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Biological explanations of criminal behavior

Shichun ling.

a Department of Criminology, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA

Rebecca Umbach

b Department of Psychology, Columbia University, New York, NY, USA

c Behavioral Sciences Training in Drug Abuse Research, NYU Rory Meyers College of Nursing, New York, NY, USA

Adrian Raine

d Departments of Criminology, Psychiatry, and Psychology, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USA

There is a growing literature on biological explanations of antisocial and criminal behavior. This paper provides a selective review of three specific biological factors – psychophysiology (with the focus on blunted heart rate and skin conductance), brain mechanisms (with a focus on structural and functional aberrations of the prefrontal cortex, amygdala, and striatum), and genetics (with an emphasis on gene-environment and gene-gene interactions). Overall, understanding the role of biology in antisocial and criminal behavior may help increase the explanatory power of current research and theories, as well as inform policy and treatment options.

A growing body of literature has indicated the importance of considering neurobiological factors in the etiology of antisocial and criminal behavior. Behaviors, including criminality, are the result of complex, reciprocally influential interactions between an individual’s biology, psychology, and the social environment ( Focquaert, 2018 ). As research progresses, the misconception that biology can predetermine criminality is being rectified. Elucidating the biological underpinnings of criminal behavior and broader, related outcomes such as antisocial behavior can provide insights into relevant etiological mechanisms. This selective review discusses three biological factors that have been examined in relation to antisocial and criminal behavior: psychophysiology, brain, and genetics.

Psychophysiology, or the levels of arousal within individuals, has become an important biological explanation for antisocial and criminal behavior. Two common psychophysiological measures are heart rate and skin conductance (i.e. sweat rate). Both capture autonomic nervous system functioning; skin conductance reflects sympathetic nervous system functioning while heart rate reflects both sympathetic and parasympathetic nervous system activity. Blunted autonomic functioning has been associated with increased antisocial behavior, including violence ( Baker et al., 2009 ; Choy, Farrington, & Raine, 2015 ; Gao, Raine, Venables, Dawson, & Mednick, 2010 ; Portnoy & Farrington, 2015 ). Longitudinal studies have found low resting heart rate in adolescence to be associated with increased risk for criminality in adulthood ( Latvala, Kuja-Halkola, Almqvist, Larsson, & Lichtenstein, 2015 ; Raine, Venables, & Williams, 1990 ). However, there is likely a positive feedback loop whereby blunted autonomic functioning may lead to increased antisocial/criminal behavior, which in turn may reinforce disrupted physiological activity. For example, males and females who exhibited high rates of proactive aggression (an instrumental, predatory form of aggression elicited to obtain a goal or reward) in early adolescence were found to have poorer skin conductance fear conditioning in late adolescence ( Gao, Tuvblad, Schell, Baker, & Raine, 2015 ; Vitiello & Stoff, 1997 ).

Theories have been proposed to explain how blunted autonomic functioning could increase antisociality. The fearlessness hypothesis suggests that antisocial individuals, due to their blunted autonomic functioning, are not deterred from criminal behavior because they do not experience appropriate physiological responses to risky or stressful situations nor potential aversive consequences ( Portnoy et al., 2014 ; Raine, 2002 ). Alternatively, the sensation-seeking hypothesis suggests that blunted psychophysiology is an uncomfortable state of being, and in order to achieve homeostasis, individuals engage in antisocial behavior to raise their arousal levels ( Portnoy et al., 2014 ; Raine, 2002 ).

Another mechanism that could connect disrupted autonomic functioning to antisocial behavior is the failure to cognitively associate physiology responses with emotional states. Appropriately linking autonomic conditions to emotional states is important in socialization processes such as fear conditioning, which is thought to contribute to the development of a conscience. The somatic marker hypothesis ( Bechara & Damasio, 2005 ) suggests that ‘somatic markers’ (e.g. sweaty palms) may reflect emotional states (e.g. anxiety) that can inform decision-making processes. Impairments in autonomic functioning could lead to risky or inappropriate behavior if individuals are unable to experience or label somatic changes and connect them to relevant emotional experiences. Indeed, psychopathic individuals exhibit somatic aphasia (i.e. the inaccurate identification and recognition of one’s bodily state; Gao, Raine, & Schug, 2012 ). Moreover, blunted autonomic functioning impairs emotional intelligence, subsequently increasing psychopathic traits ( Ling, Raine, Gao, & Schug, 2018a ). Impaired autonomic functioning and reduced emotional intelligence may impede the treatment of psychopathy ( Polaschek & Skeem, 2018 ) and disrupt development of moral emotions such as shame, guilt, and empathy ( Eisenberg, 2000 ). Such moral dysfunction, a strong characteristic of psychopaths, may contribute to their disproportionate impact on the criminal justice system ( Kiehl & Hoffman, 2011 ).

While there is evidence that antisocial/criminal individuals typically exhibit abnormal psychophysiological functioning, it is important to acknowledge that there are different antisocial/criminal subtypes, and they may not share the same deficits. Whereas individuals who are high on proactive aggression may be more likely to exhibit blunted autonomic functioning, individuals who are high on reactive aggression (an affective form of aggression that is elicited as a response to perceived provocation) may be more likely to exhibit hyperactive autonomic functioning ( Hubbard, McAuliffe, Morrow, & Romano, 2010 ; Vitiello & Stoff, 1997 ). This may have implications for different types of offenders, with elevated autonomic functioning presenting in reactively aggressive individuals who engage in impulsive crimes and blunted autonomic functioning presenting in proactively aggressive offenders engaging in more premediated crimes. Similarly, psychopaths who are ‘unsuccessful’ (i.e. convicted criminal psychopaths) exhibit reduced heart rate during stress while those who are ‘successful’ (i.e. non-convicted criminal psychopaths) exhibit autonomic functioning similar to non-psychopathic controls ( Ishikawa, Raine, Lencz, Bihrle, & LaCasse, 2001 ). Despite differences among subgroups, dysfunctional autonomic functioning generally remains a reasonably well-replicated and robust correlate of antisocial and criminal behavior.

There has been increasing interest in the role of the brain in antisocial/criminal behavior. In general, research suggests that antisocial/criminal individuals tend to exhibit reduced brain volumes as well as impaired functioning and connectivity in key areas related to executive functions ( Alvarez & Emory, 2006 ; Meijers, Harte, Meynen, & Cuijpers, 2017 ; Morgan & Lilienfeld, 2000 ), emotion regulation ( Banks, Eddy, Angstadt, Nathan, & Phan, 2007 ; Eisenberg, 2000 ), decision-making ( Coutlee & Huettel, 2012 ; Yechiam et al., 2008 ), and morality ( Raine & Yang, 2006 ) while also exhibiting increased volumes and functional abnormalities in reward regions of the brain ( Glenn & Yang, 2012 ; Korponay et al., 2017 ). These prefrontal and subcortical regions that have been implicated in antisocial/criminal behavior are the selective focus of this review.

Conventional criminal behavior has typically been associated with prefrontal cortex (PFC) structural aberrations and functional impairments ( Brower & Price, 2001 ; Yang & Raine, 2009 ). The PFC is considered the seat of higher-level cognitive processes such as decision-making, attention, emotion regulation, impulse control, and moral reasoning ( Sapolsky, 2004 ). In healthy adults, larger prefrontal structures have been associated with better executive functioning ( Yuan & Raz, 2014 ). However, structural deficits and functional impairments of the PFC have been observed in antisocial and criminal individuals, suggesting that PFC aberrations may underlie some of the observed behaviors.

While many studies on brain differences related to criminal behavior have consisted of correlational analyses, lesion studies have provided some insight into causal neural mechanisms of antisocial/criminal behavior. The most well-known example of the effects of prefrontal lobe lesions is the case of Phineas Gage, who was reported to have a dramatic personality change after an iron rod was shot through his skull and damaged his left and right prefrontal cortices ( Damasio, Grabowski, Frank, Galaburda, & Damasio, 1994 ; Harlow, 1848 , 1868 ). Empirical studies suggest that prefrontal lesions acquired earlier in life disrupt moral and social development ( Anderson, Bechara, Damasio, Tranel, & Damasio, 1999 ; Taber-Thomas et al., 2014 ). A study of 17 patients who developed criminal behavior following a brain lesion documented that while these lesions were in different locations, they were all connected functionally to regions activated by moral decisionmaking ( Darby, Horn, Cushman, & Fox, 2018 ), suggesting that disruption of a neuromoral network is associated with criminality. Nevertheless, while lesion studies have implicated specific brain regions in various psychological processes such as moral development, generalizability is limited because of the heterogeneity of lesion characteristics, as well as subjects’ characteristics that may moderate the behavioral effects of the lesion.

In recent years, non-invasive neural interventions such as transcranial magnetic stimulation and transcranial electric stimulation have been used to manipulate activity within the brain to provide more direct causal evidence of the functions of specific brain regions with regard to behavior. These techniques involve subthreshold modulation of neuronal resting membrane potential ( Nitsche & Paulus, 2000 ; Woods et al., 2016 ). Using transcranial electric stimulation, upregulation of the PFC has been found to decrease criminal intentions and increase perceptions of moral wrongfulness of aggressive acts ( Choy, Raine, & Hamilton, 2018 ), providing support for the causal influence of the PFC on criminal behavior.

Importantly, there is evidence of heterogeneity within criminal subgroups. Successful psychopaths and white-collar offenders do not seem to display these prefrontal deficits ( Raine et al., 2012 ; Yang et al., 2005 ). While unsuccessful psychopaths exhibit reduced PFC gray matter volume compared to successful psychopaths and non-offender controls, there are no prefrontal gray matter volume differences between successful psychopaths and non-offender controls ( Yang et al., 2005 ). Similarly, while prefrontal volume deficits have been found in conventional criminals (i.e. blue-collar offenders), white-collar offenders do not exhibit frontal lobe reductions ( Brower & Price, 2001 ; Ling et al., 2018b ; Raine et al., 2012 ) and in fact may exhibit increased executive functioning compared to blue-collar controls ( Raine et al., 2012 ). Lastly, antisocial offenders with psychopathy exhibited reduced gray matter volumes in the prefrontal and temporal poles compared to antisocial offenders without psychopathy and non-offenders ( Gregory et al., 2012 ). It is therefore important to acknowledge that there are various types of antisocial and criminal behavior that may have different neurobiological etiologies.

The amygdala is an important brain region that has been implicated in emotional processes such as recognition of facial and auditory expressions of emotion, especially for negative emotions such as fear ( Fine & Blair, 2000 ; Murphy, Nimmo-Smith, & Lawrence, 2003 ; Sergerie, Chochol, & Armony, 2008 ). Normative amygdala functioning has been thought to be key in the development of fear conditioning ( Knight, Smith, Cheng, Stein, & Helmstetter, 2004 ; LaBar, Gatenby, Gore, LeDoux, & Phelps, 1998 ; Maren, 2001 ), and appropriate integration of the amygdala and PFC has been argued to underlie the development of morality ( Blair, 2007 ). The amygdala is thought to be involved in stimulus-reinforcement learning that associates actions that harm others with the aversive reinforcement of the victims’ distress and in recognizing threat cues that typically deter individuals from risky behavior. However, amygdala maldevelopment can lead to a diminished ability to recognize distress or threat cues; disrupting the stimulus-reinforcement learning that discourages antisocial/criminal behavior ( Blair, 2007 ; Sterzer, 2010 ). Indeed, while reduced amygdala volume in adulthood has been associated with increased aggressive and psychopathic characteristics from childhood to early adulthood, it is also associated with increased risk for future antisocial and psychopathic behavior ( Pardini, Raine, Erickson, & Loeber, 2014 ).

Although the amygdala has been implicated in criminal behavior, there may be important differences between subtypes of offenders. Whereas psychopathic antisocial individuals may be more likely to exhibit cold, calculating forms of aggression, non-psychopathic antisocial individuals may be more likely to engage in impulsive, emotionally-reactive aggression ( Glenn & Raine, 2014 ). Research suggests the former may exhibit amygdala hypoactivity and the latter, amygdala hyperactivity ( Raine, 2018a ). Indeed, violent offenders have been found to exhibit increased amygdala reactivity in response to provocations ( da Cunha-Bang et al., 2017 ). Spousal abusers have also been found to exhibit increased amygdala activation when responding to aggressive words compared to nonabusers ( Lee, Chan, & Raine, 2008 ). In a community sample of healthy adults, psychopathy scores were negatively related to amygdala reactivity while antisocial personality disorder scores were positively associated with amygdala reactivity after adjusting for overlapping variance between psychopathy and antisocial personality disorder ( Hyde, Byrd, Votruba-Brzal, Hariri, & Manuck, 2014 ). Nevertheless, more research is needed to determine whether the presence of callous-unemotional traits (e.g. lack of guilt; Lozier, Cardinale, VanMeter, & Marsh, 2014 ; Viding et al., 2012 ) or severity of antisocial behavioral traits ( Dotterer, Hyde, Swartz, Hariri, & Williamson, 2017 ; Hyde et al., 2016 ) are most relevant to the observed amygdala hypo-reactivity.

The striatum has recently garnered more attention as a region that could be implicated in the etiology of criminal behavior because of its involvement in reward and emotional processing ( Davidson & Irwin, 1999 ; Glenn & Yang, 2012 ). Dysfunction in the striatum has been hypothesized to be a neural mechanism that underlies the impulsive/antisocial behavior of criminals. Indeed, individuals with higher impulsive/antisocial personality traits have been found to exhibit increased activity in the striatum ( Bjork, Chen, & Hommer, 2012 ; Buckholtz et al., 2010 ; Geurts et al., 2016 ). Psychopathic individuals, compared to non-psychopathic individuals, demonstrate a 9.6% increase in striatal volumes ( Glenn, Raine, Yaralian, & Yang, 2010 ). Moreover, striatal enlargement and abnormal functional connectivity of the striatum has specifically been associated with the impulsive/antisocial dimension of psychopathy ( Korponay et al., 2017 ), suggesting this dimension of psychopathy is related to reward processes ( Hare, 2017 ).

While much of the literature on striatal abnormalities in antisocial individuals has focused on psychopathic individuals, there is some evidence that offenders in general exhibit striatal abnormalities. Increased volume ( Schiffer et al., 2011 ) and increased reactivity to provocations ( da Cunha-Bang et al., 2017 ) have both been found in violent offenders as compared to non-offendersMoreover, weak cortico-striatal connectivity has been associated with increased frequency of criminal convictions ( Hosking et al., 2017 ). In contrast, one study found reduced striatal activity to be associated with antisocial behavior ( Murray, Shaw, Forbes, & Hyde, 2017 ). While more research is needed, current literature suggests that striatal deviations are linked to criminal behavior. One important consideration for future studies is to determine a consistent operationalization for the striatum, as some studies examine the dorsal striatum (i.e. putamen and caudate; Yang et al., 2015 ), others assess the corpus striatum (i.e. putamen, caudate, and globus pallidus; Glenn et al., 2010 ), and still others analyze the role of the ventral striatum (i.e. nucleus accumbens and olfactory tubercle; Glenn & Yang, 2012 ) in relation to antisocial/criminal behavior.

Abnormalities in brain regions other than the PFC, amygdala, and striatum are also associated with antisocial behavior. The neuromoral theory of antisocial behavior, first proposed by Raine and Yang (2006) , argued that the diverse brain regions impaired in offenders overlap significantly with brain regions involved in moral decision-making. A recent update of this theory ( Raine, 2018b ) argues that key areas implicated in both moral decision-making and the spectrum of antisocial behaviors include frontopolar, medial, and ventral PFC regions, and the anterior cingulate, amygdala, insula, superior temporal gyrus, and angular gyrus/temporoparietal junction. It was further hypothesized that different manifestations of antisocial behavior exist on a spectrum of neuromoral dysfunction, with primary psychopathy, proactive aggression, and life-course persistent offending being more affected, and secondary psychopathy, reactive aggression, and crimes involving drugs relatively less affected. Whether the striatum is part of the neural circuit involved in moral decision-making is currently unclear, making its inclusion in the neuromoral model debatable. Despite limitations, the neuromoral model provides a way of understanding how impairments to different brain regions can converge on one concept – impaired morality – that is a common core to many different forms of antisocial behaviors.

One implication of the model is that significant impairment to the neuromoral circuit could constitute diminished criminal responsibility. Given the importance of a fully developed emotional moral capacity for lawful behavior, moral responsibility would appear to require intactness of neuromoral circuity. To argue that the brain basis to moral thinking and feeling are compromised in an offender comes dangerously close to challenging moral responsibility, a concept which in itself may be just a short step removed from criminal responsibility.

There is increasing evidence fora genetic basis of antisocial/criminal behavior. Behavioral genetic studies of twins and adoptees have been advantageous because such designs can differentiate the effects of genetics and environment within the context of explaining variance within a population ( Glenn & Raine, 2014 ). Additionally, a variety of psychological and psychiatric constructs associated with antisociality/criminality, such as intelligence, personality, and mental health disorders, have been found to be heritable ( Baker, Bezdjian, & Raine, 2006 ). While individual study estimates vary, meta-analyses have suggested the level of heritability of antisocial behavior is approximately 40–60% ( Raine, 2013 ). Shared environmental factors have been estimated to explain approximately 11–14% of the variance in antisocial/criminal behavior and non-shared environmental influences approximately 31–37% ( Ferguson, 2010 ; Gard, Dotterer, & Hyde, 2019 ). However, the heritability of antisocial/criminal behaviors vary in part based upon the specific behaviors examined ( Burt, 2009 ; Gard et al., 2019 ).

Inspired by prominent theories of the neurobiology of aggression, there have been several candidate genes implicated in the serotonergic and catecholaminergic neurobiological systems that have been examined in relation to antisocial/criminal behavior ( Tiihonen et al., 2015 ). However, a meta-analysis of genetic variants related to antisocial/criminal behavior yielded null results at the 5% significance level ( Vassos, Collier, & Fazel, 2014 ). Nevertheless, genes do not operate in isolation, thus it is important to consider the context in which genes are activated.

Gene-environment (G x E) interactions have garnered increasing attention over the years, as these can increase risk for antisocial behavior and/or produce epigenetic changes within individuals. Longitudinal studies and meta-analyses have documented the moderating effect of the monoamine oxidase A (MAOA) gene on the relationship between maltreatment and antisocial behaviors, with the maltreatment-antisocial behavior relationship being stronger for individuals with low MAOA than high MAOA ( Byrd & Manuck, 2014 ; Caspi et al., 2002 ; Fergusson, Boden, & Horwood, 2011 ; Kim-Cohen et al.,2006 ). Similarly, in a large study of African-American females, having the A1 allele of the DRD2 gene or a criminal father did not individually predict antisocial outcomes, but having both factors increased risk for serious delinquency, violent delinquency, and police contacts ( Delisi, Beaver, Vaughn, & Wright, 2009 ). This type of G x E interaction reflects how genotypes can influence individuals’ sensitivity to environmental stressors. However, there may be important subgroup differences to consider when examining genetic risk for criminal behavior. For example, low-MAOA has been associated with higher risk for violent crime in incarcerated Caucasian offenders but not incarcerated non-Caucasian offenders ( Stetler et al., 2014 ). Additionally, high-MAOA may protect abused and neglected Caucasians from increased risk of becoming violent or antisocial, but this buffering effect was not found for abused and neglected non-Caucasians ( Widom & Brzustowicz, 2006 ). Thus, while the MAOA gene has been associated with antisocial/criminal behavior, there are still nuances of this relationship that should be considered ( Goldman & Rosser, 2014 ).

Another way in which G x E interactions manifest themselves is when environmental stressors result in epigenetic changes, thus becoming embedded in biology that result in long-term symptomatic consequences. For example, females exposed to childhood sex abuse have exhibited alterations in the methylation of the 5HTT promoter region, which in turn has been linked to subsequent antisocial personality disorder symptoms ( Beach, Brody, Todorov, Gunter, & Philibert, 2011 ). There has been a growing body of work on such epigenetic mechanisms involved in the biological embedding of early life stressors and transgenerational trauma ( Kellermann, 2013 ; Provencal & Binder, 2015 ). Thus, just as biological mechanisms can influence environmental responses, environmental stressors can affect biological expressions.

While genes may interact with the environment to produce antisocial/criminal outcomes, they can also interact with other genes. There is evidence that dopamine genes DRD2 and DRD4 may interact to increase criminogenic risk ( Beaver et al., 2007 ; Boutwell et al., 2014 ). The effect of the 7-repeat allele DRD4 is strengthened in the presence of the A1 allele of DRD2, and has been associated with increased odds of committing major theft, burglary, gang fighting, and conduct disorder ( Beaver et al., 2007 ; Boutwell et al., 2014 ). However, there is some evidence that DRD2 and DRD4 do not significantly affect delinquency abstention for females ( Boutwell & Beaver, 2008 ). Thus there may be demographic differences that moderate the effect of genetic interactions on various antisocial outcomes ( Dick, Adkins, & Kuo, 2016 ; Ficks & Waldman, 2014 ; Rhee & Waldman, 2002 ; Salvatore & Dick, 2018 ), and such differences warrant further research.

Importantly, biological correlates of antisocial and criminal behavior are inextricably linked in dynamical systems, in which certain processes influence others through feedback loops. While a detailed summary is beyond the scope of this review, some interactions between biological mechanisms are briefly illustrated here. Within the brain, the PFC and amygdala have reciprocal connections, with the PFC often conceptualized as monitoring and regulating amygdala activity ( Gillespie, Brzozowski, & Mitchell, 2018 ). Disruption of PFC-amygdala connectivity has been linked to increased antisocial/criminal behavior, typically thought to be due to the impaired top-down regulation of amygdala functioning by the PFC. Similarly, the brain and autonomic functioning are linked ( Critchley, 2005 ; Wager et al., 2009 ); output from the brain can generate changes in autonomic functioning by affecting the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis, but autonomic functions also provide input to the brain that is essential for influencing behavioral judgments and maintaining coordinated regulation of bodily functions ( Critchley, 2005 ). While not comprehensive, these examples illustrate that biological systems work together to produce behavior.

While biological processes can contribute to antisocial/criminal behavior, these do not guarantee negative outcomes. Considering that many of the aforementioned biological risk factors are significantly influenced by social environment, interventions in multiple spheres may help mitigate biological risks for antisocial behavior.

With regard to psychophysiological correlates of antisocial behavior, research suggests differential profiles of arousal impairment depending on the type of antisocial behavior ( Hubbard et al., 2010 ; Vitiello & Stoff, 1997 ). Treatments designed to address the issues associated with psychophysiological differences are typically behavioral in nature, targeted at associated symptoms. Studies of mindfulness have suggested its utility in improving autonomic functioning ( Delgado-Pastor, Perakakis, Subramanya, Telles, & Vila, 2013 ) and emotion regulation ( Umbach, Raine, & Leonard, 2018 ), which may better help individuals with reactive aggression and hyperarousal. Hypo-arousal has been associated with impaired emotional intelligence ( Ling et al., 2018a ), but emotional intelligence training programs have shown some promise in reducing aggression and increasing empathy among adolescents and increasing emotional intelligence among adults ( Castillo, Salguero, Fernandez-Berrocal, & Balluerka, 2013 ; Hodzic, Scharfen, Ropoll, Holling, & Zenasni, 2018 ), and in reducing recidivism ( Megreya, 2015 ; Sharma, Prakash, Sengar, Chaudhury, & Singh, 2015 ).

Regarding healthy neurodevelopment, research has supported a number of areas to target. Poor nutrition, both in utero and in early childhood, have been associated with negative and criminal outcomes ( Neugebauer, Hoek, & Susser, 1999 ). Deficits of omega-3 fatty acids have been linked with impaired neurocognition and externalizing behavior ( Liu & Raine, 2006 ; McNamara & Carlson, 2006 ). The opposite relationship is also supported; increased intake of omega-3 fatty acids has been associated with a variety of positive physical and mental health outcomes ( Ruxton, Reed, Simpson, & Millington, 2004 ), increased brain volume in regions related to memory and emotion regulation ( Conklin et al.,2007 ), and reduction in behavioral problems in children ( Raine, Portnoy, Liu, Mahoomed, & Hibbeln, 2015 ). Studies examining the effect of nutritional supplements have suggested that reducing the amount of sugar consumed by offenders can significantly reduce offending during incarceration ( Gesch, Hammond, Hampson, Eves, & Crowder, 2002 ; Schoenthaler, 1983 ). Thus, nutritional programs show some promise in reducing antisocial and criminal behavior.

A healthy social environment is also crucial for normative brain development and function. Early adversity and childhood maltreatment have been identified as significant risk factors for both neurobiological and behavioral problems ( Mehta et al., 2009 ; Teicher et al., 2003 ; Tottenham et al., 2011 ). A review of maltreatment prevention programs supports the efficacy of nurse-family partnerships and programs that integrate early preschool with parent resources in reducing childhood maltreatment ( Reynolds, Mathieson, & Topitzes, 2009 ). Promoting healthy brain development in utero and in crucial neurodevelopmental periods is likely to reduce externalizing behaviors, as well as other psychopathology.

Knowing that the social context could help to buffer biological risks is promising because it suggests that changing an individual’s environment could mitigate biological criminogenic risk. Rather than providing a reductionist and deterministic perspective of the etiology of criminal behavior, incorporating biological factors in explanations of antisocial/criminal behaviors can highlight the plasticity of the human genome ( Walsh & Yun, 2014 ). They can also provide a more holistic understanding of the etiologies of such behavior. For example, sex differences in heart rate have been found to partially explain the gender gap in crime ( Choy, Raine, Venables, & Farrington, 2017 ). Social interventions that aim to provide an enriched environment can be beneficial for all, but may be particularly important for individuals at higher biological risk for antisocial behavior. While biological explanations of antisocial and criminal behavior are growing, they are best thought of as complementary to current research and theories, and a potential new avenue to target with treatment options.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

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• Published: 30 April 2024

Shrinking the footprint of the criminal legal system through policies informed by psychology and neuroscience

• Arielle Baskin-Sommers   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-6773-0508 1 , 2 ,
• Alex Williams 1 ,
• Callie Benson-Williams 1 ,
• Sonia Ruiz 1 ,
• Jordyn R. Ricard   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-5039-0455 1 &
• Jorge Camacho 2  

Communications Psychology volume  2 , Article number:  38 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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• Neuroscience

The footprint of the legal system in the United States is expansive. Applying psychological and neuroscience research to understand or predict individual criminal behavior is problematic. Nonetheless, psychology and neuroscience can contribute substantially to the betterment of the criminal legal system and the outcomes it produces. We argue that scientific findings should be applied to the legal system through systemwide policy changes. Specifically, we discuss how science can shape policies around pollution in prisons, the use of solitary confinement, and the law’s conceptualization of insanity. Policies informed by psychology and neuroscience have the potential to affect meaningful—and much-needed—legal change.

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Introduction.

On any given day there are more than 1.9 million people behind bars in jails or prisons in the United States 1 . Nearly half of all adults living in the United States experience incarceration in their family 2 . Most who encounter the criminal legal system are dealing with problems related to poverty and mental illness, which worsen with arrest and incarceration 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 .

With the hope of trying to shrink the footprint of the criminal legal system on American families, over the past two decades, much discussion has focused on the applicability of psychology and neuroscience to the legal system. These discussions are rife with conjecture around the notion that psychology and neuroscience can detect liars, objectively determine criminal responsibility, and predict who will engage in violent behavior. Unfortunately, the framing of psychology and neuroscience as being able to transform the law by focusing on the individual reflects a misrepresentation of the science and the standards of law.

Psychology and neuroscience provide probabilistic, not deterministic, estimates of phenomena in the aggregate. While psychological and neuroscientific findings may be valid for a given group in general, they may not apply to a particular individual within that group (often referred to as the group-to-individual problem). Thus, psychological and neuroscientific techniques cannot show beyond a reasonable doubt that distinct brain structures or abnormalities affect the mental state of a particular individual at the time of the crime, that they will undoubtedly engage in criminal conduct in the future, or evidence of mitigation at the sentencing phase above and beyond other less expensive and more reliable tools (e.g., assessing family history or exposure to violence).

While there is much skepticism about the use of psychology and neuroscience in the legal system, these disciplines do have the potential to affect meaningful change in how the legal system operates and in the outcomes it produces. In this perspective piece, we will argue that psychological and neuroscientific findings can be applied to and improve aspects of the legal system through policy changes. We will focus on how science can shape policies that affect those who are incarcerated in jails and prisons, and by extension society at large. There is a substantial body of research delineating the negative impact of incarceration on individuals (e.g., negative effects on health, mental health, job prospects, educational attainment, etc.) 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 and their families 2 , 10 . Here, we select three aspects of where and who is incarcerated and detail how policies surrounding these aspects can or should be influenced by emerging findings in psychology and neuroscience. Specifically, we highlight how the issues of pollution in prisons, the use of solitary confinement, and the restrictions of the legal concept of insanity could be reshaped by integrating scientific findings.

Criminal legal system aspects of interest

Pollution: toxins and noise.

The United States continues to incarcerate more people than any other country. Over 6000 facilities hold almost 2 million people. The long reach of incarceration substantially reduces the chances of a formerly incarcerated person obtaining an education, stable employment, owning a home, or living above the poverty line 5 . Further, exposure to toxins and noise pollution within jails and prisons in the United States will likely have substantial negative effects on the individual’s psychological and brain health.

There are documented violations, ranging from inadequate sewage and waste disposal to poor water quality and the presence of toxins such as asbestos, manganese, and lead, in jails and prisons throughout the United States 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 . For example, since 2000, over a quarter of California’s state prisons have been cited for major water pollution problems 13 . Rikers Island, a jail in New York City, was built atop a toxic landfill in 1932 17 , 18 that in 2011 the New York City Department of Correction reported was still emitting poisonous gases 19 . Since 2020, at least 23 jails have been either proposed or constructed on toxic and contaminated lands 16 . Further, regulations that would protect the general population against toxin exposure often are not in place for jails and prisons (e.g., the Environmental Protection Agency designated that most parts of prisons and juvenile detention centers are zero-bedroom dwellings [i.e., residential dwellings where living areas are combined with sleeping areas] and therefore are not subject to the Lead Renovation, Repair and Painting Rule) 20 . Exposure to such toxins causes health problems, including cancer, hypertension, and neurodegeneration, as well as mental health problems, including impulsivity and aggression 21 , 22 .

Similarly, noise pollution is an issue in jails and prisons 23 . Sources of noise in prisons are unpredictable and come from multiple streams. These facilities often are built using hard, reflective materials that heighten noise pollution. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency defines acceptable levels of noise in residential areas, hospitals, and schools as 45 dB(A) 24 . However, the American Correctional Association set noise standards for correctional housing to not exceed 70 dB(A) 25 . Long-term exposure to sound above 50 dB(A) has been shown to cause serious health issues, such as increases in stress hormones, cardiac problems, and hypertension 26 , 27 .

Research in psychology and neuroscience provides key findings that support the claim that exposure to toxins and noise in prisons can negatively impact physical and mental health. With regard to toxins, research in non-human animals and humans shows that exposure to chemicals such as lead, arsenic, and manganese cause serious harm. Specifically, documented harms include damage to dopaminergic neurons (which regulate motivation, reward, and habit learning 28 ) and increase beta-amyloid protein plaques and intracellular neurofibrillary tangles (which characterize Alzheimer’s Disease) 29 . Additionally, exposure to such toxins result in deficits in the structure and function of the hippocampus (a region of the brain important for memory and learning 30 ), increase neuroinflammation, and produce general poorer brain health 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 . Furthermore, high concentrations of neurotoxic chemicals and persistent pollutants have an undisputed impact on cognition and are associated with deficits in general cognitive functioning, IQ, executive functioning, language, and memory 21 , 22 , 36 , 37 . Of utmost relevance for the legal system, toxin exposure in the short-to-mid-term is linked to heightened levels of impulsivity, hyperactivity, and aggressive behaviors 11 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 .

Noise pollution and chronic noise exposure also have long been considered an ecological stressors that impact psychological and neural functioning. Prolonged noise exposure causes clinically impairing distress and stress hormone dysregulation 27 . Studies with non-human animals and humans link chronic noise exposure, particularly unpredictable noise, to damage to the central nervous system, the generation of pathological neurofibrillary tangles (which is related to Alzheimer’s disease), and poorer tissue health in the hippocampus, prefrontal cortex (a region related to self-control), and amygdala (a region important for emotion processing and regulation) 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 . These neural alterations appear to persist even after noise exposure stops, suggesting both short- and long-term neurological impacts due to chronic noise exposure.

There are clear connections between pollution, toxin and noise, and physical and mental health problems. These pollutants have the potential to negatively impact neural regions responsible for basic emotion, cognition, and behavioral control. Using findings from psychology and neuroscience to understand the effects of toxin and noise pollution across species necessitates improvements in the ecology of jails and prisons.

A significant problem with current jail/prison environmental policies lies in the oversight of facilities and the enforcement, or lack thereof, of policies intended to ensure environmental safety. Frequently, jail and prison facilities are constructed in areas where significant ecological risk factors exist and require substantial remediation efforts to ensure safe occupancy, but these efforts either fail to materialize or are abandoned before completion 15 , 47 . The result has been exposure and vulnerability to serious health and safety risk factors like toxins or ecological disaster 48 . The failure to complete mandated remediation can be compounded by reduced access to legal remedies by incarcerated populations 49 .

To shrink the footprint of this aspect of incarceration, policymakers should prioritize two strategies. First, they should redouble their efforts to enforce existing laws and regulations that govern applicable environmental standards and ensure that remediation efforts are completed. Second, they should adopt a principle that no policy that limits movement, fraternization, occupational activities or contact with outside environments/persons should be issued without an evidence-based accounting of the harms associated with that policy, including strategies for addressing those harms 50 . With sufficient will and attention to these problems, there is reason to believe that conditions and outcomes within jails and prisons can be substantially improved.

Solitary confinement

Solitary confinement refers to the physical and social isolation of an individual in a cell for twenty-two to twenty-four hours a day. The cells typically are sparse, consisting of a steel door, a bed, a toilet, and a sink. Loud, unpredictable noise permeates the space that is no bigger than 6 feet x 9 feet 51 , and many cells lack natural light. People are in solitary confinement for periods that range from days to weeks, months, years, or even decades 51 . In 2021, approximately 48,000 individuals were held in solitary confinement 51 . Ten percent of people in solitary had been held for three years 51 . One may reasonably presume that the severity of solitary confinement would tend toward its sparing use, reserved only for the most egregious and dangerous offenders. However, the reality is that people can be placed in solitary confinement for various reasons, including for minor disciplinary infractions or for their safety 52 . The latter holds true for those deemed to be particularly vulnerable to victimization within incarcerated populations, including LGBTQIA persons, pregnant persons, and those with mental illness 51 . Although isolation for one’s protection can be voluntarily requested by an incarcerated person, jails and prisons can exercise their discretion to involuntarily isolate someone when officials determine that they cannot otherwise ensure that person’s safety, resulting in involuntary confinement that is largely indistinguishable from more punitively-motivated solitary confinement.

Research on solitary confinement includes qualitative accounts of incarcerated persons’ experiences and empirical studies examining the relationship between this aspect of incarceration and safety, mental health, and criminogenic risk. While the qualitative accounts, as well as popular media sources and theory-based writings from scholars, document the harrowing effects of solitary on individuals 53 , 54 , the empirical evidence supporting the negative effects of solitary on safety, mental health and criminogenic risk is more mixed. Some studies fail to detect effects of solitary confinement on individual behavior and mental health 55 , 56 , 57 , 58 . Other studies document significant negative effects of solitary on incarcerated people’s physical and mental health 59 , 60 , 61 , 62 , 63 , 64 , 65 , 66 , 67 , 68 , particularly in terms of anxiety, psychotic symptoms, sensory arousal, and behaviors that effect mortality by any or unnatural causes (e.g., suicide) 57 , 64 . Additionally, there is evidence that being housed in solitary confinement, even for a week, can change alpha frequencies measured by EEG 57 , 69 . The U.S. Department of Justice acknowledges that solitary confinement can worsen existing mental illnesses and trigger new ones 70 .

The study of solitary confinement is understandably very difficult. Some studies cited above lack appropriate methodological controls (e.g., randomization, comparison groups), were conducted in small samples, and/or were the result of litigation possibly introducing bias into the method 71 , 72 . Unequivocal empirical evidence for concluding that the practice of solitary confinement in jails and prisons is uniformly negative is lacking, leading some scholars 55 , 57 to suggest caution in developing policy based on an incomplete science. However, there is a more substantial evidence base on the negative effects of solitary conditions in research with non-human animals and humans outside of the jail/prison context. While research in laboratories or in other institutional setting is not identical to incarceration-based solitary, there is a strong basis for comparing the effects of physical isolation and the deprivation of basic experiences.

Numerous studies with non-human animals explore what happens to the brain and behavior when subjects are physically isolated, deprived of resources, and are deprived of sensory information. These studies document trends including the expression of hyperactivity, altered responses to stressors, cognitive impairments, increased aggression, and alterations in mesolimbic dopamine functioning (which is important for learning and goal-directed behaviors) 73 , 74 , 75 . Rats in isolation also experienced lasting changes in psychological (e.g., aggression or fear of new situations), cognitive (e.g., declines in mental flexibility), and neural (e.g., reduced prefrontal cortex volume, decreased cortical and hippocampal synaptic plasticity, or alteration in the mesolimbic dopaminergic system) functioning as compared to rats in stimulating or complex environments 76 , 77 , 78 , 79 , 80 , 81 .

Similar patterns are found in some human studies, particularly those involving youth exposed to institutional settings characterized by deprivation of interpersonal contact. In one longitudinal and randomized study of children monitored through the Bucharest Early Intervention Project ( https://www.bucharestearlyinterventionproject.org/about-beip ), youth with histories of institutional residence had indicators of significantly worse brain health and atypicalities in neural structure, function, and communication compared to non-institutionalized youth 82 , 83 , 84 , 85 , 86 . Further, youth experiencing psychosocial deprivation display deficits in memory and executive functions compared to non-institutionalized youth 87 , 88 . The randomized design of the Bucharest Early Intervention Project provides some of the strongest causal evidence of the impact of isolation on development, with lasting effects.

Together, extant non-human and human research serve as evidence that psychological and neural differences are either generated or exacerbated by conditions of isolation. Solitary is not only painful in itself but also “undermines people’s sense of belonging, control, self-esteem, and meaningfulness … reduces pro-social behavior, and impairs self-regulation” 89 . Research across disciplines, then, provides a clear foundation that, on average, solitary confinement or similar conditions is physically and psychologically harmful.

In 2016, President Obama adopted a recommendation to end solitary confinement for juveniles in federal prisons. However, in 2023, 11 states still have no limits on the use of solitary confinement for juveniles, and just under half the states have passed laws that narrow the use of solitary confinement in juvenile facilities 90 . In 2023, the U.S. House of Representatives introduced a bill to ban solitary confinement in federal prisons 91 . To date, however, similar bills have not passed.

The footprint of solitary confinement, including deleterious psychological and neural effects (above and beyond just incarceration), has been argued in the courts to represent an Eighth Amendment violation that constitutes cruel and unusual punishment (see arguments from Ashker v. Brown ) 92 , 93 . Solitary confinement should be used only for brief periods and as a very last resort. The United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners 94 — known as the Mandela Rules—condemn the use of solitary for people with mental and physical disabilities; such rules should be mandated in the United States across federal and state levels. They would serve to protect not only the incarcerated individual, but also the facility staff and society at large.

Redefining the legal concept of insanity

The U.S. legal system is continuously confronted with the need to adjudicate, assess, and treat people with mental illness 95 , 96 , 97 . How the law defines mental illness can have a substantial impact on how individuals who enter the system are judged and handled. For instance, in the United States, prevailing legal doctrines, including under the Model Penal Code, which has been adopted by 20 states, dictate that individuals may be considered less responsible if they can show that “at the time [their criminal conduct was] a result of mental disease or defect” indicating that the person “lacks substantial capacity either to appreciate the criminality [wrongfulness] of [their] conduct or to conform [their] conduct to the requirements of law” 98 , 99 , 100 , and therefore they can be found not guilty by reason of insanity. A successful determination of not guilty by reason of insanity can then trigger a therapeutic intervention via placement in a forensic mental health center (i.e., justice-involved treatment setting) over a punitive intervention via incarceration in a traditional prison.

However, the insanity defense is rarely used in practice because it is very difficult to demonstrate legal insanity 101 . Additionally, some legal policies greatly limit who even qualifies to present this defense. For example, the Model Penal Code’s insanity defense excludes disorders characterized by repeated criminal or antisocial conduct. Here, we argue that the disconnect between legal conceptualizations of insanity on one end and psychological and neuroscientific understandings on the other can lead to the inadequate acknowledgment of many mental health problems in the criminal process.

One of the difficulties in referring to insanity in legal proceedings is the disconnect between terms used in the law and how they would be considered in psychology/neuroscience. For example, legal policies related to insanity refer to “mental defect” or “defect of reason” as a premise for questioning criminal responsibility 98 . In the law, there is no clear definition of what is meant by these specific phrases. In psychology and neuroscience, we might operationalize these phrases as an aberration in cognition and emotion that undermine accurate perception, interpretation, and/or reaction to information. This operationalization provides a biopsychology basis for understanding an individual’s conduct 102 . As another example, “disease of the mind” is noted in some insanity doctrines 98 , again without a clear definition. In psychology and neuroscience, we might operationalize this phrase as brain-based pathology resulting from various causes (e.g., injury, genetics, environmental stress) and that is characterized by identifiable signs or symptoms. In this case, a biopsychological definition would specify the type of evidence needed to initiate a defense based on insanity. As a result of bridging the gap between the language of the law and science, individuals with disorders where psychological and neuroscientific evidence provides a clear basis for disruptions that undermine cognition, affect, and behavior should 103 , 104 , without question, be eligible to put an insanity defense. However, the lack of a clear, objective, evidence-informed legal standard for identifying insanity precludes this outcome.

A shift in the legal policy around insanity would provide a scientific-based basis for determining the groups of people who are eligible for such a defense. It is then up to courts to determine if there is clear evidence that the specific factors played a role in an individual’s behavior. At this time, though, the courts cannot properly make these determinations without the ability to conduct a frank assessment of any intersectionality between mental illness and criminality. Unfortunately, the prevailing legal standards around insanity preclude these very assessments based on ill-defined terminology and exclusion of certain disorders. By widening the potential eligibility for an insanity defense based on scientific evidence, many people currently ensnared in the legal system may qualify for special protections under the law and might need to be mandated to treatment. Further, psychological treatments that specifically target the neural basis of these cognitive and affective psychological differences already exist, such as cognitive training programs that target attentional/other cognitive biases, emotion regulation strategies, or behavioral treatments that target reward hypersensitivity 103 , 105 , 106 , 107 , 108 , providing an opportunity for rehabilitation. Broadening the scope of individuals who may be eligible for consideration under insanity doctrines could drastically reshape how mental illnesses are handled in the legal system, perhaps reducing the current footprint of a punitive system and shifting the focus to a system that more properly considers the role of mental health problems in some people’s behavior. If done correctly, this shift should feasibly improve safety outcomes, both individually and systemically, through deliberate intervention against underlying psychological motivators of behavior.

Psychological and neuroscientific findings are compelling as they apply to the impact of pollution and solitary confinement on behavior and the brain. Psychological and neuroscientific findings that challenge our understanding of ‘insanity’ raise questions about the handling of mental health problems in the current legal structures. Using research grounded in psychology and neuroscience in each of these aspects of the legal system overcomes some of the limitations outlined above with regard to the ecological fallacies and deterministic assumptions often made when applying evidence to the criminal legal system--instead of focusing on the individual, we can apply science to inform policy changes that affect groups of individuals (see Fig.  1 for summary).

Summary of criminal legal system aspects of interest and policy recommendations based on psychology and neuroscience research.

In a landscape that often looks plagued by injustice, lacks an empirical evidence base, and imposes a tremendous cost on individuals and society both in terms of crime and punishment, it is imperative to look for alternative ways of integrating psychology and neuroscience findings and improving policies. If implemented appropriately, these robust psychological and neuroscientific findings have the tremendous potential to affect meaningful—and much-needed—legal change in the United States today.

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We thank the Justice Collaboratory at Yale Law School for providing an interdisciplinary scholarly environment where these ideas can grow.

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Baskin-Sommers, A., Williams, A., Benson-Williams, C. et al. Shrinking the footprint of the criminal legal system through policies informed by psychology and neuroscience. Commun Psychol 2 , 38 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1038/s44271-024-00090-9

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Law and Crime

What are the "causes" of crime, it's important to differentiate between cause and opportunity..

Posted March 16, 2022 | Reviewed by Ekua Hagan

• For decades, there has been a futile search for "root causes" of crime, citing nearly any adversity as causal to criminal conduct.
• There is a difference between an environmental cause and providing an "opportunity" for crime to occur.
• Critical to understanding criminal behavior are basic personality makeup and thinking patterns.

The perennial search continues to identify causes of criminal behavior. Nearly everything but the federal deficit has been identified as playing a causal role. The term “root cause” is still used to describe what are considered critical environmental factors. The earliest citation of a link between poverty (long considered a “root cause”) and crime has been attributed to Roman emperor and philosopher Marcus Aurelius (121-180 A.D.) who stated, “Poverty is the mother of crime.” In some quarters, crime is even considered to be a normal and adaptive response to economic disadvantage.

Unanticipated setbacks and hardship have been regarded as critically important to “pushing over the edge” into crime people who have been law-abiding throughout their lives. A woman in jail told me that when her boyfriend deserted her and her baby, she had no money even to purchase diapers. Out of desperation, she started selling drugs (eventually to an undercover police officer). She asserted that she is not a “criminal,” but just wanted to care for her infant. One might wonder the following: What does her choice of boyfriend say about her? Why did she not seek help to receive financial assistance? What, if any, was her prior connection to drugs and how did she find her way into the drug market? As was the case with this woman, there is always more to the story about the person committing a crime versus resolving her dilemma in a more responsible way.

Hardship does not "cause" criminal behavior

Let’s take three recent examples in which a particular hardship has been seen as causing people to turn to crime.

According to a Wall Street Journal column of December 6, 2021, Jen Psaki, the White House press secretary, stated that the COVID-19 pandemic is “a root cause [of a surge in crime] in a lot of communities.” The Washington Post reported that the COVID-19 pandemic resulted in “a growing subset of Americans who are stealing food.” A young woman explained to a reporter, “People are being forced to steal when they shouldn’t have to.” Another said, “I don’t feel too bad about taking $15 or $20 of stuff from Whole Foods when Jeff Bezos [owner of Whole Foods Market] is the richest man on earth.” The statements made by the two thieves clearly are after the fact justifications. One might wonder why one of them chose to shop at Whole Foods when it is one of the most expensive grocery chains. Next to this article was another that focused on a very different response to the pandemic— generosity by Black Americans despite their own hardships.

Millions of people have been struggling through the pandemic while suffering loss, illness, isolation, and financial pressures. There is no evidence that the pandemic has turned responsible people into criminals.

Recently, The Los Angeles Times (3/10/22) reported, “Concerns about gas thefts from cars rise as prices soar.” Citing a warning from the American Automobile Association, the Times stated, “There is a possibility that people are looking for crimes of opportunity [and] gasoline for their own vehicles.” Consequently, they are punching holes in gas tanks. However, most motorists are trying to become more economical and find ways to reduce gasoline consumption. Inflated prices do not “cause” criminal behavior.

Crime results from the way a person thinks

It is time to eliminate the term “root cause” because it turns out to be meaningless. Twelve years ago, a Christian Science Monitor article concluded with a simple statement, “The root cause of crime is the opportunity to commit it.” Opportunities present themselves, but only a small number of people exploit those opportunities in a criminal manner.

Making improvements to the environment can reduce opportunities for criminals to strike. However, such changes do not transform a criminal into a responsible person. Attributing criminal behavior to external circumstances perpetuates a deterministic view that ignores the role of choice and tends to absolve people of personal responsibility.

Crime results from the way a person thinks. One must look at the overall personality of the individual and his thinking patterns to understand the genesis of criminal behavior. Writing about juvenile crime in 1966, sociologist Robert MacIver stated, “To ask why delinquency occurs is like asking why human nature is what it is.”

Gerard Baker, "Biden Finds a Culprit for America's Crime Wave: Covid-19," The Wall Street Journal , 12/6/21

"More Americans are shoplifting among pandemic," The Washington Post, 12/13/20, p. G1

"While Black Americans have less, they give more," The Washington Post , 12/13/20, p. G1

"Concerns about gas theft from cars rise as prices soar," The Los Angeles Times , 3/10/22

Tim Worstall, "The root cause of crime? It's Simple," The Christian Science Monitor , 2/22/10

Robert M. McIver. The Prevention and Control of Delinquency , NY: Atherton Press, 1966, p. 41

Stanton Samenow, Ph.D. , an expert in criminal behavior, was the author of many books including Inside the Criminal Mind .

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Understanding Criminology: The Study of Crime and Society

Criminology is the scientific study of crime, its causes, consequences, and methods of prevention. It is a multidisciplinary field that draws on sociology, psychology, law, anthropology, and other disciplines to understand criminal behavior and the functioning of criminal justice systems. This article explores the key concepts, theories, and areas of study within criminology, highlighting its importance in addressing crime and promoting social justice.

Key Concepts in Criminology

• Crime: Any act that violates the law and is punishable by the state. Crimes can range from minor offenses, such as theft or vandalism, to serious crimes, such as murder or assault.
• Deviance: Behavior that violates social norms but may not necessarily break the law. Deviance includes actions that society finds unacceptable or immoral.
• Criminal Justice System: The network of institutions, including police, courts, and corrections, that manage the apprehension, prosecution, and punishment of offenders.

Theories of Crime

Criminologists have developed various theories to explain why people commit crimes. These theories can be categorized into several broad groups:

• Genetic Factors: Suggest that inherited traits can predispose individuals to criminal behavior.
• Neurological and Physiological Factors: Focus on brain structure, hormones, and other biological influences on behavior.
• Psychoanalytic Theory: Proposes that unconscious conflicts and childhood experiences shape behavior.
• Behavioral Theory: Suggests that criminal behavior is learned through interaction with the environment.
• Cognitive Theory: Examines how thought processes and perceptions influence behavior.
• Social Structure Theories: Attribute crime to socioeconomic conditions and social inequality.
• Social Process Theories: Emphasize the role of socialization and interaction with others in the development of criminal behavior.
• Social Conflict Theories: Focus on how power dynamics and societal conflicts contribute to crime.
• Combine elements from various disciplines to provide a more comprehensive understanding of crime.

Areas of Study in Criminology

• Violent Crime: Includes homicide, assault, and domestic violence.
• Property Crime: Encompasses burglary, theft, and vandalism.
• White-Collar Crime: Involves financial crimes, such as fraud and embezzlement.
• Organized Crime: Includes activities of criminal organizations, such as drug trafficking and human trafficking.
• Law Enforcement: Studies the role and function of police in society.
• Judiciary: Examines the court system, legal processes, and the administration of justice.
• Corrections: Focuses on prisons, probation, and rehabilitation of offenders.
• Situational Crime Prevention: Strategies to reduce opportunities for crime through environmental design and management.
• Community-Based Approaches: Programs that engage communities in preventing crime and improving social conditions.
• Policing Strategies: Methods to enhance the effectiveness of law enforcement, such as community policing and predictive policing.
• The study of victims and the impact of crime on them. It includes understanding victimization patterns, providing support services, and advocating for victims’ rights.
• The study of punishment and corrections, including the effectiveness of different types of sanctions and rehabilitation programs.

Importance of Criminology

Criminology plays a vital role in society by:

• Informing Policy: Providing evidence-based research to guide criminal justice policies and practices.
• Enhancing Public Safety: Developing strategies to prevent crime and protect communities.
• Promoting Social Justice: Addressing issues of inequality and advocating for fair treatment within the criminal justice system.
• Supporting Victims: Understanding the needs of victims and providing resources to aid their recovery.
• Improving Rehabilitation: Creating effective programs to rehabilitate offenders and reduce recidivism.

Criminology is a dynamic and essential field that seeks to understand the complexities of crime and develop effective methods for prevention and intervention. By examining the biological, psychological, and social factors that contribute to criminal behavior, criminologists can help create safer and more just societies. As crime continues to evolve, the study of criminology remains critical in addressing new challenges and fostering a deeper understanding of the human condition.

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Current Perspectives in Forensic Psychology and Criminal Behavior

• Curt R. Bartol
• Anne M. Bartol
• Description

See what’s new to this edition by selecting the Features tab on this page. Should you need additional information or have questions regarding the HEOA information provided for this title, including what is new to this edition, please email [email protected] . Please include your name, contact information, and the name of the title for which you would like more information. For information on the HEOA, please go to http://ed.gov/policy/highered/leg/hea08/index.html .

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This book contains a range of contemporary articles to supplement and extend students' knowledge and understanding of issues relating to Forensic Psychology.

This book provides Foundation Degree learners that are new to criminology and forensic psychology a broad overview of the topic. It is a good introductory text to the links between criminology, psychology, forensics and the law. It demonstrates how psychological research and theory contribute to the understanding of criminal behaviour. it will support modules that critically examine criminal psychology

This is one of the books that provide beginners with a through introduction to the field of psychology and law. It offers a unique overview of the filed of forensic psychology. It synthesizes a wide variety of empirical studies and in so doing provides an evidence-based view of the subject matter.

NEW TO THIS EDITION:

• Thirty articles—new to this edition— provide cutting-edge research in police, legal and correctional psychology, as well as the psychology of criminal behavior and victimization.
• An introductory section opens the book with two articles that offer discussions of undergraduate and graduate training in forensic psychology along with a suggested list of core competences for education in the field.
• Police and public safety section focuses on current controversies such as false confessions, interrogation tactics, and eyewitness identification.
• Concise summaries of current research relating to violence risk assessment, child abduction, and correctional assessment and treatment are featured throughout.
• Articles specifically relating to juveniles offer discussions around the teenage brain, risk taking, and treatment for juvenile offenders.
• An updated victimology section includes topics of great interest to young adults such as hate crimes, intimate partner violence, and dating violence.
• References have been moved to the end of each article so that readers can easily locate sources for further research.

KEY FEATURES:

• The book's readings are edited journal articles published after 2000, most within the past five years.
• High-interest topics include false confessions, the reliability of children’s evidence, divorce and children’s adjustment, adolescent risk taking, on-line sex offenders, evaluating sex offenders, campus hate crimes, intimate partner violence, and correctional treatment.
• The importance of ethnic and racial sensitivity to successful practice and research is emphasized throughout the book.
• First-hand, research-based reports help readers understand the contributions of forensic psychology to civil and criminal justice.

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IResearchNet

Criminal Behavior

When crime is genuinely driven by rational choice, the perpetrator commits the act for personal gain or satisfaction, with their behavior entirely under their control. However, the extent to which external factors may interfere with and undermine their capacity for free will becomes a critical question. This query has led to the development of numerous theories, each aiming to elucidate criminal behavior through specific factors. These theories generally fall into three categories: psychological, biological, and social. In reality, human behavior is the outcome of intricate interplays among numerous elements. Instead of providing an exhaustive summary of countless theories, this research paper concentrates on the principal factors influencing the manifestation and inhibition of criminal behaviors.

Social Factors in Criminal Behavior

The criminological literature offers an extensive array of environmental factors that are causally associated with criminal behavior. These factors encompass various aspects of development, society, and economics. For instance, poverty is frequently identified as a socioeconomic condition linked to criminal activity. The stress, frustration, and strain experienced by individuals lacking the financial means to fulfill their needs and desires through legitimate avenues can incline them toward criminal acts, unlike their affluent counterparts who have access to lawful resources. Notably, poverty can also entail nutritional deficiencies, which can exacerbate issues like learning disabilities and poor impulse control. These cognitive dysfunctions have been recognized as precursors to delinquency and eventual criminality. Consequently, one’s position in the social hierarchy, often measured by income level, can significantly contribute to criminal behavior by influencing brain function.

Growing up in an environment where parental violence is commonplace can mold children’s behavior, making them more prone to responding to their problems through violent means. While aggression and violence are distinct concepts, their correlation is evident. Psychologist Albert Bandura has underscored the role of social learning in the development of aggressive behavior. Exposure to a violent role model may serve as a catalyst for preexisting psychological and biological factors that predispose an individual to aggressive conduct. This phenomenon may elucidate why, in cases where a father assaults their mother, only one of the two sons grows up to exhibit similar behavior—additional factors render him more susceptible to the influence of the violent model. Conversely, the nonviolent son may exhibit resistance to this influence, possibly due to individual “protective” factors like a high IQ.

Extensive literature delves into the concept of a “cycle of violence,” where individuals who have experienced childhood abuse and neglect are predisposed to engage in violent behaviors in adulthood, perpetuating violence across generations. Similarly, research has explored the repercussions of childhood bullying, revealing that victims may later become aggressors themselves. Animal experiments have shown that exposure to inescapable threats can alter specific brain chemicals related to aggression and its inhibition. Consequently, once-docile animals may exhibit inappropriate and excessive aggression, often victimizing smaller, weaker animals, akin to becoming “playground bullies.” In essence, changes in the environment, such as exposure to inescapable threats, lead to biological changes that subsequently drive alterations in behavior. Empirical studies on child maltreatment have unveiled not only psychological problems but also structural and functional damage to the developing brain, potentially serving as an adaptive mechanism in dangerous environments. Nevertheless, these neurobiological effects tend to predispose individuals to various psychiatric conditions, aggressive behaviors, and stress-related illnesses. Resilient children, who thrive in high-risk conditions, often possess cognitive abilities, notably higher verbal intelligence, enabling them to adapt to stressful environments. Understanding the mechanisms underpinning resilience may reveal deficits in those who succumb to the adverse effects of disadvantaged or abusive childhoods, frequently resulting in delinquency and criminality.

It is important to note that the majority of impoverished individuals are not involved in criminal activities, and most individuals growing up in abusive households or experiencing bullying do not become criminals. This raises pertinent questions: What distinguishes those who engage in criminal behavior from others facing similar circumstances but remaining law-abiding? Furthermore, why do individuals who do not encounter such adversity commit crimes? The answers to these inquiries lie in the fact that social factors impact individuals differently. The psychological and biological constitution of an individual largely determines how external forces influence their behavior. While social factors undeniably play a significant role in criminal behavior, their effects depend on an individual’s psychological and biological makeup. This perspective does not downplay the influence of social factors but underscores that their impact varies based on individual differences. Ultimately, it is the individual who makes the choice to act, whether criminally or otherwise.

Psychological Factors in Criminal Behavior

Criminal courts place significant emphasis on the psychological aspects underpinning criminal behavior, primarily through the requirement of mens rea. However, research highlights the intricate relationship between an individual’s psychology and their biological foundation. The mind and brain share an inseparable connection, where an individual’s psychological state or mental status, whether at a crime scene or in a courtroom, involves intricate biological mechanisms.

Forensic psychologists often delve into the study of psychopathology, focusing on diseases and disorders of the mind. It’s crucial to note that the majority of individuals with mental disorders do not engage in criminal activities. Nevertheless, research indicates that rates of serious mental disorders among prison inmates are three to four times higher than those in the general population. While this disparity doesn’t necessarily imply a direct causative link between psychopathology and criminal behavior, it underscores the significance of mental disorders as potential contributing factors to criminal conduct.

The link between criminal behavior and mental disorders is intricate and multifaceted. Major mental disorders, such as psychosis, are characterized by false perceptions (hallucinations) and erroneous beliefs (delusions). Recent research has established a connection between schizophrenia, a type of psychosis, and an elevated risk of engaging in violent criminal activities. It’s important to note that individuals with psychosis are not typically prone to committing random acts of violence against strangers, as often portrayed in popular media. Instead, the violence is usually directed towards significant individuals in their lives.

Studies on hallucinations in individuals with schizophrenia have unveiled the neurological basis for these false perceptions. Auditory hallucinations, for instance, coincide with abnormal neuron activity in brain regions responsible for processing sound, even in the absence of external auditory stimuli. This neurological perspective enables researchers to ask more focused questions, such as why specific brain regions misfire without external stimuli, rather than vague inquiries like, “Why do schizophrenics hear voices?” Consequently, the impetus for violence in a person with schizophrenia, when driven by voices commanding harm, seems to stem from aberrant neural activity.

Among the various mental disorders recognized by clinicians and researchers, the majority do not fall under the category of psychoses. Instead, they encompass disorders related to personality, impulse control, and similar traits. Psychopathy, a subtype of personality disorder, manifests as a combination of specific affective, interpersonal, and socially deviant behaviors. While psychopaths constitute only around 1% of the general population, they are estimated to represent approximately 25% of the prison population. The nature of psychopathy, marked by a lack of remorse for antisocial actions and a deficit in emotional empathy for those whose rights are violated, makes psychopaths particularly well-suited for criminal activities. While not all psychopaths engage in criminal behavior (many still exhibit behaviors disregarding consideration for others), those who do tend to have significantly higher rates of recidivism compared to non-psychopathic offenders.

Despite the distinction between psychopathy and psychosis, psychopaths exhibit dysfunctional neurobiological mechanisms related to emotions, cognitions, thoughts, and attitudes. According to psychologist Robert Hare, genetic and other biological factors contribute to the deviant personality structure of psychopaths, while environmental influences may shape how the disorder manifests in their behavior. Advanced imaging techniques like positron emission tomography and single-photon-emission computed tomography scans have identified specific brain regions that function abnormally in violent psychopaths. Notably, the prefrontal cortex, a part of the frontal lobes responsible for rational decision-making and impulse control, often appears underaroused in psychopaths, rendering it ineffective in managing emotional impulses. This underarousal of the prefrontal cortex can lead to impulsive behaviors, including criminal acts.

Cognitive abilities play a substantial role in criminal behavior. When IQ is used as a measure of intelligence, research consistently shows that offenders tend to have lower scores compared to non-offenders. Individuals with lower intellectual abilities often struggle with delaying gratification, controlling their impulses, and understanding alternative ways to achieve their desires. Significant intellectual impairment can reduce inhibitions against causing harm because individuals may lack an understanding of the wrongfulness of their actions. While environmental factors can influence the development and expression of cognitive abilities, research indicates that there is a significant hereditary component to these traits.

The concept of emotional intelligence holds promise for a more comprehensive understanding of chronic criminality. Individuals with low emotional intelligence, who have limited insight into their own behavior and lack empathy toward others, are less inhibited when it comes to violating the rights of others. Brain injury, particularly to the ventromedial prefrontal cortex, has been associated with the onset of reckless and antisocial behavior, including violence, without experiencing remorse. This suggests that specific frontal lobe functions related to moral judgment are impaired in chronic offenders.

A psychoanalytic perspective highlights the often-neglected role of traumatic events during early childhood in the mainstream literature on criminal behavior. In the context of twenty-first-century technology, Freudian constructs can be reexamined and recast as specific neurobiological factors. For instance, Freud’s concept of the id, responsible for generating unconscious and primitive urges, may correspond to the limbic system, which includes brain structures involved in basic emotions, motivation, and memory. The ego, representing the rational aspect of personality that mediates the self-centered demands of the id, could be associated with the development of the frontal lobes during childhood. This rational component negotiates with the emotional and impulsive id.

Furthermore, Freud’s superego, representing the moral aspect of personality, may partially reside in the ventromedial prefrontal cortex. Damage to this brain region has been linked to remorseless antisocial behavior. Reinterpreting Freudian constructs in this neurobiological manner does not negate their validity but rather provides them with the potential for empirical validation.

It is essential to recognize that when discussing disordered mental states or mental diseases, we must also consider the underlying neurobiological processes. Regardless of the psychological issue at hand, it is no longer possible to discuss the psychological factors associated with criminal behavior without simultaneously addressing the biological factors. These elements are inextricably intertwined and must be considered together in understanding criminal behavior.

Biological Factors in Criminal Behavior

Biological factors play a crucial role in mediating the numerous social and psychological factors that increase the risk of criminal behavior.

Optimal brain function relies on a proper diet. Complex carbohydrates are broken down into glucose, which serves as the brain’s fundamental fuel. Various nutrients are involved in converting glucose into energy, and a deficiency in any of these essential nutrients compromises brain function, reducing available energy. The frontal lobes of the brain, responsible for rational thinking, behavior organization, and emotional impulse moderation, require twice the energy compared to more primitive brain regions. Depletion of energy levels impairs higher functions, allowing uninhibited lower brain activity. Consequently, emotions can dominate our behavior when energy levels are low. Malnutrition can impair cognitive function, making antisocial and aggressive behaviors more likely.

Among diagnosed illnesses associated with violent behavior, substance abuse ranks highest. Alcohol, for example, disinhibits individuals, leading to domestic violence, aggravated assault, murder, and rape, as evident in police reports. Substance abuse has a particularly detrimental impact on individuals with preexisting mental disorders, exacerbating their dysfunction. Alcohol itself does not cause violent behavior but can trigger violence in those already prone to it due to other factors.

Exposure to environmental toxic agents such as pesticides and lead can delay or impair intellectual development, affecting behavior and its regulation. Teratogens, which interfere with normal embryonic development, play a crucial role in predisposing some individuals to a life of crime. The consequences of cognitive deficits and behavioral issues resulting from factors like prenatal exposure to drugs and alcohol are well-documented in the literature.

Neurotransmitters play a critical role in conducting electrochemical impulses within and between regions of the brain, as well as throughout the body. Imbalances in neurotransmitter systems have been linked to numerous psychiatric disorders. One such neurotransmitter, serotonin, plays a vital role in regulating emotional states. Laboratory experiments have shown that lowering serotonin levels can lead to impulsive and aggressive behavior. The observation that childhood abuse and neglect can result in permanently reduced serotonin levels is significant for understanding the origins of violence.

Hormones, like neurotransmitters, function in a similar manner but are released into the bloodstream rather than between neurons. Abnormally high levels of circulating testosterone, a sex hormone associated with the drive to dominate and compete, have been linked to excessive aggression. Instances of “roid rage” in bodybuilders who use anabolic steroids and exhibit extreme and uncontrollable violence illustrate this effect. Research on stress hormones, such as low levels of salivary cortisol correlating with severe and persistent aggression, underscores the importance of hormonal contributions to criminal behavior.

Studies on skin conductance, heart rate, and brainwave activity have connected low arousal to criminal behavior. In fact, in young children, these psychophysiological conditions have been reported to accurately predict later delinquency. Collectively, these studies suggest that the brains of chronic offenders function differently. As we continue to identify factors associated with criminal behavior, we grapple with a critical question: To what extent are these factors genetically determined?

A range of methodologies, including studies involving twins and adoptees, chromosomal abnormalities, and DNA polymorphisms, have been utilized to investigate the role of genetic factors in criminal behavior and aggression. While the discovery of a “crime gene” is not expected, it is evident that certain genes code for neurochemicals associated with various behaviors. For instance, a specific, though rare, mutation has been identified in a gene responsible for an enzyme affecting the levels of specific neurotransmitters in the brain. This mutation has been linked to a predisposition toward impulsive and excessive aggression and violence in affected individuals within a family.

Behavioral genetics studies provide support for the notion that aggressive behavior has a moderate heritable component. Aggressive behaviors are advantageous for males of a species as they compete for territory and mates. Evolutionary psychology suggests that traits promoting reproductive success are selected and passed down through generations. Primatologist Ronald Nadler argues that sexual aggression is inherent in the behavioral repertoire of great apes, our close biological relatives. Human males, driven by their procreative instincts, may have a natural inclination to seek multiple partners, increasing the chances of species survival and gene transmission. However, most males do not engage in rape, largely due to socialization. Rapists are individuals who have not been effectively socialized against such behavior. This example illustrates how specific psychosocial risk factors, such as low intelligence, can elevate the likelihood of criminal and violent conduct, such as rape.

The long-standing tradition of viewing crime as a product of voluntary actions, unaffected by aberrant psychological or biological processes, is being challenged. Ultimately, it may be psychologist Adrian Raine’s bold conceptualization of criminality as a clinical disorder that aligns best with emerging knowledge. Embracing this perspective would necessitate a reevaluation of our concepts of crime, punishment, and treatment. If criminal behavior, particularly impulsive violent behavior, is inherently pathological, it holds far-reaching implications. Courts are wise to exercise caution in their determinations of culpability. As behavioral science research and technology advance, it is likely that the growing body of data will, over time, provide persuasive insights.

References:

• Hare, R. D. (1993). Without conscience: The disturbing world of the psychopaths among us. New York: Pocket Books.
• Raine, A. (1993). The psychopathology of crime: Criminal behavior as a clinical disorder. New York: Academic Press.
• Salovey, P., & Mayer, J. (1990). Emotional intelligence. Imagination, Cognition, and Personality, 9(3), 185-211.
• Strueber, D., Lueck, M., & Roth, G. (2006, December). The violent brain. Scientific American, 20-27.
• Teicher, M. H. (2002, March). Scars that won’t heal: The neurobiology of child abuse. Scientific American, 68-75.
• Widom, C. S. (1989). The cycle of violence. Science, 244, 160-166.

Criminology

Criminology is the scientific study of criminal behavior, on an individual, social or natural level, and how it can be managed, controlled, and prevented.

What Do Criminal Psychologists Do? 

Self-Control Theory Of Crime 

Reviewed by Saul Mcleod, PhD

Tertiary Deviance: Definition & Examples

Social reaction theory (criminology), jean piaget, behaviorism, neuroscience.

Jean Piaget's theory of cognitive development suggests that children move through four different stages of intellectual development which reflect the increasing sophistication of children's thoughts. Child development is determined by biological maturation and interaction with the environment.

Learn More: Piaget's Stages of Cognitive Development

Behaviorism is a theory of learning that states all behaviors are learned through interaction with the environment through a process called conditioning. Thus, behavior is simply a response to environmental stimuli.

Learn More: Behaviorist Approach in Psychology

Sigmund Freud (1856 to 1939) was the founding father of psychoanalysis, a method for treating mental illness and a theory that explains human behavior. His theories are clinically derived, based on what his patients told him during therapy.

Learn More: Sigmund Freud's Influence on Psychology

An approach is a perspective that involves certain assumptions about human behavior: the way people function, which aspects of them are worthy of study, and what research methods are appropriate for undertaking this study. The five major psychological perspectives are biological, psychodynamic, behaviorist, cognitive, and humanistic.

Learn More: Major Perspectives in Modern Psychology

Neuroscience is the branch of science concerned with studying the nervous system. It is a multidisciplinary field integrating numerous perspectives from biology, psychology, and medicine. It consists of several sub-fields ranging from the study of neurochemicals to the study of behavior and thought.

Learn More: What is Neuroscience?

Frequent Asked Questions

Is psychodynamic same as psychoanalytic?

The words psychodynamic and psychoanalytic are often confused. Remember that Freud’s theories were psychoanalytic, whereas the term ‘psychodynamic’ refers to both his theories and those of his followers, such as Carl Jung, Anna Freud, and Erik Erikson.

Learn More: Psychodynamic Approach

What is developmental psychology?

Developmental psychology is a scientific approach which aims to explain how thinking, feeling, and behavior change throughout a person’s life. A significant proportion of theories within this discipline focus upon development during childhood, as this is the period during an individual’s lifespan when the most change occurs.

Learn More: Developmental Psychology

What is Freud’s psychosexual theory?

Sigmund Freud proposed that personality development in childhood takes place during five psychosexual stages, which are the oral, anal, phallic, latency, and genital stages.

During each stage, sexual energy (libido) is expressed in different ways and through different body parts.

Learn More: Freud’s Psychosexual Stages of Development

What Is object permanence in Piaget’s theory?

Object permanence means knowing that an object still exists, even if it is hidden. It requires the ability to form a mental representation (i.e. a schema) of the object.

The attainment of object permanence generally signals the transition from the sensorimotor stage to the  preoperational stage of development .

Learn More: What Is Object Permanence According To Piaget?

What is the difference between a psychology and sociology?

Psychology studies the mind of an individual to understand human behavior and social and emotional reactions, whereas sociology looks beyond individuals and examines societal institutions and groups of people.

Learn More: Similarities and Differences Between Sociology and Psychology

Explore Criminology

Subcultural Theories of Deviance

What Is Social Control In Sociology?

Social construction of crime & deviance.

Routine Activities Theory: Definition & Examples

Primary deviance: definition & examples (lemert), rational choice theory of criminology, secondary deviance: definition & examples, hirschi’s social control theory of crime, what is formal social control what are some examples, what is informal social control what are some examples, ethnomethodology theory: definition & examples, deviance in sociology: definition, theories & examples.

Anomie Theory in Sociology: Definition & Examples

Broken Windows Theory of Criminology

Biological Theories of Crime

Cognitive Interview Technique

Cultural Transmission Theory of Deviance

Edwin Sutherland's Differential Association Theory

Eyewitness Testimony in Psychology

Reviewed by Olivia Guy-Evans, MSc

Moral Panic and Folk Devils

Labeling Theory of Deviance in Sociology: Definitions & Examples

Cesare Lombroso: Theory of Crime, Criminal Man, and Atavism

Merton’s Strain Theory of Deviance and Anomie in Sociology

Offender Profiling In Psychology

Radical Criminology Theory

Recidivism: Definition, Causes & Examples

Sheldon's Constitutional Theory: Somatotyping

• Systematic Review
• Open access
• Published: 30 May 2024

The effectiveness of interventions for offending behaviours in adults with autism spectrum disorders (ASD): a systematic PRISMA review

• Jody Salter 1 , 2 &
• Sarah Blainey 1 , 3  

BMC Psychology volume  12 , Article number:  316 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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Previous research has suggested that the core features of autism spectrum disorders (ASD) may contribute to offending behaviours and increased vulnerability within the Criminal Justice System. To date, there is a paucity of evidence assessing the effectiveness of interventions for offending behaviour in adults with ASD but without co-occurring intellectual disability (ID) across a broad range of forensic settings. The lack of robust evidence is concerning, as limited effectiveness may contribute to an increased likelihood of prolonged incarceration, particularly in the most restrictive settings. A PRISMA systematic review was conducted with a narrative synthesis to: (a) evaluate the evidence of the effectiveness of interventions aimed at reducing recidivism, (b) assess whether the core features of ASD impact the effectiveness of these interventions, and (c) identify additional factors that may affect the effectiveness of interventions within this population. Seven studies involving ten male participants were identified. The findings suggest that interventions for offending behaviours in adults with ASD without intellectual disability (ID) are largely inadequate, and that core ASD features need to be considered. Additionally, a complex interplay of risk factors potentially impacting intervention effectiveness was suggested. Limitations include heterogeneity across intervention types, measures of effectiveness, and what constitutes effectiveness. Despite the limited number of studies and data quality, the review aligns with a growing body of literature highlighting vulnerability and a need for evidence-based interventions for people with ASD. The review also discusses the broader implications of ineffective interventions.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

Autism spectrum disorders (ASD) represent a group of complex and highly heterogeneous neurodevelopmental disorders. A diagnosis of ASD is based on the presence of two core features: impairments in social communication and interaction (SCI), and restrictive and repetitive behaviours (RRBs) [ 1 ].

Phenotypic manifestations of the core features often present with varying degrees of social disengagement, difficulties in establishing and sustaining relationships, social naivety, lack of eye contact, and difficulties in interpreting facial expressions [ 2 ]. RRBs manifest as intense and highly restrictive special interests, a strong inclination for environmental consistency [ 3 ], cognitive rigidity, and hyper-or hypo sensory responses to the environment [ 4 ].

Additional factors modulate and influence these core features, including the extent of sensory and motor impairments, language and cognitive abilities, adaptive functioning, gender and the presence of co-occurring psychiatric disorders [ 5 , 6 , 7 ]. The increasing recognition of ASD has resulted in significantly higher diagnosis rates across all age groups [ 8 ], which are currently estimated to be 1 in 57 in England [ 9 ]. Consequently, this increase in diagnoses has led to a greater representation of individuals with ASD within the criminal justice system (CJS).

ASD in the criminal justice system

An increasing body of research has highlighted the significant vulnerability experienced by individuals with ASD while navigating the CJS. This vulnerability becomes evident throughout multiple stages of the criminal justice process, ranging from initial encounters with police [ 10 ] through to police interviews [ 11 ], to court room proceedings [ 12 ] and prison services [ 13 ]. This heightened vulnerability is exacerbated by the reported general lack of understanding of ASD within the CJS, among both professionals and the general public [ 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 ].

Individuals with ASD and co-occurring intellectual disability (ID) are often identified and diverted from the criminal justice system (CJS). This is due to a recognition of their reduced culpability, a result of impairments in both intellectual and adaptive functioning [ 15 ]. In contrast, individuals with ASD but without co-occurring ID, the population on which this review focuses, exhibit significant deficits in adaptive functioning despite their intellectual capabilities. This difference is often referred to as the IQ functioning gap and is unique to individuals with ASD [ 17 ]. Despite impairments in adaptive functioning, this population is considered intellectually capable. Therefore, they are generally perceived as culpable and sufficiently competent to navigate the complexities of the CJS and receive a fair trial. This contrast raises further questions concerning culpability ranging from criminal responsibility to the appropriateness of sentencing.

Following conviction, when an offence has met the custody threshold, offenders with ASD are typically diverted to the community or prison. Alternatively, if detained under the Mental Health Act 1983 (the legislative framework governing mental healthcare and treatment in England and Wales), they may be detained in a secure hospital environment (classified as low, medium, or high security).

Estimating the prevalence of ASD within the UK prison population is difficult because of a lack of routine assessment; nonetheless, ASD is estimated to range between 1% and 4.4% [ 5 ]. Research has shown a disproportionately high prevalence of ASD in secure hospital settings (6.5%), exceeding the estimate for the general population [ 18 ].

Qualitative studies examining the experiences of prisoners with ASD without co-occurring ID have highlighted their increased vulnerability to bullying, exploitation, and social anxiety in prison [ 13 ]. In addition, research aimed at evaluating the prevalence of the broader autistic phenotype among a prison population, as well as comparing their mental health characteristics to those without, revealed a significant risk of self-harm and suicide in individuals presenting with autistic traits. Within this cohort, of the 240 prisoners assessed, 46 displayed significant autistic traits, with 12 meeting the diagnostic criteria for ASD. Notably, only two of these individuals had been previously recognised by the prison as having ASD. This finding highlights the under recognition of ASD and emphasises the heightened vulnerability of this population to a range of mental health risks within the prison environment [ 5 ].

Although it may be logical to assume that a secure hospital setting may better meet the treatment needs of people with ASD than a prison setting, current evidence suggests otherwise. Concerns have been raised, including the high likelihood of long-term seclusion in people with ASD compared to those without ASD [ 19 ] and significantly longer than average stays within secure hospital settings [ 20 ].

Despite several initiatives aimed at improving the recognition of ASD within the prison population [ 21 ], a recent UK government report on ‘neurodiversity’ [ 22 ], a term encompassing various conditions that fall into the broader category of neurodevelopmental disorders (NDDs) including ASD, highlighted three notable areas of concern. These included a greater likelihood of neurodivergent individuals being held on remand, inappropriately pleading guilty, and judges often failing to recognise a defendant’s neurodivergence as a mitigating factor when sentencing. These findings demonstrate that much work is needed to address the challenges faced by individuals with ASD and neurodivergent conditions in the CJS.

ASD and risk of offending

While there is insufficient evidence to suggest that individuals with ASD are at greater risk of engaging in offending behaviours [ 23 ], it has been suggested that the core features of ASD may contribute to the risk of offending behaviours [ 24 , 25 ]. Risk factors for offending behaviour in the general population are associated with the cumulative influence of various factors, including alcohol and drug abuse, low socioeconomic status, mental disorders, adversity, child abuse, and traumatic brain injury [ 26 , 27 , 28 ]. Less is known about the risk factors for offending behaviour within the ASD population, with the exception of co-occurring psychiatric disorders, such as personality disorders and psychosis [ 5 ].

Research suggests that individuals diagnosed with ASD early in life face barriers to services throughout their lifespan, resulting in unmet education, health, and therapeutic needs [ 29 , 30 ]. Research suggests that certain demographic groups, such as women [ 31 , 32 ], individuals from ethnic minorities, and those from lower socioeconomic backgrounds [ 9 , 33 ], are far more likely to be underdiagnosed. This in turn increases the risk of unmet needs [ 34 , 35 ]. These factors may contribute as variables that collectively increase the overall cumulative risk of engaging in offending behaviours.

Forensic interventions

Interventions for offending behaviour often use cognitive-behavioural techniques to reduce recidivism, with an emphasis on perspective-taking, self-and relationship management, and problem solving. In the United Kingdom, the Ministry of Justice requires a sufficient evidence base for the accreditation of forensic interventions. This accreditation aims to promote high-quality programs in prisons and community settings to reduce recidivism [ 36 ].

Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) is widely recognised as one of the most effective interventions for offending behaviours [ 37 ]. There is evidence that CBT reduces recidivism by 20–30% in the general offending population [ 38 , 39 ]. However, there is little evidence to support the effectiveness of such interventions for offending behaviour in forensic secure settings, often yielding inconsistent findings [ 40 ].

Beyond forensic settings, evidence suggests that adapted CBT is effective for individuals with ASD [ 41 , 42 ]. These adjustments are necessary due to the core features of ASD and challenges in areas such as perspective taking and cognitive rigidity, both of which are conducive to successful therapeutic outcomes in this population [ 43 ]. Additionally, evidence supports the use of social skills training [ 44 ] and group-based social skills interventions in adults with ASD [ 41 ] However, there is no consensus regarding the specific adaptations most beneficial for individuals with ASD.

Furthermore, the lack of appropriate outcome measures has been reported to be a barrier to determining the effectiveness of interventions within secure forensic hospital settings [ 45 , 46 , 47 ]. Despite the evidence for CBT use within the general offender population and for individuals with ASD outside forensic settings, there are reports that the implementation of these interventions is not effective for individuals detained within secure hospital settings [ 19 , 48 , 49 ].

The increasing recognition of the vulnerability of individuals with ASD within the CJS highlights the urgent need for a systematic evaluation of the effectiveness of interventions for offending behaviours in adults with ASD. While previous research has examined interventions for individuals with ASD and co-occurring ID [ 49 ], a significant research gap remains regarding the effectiveness of forensic interventions for individuals with ASD but without co-occurring ID [ 14 ].

This systematic review aims to address this gap by conducting a comprehensive evaluation of intervention effectiveness in an ASD population without co-occurring ID.

Research aims

This systematic review is guided by the following research objectives:

To systematically review and evaluate the effectiveness of interventions for offending behaviours in adults with ASD without co-occurring ID, as reported in the literature;

To ascertain whether the core features of ASD impact the effectiveness of the identified interventions; and.

To identify additional risk factors that may impact the effectiveness of interventions in this population.

Inclusion criteria

Each potentially eligible study was screened based on the inclusion and exclusion criteria described in the PICO framework below [ 50 ].

Population.

Participants included adults aged 18 years and older diagnosed with ASD, as defined by the authors in the literature. Studies involving participants with co-occurring ASD and ID and those that did not differentiate between these two populations were excluded.

Intervention & Outcomes.

Our review aimed to identify studies that objectively and/or subjectively measured the effectiveness of therapeutic or pharmacological interventions for reducing recidivism in individuals with ASD exhibiting offending behaviours. These included interventions delivered in all categories, namely, prisons, probation supervision, and secure hospitals.

Study Design and Comparison.

All primary research studies were included, regardless of publication date or country of origin. Studies that were peer-reviewed (e.g., grey literature and conference abstracts), systematic reviews, and those not published in English were excluded. An inclusion-exclusion criterion related to the type of comparison conducted in individual studies was not imposed.

Search strategy

The search was conducted on the 27th of March 2021 across five databases, covering a broad timeframe and utilising international terminology. The databases included:

Embase (1974 to 2021).

Ovid MEDLINE(R) and Epub ahead of print, In-process, In data-review and other Non-Indexed Citations.

Ovid MEDLINE(R) Daily.

Global Health (1973 to March 2021).

APA PsychInfo (1806 to February 2021).

Furthermore, a web-based search using Google Scholar was conducted with the same search terms. The first 15 pages of results were manually reviewed; however, no additional studies meeting the inclusion criteria were found. Additionally, the reference lists and citations of relevant reviews were manually checked, but this did not yield any further eligible studies.

Data selection and extraction

The data selection and extraction processes consisted of two stages:

During Stage 1, potential eligible studies were screened based on their titles and abstracts against the predefined inclusion and exclusion criteria. Owing to the limited number of results, the screening process was performed manually and repeated one week later to increase accuracy.

Stage 2 involved a comprehensive review of the full texts of the selected studies to confirm their alignment with the inclusion criteria. Relevant data were extracted and organised into spreadsheets using Microsoft Excel.

PRISMA flow diagram of searches of databases and registers only

Consistent with the primary aim of this systematic review, the first outcome measure is the effectiveness of the identified forensic interventions, measured by a reduction in recidivism. While reducing recidivism is the principal goal of forensic interventions, it is often viewed as a proxy measure that may not fully capture the complexity of offending behaviours, particularly in cases of crossover crime [ 46 , 51 ]. To address this limitation, additional relevant measures contributing to reduced recidivism were collected to allow for a preliminary assessment of intervention effectiveness. These additional measures included variables such as a reduction in security levels within institutional settings (i.e., medium to low security) or significant positive changes compared to baseline measurements recorded before and after the intervention.

The second aim of this review was to examine whether the core features of ASD present barriers to the rehabilitation process. To achieve this objective, data concerning the interactions between impairments in social communication and interaction (SCI) and restrictive and repetitive behaviours (RRBs) in relation to interventions within individual studies, as described by clinicians were collected and analysed.

Thirdly, this review aimed to identify additional risk factors described within findings that may influence the effectiveness of the interventions. The aim of the analysis is to provide a more comprehensive understanding of collective risk factors and their interactions with intervention effectiveness assessed through narrative synthesis. In addition, the data collected included the study design, author, and country of origin. When reported, participant demographics, such as age, gender, offence, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status, were reported. The intervention data included the type of intervention used, setting, duration, and frequency, only when available.

Study risk of bias assessment

The Mixed Methods Appraisal Tool (MMAT) [ 52 ] is a comprehensive tool for critically evaluating various research methods. The methodological quality of each study and the potential risk of bias were assessed using the MMAT. The results of this assessment are presented in tabular form (Table  2 , ‘MMAT Quality Appraisal’, appendix).

Synthesis method

A narrative synthesis [ 53 ] was used for this review as a meta-analysis was not appropriate because of the significant heterogeneity between studies. The synthesis process began with a preliminary analysis, in which the data were extracted and presented in tabular form to provide a summary of the findings and to identify potential patterns within the data. A guided conceptual framework was constructed based on the narrative synthesis of the primary data. This framework aimed to assess both the similarities and differences between the included studies while exploring emerging thematic elements.

Study selection

The initial database search returned 2,551 results after removing duplicates, as shown in Fig.  1 of the PRISMA flow diagram, which depicts the flow of information at each stage of the systematic review search. Subsequent screening included an initial assessment of the titles and a subsequent assessment of the abstracts, which led to the exclusion of an additional 2,530 articles. To ensure accuracy, abstract screening was repeated one week later. Subsequent full-text eligibility screening excluded 14 additional studies. The reasons for exclusion included the following: (a) participants under 18 years of age ( n  = 4), (b) lacked differentiation between the ID and ASD populations ( n  = 4), (c) were differentiated but not described in the context of the results ( n  = 2), (d) measurement of interventions for self-harm and suicide among offenders with ASD rather than for offending behaviour ( n  = 1), and (e) removal of commentary papers ( n  = 3). Consequently, the final number of included studies from the initial database search was seven ( n  = 7).

Study characteristics

Among the seven studies identified, three were case reports ( n  = 3), two were qualitative studies ( n  = 2), and two were quantitative case series ( n  = 2). These studies jointly assessed the effectiveness of the various interventions. The total sample size of all the studies was limited to 10; all the participants were men, and demographic information was limited. It is worth noting that despite the use of international terminology in the search criteria, all seven articles described studies conducted exclusively in southern England, United Kingdom (UK). In these studies, all participants, apart from one were held in secure hospital units under the provisions of the Mental Health Act 1983. The most prevalent types of offending behaviours observed were sexual offences ( n  = 4), followed by manslaughter ( n  = 3), and arson ( n  = 3).

Table  1 ‘Summary of Findings’ provides a summary of each study included in the systematic review. The summary includes author information, available participant demographics, offence type, setting, detainment status (i.e., under the mental health act), intervention approach, study findings, intervention effectiveness, measurement used to assess effectiveness, and whether there was evidence to suggest that the core features of ASD impacted the effectiveness of forensic intervention(s). These are separated by impairments in social communication and interaction (SCI) and restrictive and repetitive behaviours (RRBs).

Risk of bias in studies

The methodological quality of the studies was assessed using the MMAT [ 52 ] (Table  2 , ‘MMAT Quality Appraisal’, appendix). Each of the three case reports received a 3-star rating, indicating a moderate risk of bias and meeting 75% of the qualitative MMAT criteria [ 54 , 55 , 56 ].

The two quantitative case series were found to be at a higher risk of bias due to difficulties in distinguishing the treatment groups, recruitment difficulties, lack of a control group, and incomplete outcome data for the ASD group without co-occurring ID. They received a 2-star rating, meeting 50% of the MMAT quantitative criteria [ 58 ].

The second quantitative study [ 57 ], raised concerns about the validity and reliability of outcome measures, which were originally designed for the ID population but applied to the ASD group without co-occurring ID. This study also received a 2-star rating and met 50% of the MMAT’s quantitative criteria.

The remaining qualitative studies received a 3-star rating, meeting 75% of the MMAT criteria. The first evaluated intervention effectiveness from the perspective of the clinicians who delivered the therapeutic program [ 59 ]. The second assessed offenders’ views via self-report, which carry a potential risk of response bias [ 60 ].

Selection bias was observed in studies that combined ID and ASD populations. Overall, it was difficult to establish a causal relationship between the interventions and outcomes.

Notably, not all the studies reviewed explicitly documented obtaining informed consent from participants. The discrepancy in informed consent between studies, particularly in restrictive forensic settings, presents challenges extending beyond ethical considerations. Such discrepancies may compromise the validity of intervention comparisons, introduce biases in participant selection, and undermine the reliability of data.

Interventions

The interventions examined across the reviewed studies were diverse, as presented in Table  3 , titled ‘Summary of Interventions’.

Three studies incorporated both pharmacological and psychological interventions. Specifically, antipsychotics were used to address co-occurring psychosis, contributing to instances of offending behaviour [ 55 ]. Antipsychotics were also used to manage stress-induced psychosis [ 56 ]. In the context of directly treating offending behaviours, two distinct medications were applied in cases of sexual offending, each with different mechanisms of action [ 54 ] (Table  3 ).

Four studies relied exclusively on psychological interventions [ 57 , 58 , 59 , 60 ]. Among these, two studies implemented adapted forms of CBT. Specific details regarding the non-standardised adaptations used in CBT were not provided by the study author, except that individual delivery was necessary due to difficulties encountered within group settings [ 54 , 56 ].

The third study that incorporated CBT included elements similar to those of the Adapted Sex Offender Treatment Program (A-SOTP) [ 58 ]. The effectiveness of the A-SOTP was described in two studies [ 59 , 60 ]. Furthermore, the Equipping Youth to Help One Another (EQUIP) was adapted and piloted for use with individuals with ID and developmental disabilities (DD) who had committed sexual offences [ 57 ]. Supplementary interventions included speech and language therapy to facilitate communication [ 55 ], occupational therapy to address impairments in executive functioning [ 55 , 56 ] and art therapy [ 54 ].

Table  3 visually depicts a summary of the diverse interventions extracted, reviewed, and categorised according to intervention type: pharmacological, psychological, and supplementary intervention approaches. In addition, the table includes the type of offence, studies using intervention, underlying mechanism of action or theory, evidence base supporting intervention, and measurements used to assess effectiveness.

Measurements

Numerous approaches were adopted to measure effectiveness across the studies. Two studies measured effectiveness by reduced recidivism and the need to repeat the intervention. Other studies utilised a range of standardised measurements to evaluate psychological interventions. For example, one study [ 54 ] employed the Behavioural Status Index (BSI) every six months as a measurement tool. In contrast, another [ 56 ] employed the State Trait Anger Expression Inventory (STAXII II) and the Millon Multiaxial Personality Inventory (MMPI), combined with standardised risk assessment, one-year postintervention.

Regarding pharmacological interventions, one case report used a combination of subjective and objective measurements. These included self-reports and the systematic monitoring of inappropriate glancing behaviours over time by staff members [ 54 ]. In another instance, the reduction in verbalised delusions served as a measure of the effectiveness of antipsychotic medication [ 55 , 56 ].

The effectiveness of interventions such as the A-SOTP was assessed differently across the two studies. In one study, effectiveness was evaluated through clinician views [ 59 ], while in the other, effectiveness was determined by the participants’ subjective experiences with the intervention [ 60 ].

In the case of CBT, which shares similarities with A-SOTP, standardised measures were applied both pre- and post-intervention. These measures consisted of sexual attitudes consistent with sexual offending (QACSO), sexual offenders’ self-appraisal scale (SOSAS), the sexual attitudes and knowledge scale (SAKS), and the victim empathy scale-adapted (VES-A) [ 58 ].

The EQIP study, which also focused on sexual offending [ 57 ], assessed effectiveness by examining improvements in baseline scores on standardised tests related to moral reasoning, cognitive distortions, problem-solving abilities, and anger. In addition, a move to a lower security level was considered an indicator of overall effectiveness. Furthermore, in a case study that included speech and language therapy, the clinician’s subjective view of improved communication within the secure unit served as a measure of the intervention’s effectiveness [ 55 ].

Among the seven studies reviewed, only one pertaining to an arson offence considered the intervention(s) effective. In this case, a pharmacological intervention was used to treat co-occurring alcohol-induced psychosis, and the unspecified antipsychotic proved successful in reducing delusions. Furthermore, speech and language therapy aimed at improving communication skills was also deemed to be effective [ 55 ].

However, the remaining six studies, which included a total of nine participants, concluded that the interventions were largely ineffective. One case report addressing sexual offending behaviours used pharmacological interventions. The first involved cyproterone acetate, a testosterone inhibitor, however, the outcome could not be conclusively determined owing to adherence and dosage issues [ 54 ]. In the second, the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) fluoxetine was deemed ineffective, as inappropriate behaviours did not significantly decrease [ 54 ]. It is worth noting that the evidence for both of these drugs has since been described as insufficient to guide clinical practice, with cyproterone acetate considered inadequate [ 61 ], and the evidence for fluoxetine has not been fully determined [ 62 ].

Among the two studies that utilised the A-SOTP and a similar form of CBT for sexual offending, one participant repeated the intervention program six times and subsequently re-offended and a further two participants repeated the yearlong intervention program and reoffended [ 58 ]. These findings are consistent with the results of the study that assessed clinician views [ 59 ]. Even in the case of CBT, as used in two studies, the intervention was deemed ineffective despite adaptations made to accommodate individuals with ASD [ 54 , 56 ].

ASD core features and impact upon intervention effectiveness

The application of a narrative synthesis facilitated the identification and extraction of recurring patterns within the data. These patterns were evident across all the studies, highlighting the considerable challenges posed by impairments in social communication and interaction (SCI) and the presence of restrictive and repetitive behaviours (RRBs) on the effectiveness of interventions, as depicted in Fig.  2 .

Impact of The Core Features of ASD upon Intervention Effectiveness. Note. This describes the core features of ASD, both ‘impairments to SCI’ and ‘presence of RRBs’, and their impact upon intervention effectiveness as extracted from studies

Additional factors impacting intervention effectiveness

In addition to the core features of ASD, this review sought to identify additional risk factors that may influence the effectiveness of the intervention(s). Potential risk factors highlighted by the authors of each study were collected, and through narrative synthesis, several recurring themes emerged from the data. Co-occurring personality disorders and psychosis [ 55 , 56 ], were identified as potential factors impacting intervention effectiveness, as described within the literature. Additionally, events such as childhood adversity, sexual abuse, trauma, and having a dysfunctional family life were described as potential contributors [ 58 ]. Late diagnosis of ASD was theorised to lead to maladaptive coping skills deriving from unmet needs, which were described in three of the studies [ 54 , 55 , 56 ].

An overarching theme identified across the majority of the seven studies was the insufficiency of service provision, staff expertise, and the evidence base.

The present systematic review identified seven studies with ten participants who underwent forensic interventions aimed at reducing offending behaviours in adults with ASD, particularly those without co-occurring ID. The principal aim of this review was to evaluate the effectiveness of these interventions. The secondary aim was to examine whether the core features of ASD have an impact on the effectiveness of these forensic interventions and to identify other variables that may impact the overall effectiveness of interventions.

Regarding the first aim, the evidence suggests that the interventions reviewed were inadequate. However, these findings should be treated with caution not only because of the small sample size but also because of limitations in the generalisability of the findings. Despite an extensive literature search, all the studies were conducted in southern England, UK, and included only male participants. In addition, all participants, with the exception of one individual living in the community, were detained within secure hospital settings under the provisions of the Mental Health Act (1983). This highlights the lack of data from prison and the probation service, which limits the scope of the review. Furthermore, this review highlights a critical lack of research within this domain. Even when the literature was identified, it was often of inadequate quality owing to various design limitations. The significant heterogeneity between studies, each utilising distinct intervention methods and tools for measuring intervention effectiveness, illustrates a notable lack of standardisation in both clinical and research methodologies within this field. This lack of consistency aligns with broader research on mental health in individuals with ASD [ 45 , 46 ]. Nonetheless, the forensic domain faces additional challenges, such as the lack of randomised control trials, which means that the effectiveness of interventions is difficult to fully determine. These challenges are exacerbated by unavoidable confounding variables, the risk of bias, and the ethical implications of a no-treatment group [ 66 ], all of which contribute to the lack of evidence.

The secondary aim was to examine the potential impact of the core features of ASD on the effectiveness of interventions designed to reduce recidivism. The data patterns identified through narrative synthesis consistently emerged across all studies, highlighting the significant challenges posed by impairments in social communication and interaction (SCI) and the presence of restrictive and repetitive behaviours (RRBs). These challenges highlight the general inappropriateness of forensic interventions within this population.

The third and final aim was to identify factors, beyond the core features of ASD, that may influence the effectiveness of interventions. Throughout the studies, a recurring theme emerged, highlighting significant systemic factors impacting intervention effectiveness. These include issues such as a shortage of government funding leading to inadequate service provision, the question of whether ASD and ID services should be combined, and the substantial unmet needs throughout the lifespan of individuals with ASD, all of which affect the success of forensic interventions. While the core features of ASD are significant, they may not be the primary cause of intervention failure. Rather, they seem to be contributing factors within a broader and more complex array of variables that collectively impact the overall effectiveness of these forensic interventions.

Implications

The inadequate provision of forensic services carries significant implications, especially when prolonged detainment becomes necessary due to the shortcomings of forensic interventions. Such deficiencies may subject individuals with ASD to non-evidence-based interventions, often repeatedly [ 56 , 58 ]. This then increases the likelihood of these individuals being labelled as ‘unrehabilitated,’ potentially leading to extended periods of detainment. Consequently, this creates a counterproductive cycle that not only exacerbates the economic burden but also raises serious concerns about human rights and the potential legal consequences of prolonged confinement.

These issues underscore fundamental questions about the fairness and adequacy of the legal system. Therefore, addressing these knowledge gaps and the lack of evidence-based approaches are crucial to ensuring a more equitable criminal justice system for individuals with ASD.

Future research

This review identifies several key areas for future research in this field. Developing evidence-based interventions tailored to the unique needs of individuals with ASD is crucial. Establishing a consensus on the measurements used for assessing the effectiveness of these interventions, as well as a clear definition of what constitutes effectiveness, would significantly enhance research quality.

Moreover, due to the bias towards studies conducted in southern England, the consistency of interventions for treating offending behaviours in adults with ASD in England remains unclear, especially considering the persistent regional health disparities between the North and South of England [ 67 , 68 ].

Data availability

No datasets were generated or analysed during the current study.

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Risky Digital Behavior or Risky Digital Places? Victimization Risk Perception and Evaluation on the Internet

This study applies context-based approaches to victimization risk perception in digital spaces. Vignettes are randomly assigned to a convenience sample of internet users and analyzed to determine how digital location and user behavior affects perceived likelihood of malware victimization and objective risk evaluation. Means-differences tests between conjoint treatment groups show statistically significant differences on all dependent variables between respondents who received high risk site/high risk behavior scenarios and those who received low risk site/low risk behavior scenarios. Internet users’ risk perception is affected both by location in digital space and user behavior, but these effects vary when measured in a conjoint scenario. In the context of online victimization, the findings suggest that internet users’ risk perceptions are influenced by behavior regardless of location. This conclusion supports prior research suggesting that digital victimology should examine specific behaviors on the internet such as information-sharing, rather than types of websites visited, to better understand how individuals navigate victimization risk in digital space.

McNealey, R. L., & Ghazi-Tehrani, A.K. (2023). Risky Digital Behavior or Risky Digital Places?  Victiminization Risk Perception and Evaluation on the Internet.  Journal of Crime and Justice , 1-15.  doi: 10.1080/0735648X.2023.2244927

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As part of a new series profiling participants in SSRC’s Criminal Justice Innovation Fellowship program, Romaine Campbell talks about his research on police and prison policies. This is a cross-posting with  Arnold Ventures .

Recently, the Social Science Research Council (SSRC), with support from Arnold Ventures (AV), launched the Criminal Justice Innovation (CJI) Fellowship program , which supports early-career researchers who are exploring what works to make communities safer and the criminal justice system fairer and more effective. 

“These CJI fellows will spend the next three years investing in their own policy-relevant research, as well as conducting policy analyses for AV that will directly inform our work,” Jennifer Doleac , executive vice president of criminal justice at AV, says. “We are eager to know if particular policies and programs are working, and this group of researchers will figure that out. I’m thrilled to get to work with these brilliant, talented scholars.”

According to Anna Harvey , president of the SSRC, this new fellowship program will uniquely foster innovative and rigorous causal research on criminal justice policies. “By supporting ‘people, not projects,’ the CJI fellowships will give these exceptional young researchers the time and freedom to pursue novel and creative approaches to evaluating criminal justice policies and practices. We can’t wait to see what they produce,” she says. 

In part one of a new series profiling the CJI fellows, AV spoke with Romaine Campbell, a Ph.D candidate in economics at Harvard University whose work addresses racial disparities in the criminal justice system.

Romaine Campbell: Police Behavior and Community Safety

A labor economist by training, Campbell will produce research as a fellow through the CJI fellowship program over the next two years before joining the faculty at Cornell University’s Brooks School of Public Policy. His research will focus on how federal scrutiny impacts police behavior and community safety, as well as the effects of higher education in prison on the outcomes of people who are incarcerated, among other topics. 

Campbell, who is originally from the Caribbean, says that he has seen how rigorous empirical research can help to explain the things that are important for his community. “A lot of my work looks at how we can improve law enforcement in the United States,” he says. “Policing serves an important role in ensuring the public safety of communities, but increasingly we’re aware of the social costs that can sometimes come with policing. My work examines policies that can help balance the important work that officers do with trying to mitigate the harms that come out of the excesses of policing.”

In 2023, Campbell published a working paper on the results of federal oversight of policing in Seattle. Using administrative data from the Seattle Police Department, the paper found that federal oversight resulted in a 26% reduction in police stops in the city — mostly by reducing stop-and-frisk style stops. Importantly, that reduction had no impact on the rates of serious crime or other community safety measures. 

As part of the new fellowship, Campbell expects to expand his work on the impacts of police oversight. By working with other police departments across the country, he will explore how officers respond to federal investigations, how it affects their behavior, and what types of policing are actually effective for crime reduction. Some policymakers, Campbell notes, have expressed concerns that adding oversight to police departments causes them to pull back from policing, which can damage community safety. As such, policies are needed that reduce the harms of policing while also allowing officers to address serious crime and build trust with the communities they serve. “As our society considers the best ways to improve policing,” he says, “it’s going to be important to document the types of policies that can achieve this without having deleterious effects for communities.” 

Additionally, working in partnership with the Philadelphia District Attorney’s Office, Campbell and colleagues intend to explore the impact of Brady Lists — public-facing records of information about police misconduct, decertification, use-of-force reports, and other metrics — to understand how prosecutors use such information in charging decisions in their cases. 

Separately, Campbell and colleagues plan to launch a project to understand how the provision of higher education in prison affects short- and long-term outcomes of people who are incarcerated, especially their social and economic mobility. He will focus on Iowa, where agreements with the state’s department of corrections, department of education, and workforce development agency will provide him with the necessary data. 

Campbell says that rigorous research is important for decision-making about public policy in the criminal justice system. “When you operate in public policy spaces, you really want to build out evidence-based policy,” he explains. “We can all have our feelings and intuitions about what will happen when a policy goes into effect, but the gold standard should be to implement policies that are supported by data.”

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Examining the Etiology of Asian American Suicide in the United States

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• Cassie DiBenedetti   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-3873-1349 1 ,
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Research highlights racial and ethnic disparities in suicide, but Asian American suicide receives very little attention in the literature. This is the first comprehensive, large-scale, nationally representative study of completed suicide among Asian Americans in the United States. Descriptive and multilevel regression techniques compared the risk factors for completed suicide across 227,786 Asian American, White, African American, Hispanic, and American Indian suicide decedents from 2003 to 2019. Results indicated that Asian American suicide decedents were significantly less likely than their counterparts to have several risk factors for suicide. Asian Americans were less likely to be male, uneducated, and unmarried. Asian Americans were less likely to use alcohol and drugs, to have mental health problems, and to die by firearm, relative to other suicide methods. Asian Americans were less likely to have a history of prior suicide attempts, to have intimate partner problems, and to have criminal legal problems. Conversely, Asian Americans were more likely to reside in places with higher levels of concentrated disadvantage, residential instability, racial and ethnic heterogeneity, and population density. The results underscore the need for race-specific suicide prevention strategies that, for Asian Americans in particular, take into account cultural values and barriers to help-seeking behavior.

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In 2021, suicide accounted for approximately 48,000 deaths in the United States, nearly reaching a 2018 peak following two consecutive annual declines [ 1 ]. Suicidal ideation and attempted suicide also impact millions of Americans each year. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 12.3 million Americans had suicidal thoughts, 3.5 million individuals made a suicide plan, and 1.7 million persons attempted suicide in 2021 [ 2 ]. Suicide is thus a leading cause of death and a critical public and medical health problem in the U.S. It impacts not only those exhibiting suicidal behavior, but also families, romantic partners, friends, colleagues, and community members by triggering depression, anxiety, anger, and guilt [ 3 ]. Financially, annual medical, employment leave-of-absence, and quality of life costs exceed $500 billion [ 4 ].

The social burden of suicide, however, is not born equally by all Americans. In particular, there is strong evidence of disparities across race and ethnicity. Second only to American Indians and Alaskan Natives, White persons have the highest age-adjusted suicide rate of all racial and ethnic groups (17.4 per 100,000), accounting for 84% of all suicide deaths in the U.S [ 1 ]. . Accordingly, suicide is largely considered a “white people’s problem,” with research, prevention, and mental health services focused predominantly on this group [ 5 ]. Far less attention has been devoted to understanding suicide among people of color. Studies that do consider non-White populations often use the catch-all term “other” to represent diverse groups [ 6 , 7 ], or focus exclusively on African Americans and Hispanics [ 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 ], or to a lesser extent American Indians and Alaskan Natives [ 14 , 15 ].

In contrast, Asian American Footnote 1 suicide has been largely neglected by society, academia, and funding agencies [ 16 ]. This is alarming, given that suicide is a leading cause of death for Asian Americans [ 17 ], especially for young adults aged 15 to 24 [ 16 ]. Additionally, the Asian American population has nearly doubled in size over the past twenty years [ 18 ]. This rapid population increase, coupled with the concomitant 1.5% increase in the Asian American suicide rate between 2018 and 2021 [ 1 ] and the dearth of culturally and linguistically competent mental health services, has escalated the need to examine suicidality among this population.

Even further, Asian Americans are culturally, linguistically, and religiously distinct from all other racial and ethnic groups in the U.S. Asian Americans are thus likely to exhibit unique and culturally dependent risk factors for suicide. For instance, filial piety, which promotes respect and care for one’s elders [ 19 ], is deeply rooted in Asian cultures. In 2021, over one-quarter of Asian Americans lived in multigenerational households [ 20 ], with caregiving responsibilities cited as a rationale for this choice [ 21 ]. Research has also linked low rates of filial piety to stress among Asian elders in need of care [ 19 ], as well as to mental health issues, including suicide, among Asian Americans [ 22 ]. Thus, unique cultural factors such as filial piety underpin the challenges and stressors Asian Americans face.

Asian Americans may also experience disproportionately high levels of social isolation due to their status as “forever foreigners.” Asian Americans have historically been perceived as outsiders to mainstream American society due to differences in culture, language, and physical appearance [ 23 ]. Further, 91% of Asian Americans are first- or second-generation immigrant, and 31% are not fluent in English [ 24 ], exacerbating the portrayal of Asian Americans as forever foreigners. Indeed, Ruiz et al. found that 78% of Asian Americans have experienced discrimination relating to the perpetual foreigner stereotype, including name mispronunciation, criticism for speaking a language other than English (or acting like they do not speak English), and being told to go back to their country of origin [ 25 ]. Compounding these problems, the desire to “save face” and uphold the “model minority” stereotype discourages Asian Americans from seeking help, both from mental health professionals and from their broader social networks [ 26 ]. Accordingly, the few studies on Asian American suicide suggest that this population experiences unique risk factors relative to other racial and ethnic minority groups [ 27 , 28 ] and their White counterparts [ 29 ].

Yet, the extant literature has several limitations. First, research often focuses on suicidal ideation and attempted suicide rather than on completed suicide. Second, studies tend to utilize small, non-generalizable samples. Third, the literature typically examines specific predictors of suicidal behavior rather than a comprehensive list of etiological factors. Finally, research tends to compare Asian Americans to their White counterparts rather than focus on all of the major racial and ethnic groups in the U.S. Accordingly, the current study contributes to the literature by conducting the first comprehensive, large-scale, nationally representative examination of completed suicide among Asian Americans in the U.S. Utilizing data from the National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS), analysis compares the individual and contextual risk factors for completed suicide across Asian American, White, African American, Hispanic, and American Indian suicide decedents from 2003 to 2019. Below, we provide a brief overview of the risk factors for suicide before focusing on what we know about Asian American suicide.

A Brief Review of the Risk Factors for Suicide

Research on the correlates of suicide has focused primarily on individual-level risk factors. Regarding demographic characteristics, middle-aged White males experience the highest suicide rates [ 30 ]. With respect to personal risk factors, suicidal behavior is more prevalent among unemployed [ 31 , 32 ] and uneducated [ 33 ]. persons. Married individuals are at a lower risk of suicide than their unmarried counterparts [ 34 ], and the protective influence of marriage is reinforced by marital stability and having children [ 35 ].

Studies have also linked alcohol and substance use to suicidal behavior [ 36 , 37 ]. Mental health problems, particularly depression, hopelessness, and anxiety, are substantiated correlates of suicide [ 38 ]. Stone et al. found that 45% of suicide decedents in 2018 had a known mental health condition [ 39 ]. Several life stressors are also related to suicide risk, including financial strain [ 39 ], eviction and housing loss [ 40 ], and career stress or job loss [ 41 ]. Additionally, persons with family, intimate partner, health, and criminal and civil legal problems are at greater risk of suicide [ 42 ].

Previous suicide attempt and history of self-harm [ 43 ] and method of suicide [ 41 ] are also strong predictors of suicide [ 36 , 44 ]. Estimates indicate that between 25% and 50% of completed suicides are preceded by an earlier suicide attempt [ 38 ]. Relatedly, firearms are more lethal than other methods of suicide [ 40 ]. In 2020, firearms accounted for 53% of all completed suicides [ 42 ]. And in a meta-analysis of the lethality of suicide method, approximately 90% of suicide attempts with a firearm were fatal, compared to 85% by hanging and suffocation, 80% by drowning, 57% by gas poisoning, 47% by jumping, 8% by drug or liquid poisoning, and 4% by cutting [ 45 ]. There is also a strong link between the method of attempted suicide and subsequent completed suicide. In particular, persons who use a more “violent” suicide method (e.g., use of firearm, hanging, suffocation) during a nonfatal suicide attempt tend to use the same method during a subsequent completed suicide [ 46 ].

Compared to research on the individual risk factors for suicide, studies on contextual risk factors for suicide are sparse. Much of the available research is based on Durkheim’s sociological theory of suicide, which focuses on macro-level factors such as social integration and regulation [ 43 , 44 ]. Accordingly, studies at the city, county, and national levels have found that contextual factors indicating a lack of social integration and regulation—rates of marital instability, residential stability, divorce, non-marital births, and non-religiosity—are linked to higher suicide rates [ 47 , 48 ].

Additionally, social disorganization theory suggests that area-enduring factors such as concentrated disadvantage, racial and ethnic heterogeneity, and residential instability engender a state of social disorganization, under which residents are unable to realize common values and maintain effective social control of antisocial behavior, including interpersonal and self-directed violence. Concentrated disadvantage prevents communities from attracting and supporting prosocial institutions (e.g., religious groups), racial and ethnic heterogeneity impedes collective unity, and residential instability disrupts the formation of protective local friendship networks [ 49 , 50 ]. Moreover, high rates of unemployment in a community can detrimentally impact family and resident civic participation as well as local institutional support from schools, churches, and community centers [ 51 ]. Accordingly, research indicates a significant, positive relationship between concentrated disadvantage, unemployment rates, and suicide rates [ 51 , 52 ].

With respect to the impact of context on individual variation in suicide in multilevel models, studies have demonstrated that the risk of suicide is amplified in areas with higher rates of residential mobility, poverty, and racial heterogeneity, and lower levels of household income [ 53 , 54 , 55 ] and religiosity [ 56 ]. These effects persist after controlling for salient individual characteristics [ 54 ]. Contextual factors may also condition the effects of individual risk factors on suicide [ 43 , 57 ].

The Current Study: Asian American Suicide

Most of the research on racial and ethnic disparities in suicide has focused predominantly on African Americans and Hispanics, and to a lesser extent American Indians and Alaskan Natives. Asian Americans are often ignored in research on suicide. The few studies on Asian American suicide have focused: (1) almost exclusively on individual-level risk factors, despite the observed link between suicide and social context; and (2) overwhelmingly on suicidal ideation and attempted suicide in small samples. A small number of studies have also examined the risk of suicide among Asian Americans relative to White persons, largely ignoring key differences between Asian Americans and other persons of color. This study contributes to the literature by comparing the individual and contextual risk factors for completed suicide among Asian American, White, African American, Hispanic, and American Indian suicide decedents. Empiricism suggests notable differences in the correlates of Asian American suicide.

Based on prior research, we may expect a higher proportion of Asian American suicide among women, relative to other racial and ethnic groups. Studies indicate that Asian American women report higher rates of suicidal ideation and suicide attempts than Asian American men [ 58 , 59 , 60 , 61 ]. Similarly, studies demonstrate that a higher proportion of Asian American than White suicide decedents are female [ 29 ]. These gender differences could be due to strict gender norms in Asian cultures, stemming from a patriarchal family structure under which men traditionally assume head of household roles while women are expected to prioritize homemaking and obedience to their husbands [ 62 , 63 ]. Consequently, Asian women are inclined to avoid conflict to preserve family harmony [ 26 ]. When juxtaposed with conflicting American ideals of individualism and self-sufficiency, this dynamic may amplify mental health problems for Asian American women [ 26 ]. Furthermore, the heightened expectations of social achievement imposed on Asian Americans by the model minority stereotype may further exacerbate mental health issues among Asian American women.

We may also expect mental health problems to be less relevant among Asian American suicide decedents compared to other racial and ethnic groups due to the substantial proportion of foreign-born persons within the community, 57% as of 2019 [ 64 ]. Although lack of English fluency and challenges to acculturation among foreign-born Asian Americans can foster social isolation and suicidal behavior [ 65 ], the Healthy Immigrant Effect (HIE) suggests that immigrants exhibit lower suicide rates than the native population due to their generally above-average mental and physical health [ 59 , 66 ]. This health advantage among immigrants may be attributed to health selectivity associated with migration and the protective effects of ethnic identity and enculturation. For instance, the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 expanded immigration to the United States for skilled laborers and those with familial ties, benefitting Asian Americans who often hail from privileged backgrounds with health benefits [ 67 , 68 ]. Moreover, research has shown that enculturation can protect against mental health issues [ 69 ], and increased ethnic identity is associated with lower suicide attempts among Asian Americans [ 70 ]. Additionally, the HIE posits that immigrants from lower socioeconomic backgrounds may experience less salient socioeconomic disadvantages upon moving to the U.S. Prior research has substantiated the HIE [ 59 ], although studies have tested the HIE with physical health rather than mental health [ 71 ].

Relatedly, studies have found that Asian Americans receive fewer mental health diagnoses than other racial groups, despite experiencing higher levels of suicidal ideation and attempts [ 28 ]. Asian Americans are also less likely to seek help via healthcare visits prior to attempting suicide, relative to other races [ 27 ]. Among suicide decedents, Asian Americans are less likely to disclose recent suicidal ideation, mental health treatment, and mental health problems, compared to White decedents [ 29 ]. In short, Asian Americans are the least likely racial group to seek mental health services and to receive mental health treatment [ 28 , 29 ]. Asian Americans are three times less likely than their White counterparts to seek mental health services, and almost three quarters of Asian Americans with a mental illness do not receive treatment, compared to just over 50% of the general population [ 72 ].

Research also highlights the lack of culturally competent mental health care available to Asian Americans. Studies have shown that Asian Americans often encounter difficulties when seeking mental health services due to a lack of providers who share ethnicity, language, and cultural experiences [ 73 , 74 , 75 , 76 ]. Moreover, studies have found that Asian Americans may exhibit a dislike toward Western forms of mental health care (e.g., psychotherapy) [ 74 ], and encounter discrimination in medical settings [ 77 ]. Alternatively, they may opt for informal modes of mental health care (e.g., religious or spiritual advisors, healers such as herbalists or chiropractors, and internet support groups), particularly when experiencing perceived discrimination in everyday encounters [ 78 ].

We may also expect family problems, criminal problems, and alcohol and drug problems to be less salient among Asian American suicide decedents, relevant to other suicide decedents. Familial piety and the concept of “saving face” play pivotal roles in many Asian cultures, which can influence how Asian Americans portray themselves to others. Because family harmony and expectations to follow family roles are often prioritized, Asian Americans may be particularly concerned about disrupting family dynamics [ 26 ]. Similarly, emphasis on collective well-being and maintaining a positive image in social circles (i.e., “saving face”) may contribute to less substance use and criminality among Asian Americans [ 26 ].

On the other hand, there is reason to believe that factors related to academic and socioeconomic success may be more strongly related to Asian American suicide. For example, the “model minority” stereotype portrays Asian Americans as successful, high-achieving individuals who do not face the same level of socioeconomic challenges as other minority groups [ 79 ]. This places extreme pressure on Asian Americans to excel academically, professionally, and financially [ 26 ]. Living up to the model minority myth introduces stress, impacting psychological outcomes in complex ways [ 80 ]. This suggests that job problems, school problems, money problems, and residence in less desirable neighborhoods may be more strongly associated with suicide among Asian Americans than among other racial and ethnic groups.

In sum, research suggests notable differences in the risk factors for Asian American suicide, relative to other racial and ethnic groups. We investigate these differences using data from the National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS).

Data and Methods

This section draws upon Fridel and Zimmerman [ 92 ].

Study Population

The NVDRS is a state-based active web surveillance system of all persons who die by suicide, homicide, unintentional firearm fatality, legal intervention, and undetermined intent in the U.S. Established by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in 2003, the NVDRS initially included data from six states before becoming nationally representative in 2020. The study sample includes information from 44 states and the District of Columbia between 2003 and 2019, but most records are from 17 states (see Appendix ). The NVDRS is a pooled, cross-sectional time series with victims nested within census-designated places and states by year of death. Census-designated places are designed to provide information on settled concentrations of the population that are identifiable by name to locals. Census places are akin to cities, defined in coordination with local or tribal officials, and always within a state, but may cross county lines.

The NVDRS integrates information from multiple sources to ensure data integrity. Primary sources include death certificates (DC), coroner/medical examiner (CME) records, and law enforcement (LE) reports. Secondary data sources include crime lab and toxicology reports, hospital discharge data, court records, Child Fatality Review reports, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) firearms trace data, Supplementary Homicide Reports (SHR), and National Incident-Based Reporting System records (NIBRS). While data collection and abstraction are conducted by states independently, the CDC protects against systematic data errors by using automated software validation during data entry, conducting state blind re-abstractions with multiple coders, producing annual quality assurance reports, and providing coding support through training, email, and conference calls.

The NVDRS defines suicide as death resulting from the intentional use of force against oneself (ICD-10 codes X60–X84 and Y87.0). Determination of suicide is coded by the abstractor based on CME and DC records and LE reports. In rare cases, the DC ICD-10 code does not match the CME evaluation; in such cases, the CME report is used for coding. Suicide includes passive assisted suicides, unintentional suicides, suicides following vehicular homicide, suicides during combat, and deaths from auto-erotic self-strangulation or overdose.

Contextual information derived from the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey (ACS) was appended to the NVDRS using census place geographic identifiers. First implemented in 2005, the ACS is a continuous, nationwide survey of households and group living quarters in the United States. With a response rate of approximately 95%, the ACS is currently the premier source of demographic, housing, and socioeconomic information in the U.S. The study midpoint (2009–2013) was used for estimation.

The study sample includes 227,786 persons who died by suicide and were coded into one of the five major racial and ethnic groups in the U.S. from 2003 to 2019. The study sample was 83.6% ( n  = 190,505) White, 6.7% ( n  = 15,211) non-Hispanic African American, 6.1% ( n  = 13,864) Hispanic, 1.4% ( n  = 3.086) non-Hispanic American Indian or Alaskan Native, and 2.2% ( n  = 5,119) non-Hispanic Asian or Pacific Islander. The analysis excludes 2,741 persons identified as belonging to two or more racial groups or to a different racial group. Suicides were nested within 13,372 places and 50 states and the District of Columbia.

Individual Differences

Demographic characteristics include biological sex (0 = male, 1 = female) and potential years of life lost. Potential years of life lost measures the number of years a person would have lived if they had not died by a particular cause, in this study suicide [ 81 ]. It was calculated by subtracting age at time of death from a standard life expectancy value of 75 [ 81 , 82 ]; victims who died at an age older than 75 were assigned a value of zero [ 83 ].

Personal risk factors include marital status (0 = not married; 1 = married), employment status, educational attainment, alcohol and drug use, and mental health problems. Employment status was divided into four groups based on the type and skill level of work. The NVDRS provides Standard Occupational Classification (SOC) codes, which were matched to job zones provided by the U.S. Department of Labor/Employment and Training Administration’s Occupational Information Network (O*NET). Low status jobs include zones 1 and 2, or occupations that require a high school degree or less, minimal prior experience, and under one year of training (e.g., food preparation workers, security guards). Medium status jobs include zone 3, or occupations that require vocational school training or an associate’s degree, and multiple years of training (e.g., electricians, court reporters). High status jobs include zones 4 and 5, or occupations that typically require a four-year bachelor’s or graduate degree, and extensive training or experience (e.g., database administrators, lawyers, medical doctors). Suicide decedents who were retired, homemakers, or otherwise not working at time of death were coded as unemployed. Educational attainment was categorized as less than high school, high school degree or equivalent, some college, or college degree or higher. Binary variables indicate whether the victim had alcohol or illegal drugs present in their system at time of death, or had been diagnosed with and/or treated for a mental health problem according to the DSM-V.

Suicide Method and Location

The analysis includes dummy variables indicating whether the suicide was completed by firearm (reference), cutting with a sharp instrument, asphyxiation, poison (e.g., drug overdose), or another method (e.g., drowning). Suicide location includes home, street, car, business, and other.

Suicide History

Binary measures of previous suicidal behavior include whether the individual had previously attempted suicide or disclosed suicidal intent to another person within the past month. Binary indicators of suicide exposure include whether the individual experienced a recent family member’s or friend’s suicide or death.

Binary indicators of life and interpersonal stressors include whether the incident involved: problems with intimate partners, other family members, or other friends and acquaintances; criminal problems such as recent or pending arrest or evading law enforcement; legal problems such as involvement in civil disputes (e.g., divorce, lawsuits, and custody battles); physical health issues such as terminal disease, debilitating condition, or chronic pain; job problems such as unemployment or demotion; school problems such as poor grades, bullying, or detention or suspension; and financial problems such as bankruptcy, debt, or foreclosure.

Contextual Risk Factors

Measures of concentrated disadvantage, residential stability, and racial/ethnic heterogeneity at the place- and state-level were derived from the ACS. Concentrated disadvantage represents the weighted factor regression score of median household income (reverse-coded) and the proportion of the population aged 18–64 living below the poverty line, unemployed, single female-headed households with children, married (reverse-coded), and adults with a high school degree (reverse-coded). Residential stability is the average of the proportion of the population living in owner-occupied housing and living in the same house for the past year. Racial/ethnic heterogeneity was measured using Blau’s (1997) index: 1 – ∑ p i 2 , where p i is the proportion of the population in each racial/ethnic group. The analysis also controls for the natural log of the total population [ 49 ].

Analytic Strategy

The analysis proceeds in two stages. First, one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA), Kruskall Wallis, and Chi-square tests provide an initial examination of the bivariate differences in the risk factors for suicide across racial and ethnic groups. In the second stage of analysis, a three-level multinomial logistic regression model (nesting suicide decedents in their place and state of death) is used to confirm the results from the descriptive analysis, controlling for the study covariates. In the model, the reference category represents Asian American suicide decedents, thereby allowing for a comparison of Asian Americans who died by suicide and suicide decedents of all other races and ethnicities. The multilevel models account for year of death via a series of dummy variables. Continuous variables were standardized or grand mean centered. All variance inflation factors (VIF) were below 2.50, easing concerns about multicollinearity.

Table  1 provides a descriptive comparison of differences in the risk factors for suicide across racial and ethnic groups. Regarding demographic characteristics, a significantly higher percentage of Asian decedents were female (32.30%, n  = 1,654), relative to White (22.60%, n  = 43,045), African American (20.05%, n  = 3,050), Hispanic (19.98%, n  = 2,770), and American Indian (24.14%, n  = 745) persons who died by suicide. Asian suicide decedents had more potential years of life (i.e., died younger) ( \(\stackrel{-}{x}\) =33.97) than White persons who died by suicide ( \(\stackrel{-}{x}\) =27.67), but less potential years of life lost (i.e., died older) than African American ( \(\stackrel{-}{x}\) =37.81), Hispanic ( \(\stackrel{-}{x}\) =38.70), and American Indian ( \(\stackrel{-}{x}\) =41.76) persons who died by suicide.

With respect to personal risk factors, Asian American persons who died by suicide (36.79%, n  = 1,883) were significantly more likely than White (33.98%, n  = 64,735), African American (23.26%, n  = 3,538), Hispanic (27.54%, n  = 3,818), and American Indian (19.84%, n  = 612) persons to be married. Regarding employment status, Asian suicide decedents tended to have status jobs or to be unemployed. Indeed, Asian suicide decedents were more likely to have high status jobs (21.66%, n  = 1,109) than White (21.54%, n  = 41,040), African American (12.52%, n  = 1,904), Hispanic (10.18%, n  = 1,412), and American Indian (6.82%, n  = 211) suicide decedents; and Asian suicide decedents were more likely to be unemployed (26.24%, n  = 1,343) than persons in all but one of the other racial and ethnic groups.

In addition, Asian Americans who died by suicide (29.43%, n  = 1,507) were significantly more likely than White (17.62%, n  = 33,561), African American (10.91%, n  = 1,659), Hispanic (7.88%, n  = 1,093), and American Indian (3.95%, n  = 122) persons to have completed a college degree. Asian American suicide decedents were significantly less likely to have alcohol (28.06%, n  = 1,436) and drug use (23.95%, n  = 1,226) than their White (34.42%, n  = 65,563 for alcohol use; 31.40%, n  = 59,810 for drug use), African American (32.01%, n  = 4,870 for alcohol use; 32.25%, n  = 4,905 for drug use), Hispanic (37.12%, n  = 5,147 for alcohol use; 35.82%, n  = 4,966 for drug use), and American Indian (40.24%, n  = 1,242 for alcohol use; 30.24%, n  = 933 for drug use) counterparts. Asian American suicide decedents were less likely (45.73%, n  = 2,341) than White (50.57%, n  = 96,344) suicide decedents, but more likely than African American (41.69%, n  = 6,342), Hispanic (43.38%, n  = 6,014), and American Indian (37.30%, n  = 1,151) suicide decedents to have diagnosed and/or treated mental health problems.

Regarding suicide method and location, suicide by firearm was less likely among Asian American decedents than among White (51.56%, n  = 98,233), African American (47.04%, n  = 7,155), Hispanic (33.36%, n  = 4,626), or American Indian (36.43%, n  = 1,124) decedents. Among all races and ethnicities, suicide overwhelmingly occurred in the home.

With respect to the suicide history variables, Asian American persons who died by suicide were generally less likely to have a history of suicide attempts (20.08%, n  = 1,028), to have disclosed suicidal intent (21.89%, n  = 1,121), and to have experienced a recent suicide (1.69%, n  = 87) or death (4.14%, n  = 212), compared to White, African American, Hispanic, and American Indian suicide decedents.

Similarly, Asian American suicide decedents were less likely to experience intimate partner problems (22.83%, n  = 1,169), relationship problems (3.93%, n  = 201), criminal problems (6.45%, n  = 330), and legal problems (2.68%, n  = 137) than all other racial and ethnic groups. On the other hand, Asian American suicide decedents generally had more health problems (14.83%, n  = 759), job problems (11.33%, n  = 580), school problems (4.00%, n  = 205), and money problems (10.09%, n  = 516) than their counterparts in other racial and ethnic groups.

Of the contextual risk factors for suicide, Asian American suicide decedents resided in more disadvantaged, more racially and ethnically heterogeneous, and more populous places than their counterparts. Additionally, Asian American suicide decedents tended to reside in less residentially stable, more racially and ethnically heterogeneous, and more populous states than their counterparts.

Table  2 examines the risk factors for suicide that distinguish racial and ethnic groups, controlling for the full array of study covariates and accounting for clustering within places and states. The results are from a multinomial logistic regression model that compares Asian American persons who died by suicide to suicide decedents in each of the other racial and ethnic groups. The results confirm the majority of findings from the descriptive analysis.

Regarding demographic characteristics, the odds of being female were more than 30% higher among Asian American suicide decedents than among White (OR = 0.68, 95% CI = 0.64,0.73), African American (OR = 0.68, 95% CI = 0.63,0.74), and Hispanic (OR = 0.64, 95% CI = 0.59,0.69) suicide decedents. Asian American persons who died by suicide had more potential years of life lost (i.e., died younger) than White suicide decedents (OR = 0.97, 95% CI = 0.97,0.98) but less potential years of life lost (i.e., died older) than African American (OR = 1.01, 95% CI = 1.01,1.01), Hispanic (OR = 1.01, 95% CI = 1.01,1.02), and American Indian (OR = 1.01, 95% CI = 1.01,1.01) suicide decedents.

With respect to personal risk factors, the odds of being married were 47%, 49%, 23%, and 46% higher among Asian American suicide decedents than among White (OR = 0.53, 95% CI = 0.50,0.57), African American (OR = 0.51, 95% CI = 0.47,0.55), Hispanic (OR = 0.77, 95% CI = 0.71,0.83), and American Indian (OR = 0.54, 95% CI = 0.48,0.62) suicide decedents, respectively. Additionally, the odds of being unemployed were 44%, 35%, and 36% higher among Asian American suicide decedents than among White (OR = 0.56, 95% CI = 0.50,0.63), African American (OR = 0.65, 95% CI = 0.57,0.75), and Hispanic (OR = 0.64, 95% CI = 0.56,0.74) suicide decedents, respectively; but Asian American suicide decedents were generally less likely to have low or medium status jobs than high status jobs, compared to their counterparts. Furthermore, Asian American persons who died by suicide were more likely to be college-educated than their counterparts, but less likely than suicide decedents in all other racial and ethnic groups to have alcohol use, drug use, and mental health problems.

Regarding suicide method, Asian American suicide decedents were generally more likely to die by cutting, asphyxiation, or poison, relative to firearms, than suicide decedents in all other racial and ethnic groups. There were few significant differences in suicide location across racial and ethnic groups.

With respect to the suicide history variables, the odds of a previous suicide attempt were 24%, 20%, and 19% lower among Asian American suicide decedents than among White (OR = 1.24, 95% CI = 1.14,1.35), Hispanic (OR = 1.20, 95% CI = 1.09,1.33), and American Indian (OR = 1.19, 95% CI = 1.02,1.39) suicide decedents, respectively. Additionally, the odds of a recent exposure to suicide were 38% and 65% lower among Asian American suicide decedents than among White (OR = 1.38, 95% CI = 1.05,1.81) and American Indian (OR = 1.65, 95% CI = 1.13,2.42) suicide decedents, respectively. Asian American suicide decedents were significantly less likely than suicide decedents from all other racial and ethnic groups to have recent exposure to death.

Of the life and interpersonal stressors, the odds of having intimate partner problems were 25%, 24%, 50%, and 44% lower among Asian American suicide decedents than among White (OR = 1.25, 95% CI = 1.16,1.36), African American (OR = 1.24, 95% CI = 1.13,1.35), Hispanic (OR = 1.50, 95% CI = 1.38,1.64), and American Indian (OR = 1.44, 95% CI = 1.26,1.64) suicide decedents, respectively. Similarly, the odds of having criminal problems were 22%, 60%, 33%, and 50% lower among Asian American suicide decedents than among White (OR = 1.22, 95% CI = 1.07,1.39), African American (OR = 1.60, 95% CI = 1.38,1.85), Hispanic (OR = 1.33, 95% CI = 1.15,1.53), and American Indian (OR = 1.50, 95% CI = 1.25,1.81) suicide decedents, respectively. On the other hand, Asian American suicide decedents were more likely than suicide decedents from all other racial and ethnic groups to have job problems, school problems, and money problems, although the results only reached statistical significance for Hispanic suicide decedents (OR = 0.59, 95% CI = 0.48,0.73 for school problems; OR = 0.84, 95% CI = 0.74,0.95 for money problems) and American Indian suicide decedents (OR = 0.74, 95% CI = 0.60,0.91 for job problems; OR = 0.61, 95% CI = 0.42,0.88 for school problems; OR = 0.78, 95% CI = 0.63,0.97 for money problems).

Finally, a one standard deviation increase in concentrated disadvantage was associated with a 40%, 59%, 52%, and 77% increase in the odds of Asian American suicide relative to White (OR = 0.60, 95% CI = 0.56,0.65), African American (OR = 0.41, 95% CI = 0.38,0.45), Hispanic (OR = 0.48, 95% CI = 0.44,0.52), and American Indian (OR = 0.23, 95% CI = 0.20,0.26) suicide, respectively. Similarly, Asian American suicide decedents resided in less residentially stable places than suicide decedents of all other racial and ethnic groups. Further, Asian American suicide decedents tended to reside in areas with higher levels of racial and ethnic heterogeneity and population density, compared to suicide decedents of other racial and ethnic groups. Results pertaining to the state-level characteristics were largely inconsequential.

Asian American suicide, and how to prevent it, has received very little attention in the scholarly literature. This study contributed to the literature by comparing the individual and contextual risk factors for completed suicide across 227,786 Asian American, White, African American, Hispanic, and American Indian suicide decedents in the United States from 2003 to 2019. Results from descriptive and multilevel regression techniques indicated notable differences in the correlates of suicide across race and ethnicity. In particular, Asian American suicide decedents were significantly less likely than their counterparts to have several risk factors for suicide.

Regarding individual differences, as expected, Asian American suicide decedents were less likely than their counterparts to be male. This finding may be due to gendered trauma among Asian American women resulting from cultural expectations [ 59 ]. Asian American women face extreme pressure to excel academically and professionally while navigating very traditional gender norms at home and in their community [ 26 ]. Living up to the model minority myth introduces additional stress, impacting psychological outcomes in complex ways [ 80 ]. Further, dissonance between the very traditional and specific family roles expected of Asian American women and the expectations of women in Western culture can lead to mental health problems and suicidality [ 69 ].

Asian American suicide decedents were also more likely to be married compared to suicide decedents of other racial and ethnic groups. Previous research on Asian American suicide has theorized that cultural stigmas regarding marriage and divorce may explain this difference [ 84 ]. Because many Asian American cultures emphasize familial harmony and maintaining a positive image in the community, Asian Americans may be deterred from divorce, even in the face of family discord and suicidal behavior [ 26 ]. Similarly, Asian American suicide decedents were less likely to have intimate partner problems. While this corresponds with previous research [ 29 ], it is important to note that intimate partner problems may be underreported among Asian Americans [ 85 ]. Internalizing traditional gender norms may deter Asian Americans from reporting their intimate partner problems [ 85 ], which may result in culturally significant consequences, such as shame [ 85 ].

Compared to other racial and ethnic groups, Asian American suicide decedents were more likely to be college-educated and less likely to use alcohol and drugs. As expected, Asian American suicide decedents were also less likely to have mental health problems. Previous studies have indicated that Asian American suicide decedents are less likely to have substance use and mental health issues, possibly attributed to a reluctance to seek care [ 29 ]. Accordingly, research has indicated that Asian Americans receive fewer mental health diagnoses yet experience higher suicidal ideation and attempt rates than their racial and ethnic counterparts [ 28 ]. Moreover, relative to their White counterparts, Asian Americans who die by suicide are less likely to have disclosed recent suicidal ideation, mental health treatment, and mental health problems [ 29 ]. As previously mentioned, research suggests that cultural stigmas, barriers to appropriate care, and external perceptions surrounding mental health and seeking mental health treatment contribute to the lack of help-seeking behavior among Asian Americans [ 73 , 74 , 75 , 76 ].

With respect to suicide method, Asian Americans were less likely than their counterparts to die by firearm, relative to cutting, asphyxiation, or poison. This finding comports with previous research suggesting that racial and ethnic minorities are less likely to die by firearm, compared to White individuals [ 6 ]. Asian American suicide decedents were also less likely than their counterparts to have a history of attempted suicide and exposure to recent suicide and death. Similar to the findings regarding mental health problems, the influence of family and community stigma regarding mental health utilization and the lack of culturally appropriate mental health interventions may explain this disparity [ 73 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 86 ].

On the other hand, Asian American suicide decedents were significantly more likely than their counterparts to reside in high-risk communities. Compared to other racial and ethnic groups, Asian American suicide decedents resided in places with higher levels of concentrated disadvantage, residential instability, and racial and ethnic heterogeneity. This finding may seem counterintuitive, given the perception of Asian Americans as economically successful compared to the overall U.S. population. However, as with other racial and ethnic minority groups, Asian Americans are more likely to reside in urban areas, which tend to be characterized by high levels of social disorganization [ 49 , 50 ]. In fact, Reeves and Bennett report that nearly 95% of all Asian and Pacific Islander Americans live in metropolitan areas, many of them in central cities [ 87 ]. Asian Americans are also the most suburbanized racial and ethnic minority in the U.S. [ 88 , 89 ]. This may be a cultural artifact. As Wu states: “Many Asian Americans prefer to live in an urban setting due to a long-lasting tradition in their home country that values urban residence and its associated convenience and vibrant lifestyle [90, p. 46]. After moving to the U.S., they keep this preference and choose to live in the city even when they can afford to move.” Note, however, that the impact of residing in an urban area may vary for Asian Americans and other racial and ethnic minorities, as a large number of Asian Americans live in expensive housing with adequate security and minimal victimization risk in large metropolitan areas [ 90 ]. We also note that area of residence, education, income, poverty rate, homeownership, and immigrant status vary substantially across Asian American origin groups. Footnote 3 For example, Asian American households in the U.S. had a median annual income of approximately $86,000 in 2019, $4,000 higher than all U.S. households. But only two Asian American origin groups had household incomes above the U.S. median. Similarly, Asian Americans as an aggregate group had a poverty rate of 10% in 2019, compared to 13% in the U.S. overall. But, two Asian American origin groups (Mongolian and Burmese) had poverty rates of 25%, almost two times the national average and more than four times the rate for Indian Americans [ 64 ]. Unfortunately, the NVDRS data do not provide information on Asian American origin group, preventing further investigation of this issue. More generally, the finding that social context influences racial and ethnic disparities in suicide reinforces the notion that social-psychological behaviors are intertwined with the broader social environments in which they occur [ 91 ] and necessitates the study of suicidal behavior from a sociological and multilevel perspective [ 33 , 92 ].

Additionally, the model minority myth suggests that problems associated with educational, professional, and fiduciary success might be more strongly associated with suicide among Asian Americans, as the pressures of high standards may be particularly destructive for individuals who do not strive for and achieve lofty expectations [ 93 ]. The results indicated partial support for this expectation. Findings from the descriptive analysis indicated that Asian American suicide decedents were more likely than suicide decedents from all other racial and ethnic groups to have job problems, school problems, and money problems. Yet, most of these differences did not reach statistical significance in the multilevel regression analysis. This finding may illuminate the complex reality that Asian Americans must navigate regarding academic, career, and financial achievement. Similar to financial disparities among Asian American ethnic subgroups (that are concealed by aggregate data), educational mobility inequalities may exist among Asian American ethnic subgroups. For example, despite relatively high levels of educational attainment among second-generation Asian Americans, on the whole, Tran et al. revealed that intergenerational educational mobility does not occur uniformly across Asian American ethnic subgroups [ 94 ]. Furthermore, workplace barriers, referred to as the “bamboo ceiling,” hinder Asian Americans from advancing into managerial and executive roles despite their qualifications [ 95 ]. Overall, the non-significant results concerning education, employment, and financial problems among Asian Americans may reflect struggles with attaining projected success and upward mobility, which could align more closely with the experiences of other racial and ethnic groups.

Taken together, the findings indicate that many of the risk factors for suicide that practitioners screen for (e.g., being male, access to firearms, mental health issues, alcohol and drug use, history of suicidal ideation, relationship problems) are not as relevant for Asian Americans, relative to other racial and ethnic groups. Generally, this suggests that practitioners should evaluate suicide risk differently based on race and ethnicity. More specifically, the findings suggests that suicide interventions for Asian Americans should address the risk factors that are more prevalent among this population. According to the results and prior research, this may include: cultural values and traditional beliefs; the underreporting of interpersonal problems; and challenges to help-seeking behavior.

The stigma and shame associated with not meeting perceived societal expectations, influenced by the internalization of stereotypes like the model minority myth may impact Asian Americans facing financial or employment problems [ 96 , 30 ]. Initiatives offering financial assistance, career counseling, and mental health support can help alleviate the burdens faced by Asian Americans in this regard. Additionally, the model minority stereotype may heighten pressures and stress around academic success for Asian American students [ 29 , 76 ]. To remedy this issue, educational institutions should develop culturally competent mental health services and raise awareness about mental health problems. These steps are essential to counteract the negative effects of racial stereotypes and ultimately reduce suicide risk among Asian American students.

Additionally, research suggests that cultural stigmas surrounding mental health and seeking mental health treatment contribute to a lack of help-seeking behavior among Asian Americans, despite the fact that Asian Americans have higher rates of suicidal ideation and attempted suicide than other racial and ethnic groups [ 76 ]. Thus, effective interventions require addressing stigma and barriers to help-seeking behavior. Similarly, gender norms and culturally significant consequences such as shame may lead to a hesitancy to report intimate partner problems among Asian Americans [ 85 ]. Thus, culturally aware intervention strategies must occur to respond to the hesitancy in reporting life stressors such as intimate partner problems.

The findings and conclusions may be tempered by several data limitations. First, the majority of suicide deaths in the study sample occurred in 17 states (see Appendix ), which are not equally dispersed across the country and tend to be more densely populated. Despite the fact that risk factors for suicide are remarkably consistent across space [ 97 ], the unbalanced data across region and urbanicity limits generalizability and may artificially inflate or attenuate the estimates in this study. Second, the data predate the COVID-19 pandemic, which disproportionately influenced mental health problems among Asian Americans [ 29 , 98 ]. Third, we were unable to measure acculturation and religiosity, variables linked to suicidal behavior in prior research [ 69 , 99 ]. Finally, as referenced above, the NVDRS data are not disaggregated by Asian American origin group and do not distinguish between U.S. and foreign-born Asian Americans. Thus, the findings cannot determine how suicide risk factors impact particular subgroups of the Asian American population. This is an important task for future research, as educational attainment, English proficiency, income levels, homeownership rates, poverty rates, and multigenerational living rates vary widely across Asian American origin groups [ 64 ].

Despite these limitations, we reiterate that we observed disparities in suicide risk factors between Asian American suicide decedents and suicide decedents from other racial and ethnic groups. Such variation necessitates culturally relevant suicide interventions that address the specific challenges Asian Americans face. To further advance our understanding, future research should examine the influence of risk factors for suicide that may uniquely impact Asian Americans, including challenges stemming from acculturation and the hesitancy to seek care for mental health problems. Doing so will provide a more comprehensive understanding of suicide among Asian Americans, aiding the development of effective intervention efforts to support this vulnerable population.

Data Availability

The National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS) data underlying the results presented in the study are available by request from the United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) as part of their restricted-access data process. Our use of these restricted-access data—the National Violent Death Reporting System Restricted Access Database (NVDRS RAD file)—is governed by a Data Use Agreement (DUA) with the CDC. This DUA legally prohibits us from sharing these data with outside investigators. Anyone who wishes to gain access to these restricted access NVDRS data should contact [email protected] and follow the procedures outlined here: https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/datasources/nvdrs/dataaccess.html . Other NVDRS data are publicly available and can be accessed here: https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/datasources/nvdrs/datapublications.html .

We use the term “Asian American,” although the data employed in this study groups Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders into a single category. We also acknowledge that Asian Americans are comprised of several origin groups, including but not limited to Chinese, Indian, Filipino, Vietnamese, Korean, and Japanese [ 16 ].

The six Asian American origin groups comprising approximately 85% of all Asian Americans in 2019 included Chinese, Indian, Filipino, Vietnamese, Korean, and Japanese [ 16 ].

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State Participation in the National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS) by Year, 2003–2019

• a Collected data for violent deaths that occurred in 4 counties ( n  = 1,866; 27.8% of violent deaths in California in 2017), in accordance with requirements under which the state was funded
• b Collected data for violent deaths that occurred in 21 counties ( n  = 3,659; 55.1% of violent deaths in California in 2018), in accordance with requirements under which the state was funded
• c Collected data for violent deaths that occurred in 30 counties ( n  = 3,645; 55.3% of violent deaths in California in 2019), in accordance with requirements under which the state was funded
• d Collected data for violent deaths that occurred in 35 counties ( n  = 4,675; 68.1% of violent deaths in California in 2020), in accordance with requirements under which the state was funded
• e Excluded from data years 2017, 2018, and 2020 due to incomplete case reporting
• f Collected data on > 80% of violent deaths in state, in accordance with requirements under which the state was funded
• g Excluded from data year 2019 due to incomplete case reporting

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DiBenedetti, C., Zimmerman, G.M. & Fridel, E.E. Examining the Etiology of Asian American Suicide in the United States. J. Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40615-024-02039-4

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Trump Seeks to Deny Prosecutors' Gag-Order Motion in Documents Case

Trump Seeks to Deny Prosecutors' Gag-Order Motion in Documents Case

Former U.S. President Donald Trump walks to speak to the press at his trial for allegedly covering up hush money payments at Manhattan Criminal Court, New York, U.S. May 7, 2024. Win McNamee/Pool via REUTERS/FIle Photo

By Daniel Trotta

(Reuters) - Lawyers for Donald Trump on Monday asked a federal judge to reject prosecutors' request for a gag order limiting what the former U.S. president can say about law enforcement officers involved in the case accusing him of mishandling sensitive documents.

Trump's team also asked U.S. District Judge Aileen Cannon in Fort Pierce, Florida, to impose sanctions and pursue civil contempt findings against "all government attorneys who participated in the decision to file the motion."

In the documents case, one of four criminal prosecutions of Trump, prosecutors have brought 40 counts of illegally retaining sensitive national security documents after leaving office. Trump has asserted his right to retain them.

On Friday, prosecutors asked Cannon to review Trump's bail conditions and issue an order to prevent him from making statements that pose a danger to law enforcement.

Special Counsel Jack Smith said the request was necessary because of several "intentionally false and inflammatory statements" that Trump made recently about the FBI search of his Mar-a-Lago golf resort in Florida in August 2022.

Trump, the Republican challenger to Democratic President Joe Biden in the Nov. 5 election, has falsely claimed in fundraising messages sent by his campaign that the FBI was authorized to attempt an assassination.

Smith argued that Trump's mischaracterizations have endangered law enforcement officers and that limiting such comments does not restrict legitimate speech.

In Monday's filing asking the judge to reject the gag order, Trump lawyers Todd Blanche and Christopher Kise accused prosecutors of "bad-faith behavior" by rushing to file the request on a Friday night before a holiday weekend and of failing to give the defense team sufficient time to discuss it before filing, violating local court rules.

The defense team said that violation should merit sanctions against prosecutors, including possible payment to cover expenses incurred as a result.

The defense also argued that prosecutors' request for a gag order itself unfairly limits Trump's free speech rights in the election campaign.

There was no indication from the court file when Cannon would rule on the motions from each side.

Trump's criminal trial in New York, on charges that he falsified business records to cover up a hush-money payment to porn star Stormy Daniels before the 2016 election, is scheduled to resume on Tuesday with closing arguments.

Trump also faces charges in Washington and Georgia over attempts to overturn his 2020 election loss to Biden.

(Reporting by Daniel Trotta; editing by Jonathan Oatis)

Copyright 2024 Thomson Reuters .

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