon, England , Sudbury Valley School in Framingham, Massachusetts , and the Booroobin Sudbury School in Queensland, Australia (see Nagata, 2007 ).

It is often argued that alternative schools in the United States have their roots in the civil rights movements of the 1960s. These were schools that were designed to provide liberating curricula and ways of organizing and decision-making that reflected the democratic principles of such movements. They were thus in some ways a component or product of the countercultural revolution. It has also been argued that, in the United States, alternative education regained some momentum with the charter school and other similar programs (Kim & Taylor, 2008 ) that sought to give parents/caregivers choice in their children’s education. These schools fall into what could be loosely called a democratic tradition.

Other schools that fall into the “alternative” category are those that are part of a network of schools underpinned by a particular educational philosophy such as Montessori and Steiner/Waldorf. These philosophies are usually “child-centered” and are concerned not only with supporting the intellectual growth of students but also nurturing their emotional, social, and sometimes spiritual growth as well. In the main, these schools are independent from the government sector. However, there are some government schools, especially pre-schools (for example, in the United Kingdom and Australia), that have taken up the philosophy of one or more of these movements. These schools aside, the vast majority of such schools are dependent upon school fees for their operational budgets.

Schools shaped by paradigms of democracy and child-centered philosophies have largely developed in response to traditional forms of schooling and what their founders have seen as environments that, in various degrees, stifle young people’s creativity, deny them their rights, fail to develop them as well-rounded citizens, damage their emotional and spiritual well-being, and are overly concerned with developing young people as “human capital.” In recent times alternative schooling options have responded to the needs of those young people who might be deemed to be “disenfranchised” by virtue of their economic and social marginalization and subsequently exit the mainstream for a variety of reasons. In many ways these schools are often seen as “dumping grounds” for unwanted students (Mills, Renshaw, & Zipin, 2013 ). However, research shows (e.g., Mills & McGregor, 2014 ; te Riele, 2009 ) that such last-chance/flexi schools also offer alternative ways of engaging highly marginalized young people in education via their “non-school” like environments. Te Riele ( 2007 ) has developed a useful typology of such alternative provision based on whether the programs are long or short term and whether or not they are focused on changing young people or changing the way in which education is delivered and organized for them. In this article we focus on those schools that attempt the latter.

We reject binaries of “mainstream education bad”/“alternative schooling good.” There are schools that could be considered to be part of the mainstream that work to challenge many of the oppressive assumptions of “traditional schooling” (Lingard, Thomson, & Wrigley, 2011 ; Mills, 2015 ), and there are also schools within the alternative sector that work to reproduce existing inequalities and injustices through a lack of adequate curricular richness and diversity. However, on balance, it is our view that elements of many of these alternative schools provide some lessons for the mainstream in terms of supporting a more inclusive form of schooling. The first set of schools we consider are those we refer to as democratic schools. We then review Montessori and Waldorf/Steiner educational approaches and conclude this section with a discussion of flexible schooling models.

Democratic Schools

Concerns with democracy and education have had a long history (see, e.g., Dewey, 1916 ). So too have democratic alternative schools had a long tradition (Neill, 1960 , 1970 ). Such schools are usually perceived as alternatives to the mainstream due to their principles of governance. Within the structures of democratic schools, students tend to have much greater input into the key decisions that affect them than they do in conventional schools. These decisions can relate to attendance at class, curriculum, school rules, the employment of teachers, punishments for misdemeanors, everyday activities, and sometimes financial matters. The vast majority of such schools are fee paying, which may lead to accusations of being the prerogative of middle-class students. While there are justifications for such accusations, there are clearly many aspects to these schools that provide key lessons for mainstream schools concerned with educating their students in respect of democratic skills and a commitment to democracy more generally. Furthermore, there have been government schools that have also attempted to implement democratic procedures (see Apple & Beane, 1999 ; Fielding, 2007 , 2013 ; Fielding & Moss, 2011 ); however, to do so within the large bureaucracies of government schools usually proves much more difficult.

Democratic schools can be found in many locations (Gvirtz & Minvielle, 2009 ; Nagata, 2007 ; Neill, 1960 ). However, as many have pointed out, “democracy” can be a contested term (see Black, 2011 ; Mills & McGregor, 2014 ; Perry, 2009 ; Woods & Woods, 2009 ). There is not the space here to explore the nuances of the term. However, perhaps the distinction between “representative” and “direct” democracy constitutes the tension at the heart of democratic education (see Fielding, 2013 ). A representative democracy is a system in which members of that group elect others they trust or who have similar values to make decisions on their behalf. In terms of schooling, student representative councils best represent this form of democracy, although their decision-making capacities are usually very limited (Black, 2011 ). Direct democracy involves members of a community having an opportunity to provide input into all decisions that impact upon them. It is this form of democracy that tends to be advocated among those in the democratic schooling movement, as exemplified by the European Democratic Education Community (EUDEC) .

On its website, EUDEC suggests that there are two pillars to democratic education: “self-determined learning” and “a community based on equality and mutual respect.” It suggests that with the first “pillar,” learning can occur in conventional classrooms, although learning does not occur only there, but students have a say over how their time is spent, how their interests are incorporated into the curriculum and school organization, and how they prepare for their post-school pathways. The second pillar is concerned with creating an environment where all participants in the community have their rights and opinions respected. It is the school meeting that is usually central to these schools’ decision-making processes. It is perhaps Summerhill that has done more than any other school to promote the importance of the meeting to democratic schooling.

Summerhill, set up by A. S. Neill in 1921 , is one of the most famous and enduring democratic schools, has inspired the creation of democratic schools across the world, and still attracts an international student body (Stronach & Piper, 2009 ). The school’s website provides examples of its philosophy:

The important freedom at Summerhill is the right to play. All lessons are optional. There is no pressure to conform to adult ideas of growing up, though the community itself has expectations of reasonable conduct from all individuals. Bullying, vandalism or other anti-social behaviour is dealt with on-the-spot by specially elected ombudsmen, or can be brought to the whole community in its regular meetings.

In an era driven by performativity (Ball, 2003 , 2012 ) and concerns about risk (Beck, 1992 ), Summerhill, and schools like it, have been critiqued for their lack of focus on academic work and child safety, especially around issues of sex, and the possibility of physical harm through “risky” outdoor activities. Indeed, in 2000 England’s school regulatory body, the Office for Standards in Education (Ofsted), sought to have the school closed. This ended in a prolonged legal battle and political campaign, which saw the school being validated in its approaches and the government admonished. The school website provides details of this case . In more recent times Ofsted reports have been much more positive. For example, in 2011 their report on the school stated:

Strengths of the school include outstanding pupils’ spiritual, moral, social and cultural development and outstanding promotion of pupils’ welfare health and safety, including effective safeguarding procedures. Pupils’ behaviour is outstanding and they make good progress. The curriculum and teaching and assessment are good.

It is often the notion that “lessons are optional” that raises concerns of those worried that children and young people will abuse this freedom, thereby learning “nothing.” However, the proponents of the philosophy underpinning the school counter this with the argument that the compulsion to learn does not lead to “real” learning and may do more damage than good. The Summerhill website quotes A. S. Neill:

Creators learn what they want to learn in order to have the tools that their originality and genius demand. We do not know how much creation is killed in the classroom with its emphasis on learning. I have seen a girl weep nightly over her geometry. Her mother wanted her to go to university, but the girl’s whole soul was artistic. The notion that unless a child is learning something the child is wasting . . . time is nothing less than a curse—a curse that blinds thousands of teachers and most school inspectors.

The school has also received criticism based on child safety issues. Stronach and Piper ( 2009 ) undertook research there as part of a project on “touch” in schools. The school is one where pupils and teachers were known to “touch each other.” For example, the school had been critiqued in a “mini-inspection” in 2001 for allowing “inappropriate touching” because an inspector had witnessed a child being given a piggyback ride by a teacher (Stronach & Piper, 2009 , p. 51). As part of their research, they saw this as a nonsensical issue. While the students and teachers had close relationships, the lack of privacy (what they referred to as a “benign panopticon”), combined with students’ heavy involvement in the decision- and rule-making processes of the school, the opportunities for students to raise matters that concerned them, and students’ confidence to do, so meant that these matters were seen as something that belonged to the “outside world.” They indicated instead that the ways in which students and teachers negotiated relationships was a key component of the learning at Summerhill. They suggested that the school environment:

provoked relationships based on self-knowledge and negotiated spaces that were potentially learning-rich in all sorts of social ways. People learned to read each other, and hence themselves, in a kind of social dialectic: in such interaction varying degrees of “relational touch” were negotiated. And the panopticon features were available, more or less, to all. (Stronach & Piper, 2009 , p. 58)

They also indicated that most concerns about safety raised by students related to outside activities involving tree climbing, skateboarding, and various forms of play. The students were involved in making some rules to make various activities safer—for example, not carrying sticks that were bigger then the person carrying them. However, for students the risks associated with growing up were important ones for learning. According to one student: “whatever you do there’s a chance you’ll hurt yourself and if you can’t have chances like that, you can’t live” (Stronach & Piper, 2009 , p. 57).

While Summerhill is perhaps the most well known of schools in the democratic tradition, it is certainly not alone. Mills and McGregor ( 2014 ), for example, provide case study data on another democratic school in the United Kingdom that was run as a community where all students and staff contributed to the running of the school via the school meeting. Teachers at the school in Mills and McGregor described the school meeting as the “school executive.” It was here that decisions about staff pay, suspensions, school rules, and so on were debated, made, and reinforced. These meetings, while often guided by the teachers, demonstrated that young people could be very involved and committed to the process and to reaching a satisfactory outcome. Within these meetings, students of all ages, teachers, and sometimes other workers in the school made decisions together. In some democratic schools, teachers (or key personnel) have the right to veto decisions considered dangerous; in other schools there is no right of veto. The European Democratic Education Community (EUDEC) suggests that the product of this form of organization is “tolerant, open-minded, responsible individuals who know how to express their opinions and listen to those of others; well-educated, active citizens for a modern democratic society.”

In the Mills and McGregor study ( 2014 ), students at some schools indicated that at times there were stresses put on them when they had to determine outcomes for other students or teachers who had not gone along with agreed-upon rules or when they themselves were the subject of the meeting. In one instance a teacher had been asked to leave the school by the school meeting because of his apparent failure to respect the values of the school. He had been appointed when they had had only one application for a science teacher. The decision-making process that preceded this had included discussions at school meetings to assess the teacher’s progress followed by consultations with other staff and the provision of various means of support to learn the values and ways of working of the school. However, the teacher resigned at the last of such meetings. One teacher stated:

I remember the final meeting which I think lasted about two or three days, because he was very emotional he loved the school and he was in the school meeting and he was in tears and it was “please” you know “I can change” and I remember after the final meeting when he finally offered his resignation, a couple of kids coming to us and going, “ometimes I just wish someone would make the decisions for us.” So, you know there is a responsibility in a sense, and it’s difficult it’s not easy. (Mills & McGregor, 2014 , p. 77)

That it is “not easy” is a point made by Stronach and Piper ( 2009 ). They note that at Summerhill the meeting is a place of conflict as well as consensus. They point out that laws are devised and voted upon, transgressions are considered, issues of right and wrong debated, and general policies considered. At Summerhill, any student may “bring up” a teacher or student who has offended them and the offense is considered in depth. However, they also say that “[t]here is a clear element of persuasion, and also of public shaming, in these arrangements, but no signs of scapegoating. It is held, even, that those ‘brought up’ seldom resent their accusers” (Stronach & Piper, 2009 , p. 53).

Stronach and Piper ( 2009 ) conclude that these democratic practices do work to support the development of student identity and “democratic friendly relations between pupils of different age, gender, ethnic group and nationality.” Issues of racism, sexism, and homophobia are, they indicate, not tolerated in the school because of these democratic practices. Other democratic schools would argue the same.

Some teachers relished the prospect of taking such practices into the mainstream. For example, a teacher in an English democratic school stated:

I’d love at some point to take this idea, adapt it and put it into Brixton, put it into inner city London where there’s forty different languages spoken in the class—somewhere where alternative education isn’t such a thing—that would be a huge challenge. (Mills & McGregor, 2014 , p. 80)

Democratic schools challenge the traditional grammar of schooling, which is largely based upon age-based hierarchical power structures that continue to inhibit the uptake of democratic practices and philosophies.

Another set of alternative schools that are grounded in notions of freedom, although without the commitment to democratic traditions, include those that shape their approach to education via an emphasis on holistic human development, often including spiritual dimensions to these processes. In contrast to the conventional industrial model of mass education, such schools adhere to educational philosophies that are child-centered and individualistic. To exemplify this approach, we have chosen to discuss Waldorf/Steiner and Montessori schools, which, despite having their roots in the progressive movements of the late 19th and early 20th centuries , continue to flourish globally in the 21st century .

Developmental and Holistic Educational Alternatives

The educational progressivism of the late 19th century challenged the traditions of a classical education based upon preparation for university, which was heavily circumscribed by social class. Schools that sought a new educational paradigm targeted the poor and experimented with philosophical and/or developmental frameworks. Two that have continued to the present day are considered here: Montessori education and Steiner/Waldorf education.

Montessori Education

The origins of Montessori education date back to 1897 in Rome, when Maria Montessori ( 1870–1952 ), Italy’s first female physician, began to develop her theories while still a student. Initially, Maria Montessori’s work concerned ways to educate children with special needs, and for this she turned to her scientific background and medical training. Her successes in this field led her to wonder whether her methods would work with children generally—in particular with the children of the poor who, at the time, were not considered to be “educable” (Thayer-Bacon, 2012 ). In 1907 she opened her own school in a warehouse, and through detailed observations of her students and experimentations with classroom resources and structures, she developed a pedagogical framework that, today, continues to have influence globally (Rathunde, 2009 ). This first school provided the children with a range of previously selected learning materials from which they could choose; they were free to move around the room according to their academic interests and learn at their own pace. This “radical” approach proved to be extremely successful and attracted national and international attention (Thayer-Bacon, 2012 ).

Like Neill, Montessori’s ideas drew upon impulses toward educational progressivism in the late 19th and early 20th centuries that sought to create a more peaceful world by educating children in ways that would allow them to develop their full potential as thinking, feeling, creative human beings (Edwards, 2002 ). There are also connections with the theory of American progressive educationalist John Dewey’s ( 1859–1952 ) and “constructivist” theorists Jean Piaget ( 1896–1980 ) and Lev Vygotsky ( 1896–1934 ) (Glassman, 2001 ; Ültanır, 2012 ).

Montessori education combines human development theory and a constructionist approach to learning via an emphasis upon what Montessori saw as children’s “natural curiosity,” freedom to move and choose activities within a structured learning environment: “The Montessori pedagogy encourages individual creativity when solving problems, teaches independence, and supports the development of self-control with the teacher assuming the role of ‘facilitator’ ” (Ültanır, 2012 , p. 204; see also Montessori, 1996 ).

Montessori sought to “decenter” the role of the teacher so as to allow children to question their learning and focus intently upon it for as long as they wished according to their interests (Montessori, 1912 ). In sum, the child becomes the center of learning. In order for students’ developmental needs to be supported, Montessori structured the curriculum so that it moved from basic skills to more complex ones. A constructivist approach allows that “[a]t any one time in a day all subjects—practical work, math, language, science, history, geography, art, music, etc.—will be studied, at all levels, by children of mixed ages learning from each other, facilitated by careful observation, individual lessons, record keeping, and help of the teacher (Ültanır, 2012 , p. 205).

Montessori’s support for in the “innate” progress of psychological development and consequently children’s spontaneous choices being right for optimal development was coupled with an emphasis on students’ capacity for “deep concentration.” This latter focus has led some researchers (see, e.g., Rathunde & Csikszentmihalyi, 2006 ) to see her work as confirming ideas about the efficacy of connecting mind and body during learning “because it facilitates student experiences of deep engagement and interest that have been referred to as flow . . . associated with intrinsically motivated learning and talent development” (Rathunde, 2009 , p. 189, italics in original). Indeed, Montessori herself pointed to this aspect of her work as key to her theory that individual learning was more influenced by the “delicate inner sensibilities intrinsic to life” (Rathunde, 2009 , p. 195) than by external environmental elements.

Montessori’s system was developed to accommodate young children from birth to age twelve; she was working on a framework for adolescents when she died in 1952 (Montessori, 1996 ). As an alternative educational framework, Montessori education has maintained a considerable global presence. The North American Montessori Teachers’ Association (NAMTA) estimates that worldwide there are around 20,000 Montessori schools. However, according to head director of the Maria Montessori School in Notting Hill, England, and editor of the Montessori Review , “Montessori is not a registered name and . . . it is possible to set up a school and call it Montessori even if you do not have any Montessori trained teachers and not one piece of Montessori material” (Livingston, 2016 ). The only way to check whether a school is following Maria Montessori’s framework closely is to search for information about teacher training and school accreditation on Montessori websites relevant to individual countries and the Association Montessori Internationale (AMI) , which Montessori set up in 1929 . This organization was established to protect the integrity of Montessori education through teacher training, dissemination of information, and the sale of materials and resources.

In terms of challenging the grammar of schooling, Montessori education focuses attention upon the internal psychological and developmental elements of each individual child so as to shape learning experiences. While sharing some commonalities with Montessori, Steiner education demonstrates key differences in respect of its framing of a developmental and holistic approach to schooling.

Waldorf/Steiner Education

Waldorf/Steiner education takes its name from its founder, Rudolf Steiner, and the company in Stuttgart Germany where its ideas were first tested on the children of the employees of the Waldorf-Astoria Cigarette Company in 1919 (Dhondt, Van de Vijver, & Verstraete, 2015 ). Steiner’s educational framework drew upon late 19th-century progressive educational thinking (to which Maria Montessori was a major contributor, as noted earlier) and was developed during a period during which many thinkers sought to create a better social order in the aftermath of World War I (Ashley, 2009 ). Part of the progressive impulse was to have schools that were not only coeducational and non-denominational but that catered to children of all economic and social backgrounds. In contrast to educational progressivism of the early 20th century that favored a child-centered approach to education ( vom Kinde aus , from the child itself), Steiner emphasized the authority of the teacher for educational success, going as far as to say that children had a need for authoritative (not authoritarian ) teachers (Uhrmacher, 1995 ).

In terms of child development, Steiner identified three stages during which he considered certain aspects dominant: 0–7 years—the time of imitation and physical control; 7–14 years—the time of feeling/aesthetic senses; and 14–21 years—the time of thinking and judgment (Ashley, 2009 ). There is some debate about the degree to which Steiner saw these as fixed as he also referred at other times to the impact of the individual development of the child (Dhondt et al., 2015 ).

Central to Steiner’s thinking was the notion of individual freedom as the ultimate outcome of education (Carlgren, 1972 ). The theory he developed from this emerged as the philosophical foundation for the Waldorf approach, which he named “anthroposophy.” Steiner’s “anthroposophy” had its roots in his prior involvement in European Theosophical societies, which were grounded in desires to understand the psychic and mystical realms of existence via the study of various combinations of world and ancient religions, science, and philosophy. However, in 1912 Steiner deviated from such groups by setting up his own version—the Anthroposophical Society (Uhrmacher, 1995 ). Literally meaning “the wisdom of man” (Ashley, 2009 ), anthroposophy posited that the material, visible world was inseparable from and intertwined with the spiritual world:

Like Spinoza and Goethe, Steiner embraced what philosophers call “psychophysical double aspectism.” That is, the mind and body are inseparable: What affects the body is experienced in the mind, consciously or unconsciously, through emotions or thoughts . . . The goal of the process of knowledge is to raise one’s consciousness so that one can experience (or inwardly see) ideas in addition to sense perceptions. In this way, concept and percept become one. This last point leads to the second key tenet behind Anthroposophy: human beings have the potential to perceive and enter into the spiritual world. (Uhrmacher, 1995 , pp. 386–387)

Anthroposophy also embraced beliefs in reincarnation and one’s ability to “develop the soul” here on earth. Therefore, there are key elements of Waldorf education that set it apart from secular models. Ashley sums it up thus: “Anthroposophy underpins a pedagogy of education toward freedom that sees schools and teachers charged with the sacred task of helping the child’s threefold being (body, soul and spirit) to incarnate” ( 2009 , p. 210).

The curriculum is structured according to Steiner’s three stages of child development, with pedagogy designed to follow the natural inclinations of the child during those periods. For example, during the early years, teachers engage in modeling behavior; middle-year students would require a lot of visuals and storytelling; and finally, in the senior years of schooling, young people would engage in more challenging dialogues with teachers as they apply more sophisticated thinking to their learning and become more inclined to question the authority of their teachers. Within this context, there is also an emphasis upon developing the imagination and integrating intellectual and artistic endeavors for a more holistic approach to learning that prioritizes the role of human interaction and the spiritual development and well-being of each child (Woods, Ashley, & Woods, 2005 ). Consequently, the use of communication technologies may be delayed until high school, and books come second to the “wisdom” and inspiration provided by teachers (Ashley, 2009 ). However, according to a report on Steiner schools in England commissioned by the Department for Education and Skills: “The Steiner school curriculum is not designed to guide and encourage young people into becoming adherents of anthroposophy. Rather, Steiner education and the mainstream sector share the goal of enabling pupils to grow into adults capable of thinking for themselves and making independent judgements” (Woods et al., 2005 , p. 6).

Other features of Steiner education noted in the report include an emphasis on rhythm (eurythmy/the art of movement), rituals, symbols, and ceremony and a focus on individuals and as members of the community. In terms of governance and decision-making processes, Steiner schools aim to be collegial and non-hierarchical (Woods et al., 2005 ). Thus the Waldorf/Steiner alternative to the traditional grammar of schooling provides a unique blend of developmental and spiritual individualism combined with democratic impulses and authoritative teaching practices, albeit with identified weaknesses that relate to the cult status often attributed to Steiner and social justice issues pertaining to race and class (Ashley, 2009 ).

Steiner Education Australia estimates that globally there are over 1,050 such schools in 60 countries. National organizations include the Association of Waldorf Schools of North America, Steiner Waldorf Schools Fellowship (United Kindom and Ireland), and Steiner Education Australia. International organizations like the European Council for Steiner Waldorf Education are responsible for certifying the use of the name “Steiner” and “Waldorf” with regard to setting up such models of schooling (Dhondt et al., 2015 ). Steiner/Waldorf schools operate in the independent educational sector, and therefore parents pay fees, albeit often on a sliding scale based on need. Thus, as with most democratic schools, it is often the children of middle-class white parents who are able to access this alternative model of education. The right of Steiner schools to refuse admission to children without explanation has class and social implications (Ashley, 2009 ; Woods et al., 2005 ).

In exemplifying attempts to provide developmental and holistic educational alternatives to the mainstream via a discussion of Montessori and Waldorf/Steiner educational frameworks, we do not suggest that they are the sole providers and the best models. “Developmentalism” has been criticized for its rigidity when used to determine what and when children are capable of learning (Ashley, 2009 ). The resistance on the part of Waldorf/Steiner education to embracing new technologies has also been cited as problematic (Ashley, 2009 ). However, the fact that they have continued to draw adherents well into the 21st century suggests that there are many elements of both systems that are attractive to parents and their children. Additionally, there appears to be a strong resonance between many of their beliefs and practices and those of the most recent iteration of alternative schools—“flexi” and “second chance.”

Flexi or Second Chance Schools

The third category of alternative schooling we are concerned with here are those non–fee-paying schools that work with young people who no longer fit into the mainstream system. They are sometimes referred to as “second chance schools” (see, e.g., Gallagher, 2010 ). However, this term is contested, and many other ways of describing the schools have been used; for example, te Riele ( 2012 ) refers to such schools as “learning choices.” We tend to use the term “flexi school” because in many ways “flexibility” encompasses key facets of this type of educational offering. In the English context these schools are known as “alternative provision,” to which students are referred. They remain the responsibility of the referring school. Either the school or the local authority funds such placements (Department for Education, 2016 ). These sites best reflect Raywid’s Type 3 because of the emphasis on “fixing” the child off-site.

The alternative schools we are concerned with here primarily cater to the needs of young people who have “dropped out” or have been “pushed out” of mainstream schools and have nowhere else to go. The students who attend these schools tend to be from poor backgrounds and/or marginalized cultural backgrounds. Some operate as schools to which young people have to be referred; in other situations they operate as schools that are open to all. They have become an important feature of many international systems (see, e.g., Harper, Heron, Houghton, O’Donnell, & Sargent, 2011 ), but there have been significant concerns about this largely unregulated system in England (Ofsted, 2016 ). Such schools have been accused of perpetuating racism and sexist stereotypes (Thomson & Russell, 2007 ) and of providing opportunities for the mainstream to treat unwanted students as waste (Mills et al., 2013 ). At the same time, it is important to note that for many of the young people who attend these schools, it was their only chance to access an education (McGregor, Mills, te Riele, & Hayes, 2015 ; te Riele, 2006 , 2007 , 2009 ). Thus, of the types of alternative schools discussed so far, we suggest that many flexi schools operate within a more clearly defined paradigm of social justice loosely framed around matters of distribution, recognition of difference, and, in some instances, increased opportunities for the exercise of student voice (Fraser, 1997 , 2010 ). Their mission is to be inclusive of all students.

Common characteristics of these schools include the provision of social supports (e.g., social workers, access to housing, legal aid, food, and transport), flexible arrangements around attendance, length of school day, and dress codes, and informalities around names (e.g., teachers being called by their first names). In some cases they provide child care so that young women who have small children can bring them to school. Many of these schools make it possible for young people confronted by poverty and other difficult life circumstances to attend school. They also tend to be much smaller than mainstream schools. Mills and McGregor ( 2014 ) explored a range of schools that fell into this category. Some examples from that research give an indication of the type of school in the sector. One of the schools, for example, began its life in a park with homeless young people, another began in a house to support pregnant school girls who had felt marginalized within and/or discouraged from attending their mainstream school, and another had begun as a community project in a rural town with young people who had “dropped out” of school and which was later supported by the government system through mainstream school resources.

In the vast majority of cases young people are highly positive about their flexi schools (Bills, Cook, & Wexler, 2015 ; Lagana-Riordan et al., 2011 ; McGregor & Mills, 2012 ; te Riele, 2007 ; Thomson & Pennacchia, 2015 ). Students often indicate that if it was not for the existence of these schools it would be unlikely that they would participate in any form of education. Indeed, many students have suggested that they would have been involved with drugs, crime, and/or other “anti-social” activities if it was not for their flexi school. A significant body of literature on these schools also highlights the positive contrast that students in these schools make between their current school and their former mainstream school (see, e.g., McGregor & Mills, 2012 ). Students highlight increased personal attention, positive and caring relations with staff, support for a myriad of “differences,” and the peaceful approaches to conflict resolution. Some also note the more connected curriculum and the individualized learning support provided by flexi schools (McGregor et al., 2015 ). However, being positive about their flexi school, especially in comparison with their former mainstream school, does not mean that young people are necessarily receiving a high-quality education or that some do not have a preference for their original school (Kim & Taylor, 2008 ; Thomson & Pennacchia, 2015 ). Indeed, some students in some sites have expressed concerns that they are not being challenged enough and that they are being denied the opportunities available to students in mainstream schools. Having a caring environment without strong curricular offerings is thus insufficient for the provision of a meaningful and socially just education.

Research has highlighted the strengths and weaknesses evident in the flexi school sector. For example, Mills and McGregor ( 2014 ) describe the ways in which these schools pay attention to issues of distribution (Fraser, 1997 ), that is, how they have addressed issues of economic disadvantage by ensuring that the young people are able to attend and remain in school via the provision of material support. In the United States Lagana-Riordan et al. ( 2011 ) were positive about the outcomes of these schools in terms of young people’s engagement in learning. However, in England, Thomson and Pennacchia ( 2015 ) have drawn attention to the relationships between the highly behaviorist routines in schools there, the population of these schools by young people who are “on the edges of the mainstream,” and limited curriculum offerings (with the social sciences and languages being largely absent), all of which work against students improving their future life chances. The issue of limited curriculum was also identified by Dunning-Lozano ( 2016 ) as an issue in similar types of U.S. alternative schools. She noted, for example, that languages were often absent from the curriculum in continuation schools in California, which, being a prerequisite for college entrance, effectively shut down that pathway for them post-school. Lange and Sletten ( 2002 ) also suggest that academic gains are inconsistent in these schools, pointing to the need to ensure that the curriculum and pedagogical practices are sufficiently robust to ensure meaningful learning. Hence, the contribution of these schools to their students’ academic trajectories is of variable quality across the sector.

How flexi schools attend to issues of cultural justice or reflect a concern with valuing of difference has also been inconsistent. In Australia, Shay and Heck ( 2015 ) draw attention to the high numbers of Indigenous students in flexible learning schools in that country. However, their work highlights many of the positives that emanate from some of these schools. They draw attention to the research that demonstrates the ways in which Indigenous learners can be engaged in schooling and suggest that these are present in the schools that featured in their research. These factors include nurturing the cultural identity of students, the awareness and cultural competency of educators, engagement with Indigenous families and communities, the presence of Indigenous cultures in schools, the employment of Indigenous peoples in schools, and the importance of leadership in all of these areas (Shay & Heck, 2015 , pp. 40–41). While they note the high levels (compared with the mainstream sector) of Indigenous peoples employed in these schools, they maintain that further research is needed to consider the ways in which these schools are benefiting young Indigenous people and how they are engaging with the suggestions about how conventional schools can support Indigenous learners.

Quinn et al. ( 2006 ) examined school climate in “exemplary alternative programs in three racially and economically diverse communities” in the United States. Their work suggested that students who had been perceived at their original schools to have been “trouble” tended “to flourish in alternative learning environments where they believe that their teachers, staff, and administrators care about and respect them, value their opinion, establish fair rules that they support, are flexible in trying to solve problems, and take a non-authoritarian approach to teaching” (Quinn et al., 2006 , p. 16). Other alternative schools in this space (e.g., California’s continuation schools) have been criticized for the ways in which they embed inequalities based on whiteness in the school systems. This accusation is based on the claim that they remove “undesirable” black children (often boys) from mainstream high schools and condemn them to an education in an alternative school that has limited opportunities (Dunning-Lozano, 2016 ). Kim and Taylor ( 2008 ), in their examination of “Prairie Alternative High School” in the United States also conclude that at this school there was a rejection of “culturally responsive teaching.” An important aspect of inclusive pedagogies is an understanding of the students’ existing knowledges, interests, and cultural and social background.

Unlike the democratic alternative schools, ensuing that students have a voice, or what some refer to as political justice (Fraser, 2010 ), does not appear to be a major focus of flexi schools, although there are some notable exceptions (Baroutsis, McGregor, & Mills, 2015 ). For example, Kim and Taylor ( 2008 ) note in their research on an alternative school that students felt they had no say in their schooling. For many of the young people in these schools, immediate survival needs are often prioritized over educational needs. For example, if someone is fleeing a domestic violence relationship or has nowhere to sleep for the night, concerns with “voice” in the classroom and the school might well seem quite secondary. However, Hargreaves’s ( 2011 ) National Centre for Vocational Education Research (NCVER) At a Glance report, exploring how young people in Australia fared in respect of education and training during the period 2006–2010 , notes that an important element in assisting young people to re-engage with education and training is the practice of helping them to identify their own learning and training needs. For Hargreaves ( 2011 ), there is a strong emphasis on having respect for the learning needs and capacities of the individual. This is supported by Hayes ( 2012 ), who argues the case for “doing school differently” so as to enable young people to manage their lives while pursuing an education (see also Boyd, McDowall, & Farrall, 2006 ). According to De Jong and Griffiths ( 2006 ), in addition to the provision of pastoral care, alternative educational provision must include “student ownership of their learning program; planned future pathways; and, literacy and numeracy development.”

Concerns have been raised about the alternative education sector that is working with marginalized students in terms of it acting as a “dumping ground” for students “unwanted” by the education system (Kim, 2011 ; Kim & Taylor, 2008 ; Mills, Renshaw, & Zipin, 2013 ). Indeed, De Jong and Griffiths ( 2006 ) has expressed concerns that the increased use of alternative education programs for younger and younger students can lead to them being separated from the mainstream and its benefits and that “poorly constructed and resourced” programs will reinforce students’ poor outcomes from schooling. Associated with this is the possibility that the young people will come to see themselves in deficit ways. For some students, being referred to a flexi school represents “failure” in the mainstream and stigma is often attached to those young people who attend these schools (Dovemark & Beach, 2015 ; Kim & Taylor, 2008 ). This is exacerbated by some of the terminology used to describe these students. For example, in some recent reports that focus on alternative schooling and disengagement (see, e.g., KPMG, 2009 ), there is a focus upon the student as being “at risk.” However, this “at-risk label has connotations of deficiencies in young people themselves and suggests there is a need to ‘fix’ the young person in some way” (te Riele, 2007 , p. 56). However, te Riele’s “building-on-strengths” (not focusing on deficits) approach to marginalized young people is reflected in practice in flexi schools in many international jurisdictions. In Belfast, for example, Gallagher in The Second Chance School ( 2010 , p. 456) articulates this perspective well:

The centre aims to celebrate the potential of young people. The ethos of the centre is based on concepts of a fresh start, building bridges and turning negatives into positives. The approach adopted by the staff is based around building secure relationships with pupils so that meaningful progress can be made in the areas of behaviour management, personal and social development and academic achievement.

Overall, we see a lack of coherence in terms of quality in alternative education provision, regardless of location. Some sites have philosophies and practices that open up new possibilities for their students, while others may actually limit student options because the schools neglect curricular aspects of their programs. However, like Ross and Gray ( 2005 ), we are interested in the way in which such forms of schooling can contribute to a high-quality schooling system that provides meaningful education (McGregor et al., 2015 ; see also Aron, 2006 ; Aron & Zweig, 2003 ). In the United States, Quinn et al. ( 2006 , p. 16), in their examination of school climate in three effective alternative programs in urban areas, concluded:

Based on these findings we can posit that students identified as troubled or troubling tend to flourish in alternative learning environments where they believe that their teachers, staff and administrators, care about and respect them, value their opinion, establish fair rules that they support, are flexible in trying to solve problems, and take a non-authoritarian approach to teaching.

As this research demonstrates, however well intentioned they might be, it is not enough for alternative schools to be places that simply “care” for young people. Kim and Taylor ( 2008 ), for example, argue that “Prairie Alternative High School” was, indeed, a caring place; however, they also contend that it was doing little to break “the cycle of educational inequality” (Kim & Taylor, 2008 , p. 208). In this school, many of the students indicated that they wanted to go to college; however, the school’s focus on “credit recovery” did not facilitate this goal (Kim & Taylor, 2008 ). As they suggested: “Their dreams required a more rigorous college-bound curriculum and career counselling” (Kim & Taylor, 2008 , p. 213). Echoing De Jong and Griffiths ( 2006 ) and Kim and Taylor ( 2008 , p. 208) also argue that:

A school program is beneficial to students when it provides content, processes, rigor, and concepts that they need to develop and realize their future career goals. A school program that is beneficial to students engages them and leads them through varying processes to critical thinking and synthesis of the concepts and content. Conversely, a school program that is not beneficial to students is behavioristic, positivistic, and reductive. That is, the focus of the program is primarily on an either-or dichotomy: It addresses only lower order thinking and processing skills and does not move students toward their future career goals.

By virtue of the ways in which they attempt to address issues of distribution, recognition of difference (Fraser, 1997 ), and, in some cases, student voice, we suggest that flexi schools are challenging the traditional grammar of schooling. Furthermore, we contend that the lessons here have purchase in all schools and can be used to understand how to engage young people in the learning process, how to organize schools in ways that can keep young marginalized people in education, and how to take account of their learning needs. The question is: Does this have to occur in an alternative learning space, or is it something that should be happening in all schools?

Prior to the late 19th century , educational provision was largely restricted to the wealthy and privileged in Western societies. Industrialization and subsequent requirements for a more educated workforce gave rise to mass schooling largely modeled on the workhouse, with hierarchical power structures. The creation of human capital needed to drive national economies has been a key factor shaping education policies ever since (Apple, 2013 ). Philanthropic concerns for the children of the poor coupled with interests in the “new” science of developmental psychology encouraged experimentation in alternative models of schooling such as Montessori and Waldorf/Steiner. Progressive educational theories such as those espoused by Dewey ( 1916 ) that connected psychological and social elements of schooling laid the foundations for contemporary dialogues about the manner, method, and purposes of schooling. In the aftermath of 20th-century world wars, notions of children’s rights have given rise to democratic schools as pioneered by A. S. Neill’s Summerhill, established in 1921 . While noting their different histories and philosophical framings, what these schools share is a common purpose: to do school differently —to change the “grammar of schooling” so as to respond more accurately and justly to the needs of young people as identified within their particular alternative models. The degree to which democratic, Montessori, and Waldorf/Steiner schools create socially just and inclusive contexts for education is open to debate due to criticisms largely related to class along with specific issues for Montessori (developmentalism) and Waldorf/Steiner (race, spiritualism, dated learning methods) schools. Nevertheless, schools founded in these traditions continue to influence alternative educational thinking and to attract a strong following.

Flexi-schools have also developed in response to the inflexibility and hierarchical nature of mainstream schools and the inability of some to cater to the needs of highly marginalized young people. As an alternative model of schooling, flexi schools exhibit strong impulses toward the achievement of social justice. Through their provision of material support for young people coupled with nurturing, respectful, and inclusive environments, flexi schools seek to “clear the path” for learning for disenfranchised and marginalized young people. However, concerns about the quality of the curriculum in some flexi schools and, often, a lack of meaningful student voice in the democratic tradition indicate that work still needs to be done to ensure that young people who attend flexi (“second chance”) schools do not receive a “second-class” education. Furthermore, there are concerns that the increase in numbers and popularity of these schools reflect a growing trend among mainstream schools to use flexi schools to abrogate their responsibilities to those students whom the mainstream is unable to engage in meaningful learning. As such, despite their good intentions, flexi schools might be seen to be complicit in the creation of a third tier of educational provision that actually helps maintain the conventional “grammar of schooling” in mainstream institutions by allowing them to send “the problem” of “disengaged” students to an alternative education provider, thus stifling the impetus for meaningful long-term reform of conventional ways of “doing school” or “rewriting the grammar of schooling.”

We are of the view that schools should be publically provided at no cost to all young people; we subscribe to a model of schooling that delivers a curriculum that recognizes and values difference, that challenges young people’s thinking in meaningful ways, and that provides them with the capacities to act upon and change the worlds in which they live; we advocate for young people to be given opportunities for making meaningful decisions about their education and enhancing democratic relationships within schools; and we are committed to the principles of social justice that see schooling as a means by which the most marginalized within a society can experience an education that is both free from and seeks to undermine oppression in all its many forms. As such, we suggest that the current grammar of schooling requires rethinking and new sets of guidelines, principles, and rules. To this end, we contend that alternative models of schooling provide some insights into what these might be.

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• Quinn, M. , Poirier, J. , Faller, S. , Gable, R. , & Tonelson, S. W. (2006). An examination of school climate in effective alternative programmes. Preventing School Failure: Alternative Education for Children and Youth , 51 (1), 11–17.
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Dissertations

Alternative education programs: an exploration of programs and supports to reduce juvenile recidivism among at-risk youth.

Sarah Elizabeth VanRensselaer , University of Northern Colorado

First Advisor

Harding, Jennifer

Document Type

Dissertation

Date Created

College of Education and Behavioral Sciences, Teacher Education, Teacher Education Student Work

An exploration of alternative education programs and their relationship to juvenile recidivism was the focus of this narrative analysis. A constructivist epistemology and an interpretivist paradigm formed the conceptual framework, both of which aligned with the theoretical framework of Zimmerman’s (2008) self-regulated learning theory. The research questions focused on how alternative education programs impacted juvenile recidivism with a focus on 10 alternative education participants in Southeast, Wyoming, who have participated in the juvenile justice system. The use of multiple cases, coding, and collaboration between the researcher and the participants were used to ensure trustworthiness of this research. Results indicated the effectiveness of alternative education programs were perceived to be beneficial in reducing juvenile recidivism among at-risk youth.

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VanRensselaer_unco_0161D_11045.pdf

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Copyright is held by the author.

Recommended Citation

VanRensselaer, Sarah Elizabeth, "Alternative Education Programs: An Exploration Of Programs and Supports to Reduce Juvenile Recidivism Among At-Risk Youth" (2022). Dissertations . 847. https://digscholarship.unco.edu/dissertations/847

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Theses and Dissertations

Teacher self-efficacy in a multicultural alternative education program.

Angela Marie Trowers , Saint John's University, Jamaica New York

http://orcid.org/0000-0002-7643-5698

Date of Award

Document type.

Dissertation

Degree Name

Philosophy (Ph.D)

Education Specialties

First Advisor

Michael R Sampson

Second Advisor

Evan T Ortlieb

Third Advisor

Yvonne K Pratt-Johnson

As the United States embraces cultural diversity, educators need to feel a sense of preparedness to effectively master culturally responsive teaching which is vital to students’ academic growth and development. Drawing on the interpretivist- constructive paradigm and self-efficacy theory, this narrative inquiry study, examined teacher’s beliefs, attitudes and perceptions, with regards to their culturally relevant pedagogy and the impact on their multicultural students’ academic achievement and social success. Eight teacher candidates, seven females and one male (Caucasian), who teach at a multicultural alternative education program in New York State participated in two interviews, one face to face and the other a follow-up through email. NVivo transcription service was used to transcribe the data. Hand coding and analytic memos assisted in analyzing the rich, thick experiences of the teachers in their multicultural classrooms. Six major themes emerged from the analysis of the data, cultural proficiency, cultural challenges, educational attributes, instructional strategies, cultural beliefs and cultural competence. The findings revealed that teacher participants believe they would have accomplished a greater level of self-efficacy in their multicultural classrooms, if the challenges that inhibit their performance, were non-existent and that they value their students shared cultural knowledge, experiences, accomplishments developed despite of the challenges. This study proved to be purposeful and meaningful because it highlighted how the teachers’ self-efficacy is being challenged due to the numerous issues shared in the findings. This research could help other alternative education teachers learn how to better withstand the challenges they might face while implementing their best practices. The study shared the limitations, delimitations, recommendations for future research, and recommendations for practice.

Recommended citation.

Trowers, Angela Marie, "TEACHER SELF-EFFICACY IN A MULTICULTURAL ALTERNATIVE EDUCATION PROGRAM" (2020). Theses and Dissertations . 117. https://scholar.stjohns.edu/theses_dissertations/117

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Dissertations from 2024 2024.

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Including Students with Emotional Disturbance: Teachers' Experiences , Kimberley Shearer

Student Perceptions on a Virtual Credit Recovery Program , Max O. Sigander

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Home > ETD > Doctoral > 5879

Doctoral Dissertations and Projects

Hip hop performing arts charter schools: the future of arts education in predominantly non-white, low income, underserved rural areas of louisiana.

Anthony P. Shelton , Liberty University Follow

School of Music

Doctor of Music Education (DME)

Jerry L. Newman

performing arts, education, Hip-Hop, Hip Hop Based Education (HHBE), Hip Hop Pedagogy (HHPED), curricula, alternative teaching methods, social-emotional learning, Louisiana Music Education, music education, arts education, alternative arts education methods

Disciplines

Education | Music

Recommended Citation

Shelton, Anthony P., "Hip Hop Performing Arts Charter Schools: The Future of Arts Education in Predominantly Non-White, Low Income, Underserved Rural Areas of Louisiana" (2024). Doctoral Dissertations and Projects . 5879. https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/doctoral/5879

Some still view arts education as a non-essential extracurricular activity despite its benefits. Even though the Every Student Succeeds Act acknowledges arts education is a healthy and well-rounded subject, local, district, and state administrators still control budget allocation and cuts, which generally affect arts education. There has also been a decline or lack of interest in traditional learning methods in the arts and core subjects. Alternative student learning forms have shown benefits in suburban, urban, and inner-city schools. Still, there is little information about these methods in predominantly non-white rural schools. Research using qualitative methods examines the potential effectiveness of hip-hop curricula in performing arts charter schools in mostly non-white, low-income rural areas of Louisiana. Research may show biased funding for some organizations over the arts: funding predominantly white versus mostly non-white schools may reveal racial preferences. A qualitative study using ethnographic and narrative methods examines the effectiveness of Hip Hop curricula in inner-city, urban, and suburban communities. This study explores the benefits of performing arts charter schools in predominantly non-white rural areas of Louisiana. Hip Hop performing arts public, private, and charter schools are studied to hypothesize their success as rural low-income charter schools. By comparing traditional public, charter, and private schools, research methods aim to bring awareness to funding opportunities for charter schools. Hip Hop performing arts charter schools may improve student achievement, well-being, and access to a diverse, equitable, and inclusive learning environment. Also studied are ways of being an effective educator without being immersed in Hip Hop culture.

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Informing Educator Preparation Programs_Daniela Vilarinho Rezende Pereira

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Informing Educator Preparation Programs: Insights into Technology Integration

The overarching purpose of this three-paper dissertation was to investigate the affordances of technology in educational settings and gain insight into how preservice and inservice teachers integrate technology as they design, develop, implement, and manage learning experiences. To meet this goal, three studies were conducted. In study 1 the purpose was to describe how preservice teachers identify educational problems and suggest solutions in which educational technology can be meaningfully implemented by using a problem-solving lens. Participated in this study 100 preservice teachers enrolled in an introductory educational technology course. Students’ technology integration activity was analyzed for this study. This activity, divided into three parts, required that students (1) shared and reflected on their best academic learning experience, (2) described how they could integrate technology into that learning experience, and (3) revisited their suggestions for technology integration, evaluated their ideas, and suggested revisions. Data were analyzed using an ill-structured problem-solving model synthesized from previous literature: identifying problems, generating solutions, making justifications, and monitoring. Results of this study indicated that preservice teachers had a simplistic understanding of technology integration, likely resulting from underdeveloped problem-solving skills. In study 2 the purpose was to identify the instructional strategies and technology affordances used while integrating technology that facilitated the development of student creativity by completing a systematic literature review about how technology (i.e., social media) is being used by educators to foster creativity. After the process of identification and screening, a total of 27 articles met the inclusion criteria and were selected for further analysis. The results indicated that, in most studies in which the use of technology was associated with promoting student creativity, a student-centered approach was used. Students had autonomy and flexibility to produce content, express their opinions, and share their experiences using social media. Also, participants used social media to create their own products, communicate with others, and collaborate virtually. In the studies, we identified that the social media affordances of ownership, association, and visibility lead to fostering student creativity. In conclusion, social media, when integrated with appropriate instructional strategies, can be successfully used as an educational tool to build an environment that promotes student creativity. In study 3 the purpose was to analyze the forms in which special education teachers design learning experiences that provide an environment for creativity development for students from special education and how their proposed technology integration plays a role in it across different settings (i.e., face-to-face, blended, and online learning). Three practicing teachers enrolled in an online graduate program in special education participated in this study. For the purpose of this study, the primary data source consisted of assignments (i.e., artifacts and reflections) submitted by students to the Technology Integration - Blended and Online Teaching (Ti-BOT) program, a licensure required as part of their Special Education program. Artifacts were analyzed through the lens of the existing literature on learning environments for creativity. Reflections were analyzed using a thematic analysis approach, applying a combination of inductive and deductive coding. The artifacts presented by the participants included elements of a creative environment and technology often facilitated the development of such an environment. However, the participants did not appear to explicitly and intentionally design activities to foster creativity, but to make modifications to learning activities and assessments that reflected the level of individualization and adaptations that are typically expected from special education teachers, described in individualized education plans (IEPs), and guided by Universal Design for Learning (UDL) principles. With the findings from this three-paper dissertation, the goal is to provide recommendations for how educator preparation programs can improve how they are approaching technology integration, gain deeper understanding of technology integration across diverse contexts and tools, and offer strategies for supporting the deeper consideration of how technologies can be meaningfully used.

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Tim Walz wrote a master’s thesis on Holocaust education, just as his own school’s approach drew criticism

In Judi Agustin’s freshman year at Mankato West High School, her teacher instructed her to wear a yellow star.

It was part of a Holocaust curriculum at the school, located in a remote area of Minnesota with barely any Jews. For a week, freshmen were asked to wear the yellow stars, which were reminiscent of the ones the Nazis made the Jews wear. Seniors played the part of the Gestapo, charged with persecuting the “Jews.”

Unlike everyone else in her class in the 2001-2002 school year, Agustin was Jewish. The experience “was incredibly hurtful and offensive and scary,” she recalled on Tuesday. Her father complained to the district, and wrote a letter to the local paper decrying the lesson.

In response, she recalled, a teacher intervened. That teacher, according to her recollection: current vice presidential nominee Tim Walz.

“When Tim Walz found out about it, he squashed it real quick, and as far as I understand they never did it again,” Agustin told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. “So he was an advocate for my experience, as one of four Jewish kids in the entire school district. And I always felt like he had our back.”

A progressive favorite in Minnesota, where he is now governor, Walz is also heralded for his background as a public school educator. Lesser known is the fact that, while teaching in rural, largely white Midwestern school districts, Walz developed a particular interest in Holocaust and genocide education.

Walz is on the campaign trail this week with Vice President Kamala Harris, his running mate, and did not immediately respond to a request for comment. JTA could not independently verify that he was the teacher who stopped the Mankato West lesson.

But it’s clear that how to teach the Holocaust well has occupied Walz for decades. In 1993, while teaching in Nebraska, he was part of an inaugural conference of U.S. educators convened by the soon-to-open U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, D.C. Eight years later, after moving to Minnesota, he wrote a thesis arguing for changes in Holocaust education. And as governor, he backed a push to mandate teaching about the Holocaust in Minnesota schools.

Through it all, Walz modeled and argued for careful instruction that treated the Holocaust as one of multiple genocides worth understanding.

“Schools are teaching about the Jewish Holocaust, but the way it is traditionally being taught is not leading to increased knowledge of the causes of genocide in all parts of the world,” Walz wrote in his thesis, submitted in 2001.

The thesis was the culmination of Walz’s master’s degree focused on Holocaust and genocide education at Minnesota State University, Mankato, which he earned while teaching at Mankato West. His 27-page thesis, which JTA obtained, is titled “Improving Human Rights and Genocide Studies in the American High School Classroom.”

In it, Walz argues that the lessons of the “Jewish Holocaust” should be taught “in the greater context of human rights abuses,” rather than as a unique historical anomaly or as part of a larger unit on World War II. “To exclude other acts of genocide severely limited students’ ability to synthesize the lessons of the Holocaust and the ability to apply them elsewhere,” he wrote.

He then took a position that he noted was “controversial” among Holocaust scholars: that the Holocaust should not be taught as unique, but used to help students identify “clear patterns” with other historical genocides like the Armenian and Rwandan genocides.

Walz was describing, in effect, his own approach to teaching the Holocaust that he implemented in Alliance, Nebraska, years earlier. In the state’s remote northwest region, Walz asked his global geography class to study the common factors that linked the Holocaust to other historical genocides , including economic strife, totalitarian ideology and colonialism. The year was 1993. At year’s end, Walz and his class correctly predicted that Rwanda was most at risk of sliding into genocide.

“The Holocaust is taught too often purely as a historical event, an anomaly, a moment in time,” Walz Told the New York Times in 2008, reflecting on those Alliance lessons. “That relieves us of responsibility. Obviously, the mastermind was sociopathic, but on the scale for it to happen, there had to be a lot of people in the country who chose to go down that path.”

In his thesis, he noted that he intended to bring this curriculum to the Mankato school district as a “sample unit.” But another kind of lesson was unfolding there at the same time.

For years at Mankato West, high school students had been engaged in a peculiar lesson that was, all the same, not unusual for its time: In an effort to teach students who had never met a Jewish person what it might have been like to live under the Nazis, teachers had them role play.

For a week, freshmen wore the yellow stars, and seniors playing the Gestapo were given permission to torment them.

Such lessons had been going on since at least the 1990s, recalled Leah Solo, a Jewish student who graduated from Mankato West in 1998. For Solo, these lessons weren’t so bad.

“People knew I was Jewish, people knew to be sensitive around me,” Solo told JTA. Her teacher, who was not Walz and whom she liked, “was doing his best to try to teach a really hard subject to folks who had no idea. Most of these kids had never met a Jew before.” In her senior year she was given the choice of whether she wanted to play a Nazi or another kind of role, and chose the latter.

Things were different by the time Agustin took the class several years later. By then, the Holocaust role-playing wasn’t just limited to the confines of the classroom.

“They could come up to you in the lunchroom,” recalled Anne Heintz, a fellow student at the time. Local students whispered about the lesson before they got to high school, she said.

One senior, in Agustin’s recollection, got violent and started shoving the “Jewish” freshmen into lockers.

Outraged, her father wrote a letter to the local newspaper, and some parents complained to the school district. Agustin left the high school after her sophomore year. None of this happened in Walz’s classroom, according to the students, and Heintz recalled that the lessons had ended by the time she graduated in 2004.

“I’m not sure what his involvement was. I know it just ended,” Heintz, who is not Jewish, told JTA. “He was teaching at the time it ended.”

JTA could not verify whether Walz knew about the lessons, which had been going on for years, before they were stopped. A spokesperson for the high school told JTA they “don’t have any information” on the details of the lessons, but noted, “When Governor Walz was at Mankato West High School he was primarily a Global Geography Teacher and Football Coach. Subjects such as the Holocaust were taught in history courses.”

Agustin’s father, Stewart Ross, told JTA that he did not recall Walz being involved. Neither did Bob Ihrig, one of the teachers who taught the lesson as part of a World War II unit. He said it continued in a limited, classroom-only version until his retirement in 2014.

Ross, Ihrig and all three Mankato West High students spoke highly of Walz as a teacher and community leader, though only one, Heintz, actually had him in the classroom.

“What I remember most is, he always made all the subjects that we talked about super engaging,” she said. “It always seemed like he was able to make a subject really exciting for folks and really engage everyone in class. And I think that is part of how he speaks now that he’s on a national stage as well.”

Solo, who had Walz’s wife Gwen for a different class, took a student trip led by the couple to China, where Tim Walz taught for a year early in his career. She recalled how, in 2004, Walz stood up for her when she was working with John Kerry’s presidential campaign and security for a George W. Bush rally tried to boot them from the premises.

“When security also tried to kick him out, he was like, ‘I am a former Teacher of the Year who just returned from being deployed. I don’t think you want to kick me out,’” Solo recalled, describing an incident that made local news at the time. “And then after the rally, he came and signed up to volunteer with the Kerry campaign, because he did not appreciate that.”

Volunteering with Kerry’s campaign led directly to Walz’s entrance into politics . Solo would go on to work for Walz’s congressional campaigns.

Walz stuck with teaching as he began his political career; when he was elected to represent Mankato in 2006, he was the only active educator in Congress.

Last year, as Minnesota’s governor, Walz returned to Holocaust education, and supported and signed a law requiring the state’s middle and high schools to teach about the Holocaust. The law, initiated and championed by the Jewish Community Relations Council of Minnesota and the Dakotas, also encourages schools to teach about other genocides. A working group for the curriculum hit snags earlier this summer when a pro-Palestinian activist was removed from the committee amid debates on whether Israel’s conduct in Gaza constitutes genocide.

The mandate is still anticipated to go into effect in the 2025-2026 school year. “This is going to work out, this is going to be good, because the governor and his staff are highly attuned to the concerns and sensitivities of the Jewish community,” Ethan Roberts, the JCRC’s deputy executive director, told JTA.

Speaking at a JCRC event in June, Walz said he had been “privileged and proud” to have participated in the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum training early in his career. But he said more needed to be done, and he emphasized that the curriculum chosen to accomplish the requirement would determine its success.

“We need to do better on Holocaust education. We need to do better on ethnic studies,” he told the crowd. “And I tell you this as a teacher and as governor, too, we don’t need test scores or anything to tell us that we’re failing.”

It was the kind of message that former Mankato West students said they came to expect from him.

“He is what you hope a great teacher is,” said Solo, “which is someone who’s not only teaching, but also learning at all times.”

With additional reporting by Jackie Hajdenberg. 

Correction and updates (Aug. 8): This story has been corrected to remove a reference to Tim Walz as department chair. It has also been updated to reflect additional sources about Holocaust instruction at Mankato West High School.

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