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The Contemporary Public Market: A Sustainable Design Approach to Low-Cost Operating Public Markets in Oman

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A Redevelopment Of The Carcar City Public Market With A Satellite Bus Terminal

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Master thesis "Urban regeneration and conflict in Moscow and Budapest"

The paper is based on the comparative study of six grassroots movements challenging urban regeneration programs in Moscow and Budapest. It argues that urban governance models in these cities could be described as hybrid governance combining neoliberal logic with neo-authoritarian ruling style. Therefore, in last decades both cities became arenas where neoliberal economic model is realized, post-socialist ideologies are created and political power of new regimes is consolidated. Such a model assumes close collaboration between state and private actors while leaves pretty limited space for public participation. Urban movements, emerging as a response to market-led and/or speculative urban development first, have to struggle to get a hearing, on the other hand, face internal contradictions and conflicts.

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James Scott

Based on a case study of Budapest, the authors discuss how regeneration strategies are being negotiated within post-socialist transformation contexts. Post-socialist transformation is in many ways a pronounced case of globalization and accommodation to market-driven logics of urban development. The example of regeneration strategies in Budapest highlights many of the contradictions involved in realizing socially sustainable and integrated regeneration strategies in post-socialist countries. Weak levels of state intervention, institutional fragmentation and powerful market incentives to promote speculative redevelopment tend to hinder the emergence of an affective social dimension. At the same time, the case studies presented here also provide evidence for incremental processes of learning that reflect local socio-spatial realities as well as “grander” designs of urban regeneration. This essay thus addresses processes of experimentation that are taking place in Budapest within a tense political space characterized by market-driven redevelopment, administrative fragmentation, autocratic governing styles and new multiactor approaches—partly funded by the European Union—to socially inclusive regeneration.

Olt Gergely

Benjamin Barber suggests in his book 'If mayors ruled the world …' (2013) that city leaders make pragmatic and un-ideological decisions controlled by politically active urbanites. These claims, however, are criticized by critical human geographers, because the hegemony of private property and market mechanisms threaten urban democracy. Even if local residents are involved in decision making, this can be disadvantageous for people living elsewhere. In certain cases achieving urban democracy is problematic not only because of the dominance of market interests but also because of the specific power relations in some historical, political and social contexts. For example in the context of post-socialist Hungary, state institutions captured by political interest groups directly obstruct democratic rights and involvement of citizens. This chapter presents cases of urban rehabilitation from the post-socialist city of Budapest and show how residents were affected and how they resisted them. The research illustrates that besides the neoliberal ideology, 'neo-patrimonial' and 'neo-prebendal' power and property relations also play a role in obstructing citizens from exercising their right to the city.

csaba jelinek , Zsuzsanna Pósfai , Márton Czirfusz

The most stigmatised area of Budapest, the Eighth District (Józsefváros) has been undergoing significant urban and social change since 1989. However, compared with what rent gap theory would have forecast, gentrification took off relatively late. After a historical narrative of how rent gap in Józsefváros had been produced throughout the 20th century, we will argue that examining the mechanisms and outcomes of the three dominant dynamics of rescaling urban governance in Hungary – decentralisation without the redistribution of resources in the 1990s; EU accession and Europeanisation of public policies from the 2000s; and recentralisation after 2010 – help us understand when, where and how gentrification has been unwinding in Middle-Józsefváros, the most dilapidated area of the Eighth District. The article will present three case studies of local urban regeneration as paradigmatic for the three rescaling dynamics: Corvin Promenade, Magdolna Quarter Programme, and the ongoing Orczy Quarter project. It will show the underlying revanchist policies and discourses in each case. The main aim of the current paper is to illustrate how a scale-sensitive political economic approach can go beyond the mainstream public and political discourse in scrutinising gentrification, through shedding light on structural factors contributing to exclusion, criminalisation, displacement, and othering.

Kerstin Jacobsson

Emel Akçalı

By discussing the variety and variability of urban neoliberal governmentality and its limits in the semi- periphery of the advanced capitalist world, the article aims to explore the embeddedness of neoliber- alism at the dawn of the new millennium. Cities that are increasingly becoming parts of the global economy, despite being on the periphery of advanced capitalism, host a myriad of diverse forms of neoliberal governmentality in terms of spatial change. Although responding with enthusiasm to the increasing mobility of capital and the internationalization of investments through gentrification plans, the current transformative efforts of Istanbul and Budapest under two conservative governments indi- cate, for instance, the re-invention of authoritarianism so that these cities serve the purposes of their national leaders. This development signals a hybrid form of governmentality that combines neoliber- alism with illiberal logics and manifests similar processes in different locations despite disparities in scale, local needs and characteristics. The article further argues that since such urban transformations take place within the neo-conservative leaders' battles to acquire cultural and social capital, they create potential to make both metropolises the new rebel cities of Europe, albeit with divergent levels of resistance.

Ashgate Publishing Limited, Ashgate Publishing Company

Anisya Khokhlova , Elena Tykanova

Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo universiteta. Sociologiâ

Elena Tykanova

csaba jelinek

Since the 1970s, “urban rehabilitation” has been the main territorially focused policy through which the Hungarian state has tried to intervene into urban spaces that are negatively affected by uneven development. Though “urban rehabilitation” as a concept has been used extensively in the last five decades, both the practices and representations attached to it have changed significantly according to the actual ideological, institutional and structural contexts of the different historical periods. Through interviews, archival materials, document analyses, macro-statistical data collection and ethnographic observations, I track these changes in order to show how the relation of the Hungarian state to urban decline has been reworked by politicians, scholars, bureaucrats and various expert groups on different scales. I identify four historical junctures that I analyze in detail as periods of intensified changes in urban policy: the unfolding global crisis in the 1970s and 1980s in Hungarian state socialism; the radical institutional and geopolitical changes around 1989; Hungary's EU accession in 2004 after more than a decade of liberal hegemony; and the landslide political and economic changes around 2008-2010 when, amidst the global economic crisis, the right-wing regime took an authoritarian turn. In the late 1970s and early 1980s – within the broader trend of a global economic crisis which took the form of a debt crisis in semi-peripheral Hungary – the concept of “urban rehabilitation” was introduced in opposition to the previous modernist urban planning ideas, i.e. “urban reconstruction” and green field socialist prefab constructions. Thus the introduction of urban rehabilitation as a concept in the late 1970s can be studied parallel to other crisis-driven institutional and ideological changes, and in tandem with the emerging field of experts working with the concept. In the 1990s – as a part of the policy package of the transition from socialism to capitalism – urban rehabilitation was seen as a tool to adapt to “capitalist” processes and to attract private capital in an entrepreneurial manner. In this period the field of experts became adapted to the new “liberal” institutional architecture. From the mid-2000s, and particularly after EU accession in 2004, urban rehabilitation became a wide-spread urban policy tool due to the significant amount of EU funds dedicated to “integrated urban interventions”, which led to the emergence of “social urban rehabilitation”. In the field of experts it brought professionalization and the inflow of a new generation. Since the authoritarian turn in 2010 urban rehabilitation has gradually begun to focus on governing marginalized territories with social tensions in a paternalist way– as an element of the post-crisis polarizing politics of the right-wing regime. By 2014 it brought changes in the expert field as well, with the appearance of a new, ambiguous relation to politics. Through following the history of urban rehabilitation as a policy, this dissertation shows how different actors in different periods tried to problematize and change urban processes in different Hungarian cities. More broadly, through this historical journey I show how state representations and practices have been rescaled in the last five decades in Hungary, and how the work of governing cities has been changed in tandem with the restructuring of the institutional architecture of policy making. I argue that instead of a simplified “socialist city” – “capitalist/post-socialist city” dichotomy, a more nuanced analysis is needed in order to understand the role of urban policies. Moreover, instead of seeing urban policy making as a merely “urban” or “national” issue, I demonstrate the significance of the interplay between global historical ruptures and local (dis)continuities in the practices of urban policy making animated by different acts of brokerage. For this reason throughout the thesis I pay specific attention to the ever-changing functions of creating and dissolving institutions. I show that these acts of (de/re)-making institutions are practices of brokerage that mediate between different domains of politics, markets and society, for example between “global” and “local” processes, between the “state” and the “people”, or between political cosmologies and state practices.

Slovenský Národopis

Alexandra Bitusikova

GLOBAL URBANISM Knowledge, Power and the City

Ana Vilenica

Ana, Ioana, Veda and Zsuzsi are scholars and activists based in Belgrade, Bucharest and Budapest.They kindly agreed to perform this interview collectively, working together to bring to the fore the powerful text that follows. Ana is active in urban movements in Serbia, as well as within the European Action Coalition for the Right to Housing and the City (EAC). She is also one of the editors of the Radical Housing Journal and the Interface: A Journal for and about Social Movements. Ioana is a researcher at the University of Gothenburg focusing on urban policies, urban power structures and related inequalities, as well as a housing activist based in Bucharest, Romania. Veda is an activist and engaged theorist based in Bucharest too, where she has been involved in resisting evictions, organising occupations and building community around collective space. Veda currently works as the facilitator of the EAC. Both Ioana and Veda are involved as militant researchers and organisers with The Common Front for Housing Rights and with the national housing justice confederation BLOCK for Housing, active in several cities and villages in Romania. Last but not least, Zsuzsi is a member of Rákóczi Collective, a group working on establishing rental-based housing cooperatives in Hungary. She is also a founding member of Periféria Policy and Research Center, an independent, critically engaged organisation working on issues of spatial justice and housing based in Budapest. Her work revolves around political economy, with an emphasis on understanding macro-scale dependencies, with a thematic focus on housing.

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