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It services & consulting.

• On Assignment : Enters into Definitive Agreement to Sell Its Physician Staffing Segment; Announces New $100 Million Stock Repurchase Program

On Assignment, Inc. (NYSE: ASGN) (the “Company”) announced today that it has entered into a definitive purchase agreement to sell its physician staffing segment, VISTA Staffing Solutions, Inc. (“Vista”) to Envision Healthcare (NYSE: EVHC) (“Envision”) for $123.0 million. Net proceeds from the sale (after income taxes and transaction expenses) are estimated to be $102.0 to $105.0 million. The transaction is expected to close in February pending completion of certain closing conditions. Estimated revenues from Vista for 2014 were approximately $135.0 million.

Envision, and its more than 34,000 employees and affiliated physicians, offers an array of physician-led healthcare related services to consumers, hospitals, healthcare systems, health plans and local, state and national government entities. Envision Healthcare (NYSE: EVHC) is a leading provider of physician-led, outsourced medical services. The company provides a broad range of coordinated, clinically-based care solutions across the continuum of care, from medical transportation to hospital encounters to comprehensive care alternatives in various settings.

"We were approached by Envision, one of the largest and most respected healthcare companies in the industry, to acquire Vista and determined that this would greatly benefit both organizations, our employees, and our stockholders," said Peter Dameris, President and CEO of On Assignment. "This is an incredible opportunity for Vista to align with a world class healthcare organization. Furthermore, this transaction will provide us with additional cash to pursue strategic acquisitions, execute repurchases of shares, increase investments in our organic growth strategy, and pay down debt.”

“We staff thousands of clinicians each year so joining forces with the very talented team of one of the largest locum tenens physician staffing firms in the nation was a logical move,” said William A. Sanger, Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer of Envision. “We are dedicated to being pioneers in each area of healthcare we operate and that includes the staffing of our workforce. VISTA’s business practices and systems will be key differentiators for us as we develop our comprehensive multi-specialty staffing practice for all levels of clinicians.”

Financial Treatment of Vista’s Results of Operations

In the Company’s Annual Report on Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 2014, which is expected to be filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission (“SEC”) on or before March 2, 2015, Vista’s results of operations for 2014 will be included in the Company’s consolidated results of operations, and the sale of Vista will be disclosed as a subsequent event. In all subsequent filings with the SEC, Vista’s operating results will be reported as discontinued operations on a retrospective basis for all periods presented. In the Company’s press release covering its financial results for the fourth quarter of 2014, which is scheduled to be released on February 18, 2015, the Company will include historical quarterly operating results of the Company for 2013 and 2014 that have been restated to report Vista as discontinued operations.

Board Authorizes New $100 Stock Repurchase Program

In December 2014, the Company completed its existing $100 million share repurchase program whereby the Company repurchased 3.4 million shares at an average per share price of $29.78.

On January 16, 2015, the Company’s Board of Directors authorized a new $100 million share repurchase program subject in part to amendment of its credit facility. The new share repurchase will be effective beginning after close of trade two days after the Company’s next release of earnings.

Conference Call

The Company will hold a brief conference call on Tuesday, January 20 at 4:30 p.m. EST to discuss this transaction. The dial-in number for this conference call is 800-230-1074 (+1-612-234-9959 outside the United States). Please reference Conference ID number 351321. The call will be hosted by Peter Dameris, President and Chief Executive Officer of On Assignment, Inc. A replay of the conference call will be available from 6:30 p.m. EST on, Tuesday, January 20, 2015 until 11:30 p.m. EST on Tuesday, February 3, 2015. The dial-in number for the replay is 800-475-6701 (+1-320-365-3844 outside the United States). The replay access code is 351321. This call is being webcast by CCBN and can be accessed through On Assignment's website at www.onassignment.com .

Fourth Quarter 2014 Financial Results

As previously announced, the Company will release its financial results for the fourth quarter of 2014 on Wednesday, February 18, 2015, to be followed by its regular quarterly conferenced call scheduled for 4:30 p.m. EST. With respect to financial results for the fourth quarter of 2014, the Company expects its revenues and Adjusted EBITDA (a non-GAAP measure defined below) for the fourth quarter of 2014 will be slightly above the high end of its previously-announced financial estimates.

About On Assignment

On Assignment, Inc. is a leading global provider of in-demand, skilled professionals in the growing technology, healthcare and life sciences sectors, where quality people are the key to success. The Company goes beyond matching résumés with job descriptions to match people they know into positions they understand for temporary, contract-to-hire, and direct hire assignments. Clients recognize On Assignment for its quality candidates, quick response, and successful assignments. Professionals think of On Assignment as a career-building partner with the depth and breadth of experience to help them reach their goals.

On Assignment, which is based in Calabasas, California, was founded in 1985 and went public in 1992. The Company has a network of branch offices throughout the United States, Canada, United Kingdom, Netherlands, Ireland, and Belgium. To learn more, visit  www.onassignment.com .

Reasons for Presentation of Non-GAAP Financial Measures

Statements in this release and the Supplemental Financial Information accompanying include non-GAAP financial measures. Such information is provided as additional information, not as an alternative to our consolidated financial statements presented in accordance with GAAP, and is intended to enhance an overall understanding of our current financial performance. The Supplemental Financial Information sets forth financial measures reviewed by our management to evaluate our operating performance. Such measures also are used to determine a portion of the compensation for some of our executives and employees. We believe the non-GAAP financial measures provide useful information to management, investors and prospective investors by excluding certain charges and other amounts that we believe are not indicative of our core operating results. These non-GAAP measures are included to provide management, our investors and prospective investors with an alternative method for assessing our operating results in a manner that is focused on the performance of our ongoing operations and to provide a more consistent basis for comparison between quarters. One of the non-GAAP financial measures presented is EBITDA (earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation, and amortization of intangible assets), other terms include Adjusted EBITDA (EBITDA plus equity-based compensation expense, impairment charges, write-off of loan costs, and acquisition, integration and strategic planning expenses) and non-GAAP income from continuing operations (income from continuing operations, plus write-off of loan costs, and acquisition, integration and strategic planning expenses, net of tax) and adjusted income from continuing operations and related per share amounts. These terms might not be calculated in the same manner as, and thus might not be comparable to, similarly-titled measures reported by other companies. The financial statement tables that accompany this press release include reconciliation of each non-GAAP financial measure to the most directly comparable GAAP measure.

Safe Harbor

Certain statements made in this news release are “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended, and involve a high degree of risk and uncertainty. Forward-looking statements include statements regarding the Company's anticipated financial and operating performance in 2014. All statements in this release, other than those setting forth strictly historical information, are forward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements are not guarantees of future performance, and actual results might differ materially. In particular, the Company makes no assurances that the estimates of revenues, gross margin, SG&A, Adjusted EBITDA, income from continuing operations, adjusted income from continuing operations, earnings per share or earnings per diluted share set forth above will be achieved. Factors that could cause or contribute to such differences include actual demand for our services, our ability to attract, train and retain qualified staffing consultants, our ability to remain competitive in obtaining and retaining temporary staffing clients, the availability of qualified temporary professionals, management of our growth, continued performance of our enterprise-wide information systems, our ability to manage our potential or actual litigation matters, the successful integration of our recently acquired subsidiaries, the successful implementation of our five-year strategic plan, and other risks detailed from time to time in our reports filed with the SEC, including our Annual Report on Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 2013, as filed with the SEC on March 3, 2014 and our Quarterly Reports on Form 10-Q for the periods ended March 31, 2014, June 30, 2014 and September 30, 2014 as filed with the SEC on May 9, 2014, August 11, 2014 and November 7, 2014, respectively. We specifically disclaim any intention or duty to update any forward-looking statements contained in this news release.

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• On Assignment changes name to ASGN after closing $775M acquisition of ECS

IT Staffing Report: April 5, 2018

April 3, 2018.

Professional staffing firm ASGN Inc. (NYSE: ASGN – formerly operating as On Assignment – completed its $775 million acquisition of government services contractor ECS Federal LLC. Concurrent with the acquisition, On Assignment changed its name to ASGN Inc. to better reflect the combined company’s business.

On Assignment  first announced  the deal and name change in January.

ECS will continue to operate under the ECS brand name and will also operate as a separate segment of ASGN. ECS President George Wilson and the current ECS leadership team will remain.

“We’re excited by the combination of ASGN and ECS,” said Peter Dameris, CEO of ASGN. “The addition of ECS’ government services solutions to our business portfolio will complement and elevate our statement of work offerings and provide us access to the $130 billion federal IT services market. As we look ahead, our mission as an organization is to be the premier provider of highly skilled human capital that will drive the economy into the next generation.”

In connection with the acquisition and to fund the purchase consideration, ASGN amended its existing credit facility, which consists of a $200.0 million five-year revolving credit facility and term B loans totaling $1.4 billion.

On Assignment ranks second on Staffing Industry Analysts’ 2017 list of largest information technology staffing firms in the US .

• Oxford Global acquires Europe-based SAP consultant provider Linksap
• ASGN completes GlideFast Consulting acquisition
• ASGN exec promoted to company president, other leadership changes announced
• ASGN acquires federal division of Blackstone Technology Group in $85 million deal
• ASGN acquires cybersecurity firm Iron Vine Security

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• v.107(11); Nov 2017

Nursing and the Public Health Legacies of the Russian Revolution

The centenary of the October Revolution in 1917 provides a timely opportunity to assess the legacies of that event. I examine the role of the revolution in public health with a focus on nursing, assessing the Imperial Russian health care system, the development of Soviet nursing, and current plans for nursing and public health care in Putin’s Russia. Analyzing nursing shows that there was a great deal of continuity in terms of medical personnel and ideas on how public health care service in Russia should operate. Nursing illuminates some of the complexities of Soviet health care and ideology, particularly the state’s desire to create a socialist form of nursing in theory, despite the strong links with the prerevolutionary past in the form of personnel. This situation changed after the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the new Russian state attempted to sever connections with the past, this time with the Soviet past. But as I show, making a clean break with the past is a difficult and often fraught process.

The centenary of the Russian Revolution has led historians to reassess the impact of that event and its influence on the 20th century. The extent of Soviet “exceptionalism” has been challenged from a number of perspectives, including public health care and nursing. Scholars of Soviet nursing have found more discontinuities than continuity after the revolution. Natalia Lopatina claims that after the October Revolution, “everything was lost,” with the values and professionalism of nursing replaced by a new Soviet system that placed a “negative tendency” in the development of medicine and nursing. 1 According to Lopatina, the coming to power of the Bolsheviks spelled the end for the principles of care and compassion in middle-level medical professions. 2 Meanwhile, Elizabeth Murray concludes that Soviet nursing was created from an “almost embryonic basis” as a result of the antibourgeois position of the Bolsheviks. 3 I contest some of these claims by examining key continuities and discontinuities before and after the revolution, as well as some of the key problems in public health care that confronted the new Soviet state. I outline nursing professionalization before October 1917 and then analyze how nursing was changed by the revolution through a case study of Soviet nursing between 1917 and 1991. Finally, I outline key developments in post-Soviet Russian nursing and discuss the legacies of the October Revolution.

RUSSIAN NURSING BEFORE THE REVOLUTION

Before the revolution, nursing in Russia had developed along lines similar to those in other countries in that it was based primarily on religion and philanthropy. Those responsible for the early development of the nursing profession responded to the awful social conditions around them and organized care for the weak, sick, and vulnerable. The philanthropic and religious origins of nursing expanded in the mid-19th century as a result of a new impetus—that of war. The Crimean War (1853–1855) served as a crucial entrée for many women into the nursing profession, and after this event war acted as a stimulus, drawing larger numbers of women to nursing. Threat of war and epidemics in the late 19th century led to expansion in the number of Sister of Mercy communities in the Russian Empire. Expansion was met with organizational interest on the part of the Red Cross, which became increasingly involved in overseeing the function of the nursing communities. 4 By the turn of the 20th century, the growing political unrest in the Russian Empire did not go unnoticed by medical workers, including the Sisters of Mercy. The 1905 revolution highlighted the need for change as workers, students, and ethnic minorities protested and called for reform. Yet for nurses, the opportunity for reform did not present itself until after the outbreak of World War I.

The significance of World War I as a catalyst for change in Russia has been the subject of much study in recent years. 5 The political and social ruptures caused by the outbreak of war and the collapse of the Russian monarchy after the forced abdication of Tsar Nicholas II led to grassroots initiatives. Gradually, the Sisters of Mercy realized that they had greater freedoms and acted upon these. The work of Laurie Stoff has demonstrated the various ways World War I allowed nurses to challenge gender boundaries. 6 The context of war and upheaval also gave the Sisters of Mercy the opportunity to redraw organizational boundaries within their profession.

But the October Revolution and Bolshevik plans placed restrictions on these freedoms. The reluctance of medical workers, and especially physicians, to join the new, Bolshevik medical union can be understood in light of their ongoing struggle for greater professional autonomy since the 1905 revolution. Physicians had their own differing conceptions of how to shape the medical profession, irrespective of revolution. The same could be said of nurses. A group of Petrograd-based nurses setting up the All-Russian Union of Sisters of Mercy (Vserossiskii Soiuza Sester Miloserdiya) in January 1917 only joined the newly established medical union in 1918 on the understanding that nurses would have a section within this—that never came to pass. Instead, the All-Russian Union of the Sisters of Mercy disbanded in 1918, and its members joined Vsemediksantrud (the All-Russian Union of Medical and Sanitary Workers, later Medsantrud). 7

The October Revolution received a mixed reaction among nurses. The autobiography of one nurse, P. S. Stepanova, written during the ideologically conservative late 1960s, provides a glimpse of nurses during the revolutionary period. 8 On the outbreak of World War I Stepanova wanted to become a Sister of Mercy. Through her own efforts at studying she was eventually accepted as a nurse in an infirmary in 1916, where she was based during the February Revolution. Stepanova became drawn to politics and the Bolsheviks in the summer of 1918. 9 Her introduction to them came via her friendship with a communist nurse, Vlasova, when they worked together in Petrograd’s Mechnikov hospital. From this point on, she became involved in political events and attended party meetings in the Vyborg district. Stepanova’s involvement did not bring her much popularity in the hospital though; she claimed she and Vlasova were “persecuted,” with some medical workers there boycotting the two Bolsheviks and even “spat in their faces,” saying that they were “dishonouring” the title of medics. Stepanova’s account illuminates how two different worlds of Bolshevik and non-Bolshevik collided in the hospital. But there were also those medical workers remaining in hospitals and clinics who simply tried to weather the storm; their skills and experience were, after all, desperately needed in the health crisis unfolding across Russia from 1918 through 1922.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOVIET NURSING AND PUBLIC HEALTH

Nursing experiences of the revolution varied considerably. Nurses such as Stepanova and Vlasova supported the Bolsheviks and their revolutionary agenda. Some nurses who did not support the Bolsheviks formed part of the White emigration; others remained and continued working in the newly emerging public health care system. 10 The conditions of civil war and famine required a vast army of medical workers, but the profession became increasingly unattractive. First, nursing was still associated with religion and philanthropy, and, second, there were high mortality rates among medical workers during the civil war years. 11 Recruitment consequently became a central feature of Soviet nursing, with nursing school directors under pressure to draw and maintain student numbers.

The recruitment drives by and large worked; the difficulty more often lay in retaining students. Soviet era statistics indicate that middle medical workers certainly increased in number. In 1913 there were 46 000 middle medical workers; in 1950 this had increased to 719 400; and in 1975 there were 2 515 100 middle medical workers in the Soviet Union. 12 The tremendous growth was understood to signify progress and the expansion of the health care system—a sign that socialism met the medical needs of its citizens. Yet these figures belie certain problems. The first was that middle medical workers included feldshers, midwives, and other types of medical workers that were often considered more prestigious than nurses. The other difficulty was that nursing and middle medical education sometimes functioned as a back door to the medical institute. Competition for places in medical institutes meant that becoming a nurse was the first step to becoming a physician. 13 These distinctly Soviet problems proved difficult to rectify, although not for want of trying.

One of the reasons for the specific problems associated with Soviet nursing relates to the immediate postrevolutionary years, when the Commissariat of Public Health attempted to make a clean break with the past by creating medical workers whose work would be grounded in science. After 1926, the Sisters of Mercy were officially known as “medical sisters,” but they remained subordinate to the physician and without a keen sense of professional identity. For much of the early Soviet period there remained a lack of clarity about the exact role of nurses, especially when compared with the function of other middle or junior medical workers. 14 There was little doubt that the Bolsheviks were eager to modernize and innovate, and nursing was no exception. The effort to establish an American hospital in Moscow in the mid-1920s is an example of how the Soviet government explored different ways of changing public health care, of making it both modern and socialist. 15 However, much of the innovations intended for nursing, particularly molding nurses into scientific workers, increasing their pay, and improving working and living conditions, ended up as limited reforms.

To be sure, the revolution became the driving force for seeking new methods and means of improving people’s lives; this was the utopian modus operandi of the early Soviet years. In real terms, this meant that new nursing profiles were developed to meet the public health needs of Soviet citizens (and indeed many of these, such as the visiting nurse, remain today). In addition to specialized nurse training for hospitals and clinics, visiting health nurses and kindergarten nurses emerged in the 1920s and 1930s. Alongside these were nurses with specialist training for working in the countryside and in factories and, in the late 1930s, nurses with specific military training, such as parachuting. 16 In this sense the sheer range of Soviet nurse training and their functions diverged considerably from the prerevolutionary period.

Soviet literature and scholarship certainly promoted the idea that the revolution represented a great shift in public health. This applies especially to nursing, which had been closely associated with religion and philanthropy before the revolution. The first commissar of public health, Nikolai Semashko, was quick to note that the Sisters of Mercy from the Imperial period were not the same as the Soviet medical sister ( medsestra ), or nurse. 17 In his 1942 article, “Sister,” Semashko wrote that Imperial Sisters of Mercy were “locked up like nuns” to be “kind of heart,” and that many women from the nobility joined these communities to “expiate their lives as half prostitutes and adventurers.” These women were “dirty” until they became nurses who devoted their entire lives to looking after the sick and injured. Political and ideological motivations meant that in the early Soviet period, clear boundaries were drawn between the Imperial and Soviet systems of public health care. Soviet nurses were to be medical and scientific workers as well as cultural workers educated in Marxism–Leninism.

Ideological training became a part of the nursing program, and nurses were expected to be educated to a cultural and technical level sufficient to meet the needs of Soviet workers. New nursing schools were established, nursing became incorporated into medical technikumy (polytechnical colleges) in the 1930s, and new curricula were designed to reflect the changing needs of the state. These needs included inoculation training for epidemics such as typhus during the civil war period, prenatal care in the 1920s and 1930s, and blood transfusion training under the threat of war at the end of the 1930s. Many of the changes in the structure and content of nursing education were as much reflections of wider state-level shifts initiated in the bureaucracies as they were responses to requirements on the ground level. 18 Further reforms in the structure and organization of medical education occurred in 1953 and 1963 in an effort to streamline medical workers and move toward training nurses in larger hospitals.

The state’s reactive tendencies, present since the revolution and civil war years, meant that long-term strategic goals often became subordinate to addressing short-terms problems. This certainly affected the development of nursing during the Soviet period, which was subject to frequent reforms. The public health care system suffered from myriad problems, including lack of resources, underqualified personnel, and lack of prestige. Soviet health care also suffered from a lack of access to Western technology and knowledge after World War II, although this isolation had eased by the late 1950s. 19 Health care services certainly expanded and improved after the revolution, but low wages continued to harm the medical profession and levels of care and expertise varied across the Soviet Union.

Although historians of Russian and Soviet nursing such as Lopatina might argue that the Bolsheviks’ coming to power altered the course of Russian nursing—which was supposedly destined to follow the Western path until the October Revolution—the situation was much more complex on the ground. It should not be seen as given that the Bolshevik seizure of power ultimately determined the fate of Russian nursing. Rather, the system of nursing that developed in Russia and the Soviet Union was the result of a much wider set of circumstances, both within and outside Russia. These circumstances culminated in an approach to nursing care that was both Russian and Soviet. The process that resulted in this system was a long and fragmented one, beginning even before the outbreak of World War I and continuing throughout the Soviet period.

LEGACIES OF THE REVOLUTION

One of the primary long-term obstacles for nursing created by the October Revolution was the lack of knowledge exchange between nurses in the Soviet Union and in Western, capitalist countries. It was not until after the collapse of the communist state that nurses began to fully develop international links. Although such links were limited before the revolution, from the 1930s on restrictions became more pronounced. Making connections with nursing colleagues abroad was greatly facilitated by the establishment of the Russian Association of Nurses in 1992. For the first time since 1917, nurses had their own dedicated professional body.

In the post-Soviet sphere, nurses have been more engaged with colleagues in other countries. There has been greater international dialogue since the Russian Association of Nurses joined the European forum for national nursing and midwifery associations in 1998. And in 2005, the Russian Association of Nurses joined the International Council of Nurses—the first time in history that Russian nurses were part of this professional body. 20 The increasingly outward facing direction of Russian nursing organization in the post-Soviet years has permitted the examination of problems from a wider lens. Issues are now considered that confront the nursing profession globally (a trend reflected in the historiography of the revolution) as are problems inherited from the socialist system.

Despite the many difficulties faced in the 1990s, it is important to note that the Soviet experience was not completely erased from Russian nursing. There are clear continuities that include personnel and publications, and one could argue that these have helped to anchor the profession. One of the key nursing publications, Meditsinskaia sestra (launched in 1942 and featuring Semashko), remains a significant professional publication and continues to discuss issues faced by nurses working in the Soviet Union—professional practice, theory, nursing education, and the history of the profession (it also includes a new section on nursing abroad). 21 A range of professional journals and the Russian Nurses Association have provided nurses with a clear sense of direction and a mouthpiece that were absent under the socialist system. This has placed nurses in a better position to deal with issues and work toward advancing their profession.

One of these issues—and one of the key characteristics of Soviet health care—was its feminization, although this can hardly be attributed only to the revolution. (The Russian Empire had the highest number of women physicians in Europe by 1910. 22 ) In the Soviet period, women continued to proliferate in the health care professions (both in medicine and nursing), and after World War II, women constituted more than three quarters of the medical profession. 23 The legacy of Soviet public health care is consequently also connected to the Soviet legacy of gender relations. In her edited volume Gender, State and Society in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia , Sarah Ashwin wrote that the Soviet state “promoted and institutionalized a distinctive ‘gender order’” that was being “reformulated” in the late 1990s at the end of the Boris Yeltsin era and the rise of Vladimir Putin. 24 One clear example of this was the introduction of “maternity capital” in January 2007, a scheme devised to encourage families to have more than one child by providing entitlements to second- and third-time mothers. 25 Such reformulations are not unusual (another is the reinstatement of the Get Ready for Labor and Defense norm, introduced first in 1931 and again in 2014).

If gender and the role of women in Soviet society represented a cornerstone of Soviet policy from the moment of the October Revolution, then so too did religion, or more specifically the antireligious campaigns of the 1920s and 1960s. A key feature of the post-Soviet nursing landscape has been the rise of the Russian Orthodox Church and the official return of the Sisters of Mercy. This almost gives the sense that Russian nursing has come full circle since the revolution, with charity and Christian service drawing some women to becoming Sisters of Mercy. In the 1990s, Sister of Mercy communities were again established in Russia after an absence of 70 years. In November 2010, the Syndodal Department for Charitable and Social Services established the Association of Sisters of Mercy. 26 As in the prerevolutionary years, spirituality and the church play a key role in the professional and personal lives of these Sisters of Mercy. Now, nurses and Sisters of Mercy coexist in Russia.

The transition from one system to another was not easy, and a persistent problem was the shortage of nurses and drawing younger people to the profession. One senior nurse, Liudmilla Fedorovna Silkina, identified and wrote about this issue in 1997. Silkina, who had more than 30 years of nursing experience at that time, advocated greater propaganda to recruit new students to the profession. 27 Her Soviet experience proved useful when she used the Day of the Young Specialists to mobilize her colleagues and draw young people to the profession (the hospital attracted 32 students as a result of the campaign). She also urged nurses to remain in the nursing profession, rather than leave it to become a doctor, a practice that had been rife during the Soviet period. Similar concerns with the shortage of nurses were expressed by the vice-president of the Saint Petersburg regional branch of the Association of Nurses in Russia in 2009. M. R. Tsutsunava was particularly worried about the demographic imbalance among middle medical workers.

More than 40% of these cadres were older than 50 years; the proportion of young was 7.4%. 28 Moscow experienced a similar problem: 65% of orderlies were older than 50 years, and 25% were older than 60 years. The problem did not stem from the transition to the market economy or to recent trends. The roots of the issue, Tsutsunava claimed, lay in the Soviet past—1983, to be precise. She traced the problem back to N. V. El’shtein’s monograph Dialogue on Medicine (Dialog o meditsine), which warned about the unattractive nature of the nursing profession. 29 Tsutsunava recognized that there was a global crisis in the nursing profession but indicated that internal Russian problems, such as weak administrative support, needed to be addressed. Indeed, large-scale efforts were taken to improve the profession, and at the All-Russian Congress of medical workers in St. Petersburg in December 2008, a new program for developing nursing in Russia from 2009 to 2014 was ratified. The main purpose of this was to introduce changes that would modernize Russian nursing and public health care more generally. 30

The Russian government appears to be struggling with many of the same problems that confronted its Soviet predecessor—underqualified personnel, substandard medical care, a shortage of doctors and nurses willing to work in rural areas, and low salaries. Some of these problems were inherited from the late Imperial period, when the health care services were still in the process of modernizing and professionalizing. When the Bolsheviks grabbed the reins of power in 1917, they set about solving some of the problems in public health care, some of which were the result of years of war and some of which were more systemic. But the Soviet system of public health care, which I have exemplified in my study of nursing, proved that change and innovation were difficult in the face of ideological dogma or lack of resources. Time will soon tell if the current Russian government’s policies can successfully overcome the public health care obstacles that the revolution and socialist system could not.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Most of the research for this article was conducted during a generous postdoctoral fellowship funded by the Irish Research Council and European Marie Curie program, where S. Grant was based at University College Dublin and University of Toronto (research account R12448).

Additionally, I wish to acknowledge the support of colleagues in both universities, especially Judith Devlin and Susan Gross Solomon. My thanks go also to Liverpool John Moores University for further research funding and support. Finally, I would like to thank the reviewers and editors for their thoughtful comments on this article. Any errors or omissions are the responsibility of the author.

See also Krementsov, p. 1693 ; Morabia, p. 1708 ; Starks, p. 1711 ; Starks, p. 1718 ; Rivkin-Fish, p. 1731 ; Brown and Fee, p. 1736 ; and Ladwig and Brown, p. 1740 .

Administrative Assistant II & III (Health) - TP130615

Job description, #tp130615 administrative assistant ii & iii (health).

Position available through UCSD Temporary Employment Services (TES). Employment through TES is an excellent way to gain valuable UCSD experience and get your foot in the door for career positions. TES employment includes medical coverage, paid vacation & sick time, paid holidays, as well as training and development opportunities!

ASSIGNMENT DETAILS

• Duration: Assignments typically run for approximately 3-6 Months.
• Compensation and Benefits: $23.68 - $27.36/hr, including paid holidays and vacation/sick leave. Full-medical insurance also available.
• Work Schedule: Monday - Friday 8:00am - 4:30pm, but can vary.
• Location: Most positions are on-site or hybrid.

DESCRIPTION

TES has current openings for entry-level administrative to advanced level administrative positions within our health sciences and medical offices. Skill requirements vary by position.

Typical duties for applicants with general office support are as follows:

Receptionist: answer phones, respond to emails, and greet customers/patients.

Photocopy, file, and scan sensitive departmental documents.

Maintain HIPAA Compliance.

Heavy data entry and maintaining spreadsheets.

Working in EPIC EHR software.

Scheduling basic appointments and managing shared physician or faculty calendars.

Maintain and order medical and/or non-medical inventory.

Take meeting minutes for department/interdepartmental meetings or projects.

Customer service for patients, students, and/or staff and faulty of UCSD health systems.

Responsibilities for applicants with advanced level administrative and executive support skills are as follows:

Use of independent judgment to determine best resources and most effective tools to resolve administrative and operational problems.

Provide direct administrative support for various physicians and faculty.

Manage complex physician and faculty calendars: responsible for making decisions related to planning and implementation of meetings, special events, and travel.

Make travel arrangements: liaison with travel agency, hotel, airlines etc. and process reimbursement requests.

Process various fiscal transactions.

Drafting correspondence and reports.

Coordination of event, conference, and program logistics including: video conferencing (Zoom), transportation, accommodations, activities, reserving room space, and catering for scheduled events.

QUALIFICATIONS

Solid communication skills and ability to communicate professionally and effectively with a diverse population of all levels of organization in person, over the phone and in writing.

Ability to work in an interactive environment and possess excellent customer service skills both in person and over phone.

Must have strong organizational skills with ability to set priorities, handle deadlines, and manage conflicting demands.

Proficiency with MS Word, Access, Excel, PowerPoint, Internet Explorer, Adobe Acrobat, and various email, database and desktop publishing programs. Proven typing/word processing skills to prepare correspondence, reports, and spreadsheets.

Demonstrated typing/word processing skills to prepare correspondence, reports, and spreadsheets.

Must have strong organizational skills with the ability to set priorities, handle deadlines, and manage conflicting demands.

Proven ability to work independently with minimum supervision, establish priorities, follow through on tasks to completion, and meet deadlines in an environment of multiple interruptions and changing priorities while maintaining a high degree of judgment and clarity.

Administrative assistance experience in a hospital or medical office.

PREFERRED QUALIFICATIONS

Experience providing senior-level administrative support for clinical or non-clinical staff within a healthcare clinic, hospital, or organization.

Previous directly related experience in a large complex healthcare setting.

Experience and knowledge of billing software and EPIC/electronic health record systems.

Experience using medical terminology.

Ability to manage and optimize the use of multiple databases with extreme attention to detail.

Manage complex calendars, schedule meetings and appointments; executing, coordinating, and managing event planning for programs, special events, meetings, and conferences.

Experience analyzing and identifying problems, independently resolve discrepancies with ability to recommend solutions, effectively participate in short and long term planning for administrative needs of unit.

Proven experience monitoring department budgets, including expenditures and purchasing.

Ability to read, interpret and analyze financial data.

Experience utilizing UCSD business systems (e.g., IFIS, PPS, FinancialLink, MyTravel, MyEvents, MyPayments, EmployeeLink, and/or Marketplace).

SPECIAL CONDITIONS

A background check is required. A medical screening may be required.

This position has been identified as a Mandated Reporter pursuant to the California Child Abuse and Neglect Reporting Act (CANRA) and requires immediate reporting of physical abuse, sexual abuse, emotional abuse, or neglect of anyone under the age of 18. It is the responsibility of the Mandated Reporter to ensure that they obtain proper training in order to fulfill their reporting responsibilities as required by the California Child Abuse and Neglect Reporting Act and University policy, and to complete and submit the required reports to the UC San Diego Police Department without delay.

Pay Transparency Act

Annual Full Pay Range: $33,900 - $70,052 (will be prorated if the appointment percentage is less than 100%)

Hourly Equivalent: $16.24 - $33.55

Factors in determining the appropriate compensation for a role include experience, skills, knowledge, abilities, education, licensure and certifications, and other business and organizational needs. The Hiring Pay Scale referenced in the job posting is the budgeted salary or hourly range that the University reasonably expects to pay for this position. The Annual Full Pay Range may be broader than what the University anticipates to pay for this position, based on internal equity, budget, and collective bargaining agreements (when applicable).

If employed by the University of California, you will be required to comply with our Policy on Vaccination Programs, which may be amended or revised from time to time. Federal, state, or local public health directives may impose additional requirements.

To foster the best possible working and learning environment, UC San Diego strives to cultivate a rich and diverse environment, inclusive and supportive of all students, faculty, staff and visitors. For more information, please visit UC San Diego Principles of Community .

UC San Diego is an Equal Opportunity/Affirmative Action Employer. All qualified applicants will receive consideration for employment without regard to race, color, religion, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, national origin, disability, age or protected veteran status.

For the University of California’s Affirmative Action Policy please visit: https://policy.ucop.edu/doc/4010393/PPSM-20 For the University of California’s Anti-Discrimination Policy, please visit: https://policy.ucop.edu/doc/1001004/Anti-Discrimination

UC San Diego is a smoke and tobacco free environment. Please visit smokefree.ucsd.edu for more information.

Application Instructions

Please click on the link below to apply for this position. A new window will open and direct you to apply at our corporate careers page. We look forward to hearing from you!

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Administrative assistant ii & iii (health) - tp130615.

Pay : $23.68 to $27.36/hour

</li><li><strong></strong> $23.68 - $27.36/hr

Posted : 6/20/2024

Job Reference # : TP130615

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Assignment Moscow: Reporting on Russia From Lenin to Putin

Reviewed by maria lipman, by james rodgers.

Rodgers, a British journalist who has worked in Russia at various times since the 1990s, writes about the plight of the English-speaking correspondents who have covered Russia, going all the way back to the Russian Revolution in 1917. That their task was not easy is hardly surprising, yet Rodgers repeatedly emphasizes the difficulties they faced (the word “difficult” is used to describe their job at least two dozen times): strict censorship (foreign journalists were forced to clear their dispatches with Soviet authorities until 1961), travel restrictions, limited access to senior officials and ordinary people alike, and the government’s suspicion that Anglo-American correspondents were spies in disguise. Even Rodgers’s discussion of the American journalist Hedrick Smith—who, despite the restrictions, famously managed to produce exceptionally rich and insightful coverage of the Soviet Union and its people in the 1970s—is reduced to Smith’s reflections on how difficult his work was. Rodgers’s narrative rests on an enormous number of articles in Anglo-American media, books by and about journalists, and his own interviews with many Moscow correspondents. He quotes some of them as saying that journalists knew and understood Russia better than diplomats or policymakers did. This may or may not be true. Unfortunately, Rodgers doesn’t give the diplomats and policymakers a chance to respond.

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