essay on india in the globalised world

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International Relations

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India’s Role In Multilateral World Order

• 08 May 2020
• GS Paper - 2
• Groupings & Agreements Involving India and/or Affecting India's Interests

This article is based on “Resuscitating multilateralism with India’s help” which was published in The Hindu on 07/05/2020. It talks about India’s role in the revival of declining multilateralism.

The Covid-19 pandemic has highlighted the varying nature of the challenges faced by the world. First, these challenges are cross-national in character. They respect no national boundaries and are not amenable to national solutions only. Second, these challenges are cross-domain in nature, with strong feedback loops. A disruption in one domain often cascades into parallel disruptions in other domains.

The intersection of cross-national and cross-domain challenges demand multilateral approaches to reach out any solution. However, there has been an upsurge in narrow nationalism, an assertion of parochial interests over the pursuit of global (shared) interests, and a fostering of competition among states rather than embracing collaboration. Thus, multilateralism is possibly at its weakest today.

In this context, Indian Prime Minister remarks that the world is facing a huge challenge in the form of Covid-19 and the way to combat this pandemic is through the resolution of ‘Collaborate to Create’. Thus, the current pandemic may be an opportunity for India to help revive multilateralism.

Issues Pertaining to Multilateralism

Increasing Incidences of Lawfare

• Paralysis of the World Trade Organization (WTO), due to the tussle between the developed and developing world.
• The imposition of extraterritorial sanction (under CAATSA) by the US has affected development in developing economies like India and China.
• The trade war between the US and China has challenged the existing global trade.

Dual Use of Global Supply Chain

• China through BRI is enhancing its role in global economic governance.
• The internet has become a distributed system of surveillance.
• There are fears pertaining to dual-use (commercial viability and military application) of Industrial Revolution 4.0.

Lack of Global Framework

• The global community has not been able to come on a single platform or frame a Global Agenda on issues related to terrorism, Climate Change, cybersecurity etc.
• Also, due to the lack of any global public health framework, Covid-19 has spread into a pandemic.

India’s Role in Reviving Multilateralism

Shift from Non-Alignment to Multi-Alignment

• In the Post cold war era, Indian foreign policy has moved from a policy of non-alignment (policy of being neutral with US and USSR blocs) to the policy of Multi-alignment (India is having friendly relations with almost all great powers and developing world).
• Multi-alignment is the very essence of India’s foreign policy and the economic policy of India today.
• This presents an opportunity for India to become a global mediator and help in developing a framework on Global Issues.

India’s Role in International Activism

• India is a key G-20 member country and the world’s fifth-largest economy (and 3rd largest on purchasing power parity) with a long tradition of international activism and promotion of rule-based multilateralism.
• India’s long-standing commitment to multilateralism can be reflected in the call for U.N. system reforms.
• India has taken the lead in promoting various multilateral initiatives like International Solar Alliance , proposing CCIT for combating terrorism , Asia-Africa Growth corridor.
• India is the pharmacy to the world (world’s largest producer and exporter of cost-effective generic drugs).

Collaborating with Like-minded Countries

• Here, India could work closely with the Alliance for Multilateralism (an initiative launched by Germany and France) to shape both the alliance itself and the reform agenda at large.
• India must redouble its efforts, along with partners such as the USA, to push for a multi-stakeholder model of internet governance.

Alliance for Multilateralism

• The Alliance aims to renew the global commitment to stabilize the rules-based international order, uphold its principles and adapt it, where necessary.
• It aims to protect and preserve international norms, agreements and institutions that are under pressure or in peril.
• It seeks to pursue a more proactive agenda in policy areas that lack effective governance and where new challenges require collective action.

Decoupling From China: Opportunity for India

• China has been the factory to the world, but global investors have been seeking a gradual decoupling from China. This is due to the increasing cost of production and the trust deficit in China after Covid-19 pandemic.
• This provides India with an opportunity to become the world's manufacturing hub and stable economic power. This will help India in assuming leadership roles and maintaining a stable global economic system.

Despite hardships, India can, and must, take the lead in bringing the world together to practice a new multilateralism that places the common interests of humanity above narrow national interests. In this context, India has taken initiatives to develop a joint response in bringing SAARC together to fight the pandemic . This neighbourhood collaboration should be a model for the world.

This editorial is based on “Back home: On return of Indian expatriates” which was published in The Hindu on 07/05/2020. Now watch this on our Youtube Channel.

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India's Role in the World

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About the Project

India's rise to power has led to speculation and expectations about how it will change the global order. On the one hand, India is huge, with more than 1.3 billion people, and on track to become the world's third-largest economy. Yet India still struggles with poverty and other challenges of a developing economy. India is also the largest and most diverse democracy, but hesitates to promote these values abroad. As the United States welcomes and supports India's rise, Americans should better understand Indians' ambitions for themselves and for their role in the Indo-Pacific and on the world stage—ambitions that are still debated within India. In my  book ,  blog posts ,  and articles, I focus on the live debates in Indian foreign and economic policy shaping India's future course. I also convene the U.S. Relations with South Asia Roundtable Series to address the challenges and opportunities facing the U.S.-India relationship.

'Our Time Has Come: How India Is Making its Place in the World' by Alyssa Ayres

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Event with Alyssa Ayres , C. Fred Bergsten and Joseph S. Nye Jr. November 17, 2015

Event with Alyssa Ayres , Nicholas Burns, Charles R. Kaye and Michelle Caruso-Cabrera November 12, 2015

Understanding Modi, Abe, and Jokowi

Event with Michael Fullilove April 21, 2015

What to Do About U.S.-India Relations

Event with Robert D. Blackwill , Stephen P. Cohen, Alyssa Ayres and John D. Negroponte February 4, 2015 What to Do About...

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Democratic Values No Longer Define U.S.-Indian Relations Link

with Alyssa Ayres via Foreign Affairs March 11, 2020

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India and the United States: An Evolving Strategic Partnership Link

with Alyssa Ayres via Hudson Institute September 6, 2018

Our Time Has Come

Book by Alyssa Ayres December 1, 2019

Role Reversal: As US Steps Back From Global Leadership, India Steps Up Link

with Alyssa Ayres via Indian Express June 26, 2017

India Objects To China's One Belt And Road Initiative -- And It Has A Point Link

with Alyssa Ayres via Forbes.com May 15, 2017

Working With a Rising India

Task Force Report by Charles R. Kaye, Joseph S. Nye Jr., Alyssa Ayres and Christopher M. Tuttle November 12, 2015

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Does the grand rhetoric of India’s foreign policy aspirations match the reality of the country’s domestic reform momentum?

India is in the global limelight as it takes on the presidency of the G-20 and completes a two-year stint on the United Nations Security Council . It also took over the presidency of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in September, the same month it hosted a meeting of senior Quad officials.

However, it is important to recognize that we have been here before. The world was touting India’s moment during the economic liberalization under Prime Minister Narasimha Rao (1991-96), the bolder foreign policy of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee (1998-2004), and the country’s near double-digit growth during the early years of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh (2004-14).

Much of the reason for India being unable to live up to its global potential is that economic reform has historically been the weakest link of New Delhi’s external engagement. While India escaped the shackles of the infamous “Hindu rate of growth” in the post-Cold War period, it continued to face an equally cumbersome “Indian rate of policymaking” rooted in problems of bureaucratic inertia and poor inter-ministerial coordination. 

In this context, a reality check is required: Does the rhetoric of India’s foreign policy aspirations match the reality of the country’s domestic reform momentum?

Case of India’s “Look East”/ “Act East” Policy

There is no better example of this than India’s “Look East” policy (which was renamed “Act East” in 2014). The “Look East” policy was launched in the early 1990s as part of an effort to elevate the importance of Southeast Asia (and later East Asia and the broader Indo-Pacific region) in India’s foreign policy priorities. 

However, India’s regional integration has always been contingent on the pace of the country’s domestic reform agenda. For example, barriers in strengthening infrastructure connectivity at home prevented India from fully leveraging its geographic proximity and historical linkages with Southeast Asia. This has been illustrated by the contrast between the rhetoric of India’s Northeast being labeled the “ natural gateway for India to Southeast Asia and beyond ” and the reality of delays in completing key infrastructure projects connecting India and Southeast Asia, such as the Trilateral Highway Project and the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project.

A recurring challenge over the course of the “Look East” policy was regional powers questioning India’s ability to sustain its growth and reform momentum. This prompted the initial decision by ASEAN to grant India sectoral rather than full dialogue partner status in 1992. Undergirding this was a perception that while India had implemented first generation reforms – which reduced import duties, removed export restrictions, and permitted currency convertibility – the second wave of economic liberalization – focused on addressing structural issues, including infrastructure deficiencies and a difficult regulatory climate with respect to such issues as land acquisition, labor market deregulation, and the disinvestment (privatization) of public-sector undertakings (state-owned enterprises) – remained slow-moving. A related concern was if India’s economic liberalization was losing momentum following a string of short-lived and unstable governments in New Delhi in the mid-1990s.  

India’s status in the region suffered a further blow during the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997-99, which slowed the country’s economic engagement with the region. This came as the devaluation of several regional currencies plagued by the contagion effect of foreign capital outflows undermined the competitiveness of Indian exports to Southeast Asia. The fact that India had been largely shielded from the crisis due to restrictions on capital account convertibility also demonstrated that its economy remained relatively detached from regional supply chains and transnational production networks. 

The Asian Financial Crisis had a lasting impact on the “Look East” policy. In its aftermath there was a growing emphasis on strengthening regional economic integration, which led to the emergence of new initiatives from which India was excluded, such as the ASEAN+3 in 1997 and Chiang Mai Initiative currency swap agreement in 1999. The regional architecture came to be regarded as a set of concentric circles with ASEAN at the center; China, Japan, and South Korea (the +3) formed part of the inner circle or primary regional partners of ASEAN, while India was seen as part of the outer circle or a second tier country in the regional architecture.

Moreover, despite the government projecting a more investor-friendly image since India’s economic liberalization in the 1990s, the country’s historically protectionist and conservative economic policies remain well entrenched. This has been reflected in the slow pace of trade negotiations with neighboring countries. India-ASEAN trade targets of $100 billion in 2015 and $200 billion in 2022 have also been missed. Relative to other powers, India’s level of regional economic integration with ASEAN remains modest, particularly in the areas of strengthening trade and connectivity.

New Delhi’s decision to exit the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership ( RCEP ) free-trade agreement in 2019 reaffirms the link between India’s domestic reform momentum and its eastward engagement. The decision was partially driven by concerns that Indian industries could not compete with their Asian (and particularly Chinese) counterparts. While India has recently concluded bilateral trade agreements with Australia and the United Arab Emirates , it maintains an aversion to multilateral agreements. Aside from India’s limited appetite for rejoining the RCEP, this has been evidenced by New Delhi’s absence from the trade pillar of the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific Economic Framework ( IPEF ) that India joined in June. 

India will need to overcome these impediments if it is to upgrade its status from a secondary to primary player in the regional architecture.  

Where does India stand today in terms of its economic outlook? It is projected to be among the world’s fastest growing major economies, with the World Bank recently upgrading the country’s 2023 GDP growth forecast from 6.5 percent to 6.9 percent. It surpassed the United Kingdom this year to emerge as the world’s fifth largest economy and is set to overtake Germany as the world’s fourth largest economy by 2027. This contrasts with China, where the World Bank has forecast that the country’s growth will be slower than the rest of the region for the first time in three decades.  

India also maintains a demographic dividend with a population that will overtake China as the world’s most populous country in 2023, according to the United Nations . This is supplemented by a large pool of IT professionals, vast digital ecosystem, and legislation aimed at leveraging these strengths. This includes a new draft Digital Data Protection bill that was introduced in November after the previous draft came under criticism over the compliance burden of its data localization provisions. This is one of several pieces of legislation aimed at supporting India’s digital economy, including the Telecom Bill and an upcoming Digital India Act. Technology solutions such as the Aadhaar card have also been used to strengthen India’s social welfare system.

India is also a beneficiary of the push to decouple and diversify supply chains away from China amid the persistence of (and now chaotic exit from) Beijing’s zero-COVID policy and geopolitical tensions with the United States. A key example is the decision by Apple to build its latest iPhone model in India. So is the push to establish or expand supply chains in India for other critical and emerging technologies, ranging from semiconductors (particularly in the area of chip design) to hydrogen (where India is emerging as an important electrolyzer producer) and ammonia (where India is the world’s third-largest manufacturer).

Recognition of India’s growing strategic importance has been reflected in the establishment of the   EU-India Trade and Technology Council  – the second country (after the United States) with which the EU has established such a forum – as well as India’s participation in the  Supply Chain Resilience Initiative that seeks to diversify supply chains away from China.

These developments have been supported by Modi’s “ Make in India ” and “ Atmanirbhar Bharat ” (self-reliant India) campaigns, which aim to strengthen the resilience and competitiveness of Indian industries. There has also been a rapid acceleration in infrastructure development under the Modi government as it has fast-tracked several high-profile projects that had been languishing under previous governments.

Interestingly, this infrastructure push is also taking place in non-BJP-ruled states as good governance has come to be seen as a vote winner. This has been facilitated by government support schemes, such as production-linked incentives , which supports the development of national champions in strategically important sectors and the Gati Shakti National Masterplan for multi-modal connectivity, which aims to improve last-mile infrastructure connectivity.

However, notwithstanding these achievements, the hype can often outweigh the substance. For example, on semiconductors India will be making older generation chips (known as trailing-edge semiconductors) rather than the most advanced chips. The fact that chip-making requires large amounts of water and energy is also a challenge for India as it remains prone to droughts and power shortages. Similarly, while India is projected to have the fastest global growth in solar module capacity expansion, the country’s local solar manufacturing capacity remains limited despite the government imposing hefty duties on solar module and cell imports. 

Beyond this, India faces several political and structural challenges. While Modi is committed to economic liberalization, the ideology of his party (the Hindu nationalist BJP and its sister organizations in the Sangh Parivar) is economically nationalist and Marxist at heart. Whether India’s reform momentum can be sustained beyond Modi’s tenure remains to be seen. Modi plans to stand for (and is likely to win) a third term in 2024, but what happens beyond that remains unclear.

Meanwhile, economic disparities remain significant. In India’s federal system, development cannot be seen through the prism of one country but 28 separate states that maintain differing regulations on such issues as labor and land acquisition. These regional disparities have been partially addressed through legislation such as the Goods and Services Tax (GST), which aims to create a single unified market in India. A growing emphasis on competitive federalism has also prompted states to compete with each other on ease of doing business rankings in order to attract investment. However, there remain other disparities, such as between the formal and informal economy and a well-entrenched urban-rural divide that will not be easily overcome.

Modi’s Moment

India is in the midst of a period of strategic opportunity given its centrality to several key global debates. This became evident following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, as India was courted by countries on both sides of the conflict. This served to vindicate India’s longstanding commitment to strategic autonomy in its foreign policy, which has been emulated by other emerging economies that have refused to take sides in the conflict. Rather than a bipolar international system revolving around the China-U.S. relationship, the emerging global order is likely to be more polycentric or multipolar with middle powers and aspiring global powers such as India holding more agency.

Climate change will also be a key focus area during India’s presidency of the G-20 as it seeks to emphasize issues of climate justice and financing. Modi’s Mission LiFE (Lifestyle for Environment) program will promote sustainability and a circular economy. There is also a proposal for an International Biofuels Alliance , which parallels India’s previous role in spearheading the International Solar Alliance.

India’s G-20 presidency is also well-timed as it coincides with Japan holding the G-7 presidency, which will allow for improved coordination between two of Asia’s leading democracies on issues of global governance. India’s G-20 presidency also forms part of a troika of G-20 presidencies, comprising Indonesia, India, and Brazil, which will elevate the voice of the Global South. 

However, statements can often outweigh the substance. There are two prominent examples of this: India’s self-proclaimed status as the “world’s pharmacy” during the COVID-19 pandemic was derailed by the devastating impact of the Delta variant in 2021, which prompted the country to halt vaccine exports. Similarly, claims that India would “feed the world” after grain exports from Ukraine were disrupted by the Russian invasion were once again derailed when New Delhi imposed a ban on wheat exports.

India’s emergence as a global power remains in its infancy. Despite claims that China has lost its status as an engine of global growth, India is not yet in a position to replace China (as India accounts for 7 percent of global GDP compared to 18 percent for China). Supply chains remain sticky, and China will remain central to global supply chains and transnational production networks for the foreseeable future.

As noted, the greatest risk to India’s global aspirations lies at home. In this context, it may be prudent for India to take a page out of China’s book (prior to the era of “wolf warrior” diplomacy) by adopting elements Deng Xiaoping’s dictum of “biding time and maintaining a low profile.” This means that India will need to speak softly and carry a big stick in sustaining and accelerating its reform momentum.

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India’s growing role in the world order

It has been observed that India can play a stabilising and a bridging role at a time when the world is not an “optimistic picture”.

About India’s role in the world order

• India belongs both to the non-aligned movement , which reflects its experience of colonialism, and the community of democracies, which reflects its 75 years of experience as a democracy 
• India is a leading light of the global “ trade union” of developing countries, the G-77 (Group of 77), which has some 120 countries, and also of the global macro-economic “management”, the G-20 (Group of 20 developed and developing countries whose presidency India has just assumed). 
• India plays an influential role both in the United Nation s, a universal organisation that has 193 member states, and in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation ( SAARC ). 
• India has moved beyond non-alignment to what is called multi-alignment.
• India’s External Affairs Minister meets annually with his Russian and Chinese counterparts in the trilateral RIC ; he adds Brazil and South Africa in BRICS ; subtracts both Russia and China in IBSA , for South-South cooperation; and retains China but excludes Russia in BASIC , for environmental negotiations. 

Achievements of India 

• India has made extraordinary strides in recent years; it is already the world’s third-largest economy in PPP (purchasing power parity) terms and continues to climb.
• Countries across the world want to be associated with India because there is a belief that India is in touch with key players and that India can influence them.

Issues and Challenges

• India is yet able to feed, educate and employ all people.
• Too many of our people continue to live destitute, amidst despair and disrepair.
• At the same time, the distinction between domestic and international is less and less meaningful in today’s world.
• Institutions of global governance have failed to unite the world. 
• The World Trade Organization (WTO ) was already in the intensive care unit before the novel coronavirus pandemic, with rich and poor countries unable to agree on equitable rules, when COVID-19 froze global supply chains. 
• The war in Ukraine in February 2022 has put the final nail in the coffin of the boundary-less global economy that seemed to be emerging with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.
• Inequalities have increased within countries and amongst them too.
• We are living in a world in which one defining paradigm for foreign policy is impossible. 

Suggestions and Way Ahead 

• India can contribute towards de-risking the global economy and in political terms, in some way, help depolarise the world.
• Far from evolving into a “world leader”, India should become an active participant in a world that is no longer defined by parameters such as “superpowers” or “great powers” exercising “world leadership”
• But nor can we afford to sacrifice our strategic autonomy in a quest for self-protection.
•  We need to define a new role for ourselves that depends on our understanding of the way the world is.
• But they all serve our interests in different ways and for different purposes. 
• India should present itself as a natural stabilising power in South Asia and the Indian Ocean Region,
• It should aim to create new pillars of the new global order through engagement and partnership with middle powers.

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Center for Global, International and Regional Studies

India and the world : essays on geoeconomics and foreign policy

Available online, at the library.

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• * Introduction
• *1. Shifts and Shocks: Understanding Geoeconomics and Strategy* Post-Cold War Geoeconomics* The Geoeconomics of the Asian Financial Crisis* Geoeconomics of the Trans-Atlantic Financial Crisis* India, G-20 and the G-4
• *2. The Geoeconomics of a Multipolar World* The Next, Apart from China* From Geoeconomics to Geopolitics* Structural Shifts and Economic Shocks: Drivers of Strategic Change* Knowledge Power and Demographics* Fiscal Capability of the State* Global Economic Competitiveness* Access to Markets and Natural Resources
• *3. India and the Geoeconomics of the Trans-Atlantic Financial Crisis* Policy Impact of the Triple Crises of the 1990s* Closing the Two Gaps* Banking and Finance* Fiscal Policy* India and the Global Slowdown: New Vulnerabilities* Globalisation, Geopolitics and India's Grand Strategy* The Re-hyphenation with Pakistan* The G-2 Challenge* Crisis Management, Regional Stability and Implications for India-US Relations
• *4. The Economic Imperative to Indian Foreign Policy* Planning and Foreign Relations* Non-Alignment and Mixed Economy* The Post-Cold War-Post-Liberalisation Era* Economic Inter-dependence and International Relations* Conclusion
• *5. The Political Economy of Post Cold War Indian Foreign Policy* Impact of Successful External Liberalisation* The United States and Major Powers* India and Immediate Neighbours* Asymmetric Trade Liberalisation* India and Wider Asian Neighbourhood: East Asian Community* South-South Cooperation* New Thinking on Globalisation* Inclusive Globalisation* Challenges to the Manmohan Singh Doctrine
• *6. Realism in India's Economic Multilateralism*'Realistic Restructuring' of the Bretton Woods Institutions* Hedging its Bets on the Multilateral Trade Regime* The China Syndrome
• *7. The Influence of Business and Media on Indian Foreign Policy* The Influence of Business in Foreign Policy* Track Two Diplomacy* The Influence of Media in Foreign Policy* Conclusion
• *8. India's Economic Rise and South Asian Integration* Indian Sub-continent as an Integrated Economic System* Regional Cooperation and Institution Building in South Asia: P2P, B2B and G2G* SAARC as G2G: Institutions and Iconic Projects/Programmes* Building Blocks of B2B and P2P Cooperation* India as an Opportunity* A Summing Up
• *9. China and India: Bilateral Economic Relations and the Global Economy* Historical Background* From Inward to Outward Orientation* The New Bilateral Economic Relationship* Trade Deficit and Trust Deficit* Managing Competition and Cooperation* Opportunities for Regional Cooperation* The Multilateral System* Conclusion
• *10. The Geoeconomics of the GCC and Asia* The Changing Global Economy* The Gulf and Asia* Gulf Regional and Maritime Security: Role of Asian Powers.
• (source: Nielsen Book Data)

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Introduction: Is the Rise of India as a Global Power Inevitable? 

Since the turn of the century, the chatter about India as an emerging global power has become louder and louder. The drivers of this perception are the steady growth in India’s defense budget; the recognition of the talent of its engineers, doctors, scientists and managers; the success of the Indian diaspora; and India’s rapid GDP growth. The fact that India is a democracy also adds to its international appeal. Western nations saw very early on that India was not only a natural ally of the West because of its democratic ethos but was also a preferred rival to China, where authoritarianism remains entrenched. This geostrategic difference adds to India’s importance. The U.S., India’s biggest trading partner, sees U.S.-India relations as the “most consequential relationship of this century.” [1] And U.S. officials now routinely parrot the refrain that India, the world’s biggest democracy, and the U.S., the world’s oldest democracy, are natural allies and partners in advancing a global order that defends democracy and the rule of law. [2]   

Since the George W. Bush administration, the U.S. has been facilitating the rise of India, as it enabled the rise of China in the 1990s. The sanctions imposed on India for testing nuclear weapons were eased and efforts have since been made to groom India as a potential partner in containing the rise of China as a challenger to U.S. hegemony and to the liberal international order. India is eager to gain a permanent seat on the U.N. Security Council. It feels that this achievement will not only underscore India’s status as a major power but also give it the protection it seeks from international criticism as it pursues its ideological goals in the domestic arena. India has witnessed how the U.S. has used its power at the U.N. not only to advance its own interests but also to safeguard the interests of its allies. From the day it gained independence, India has felt that it was destined to be a great power and will one day achieve its “rightful place” on the global stage. Becoming part of the global governing elite, meaning a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council, and having more say in the management of multilateral institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, would be the pathway to this “rightful place.” This idea was born with the concept of a modern, independent India. In his famous speech “Tryst With Destiny,” delivered on the eve of India’s independence, India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, pledged that he would work “to the end that this ancient land attain her rightful place in the world and make her full and willing contribution to the promotion of world peace and the welfare of mankind.” [3] 

India’s Hunger for Global Status  

The Indian foreign policy elite is desperate for international validation of India as an important nation on the global stage. Often, to satiate that hunger, fake news about international recognition is circulated in Indian media that makes India look more powerful and influential than it is. For example, there were fake reports circulated in mainstream Indian media that Prime Minister Narendra Modi had been nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize. The media frenzy around this fake report subsided only after a member of the Norwegian Nobel Committee issued a statement denying the nomination. [4] Surveys by inconsequential private consultants that show Modi to be the most popular global leader make headlines and are mentioned frequently by talking heads and government officials, but those same individuals challenge or vehemently reject international indices that show India performing poorly on the happiness index, the hunger index, or human rights and democracy measures. Every critical report about India’s human rights record is labeled as biased and fake, even though those reports are well documented in the U.S. State Department’s 2022 report. The present Indian leadership, politically engaged population, and media, it is safe to say, are seeking international recognition more intensely than their counterparts in any other nation in the world today. 

This hunger is driven by frequent developments that indicate India’s rise. The recognition by the IMF that India is the fastest growing major economy in the post-COVID-19 era and the fact that it has now surpassed the United Kingdom as the fifth largest economy in the world are clear indicators that India is gaining in the economic sphere. India has recently become the world’s most populous country, and this too is seen as a marker of India’s achievement. The year 2023 has become a diplomatic bonanza for India. India became the host and president of two important multilateral forums, the G20 and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. This has kept India in the global diplomatic limelight for most of the year, during which time it has sought to set the global agenda and establish itself as an important global power and the voice of the Global South. Even invitations for state visits for Modi by the U.S. and France reenforce the perception that India is the new “golden boy” of international relations.  

Additional markers of India’s global influence include the success of India’s diaspora in business (think tech CEOs) and in politics (think Rishi Sunak and Kamala Harris); the emergence of powerful business houses like the Ambanis, Adanis, and Tatas; and the growing political influence of Indian Americans. The India story can be seen in everything from the emergence of India’s growing middle class as a major market to the recognition of the global importance of India’s IT, and from the diamond and pharmaceutical industries to India’s growing defense imports. 

India’s successes have not happened by accident. The country has made major investments in digital access, and today Indians on the internet outnumber Chinese and Americans combined. The Indian government is also investing in national infrastructure, building more roads, airports, metros, and bullet trains, which is contributing to the rapid development and economic growth of the nation. According to UNICEF, in the decade 2010-2020, India lifted 271 million people out of poverty. Additionally, India’s exports have also increased, and the country is likely to see its exports surpass $1 trillion U.S. in the year 2023. India has also benefited from the Russia-Ukraine war and has imported Russian oil at discounted prices; it now exports refined oil to Europe and North America. Both public sector and private sector oil companies have made huge profits from this unexpected opportunity.  

Besides all these economic and diplomatic achievements, the key reason all eyes are now on India is the persistent wooing of India by the Biden administration. U.S. officials have not only increased both the frequency and the intensity of their engagement with Indian counterparts, the U.S. has also signed many defense agreements, increased cooperation in the arena of critical emerging technologies and intelligence sharing, and is committed to upgrading India’s defense capabilities. The sale and transfer of F414 jet engines, which will be made in India by Hindustan Aeronautics, is the latest development in the U.S.-India defense partnership. This is a game-changer for India’s air strike capability, as well as its defense industry. Finally, the state dinner President Joe Biden hosted for Modi on June 22, 2023, and Modi’s address to a joint session of Congress have gone a long way toward sending a message to the world – especially to India and China – that U.S.-India relations have now reached unprecedented heights and that India is important to the U.S. Everybody now knows that India is one of the cool kids on the global campus.  

The Dark Side of the India Story  

But there is another side to the India story – a much darker side. This is a story that is rarely told in mainstream Indian media, but the global media is more committed to telling both sides of the India story. The other side is about two critical issues: one, the rise of Hindu nationalism and its terrible impact on democracy and the rights of religious minorities in India, especially Indian Muslims; and two, the structural flaws in India’s economic growth that are hidden by an unusually high focus on GDP growth alone as a measure of economic development.  

In his book “India is Broken,” Princeton professor Ashoka Mody, a former IMF economist, identifies three major flaws in the Indian economy. He argues that the economy is growing but without generating jobs, and hence the unemployment rate in India is very high for a country whose economy is growing at over 6%. The unemployment rate in mid-July 2023 was 8.4%, according to the Center for Monitoring Indian Economy. [5]  

Mody also argues that India is suffering from chronic underemployment. Many rural workers’ employment is seasonal, yet those workers are considered employed for purposes of tracking unemployment. Many people with advanced degrees are not working in their fields, but rather working as drivers for home delivery of food and goods, or as drivers for ride-hailing services. Such realities are hiding the extent of India’s unemployment. The most shocking aspect of India’s economy is the decline in women’s labor force participation, which dropped from 30% in 1990 to 19% in 2021 and is around 23% at the moment. [6] Mody also argues that India’s economic growth is insensitive to the damage it is causing the environment, and hence is not as sustainable as the government claims. He also finds the quality of India’s rapidly expanding private education institutions less than desirable. He feels that if India does not improve the quality of its education, it will fall behind other Asian nations that invest more in their human resources. [7]

As for India’s democratic backsliding, the U.S. State Department and the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom have systematically documented the many ways in which minorities in India are persecuted. Democracy indices have, especially since 2019 (the beginning of Modi’s second term), downgraded India to the status of a flawed democracy. The Swedish think tank V-Dem labeled India an “electoral autocracy,” and Freedom House has also highlighted the decline of freedom under the rule of Modi. [8] The State Department’s 2022 annual report is damning: It meticulously documents the persecution of religious minorities, especially Muslims, in India under Modi and his Hindu nationalist party (Bharatiya Janta Party). The atrocities documented include mob lynching of Muslims, extrajudicial bulldozing of Muslims’ homes and places of worship, violence against Muslims by mobs as well as police, passage of laws that violate religious freedoms, and frequent calls for genocide of Indian Muslims and hate speech by Hindu priests and Hindu nationalist political leaders. [9] 

The two sides of the India story were dramatically on display when Modi visited the U.S. in June 2023. While the White House and the U.S. Congress laid out the red carpet for Modi, and Biden spoke eloquently of India’s democratic DNA, over 75 U.S. senators and representatives wrote a letter to Biden demanding that he raise the issue of India’s terrible human rights records directly with Modi. [10] Many of them also chose to boycott Modi’s address to Congress. While Biden was bending backward not to ruffle India’s feathers, former President Barack Obama said in an interview with journalist Christiane Amanpour that the “protection of the Muslim minority in a majority-Hindu India” was “something worth mentioning” during the state visit. He added, “If you do not protect the rights of ethnic minorities in India, then there is a strong possibility India at some point starts pulling apart.” There are some who believe that Obama may have made this comment at Biden’s behest to send the message to India that the U.S. was not overlooking the democratic backsliding of India. [11] These comments sparked backlash from Indian leaders, who attacked Obama for being hypocritical since he had bombed several Muslim countries during his time as president. The most shocking reaction came from a senior leader of Modi’s party, Himanta Biswa Sarma, the chief minister of the state of Assam, who told a journalist that there were many Hussain Obamas in India and that Assam police would prioritize “taking care of them,” then head to Washington, D.C. Ironically, while India’s prime minister was talking about how there was no room for discrimination in India, his own party member was threatening Muslim minorities with police for no reason. The man has faced no consequences for his blatant bigotry. [12]   

Clearly there are two sides to the India story: one about India’s emergence as a major economic and global power, and the other about its steady transformation into an electoral autocracy that treats its religious minorities terribly. In the two months prior to this writing, overlapping with Modi’s visit to the U.S., over 250 churches have been burned down in the state of Manipur, which is also ruled by Modi’s Hindu nationalist party (BJP). The state is experiencing an ethnic and religious civil war in which over 140 people have been killed and thousands displaced and rendered homeless. [13] The European Parliament passed an urgency resolution on the violence in Manipur hours before Modi landed in Paris to be a state guest at France’s Bastille Day celebrations. [14] Unless India seriously addresses its domestic religious polarization and targeting of minorities, it will be hard even for the Biden administration, which is comfortable working with illiberal leaders all over the world, to keep India in the camp of democracies. India is on its way to becoming a more developed, more powerful, and more influential country, but it is also suffering from a serious domestic crisis that could undermine progress. It can and probably will emerge as a major power, but first it must address the communal hatred that unfortunately is becoming more lethal and more widespread around the country. 

Brief Summaries of the Book Chapters  

For this anthology, titled “Rise of India as a World Power,” the New Lines Institute for Strategy and Policy has invited an extraordinary group of scholars, experts, and practitioners to contribute their views. The essays, like the diverse contributors, bring a variety of perspectives that paint a multifaceted picture of India’s rise and the challenges it faces. In the first essay, professor Sumit Ganguly , a prominent scholar of Indian foreign policy and South Asian politics, argues that India can emerge as a global power, but it must make significant changes in its posture toward the U.S. and its defense procurement policies, end its geopolitical rivalry with Pakistan, and address the persistent poverty in the nation. While he acknowledges that many authoritarian nations have become great powers, he feels that India’s lurch toward authoritarianism could become a major impediment to its march toward great power status. Ganguly argues that India’s democracy, albeit flawed, has succeeded in managing the country’s vast diversity, but if India retreats from its democratic principles, then it will jeopardize its domestic and social order.  

Ambassador Talmiz Ahmad , who has served as India’s ambassador to many Middle Eastern countries, is intimately aware of both the process and content of Indian foreign policy. He argues that Modi has worked hard to improve relations with Middle Eastern countries, and has been successful, but worries that India’s reputation as well as its long-term interests are not being served well by the Hindutva ideology that informs the Modi government. He also points to weaknesses in the Indian economy and predicts that it will not reach the target of $5 trillion U.S. by 2025, as predicted by the Modi government. [15] Ahmad also laments the loss of opportunity. The U.S. has slowly retreated from the Middle East, and India, which has good business relations with the nations in the region, has not enhanced its strategic role. It has allowed China to step into the vacuum created by the U.S. pivot away from the Middle East. He predicts that constrained by Hindutva values, which target Muslims at home, India can only maintain transactional and business relations with the Middle East, and shared strategic goals and actions will be limited. 

Michael Kugelman, director of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center, argues that while Pakistan is capable of putting hurdles in India’s path, it cannot at the moment prevent India’s rise. A combination of the widening gap between India and Pakistan’s capabilities along with domestic political and economic instability have diminished Pakistan’s ability to curtail the rise of India and its growing international profile. Kugelman also points out that while Pakistan does possess assets that allow it to pose asymmetric threats to India, it has for the moment reduced such activity. Additionally, Pakistan’s fortunes in Afghanistan have not fared well, and hence Pakistan will continue to maintain peace and calm on its eastern border with India while dealing with the challenges it faces from Afghanistan on its western border. Kugelman sees challenges to India’s emergence as a world power coming more from India’s other neighbor, China, a more powerful and more aggressive power. 

Aparna Pande is a research fellow at the Hudson Institute, and her work focuses on India’s foreign policy and the politics and geopolitics of South Asia. Pande draws an intriguing portrait of India as an aspiring world power, but a “different kind of world power.” She argues that India is seeking recognition as a global power with a moral identity – Vishwaguru (world teacher). The country does not have hegemonic aspirations in the region or globally. It does not have any territorial aspirations, nor does it seek to upset the existing order. According to Pande, this “Indian exceptionalism” is based on a form of nationalism that takes pride in its civilizational heritage and is neither territorial nor ideological. In her essay, Pande also emphasizes the importance of the emerging and rapidly growing India-U.S. alliance. 

Ghazala Wahab , a defense expert who also edits and publishes FORCE , a monthly journal on security issues, has contributed a counterintuitive and persuasive challenge to the narrative that India is a rising military power. She points out that India’s status as having the third largest defense budget in the world and also being the third or fourth largest importer of military equipment is being confused with military power. She argues that while India is indeed spending more than most nations on military power, it is not deterring other nations such as Pakistan and China from pursuing their aggressive cross-border attacks and violations. For Wahab, deterrence is the measure of power. Wahab also dispels the myth of the policy/goal of Atmanirbhar (self-reliance) in the defense sector. She observes that the resources earmarked for research and development are very low, and almost all major weapons manufacturing in India happens through collaboration with foreign firms. Wahab suggests that heralding India as a major military power is premature, and that it will be a while before India actually becomes self-reliant and successfully deters its enemies.  

India seeks greater responsibility and recognition on the global stage, and as part of this pursuit it has persevered in pushing for reforms first of the U.N. Security Council and now of the entire system of multilateral governance. Retired Ambassador Syed Akbaruddin , who has served as India’s permanent representative to the U.N., recounts in detail how India has sought reform of the U.N. Security Council to make it more representative and more in alignment with current realities, and to attain a permanent membership. He explains how India’s strategy for reform has evolved and how various international stakeholders have ensured that the process is consistently stymied, and no reforms have taken place. India’s failure to achieve a permanent seat at the U.N. Security Council reveals the nature of global politics: Institutional continuity prevails despite major shifts in economic and military balances of power.  

[1] See comments by Rich Verma, the deputy undersecretary of state, as reported by Financial Express, April 27, 2023.  https://www.financialexpress.com/business/defence-india-us-relationship-the-most-consequential-relationship-of-this-century-top-us-diplomat-3064684/ . Similar observations are regularly repeated by senior diplomats. 

[2] Pande, A. (2020).  Making India great: The promise of a reluctant global power . HarperCollins; Jaishankar, S. (2020).  The India way: Strategies for an uncertain world . New Delhi. 

[3] See the full text of Nehru’s speech at:  https://thewire.in/history/india-at-75-jawaharlal-nehru-tryst-with-destiny-full-text

[4] See media reports fact-checking this fake news:  https://www.business-standard.com/article/current-affairs/fact-check-did-asle-toje-call-pm-modi-biggest-contender-for-nobel-prize-123031600463_1.html

[5] Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy Pvt. Ltd. (n.d.)  CMIE statistics.  Retrieved July 21, 2023, from  https://www.cmie.com/kommon/bin/sr.php?kall=warticle&dt=20230501182648&msec=936

[6] S, V. (2023, March 19). MPW 2022: India’s female labour force is plunging; can country’s growing economy afford this?  Business Today.   https://www.businesstoday.in/magazine/deep-dive/story/mpw-2022-indias-female-labour-force-is-plunging-can-countrys-growing-economy-afford-this-372141-2023-03-03

[7] Mody, A. (2023).  India Is Broken: A People Betrayed, Independence to Today . Stanford University Press. See also the author’s “Khanversation” with Mody about his book on YouTube at:  https://youtu.be/7sLBuc90_ec . 

[8] Biswas, S. (2021, March 16). ‘ Electoral autocracy’: The downgrading of India’s democracy.  BBC News.  https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-56393944  

[9] See the State Department’s report on the state of religious freedom in India:  https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-report-on-international-religious-freedom/india/ . Also see the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom’s report:  https://www.uscirf.gov/sites/default/files/2023-05/India%202023.pdf .

[10] Rai, S. (2023, June 20). Democrats push Biden to make human rights a focus in meeting with Modi.  The Hill.   https://thehill.com/policy/international/4058441-democrats-human-rights-modi-biden-visit/

[11] HT News Desk. (2023, June 23).  Obama’s comments on Modi coincidental? Congress MP says ‘would be surprised if …’.  The Hindustan Times.  https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/obamas-comments-on-modi-coincidental-congress-mp-says-would-be-surprised-if-101687486315221.html

[12] The Wire Staff. (2023, June 23). ‘Hussain Obama’: Assam CM Himanta targets, threatens US ex-prez with Islamophobic slur.  The Wire.   https://thewire.in/communalism/hussain-obama-himanta-biswa-sarma

[13] See report in  The Guardian  on the state of affairs in Manipur:  https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/jul/10/foreigners-on-our-own-land-ethnic-clashes-threaten-to-push-indias-manipur-state-into-civil-war .  The Telegraph  reports that 253 churches have been burnt in Manipur. See  https://www.telegraphindia.com/north-east/253-churches-burnt-down-during-continuing-unrest-in-manipur-indigenous-tribal-leaders-forum/cid/1944597 . 

[14] European Parliament. (2023, July 12). Joint motion for a resolution on India, the situation in Manipur (2023/2781[RSP]).  https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/RC-9-2023-0335_EN.html

[15] PIB Delhi. (2022, Nov. 12).  No one can stop the Indian economy from holding the 3rd rank in the world by 2027- Amit Shah.  Ministry of Home Affairs.  https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=1875480

Related articles

India as a Great Power? 

Outlook for India-Middle East Relations: National Aspirations and Interests Will Crash Against Hindutva Ideology 

The Pakistan Factor in India’s Rise: Not a Constraint, Still a Challenge 

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Essay on “Globalization and India” Complete Essay for Class 10, Class 12 and Graduation and other classes.

Globalization and India

Globalization is the new buzzword that has come to dominate the world since the nineties of the last century. Till the nineties the process of globalization of the Indian economy was    constrained by the barriers to trade and investment liberalization of trade, investment and financial flows initiated in the nineties has progressively lowered the barriers to competition and hastened the pace of globalization.

India has the distinction of being the world’s largest economy in the beginning of the Christian era, as it accounted for about 32.9% share of world GDP and about 32.5% of the world population. The goods produced in India had long been exported to far off destinations across the world. Therefore, the concept of globalization is hardly new to India.

India opened up the economy in the early nineties following a major crisis that led by a foreign exchange crunch that dragged the economy close to defaulting on loans. The response was a slew of Domestic and external sector policy measures partly prompted by the immediate needs and partly by the demand of the multilateral organizations. The new policy regime radically pushed forward in favour of a more open and market oriented economy.

Major measures initiated as a part of the liberalization and globalization strategy in the early nineties included scrapping of the industrial licensing regime, reduction in the number of areas reserved for the public sector , amendment of the monopolies and the restrictive trade practices act, start of the privatization programme, reduction in tariff rates and change over to market determined exchange rates.

Over the years there has been a steady liberalization of the current account transactions, more and more sectors opened up for foreign direct investments and portfolio investments facilitating entry of foreign investors in  telecom, roads ports, airports, insurance and other major sectors.

The Indian tariff rates reduced sharply  over the decade form a weighted average of 72.5% in 1991-92 to 24.6 in 1996-97. Tough tariff rates went up slowly in the late nineties it touched 35.1% in 2001-02. India is committed to reduced tariff rates. Peak tariff rates are to be reduced to  the minimum with a peak rate of 20% m in another 2 years most non- tariff barriers have been dismantled by March 2002, including almost all quantitative restrictions.

 The Global India

The liberalization of the domestic economy and the increasing integration of India with the global economy have helped step up GDP growth rates, which picked up from 5.6% in 1990-91 to a peak level of 77.8% in 1996-97. Growth rates have slowed down since the country has still be able to achieve 5-6% growth rate in three of the last six years. Though growth rates has slumped to the lowest level 4.3% in 2002-03 mainly because of the worst droughts in two decades the growth rates are expected to go up close to 70% in 2003-04. A global comparison shows that India is now   the fastest growing just after china.

This is major improvements given that India is growth rate in the 1970’s was very low at 3% and GDP growth in countries like Brazil, Indonesia, Korea, and Mexico was more than twice that of India. Though India’s average  annual growth rate almost double in the eighties to 5.9% it was still lower than the growth rate in China, Korea and Indonesia. The pickup in GDP  growth has helped improve India’s global position. Consequently India’s position in the global economy has improved form the 8 th position in 1991 to 4 th place in 2001. When GDP is calculated on a purchasing power parity basis.

Globalization and Poverty

Globalization in the form of increased integration though trade and investment is an important reason why much progress has been made in reducing poverty and global inequality over recent decades. But it is not the only reason for this often unrecognized progress, good national polices, sound institutions and domestic political stability also  matter.

Despite this progress, poverty remain one of the most serious international challenges we face up to 1.2 billion of the developing world 4.8 billion people still live in extreme poverty.

But the proportion of the world population living in poverty has been steadily declining and since 1980 the absolute number of poor people has stopped rising and appears to have fallen in recent years despite strong population   growth in poor countries. If the proportion living In poverty had not fallen since 1987 alone a further 215 million people would be living In extreme poverty today.

India has to concentrate on five important areas or things to follow to achieve this goal. The areas like technological entrepreneurship, new business openings for small and medium enterprises, importance of quality management, new prospects in rural areas and privatization of financial institutions. The manufacturing of technology and management of technology are two different significant areas in the country.

There will be new prospects in rural India. The growth of Indian economy very much depends upon rural participation in the global race. After implementing the new economic policy the role of villages got its own significance because of its unique outlook and branding methods. For example food processing and packaging are the one of the area where new entrepreneurs can enter into a big way. It may be organized in a collective way with the help of co-operatives to meet the global demand.

Understanding the current status of globalization is necessary for setting course for future. For all nations to reap the full benefits of globalization it is essential to create a level playing field. President Bush’s recent proposal to eliminate all tariffs on all manufactured goods by 2015 will do it. In fact it may exacerbate the prevalent inequalities. According to this proposal, tariffs of 5% or less on all manufactured goods will be eliminated by 2005 and higher than 5% will be lowered to 8 %. Starting 2010 the 8% tariffs will be lowered each year until they are eliminated by 2015.

GDP Growth rate

The Indian economy is passing through a difficult phase caused by several unfavorable domestic and external developments; Domestic output and Demand conditions were adversely affected by poor performance in agriculture in the past two years. The global economy experienced an overall deceleration and recorded an output growth of 2.4% during the past year growth in real GDP in 2001-02 was 5.4% as per the Economic Survey in 200-01. The performance in the first quarter of the financial year is 5.8 and second quarter is 6.1%.

Export and Import

India’s Export and Import in the year 2001-02 was to the extent of 32,572 and 38,362 million respectively. Many Indian companies have started becoming respectable players in the International scene. Agriculture exports account for about 13 to 18% of total annual of annual export of the country. In 2001-01 Agricultural products valued at more than US $ 6 million were exported from the country. 23% of which was contributed by the marine products alone. Marine products in recent years have emerged as the single largest contributor to the total agricultural export form the country accounting for over one fifth of the non-basmati rice), oil seeds, tea and coffee are the other prominent products each of which accounts for nearly 5 to 10% of the country’s total agricultural exports.

India’s Position in Global Integration

Indian clearly lags in globalization. Number of countries have a clear lead among them China, large part of east and far east Asia and eastern Europe. Let’s look at a few indicator how much we lag.

• Over the past decade FDI flows into India have averaged around 0.5% of GDP against 5% for China 5.5% for Brazil. Whereas FDI inflows into China now exceeds US $ 50 billion annually. It is only US $ 4 billion in the case of India.
• Consider global trade – India’s share of world merchandise exports increased from 0.5% to 0.07% over the past 20 years. Over the same period China’s share has tripled to almost 4%.
• India’s share of global trade is similar to that of the Philippines an economy 6 times smaller according to IMF estimates. India under trades by 70-80% given its size, proximity to markets and labour cost advantages.
• It is interesting to note the remark made last year by Mr. Bimal Jalan, Governor of RBI. Despite all the talk, we are now where ever close being globalized in terms of any commonly used indicator of globalization. In fact of any commonly used indicator of globalization. In fact we are one of the least globalized among the major countries- however we look at it.
• As Amartya sen and many other have pointed out that India, as a geographical, politico- cultural entity has been interacting with the outside world throughout history and still continues to do so. It has to adapt, assimilate and contribute. This goes without saying even as we move into what is called a globalized world which is   distinguished from previous eras from by faster travel and communication, greater trade linkages, denting of political and economic sovereignty and greater acceptance of democracy as a way of life.

Consequences

The implications of globalization for a national economy are many. Globalization has intensified interdependence and competition between economies in the world market. This is reflected in Interdependence in regard to trading in goods and services and in movement of capital. As a result domestic economic developments are not determined entirely by domestic policies and market conditions. Rather, they are influenced by both domestic and international policies and economic conditions. It is thus clear that a globalizing economy, while formulating and evaluating its domestic policy cannot afford to ignore the possible actions and reactions of policies and developments in the rest of the world. This constrained the policy option available to the government decision-making at the national level.    

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Essay on India in 2047: The Global Power House

Students are often asked to write an essay on India in 2047: The Global Power House in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on India in 2047: The Global Power House

Introduction.

India in 2047 is envisioned as a global powerhouse, leading the world in various domains. This dream is built on India’s rich history, diverse culture, and rapid progress.

Economic Growth

By 2047, India’s economy is projected to be one of the world’s largest. This growth is fueled by technological advancements, entrepreneurship, and a strong workforce.

Technological Innovations

India in 2047 will be a hub of technological innovation. With advancements in AI, robotics, and space technology, India will set global standards.

Cultural Influence

India’s rich and diverse culture will have a global influence. Indian art, music, and cuisine will be appreciated worldwide.

250 Words Essay on India in 2047: The Global Power House

The vision for india in 2047.

In 2047, India will celebrate a century of independence, poised to emerge as a global powerhouse. The nation’s journey from a post-colonial economy to a global leader is marked by strategic planning and sustainable development.

Technological Advancements

India’s technological landscape is set to undergo a dramatic transformation. With the advent of 5G, AI, and IoT, the nation is expected to become a global hub for innovation and digital transformation. The ‘Digital India’ initiative, coupled with increased investments in R&D, will play a pivotal role in this transition.

India’s economy, forecasted to be the third-largest globally, will be driven by its robust manufacturing sector, diverse service industry, and a thriving startup ecosystem. Policies like ‘Make in India’ and ‘Startup India’ will continue to fuel this growth.

Global Diplomacy

India’s role in global diplomacy will be more pronounced. As a responsible nuclear power and a champion of climate change, India will lead global discussions on peace, security, and sustainable development.

Social Progress

India will witness significant social progress. Universal access to quality education, healthcare, and clean energy will be a reality, reducing socio-economic disparities.

500 Words Essay on India in 2047: The Global Power House

By 2047, India will be celebrating its centenary of independence, potentially as a global powerhouse. The journey from a struggling post-colonial nation to a global power is a testament to India’s resilience, adaptability, and never-give-up spirit.

Economic Prowess

India’s economy is predicted to be one of the world’s largest by 2047. Fueled by a demographic dividend, India’s young and dynamic workforce will drive economic growth. The thriving start-up ecosystem, coupled with advancements in technology, will catapult the country to the forefront of the global digital economy.

Climate Leadership

India will also emerge as a leader in climate action. With a commitment to renewable energy and sustainable practices, India will set an example for the world to follow. The country’s efforts in reducing greenhouse gas emissions, preserving biodiversity, and promoting sustainable agriculture will be globally recognized.

India’s influence will extend beyond economics and technology to global diplomacy. As a responsible nuclear power, India will play a decisive role in maintaining global peace. The country’s diplomatic efforts will be focused on fostering international cooperation, promoting human rights, and advocating for the global south.

Challenges and Opportunities

However, the journey to becoming a global powerhouse will not be without challenges. Issues such as poverty, inequality, and corruption need to be addressed. The country will have to invest heavily in education, healthcare, and infrastructure. Despite these challenges, the opportunities far outweigh the hurdles.

India in 2047 will be a beacon of hope for the world. The country’s economic growth, technological advancements, climate leadership, diplomatic influence, and cultural impact will make it a global powerhouse. As India strides towards its centenary of independence, the world will look to it for inspiration and leadership.

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The Role of India in Shaping the New World Order: Navigating Challenges and Opportunities | Sociology UPSC | Triumph IAS

Table of Contents

Role of India in New World Order

(relevant for general   studies paper prelims/mains).

Role of India in new world order

It’s evident that Post-Cold War multilateralism , which involves collaborative efforts among numerous nations, has reached a historic low both globally and regionally. This decline is clearly illustrated by the recent East Asia Summit held in Jakarta and the G20 summit in Delhi , which have highlighted the severe and potentially enduring challenges faced by the previous framework of global cooperation.

Post-Cold War multilateralism denotes the era following the conclusion of the Cold War in 1991 , during which numerous countries across the globe engaged in diverse forms of cooperation and coordination encompassing areas such as trade, security, human rights, and environmental conservation.

This era was made possible by the absence of major conflicts involving the two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, along with their respective allies. Post-Cold War multilateralism was grounded in liberal principles such as democracy, the rule of law, and open markets, and it found support from institutions like the United Nations, the European Union, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations , and the World Trade Organization.

New world order

The term “the new multilateral world order ” signifies the development of fresh modes of collaboration and dialogue involving various nations and regions in the 21st century. This transformation is a response to the demands and opportunities brought about by globalization, climate change, pandemics, terrorism, and other issues that demand collective efforts and cooperative solutions.

Several attributes define the new multilateral world order:

• The broadening and diversification of existing multilateral institutions, such as the UN, IMF, and World Bank, to encompass a more extensive array of voices and viewpoints from the developing world and the Global South .
• The establishment and fortification of novel regional and sub-regional organizations like BRICS, the African Union , the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and the European Union, all of which are designed to promote regional integration, development, security, and cooperation.
• The emergence of informal networks and initiatives, exemplified by the Alliance for Multilateralism, the G20, and the Quad , that focus on addressing specific issues or challenges that transcend national borders and necessitate synchronized action.
• The acknowledgment of the multipolar nature of the world, where no single nation or bloc can exercise dominance or dictate the global agenda. Instead, various stakeholders must engage in dialogue and negotiation to identify common ground and mutual benefits.

Reasons behind Decline of Existing Multilateralism

The Elevation of China and Its Expansionist Ambitions: A prominent factor contributing to the waning of the established multilateral order is the ascent of China as a global economic and military force. China’s expansionist policies, both within Asia and globally, challenge the existing multilateral structure.

Its independent attempts to modify borders with neighbouring nations and its assertive territorial expansion have generated tensions and destabilized regional and global institutions.

Economic and Security Perils Stemming from China : The economic and security hazards emanating from China have prompted countries like the United States, Japan, and India to reassess their engagement with China. Consequently, there have been endeavours to mitigate the considerable economic interdependence with China, a move that carries implications for existing multilateral economic bodies.

Russian Activities : The Russian occupation and annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea in 2014 presented a notable challenge to the post-Cold War security framework, particularly in Europe. This occurrence disrupted multilateralism by fostering divisions and conflicts within the international community.

Inherent Contradictions of the Multilateral System: The multilateral system itself has grappled with internal contradictions and dilemmas. These internal disparities and competing interests among member states have weakened the effectiveness of multilateral organizations and hindered the formation of consensus.

Emergence of Alternative Security Frameworks : In response to China’s expansionism, alternative security platforms like the Quad, AUKUS, and trilateral agreements have surfaced. These forums signify a shift away from conventional multilateral institutions, raising questions about the ongoing relevance and centrality of existing regional organizations such as ASEAN .

Evolution of Perspectives Among Key Actors : Alterations in the stances of pivotal players, including India, have also played a role in the decline of established multilateralism. India’s evolving perception of the international order, transitioning from concerns regarding a “unipolar Asia” dominated by China to more active engagement with the United States and its allies, have reshaped the dynamics of multilateralism in the Indo-Pacific region.

Global Financial Crisis and Expansion of the G7: The global financial crisis of 2008 emphasized the necessity of enlarging the Group of Seven (G7) to include middle-power nations to reinstate global economic stability. While this represented a positive step toward addressing global challenges, it also underscored the limitations of the existing multilateral framework.

Role of Indian in new world order

• India has the potential to assume a prominent role in various forums, including the Quad and ASEAN , along with other regional and sub-regional platforms. Its primary objective would be to champion an Indo-Pacific region that upholds principles like the rule of law, respect for sovereignty, and peaceful dispute resolution.
• Additionally, India can bolster its collaboration in maritime security with nations that share similar values, aiming to address the challenges emanating from China’s assertive actions in the area.
• India’s contribution to the process of re-globalization can involve diversifying its trade and investment partners, particularly within the Global South . Simultaneously, it can work on bolstering its domestic capabilities across vital sectors such as manufacturing, services, and innovation.
• Advocating for a more democratic and equitable global governance system, which accurately represents the realities and aspirations of emerging economies, is another avenue for India to pursue.
• Taking advantage of its role as host of the G20 summit, India can utilize this platform to showcase its vision and accomplishments as a global leader. It can also strive to build consensus on critical matters such as climate change, sustainable development, health security, and digital transformation.
• Furthermore, India can serve as a bridge between developed and developing nations by shedding light on their shared interests and challenges, while proposing inclusive and practical solutions.

Sample Question for UPSC Sociology Optional Paper:

1. question: what role can india play in shaping the new multilateral world order.

India can champion principles like the rule of law, diversify trade partners, advocate for equitable global governance, and serve as a bridge between developed and developing nations.

2. Question: How has China’s rise impacted the existing multilateral framework?

China’s expansionist policies and economic influence have challenged the existing multilateral structure, prompting countries like India to reassess their engagement.

3. Question: What are the key factors behind the decline of post-Cold War multilateralism?

China’s rise, Russia’s activities, internal contradictions in multilateral systems, emergence of alternative frameworks, and evolving perspectives of key actors have contributed to the decline.

4. Question: How can India utilize its role as host of the G20 summit?

India can use the G20 platform to build consensus on critical issues like climate change, sustainable development, and health security, showcasing its vision and accomplishments as a global leader.

5. Question: Why is regional integration important in the new world order, and how can India contribute?

Regional integration promotes development, security, and cooperation. India can engage actively in forums like the Quad and ASEAN to bolster regional integrity and stability.

To master these intricacies and fare well in the Sociology Optional Syllabus , aspiring sociologists might benefit from guidance by the Best Sociology Optional Teacher and participation in the Best Sociology Optional Coaching . These avenues provide comprehensive assistance, ensuring a solid understanding of sociology’s diverse methodologies and techniques.

New World Order, Multilateralism, international relations upsc, international relations upsc books, international relations upsc syllabus, international relations upsc notes, international relations upsc prelims questions

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Proper guidance and assistance are required to learn the skill of interlinking current happenings with the conventional topics. VIKASH RANJAN SIR at TRIUMPH IAS guides students according to the Recent Trends of UPSC, making him the Best Sociology Teacher for Sociology Optional UPSC.

At Triumph IAS, the Best Sociology Optional Coaching platform, we not only provide the best study material and applied classes for Sociology for IAS but also conduct regular assignments and class tests to assess candidates’ writing skills and understanding of the subject.

Choose T he Best Sociology Optional Teacher for IAS Preparation?

At the beginning of the journey for Civil Services Examination preparation, many students face a pivotal decision – selecting their optional subject. Questions such as “ which optional subject is the best? ” and “ which optional subject is the most scoring? ” frequently come to mind. Choosing the right optional subject, like choosing the best sociology optional teacher , is a subjective yet vital step that requires a thoughtful decision based on facts. A misstep in this crucial decision can indeed prove disastrous.

Ever since the exam pattern was revamped in 2013, the UPSC has eliminated the need for a second optional subject. Now, candidates have to choose only one optional subject for the UPSC Mains , which has two papers of 250 marks each. One of the compelling choices for many has been the sociology optional. However, it’s strongly advised to decide on your optional subject for mains well ahead of time to get sufficient time to complete the syllabus. After all, most students score similarly in General Studies Papers; it’s the score in the optional subject & essay that contributes significantly to the final selection.

“ A sound strategy does not rely solely on the popular Opinion of toppers or famous YouTubers cum teachers. ”

It requires understanding one’s ability, interest, and the relevance of the subject, not just for the exam but also for life in general. Hence, when selecting the best sociology teacher, one must consider the usefulness of sociology optional coaching in General Studies, Essay, and Personality Test.

The choice of the optional subject should be based on objective criteria, such as the nature, scope, and size of the syllabus, uniformity and stability in the question pattern, relevance of the syllabic content in daily life in society, and the availability of study material and guidance. For example, choosing the best sociology optional coaching can ensure access to top-quality study materials and experienced teachers. Always remember, the approach of the UPSC optional subject differs from your academic studies of subjects. Therefore, before settling for sociology optional , you need to analyze the syllabus, previous years’ pattern, subject requirements (be it ideal, visionary, numerical, conceptual theoretical), and your comfort level with the subject.

This decision marks a critical point in your UPSC – CSE journey , potentially determining your success in a career in IAS/Civil Services. Therefore, it’s crucial to choose wisely, whether it’s the optional subject or the best sociology optional teacher . Always base your decision on accurate facts, and never let your emotional biases guide your choices. After all, the search for the best sociology optional coaching is about finding the perfect fit for your unique academic needs and aspirations.

To master these intricacies and fare well in the Sociology Optional Syllabus , aspiring sociologists might benefit from guidance by the Best Sociology Optional Teacher and participation in the Best Sociology Optional Coaching . These avenues provide comprehensive assistance, ensuring a solid understanding of sociology’s diverse methodologies and techniques. Sociology, Social theory, Best Sociology Optional Teacher, Best Sociology Optional Coaching, Sociology Optional Syllabus. Best Sociology Optional Teacher, Sociology Syllabus, Sociology Optional, Sociology Optional Coaching, Best Sociology Optional Coaching, Best Sociology Teacher, Sociology Course, Sociology Teacher, Sociology Foundation, Sociology Foundation Course, Sociology Optional UPSC, Sociology for IAS,

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No. 1 UPSC IAS Platform for preparation

G20 : Economic Cooperation ahead

India’s global superpower ambition and an opportunity to lead the world.

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: NA

Mains level: India's G20 presidency, opportunities and challenges

• In September 2014, in his first meeting with President Barack Obama, Prime Minister Narendra Modi talked about making the US a principal partner in the realization of India’s rise as a responsible, influential world power. This was in a way the first time that any Indian prime minister had talked about the country’s ambition to grow into a responsible, influential world power.

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India in World politics

• India is not new to playing a proactive role in world politics: Right from Independence, India’s leadership had actively pursued an agenda that favoured the interests of developing or less developed countries.
• India took a form stand against the domination of developed countries: Whether it was the GATT negotiations or the Non-Proliferation Treaty, India took a principled stand and stood up to the policy domination of the developed world.
• India as a protector of developing world: India’s role as the protector of the interests of the developing world during WTO negotiations has been significant.
• For instance: Murasoli Maran, as the Minister of Commerce in the Vajpayee government, played a very critical role in preventing developed countries from pushing through their trade and commercial agendas. The UPA government continued that approach, inviting opprobrium and occasional isolation from the interested players. However, that didn’t deter India from opposing agendas that were seen as against the interests of not only its people but also the larger developing world.
• India added moral dimension to the developing world but seen as obstructionist: India’s significant contribution in all these fora was that it added a moral dimension to the developed world’s monetary vision. However, India, in the process, acquired the image of being a nay-sayer and obstructionist.

India’s smart shift in its approach

• Stated playing proactive role: While standing up for the developing world and zealously upholding its strategic autonomy, India started playing a proactive role in finding solutions.
• Paris climate summit provided a major opportunity: The Paris Climate Summit in 2015 provided the first major opportunity for India to highlight its new priorities. It played a pivotal role in clinching the climate deal while ensuring that the interests of the developing world are not compromised.
• India’s stand in the words of PM Modi: PM PM Modi cogently articulated this stand on the eve of the Summit: “Justice demands that, with what little carbon we can safely burn, developing countries are allowed to grow. The lifestyles of a few must not crowd out opportunities for the many still on the first steps of the development ladder.” India’s efforts resulted in developed countries agreeing to the principle of “common and differentiated responsibility”.
• India successfully convinced developed countries for INDCs : India also convinced developed countries to agree to the formulation of not externally imposed targets but “intended nationally determined contributions” or INDCs.
• India emerged as a powerful player during Covid pandemic response through “Vaccine Maitri” : India’s arrival on the global stage as an important player was further augmented by its constructive response during the Covid pandemic. Besides undertaking the massive exercise of vaccinating its billion-plus citizens, India came to the rescue of more than 90 countries by ensuring a timely supply of vaccines through its “Vaccine Maitri” programme.
• Commendable economic recovery in post-Covid world: India’s growing importance is conspicuous in many areas. Its post-Covid economic recovery has been commendable, with the World Bank even revising its projections for 2022 GDP growth from 6.5 per cent to 6.9 per cent. The IMF estimated it to be at 6.8 per cent while the rest of the world was projected to grow at 4.9 per cent.

India in a new year

• Stronger ties with African nations: The India Africa Forum Summit (IAFS), started in 2008 as a triennial event by then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, met for the third time in 2015 in Delhi. PM Modi took a special interest in cultivating stronger ties with African nations which led to the highest-ever participation in the Summit. It is important to revive the process.
• India’s crucial role in Russia-Ukraine war: At the Bali G20 Summit, India played a crucial role in ensuring that both Russia and its critics like the US had their say on the Russia-Ukraine war in a dignified way without being interrupted. On its part, India conveyed to the Russian leadership that it was not a time for war. The new year will bring an opportunity before India to play a role in ending the war.
• Opportunity to set new agenda for global public good: As G20 chair, India has the opportunity to set a new agenda before the world’s most powerful block of nations. In the past, it always worked for the judicious sharing of global public goods. It is time now to undertake similar efforts for global digital and genetic goods.
• India must continue to act as voice of global south: While striving to achieve its ambition, India must not lose sight of the principles that it always championed. It must continue to act as the voice of the Global South.
• Focus on neighbourhood must increase: India’s diplomatic, strategic and political investments in its neighbourhood and Asia, Africa and Latin America must increase.
• Attention in ASEAN IOR must grow: With SAARC failing and BIMSTEC remaining a non-starter, India’s attention to the ASEAN and Indian Ocean neighbourhood must grow. India’s Act East policy needs more teeth.
• India must bring moralist dimensions in new tech developments : India always upheld moralism in global politics. In climate talks, too, the Indian side is resorting to traditional wisdom to achieve global good. India must bring that moralist dimension to new technological developments.
• India must lead to regulate technologies for humanity’s future: The advent of artificial intelligence and genetic manipulation technologies is going to throw the world into turmoil. If not regulated globally on time, these technologies are going to play havoc with humanity’s future.
• The country is entering the new year on a buoyant note. The leadership of important multilateral bodies including the G20 and SCO has come into its hands. The new year is thus going to provide India with the opportunity to fulfil its world power ambition. However, opportunities come with challenges. China may try to curtail India’s ambitions by keeping the border tense. India needs to maintain harmonious balance.

Mains question

Q. From wars to the economy to climate, India has become integral to the contemporary global discourse. What will India need to do to fulfil its global superpower ambitions in the new year?

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'A remarkable Feat', Says PM Modi As India Climbs One Notch To 39th Rank In Global Innovation Index 2024

Curated By : Namit Singh Sengar

Last Updated: September 28, 2024, 09:26 IST

New Delhi, India

Prime Minister Narendra Modi (File Image/X/ANI)

India climbed one place to 39th rank out of 133 economies in the Global Innovation Index (GII) 2024 rankings

India climbed one place to 39th rank out of 133 economies in the Global Innovation Index (GII) 2024 rankings, according to a report by the Geneva-based World Intellectual Property Organization.

Reacting to the latest development, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said that the government’s commitment to fostering a vibrant innovation ecosystem is an achievement that can potentially transform the lives of the youth.

“A remarkable feat! Our Government is committed to ensuring a vibrant innovation ecosystem, which can transform the lives of the youth,” PM Modi wrote on social media platform X.

A remarkable feat! Our Government is committed to ensuring a vibrant innovation ecosystem, which can transform the lives of the youth. https://t.co/wCAFTOYB8c — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) September 27, 2024

Last year, the country was ranked 40th.

“India rises to 39th position among 133 global economies in the Global Innovation Index 2024,” Commerce and Industry Piyush Goyal said in a post on X.

India’s innovation landscape continues to flourish, powered by our innovators and entrepreneurs, he said.

The consistent improvement in the GII ranking is owing to the knowledge capital, vibrant start-up ecosystem, and the amazing work done by the public and private research organisations.

The GII is a reliable tool for governments across the world to assess the innovation-led social and economic changes in their respective countries.

Switzerland, Sweden, the United States, Singapore and the United Kingdom are the world’s most innovative economies, while China, Turkiye, India, Viet Nam and the Philippines are the fastest 10-year climbers, according to WIPO’s Global Innovation Index (GII) 2024.

The GII is the world’s benchmark resource charting global innovation trends to guide policymakers, business leaders and others in unleashing human ingenuity to improve lives and address shared challenges, as climate change.

In the GII ranking of 130-plus economies, China reached the 11th position and remains the only middle-income economy in the GII top 30.

“In Central and Southern Asia, India (39th) continues to lead, moving one spot forward. The Islamic Republic of Iran (64th, down by two places) comes second, followed by Kazakhstan (78th). Uzbekistan (83rd) retains its 4th position within the region,” it said.

It added that India leads the lower middle-income group. It holds the record for overperforming on innovation for the 14th consecutive year.

“India’s strengths lie in key indicators such as ICT services exports (at 1st place, globally), venture capital received and intangible asset intensity. India’s unicorn companies also secure the country the 8th rank globally,” it added.

Samsung Electronics in Bengaluru and Indian Institute of Science (IISC)-Bangalore figured in the top 100 science and technology clusters in the index. S&T clusters in Delhi, Chennai and Mumbai have also made it to the top 100 list.

“Clusters located in other middle-income economies besides China also experienced strong S&T output growth,” WIPO said.

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Physical and Mental Health Status of Tribal People in Odisha: A Systematic Literature Review

• Published: 28 September 2024

Cite this article

• Naresh Behera   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-8209-7912 1 ,
• Kavita Pandey   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-6960-1694 2 &
• Shail Shankar   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-9020-4626 3  

India has the world’s second-largest tribal population, making it imperative to study and understand the health issues of tribal communities. However, the extent of physical and mental health issues is relatively unknown in the country, especially in the tribal-dominated state of Odisha. With this idea, we systematically reviewed the studies associated with the physical and mental health conditions of Tribals in Odisha.

The present systematic review aims to analyze research articles associated with physical and mental health and provide a comprehensive health status of tribal people in Odisha.

Systematic literature review (SLR).

Data Sources

The studies were searched through the 10 major scientific databases (ProQuest, Google Scholar, Scopus, PubMed, CENTRAL, DARE, Embase, PsycINFO, Medline, and CINAHL) with specific journal websites. Papers published from 2010 to the present in English with peer-reviewed journals were considered for eligibility.

Review Methods

Adhering to preferred reporting items for systematic reviews (PRISMA), twenty-five articles that met inclusion criteria were extracted and assessed the risk of bias by the authors.

The study analyzed 25 papers on tribal communities in Odisha, revealing various physical and mental health issues such as TB, malaria, infestations, and infections. Low socio-economic conditions, lack of education, societal customs, poor hygiene, malnutrition, unsanitary living conditions, and food insecurity are the causes of prone to disease. For treatment, they use different types of traditional methods such as wild-ant chutney for cough, Amar poi leaves for diarrhea, and Ganagasiuli leaves juice for malaria and fever. Tribal communities also suffer from different types of mental health issues like stress, depression, and bipolar disorder.

To change perceptions, address superstitions, and enhance mental and physical health in Odisha’s tribal communities, the government should prioritize education, implement community therapy, and devise comprehensive socioeconomic development plans.

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Armijo-Olivo, S., Stiles, C. R., Hagen, N. A., Biondo, P. D., & Cummings, G. G. (2012). Assessment of study quality for systematic reviews: A comparison of the Cochrane Collaboration Risk of Bias Tool and the Effective Public Health Practice Project Quality Assessment Tool: Methodological research. Journal of Evaluation in Clinical Practice, 18 (1), 12–18. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2753.2010.01516.x

Article   Google Scholar  

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Behera, N., Pandey, K. & Shankar, S. Physical and Mental Health Status of Tribal People in Odisha: A Systematic Literature Review. Glob Soc Welf (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40609-024-00355-5

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