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Is Homework Necessary? Education Inequity and Its Impact on Students

The Problem with Homework: It Highlights Inequalities

How much homework is too much homework, when does homework actually help, negative effects of homework for students, how teachers can help.

Schools are getting rid of homework from Essex, Mass., to Los Angeles, Calif. Although the no-homework trend may sound alarming, especially to parents dreaming of their child’s acceptance to Harvard, Stanford or Yale, there is mounting evidence that eliminating homework in grade school may actually have great benefits , especially with regard to educational equity.

In fact, while the push to eliminate homework may come as a surprise to many adults, the debate is not new . Parents and educators have been talking about this subject for the last century, so that the educational pendulum continues to swing back and forth between the need for homework and the need to eliminate homework.

One of the most pressing talking points around homework is how it disproportionately affects students from less affluent families. The American Psychological Association (APA) explained:

“Kids from wealthier homes are more likely to have resources such as computers, internet connections, dedicated areas to do schoolwork and parents who tend to be more educated and more available to help them with tricky assignments. Kids from disadvantaged homes are more likely to work at afterschool jobs, or to be home without supervision in the evenings while their parents work multiple jobs.”

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While students growing up in more affluent areas are likely playing sports, participating in other recreational activities after school, or receiving additional tutoring, children in disadvantaged areas are more likely headed to work after school, taking care of siblings while their parents work or dealing with an unstable home life. Adding homework into the mix is one more thing to deal with — and if the student is struggling, the task of completing homework can be too much to consider at the end of an already long school day.

While all students may groan at the mention of homework, it may be more than just a nuisance for poor and disadvantaged children, instead becoming another burden to carry and contend with.

Beyond the logistical issues, homework can negatively impact physical health and stress — and once again this may be a more significant problem among economically disadvantaged youth who typically already have a higher stress level than peers from more financially stable families .

Yet, today, it is not just the disadvantaged who suffer from the stressors that homework inflicts. A 2014 CNN article, “Is Homework Making Your Child Sick?” , covered the issue of extreme pressure placed on children of the affluent. The article looked at the results of a study surveying more than 4,300 students from 10 high-performing public and private high schools in upper-middle-class California communities.

“Their findings were troubling: Research showed that excessive homework is associated with high stress levels, physical health problems and lack of balance in children’s lives; 56% of the students in the study cited homework as a primary stressor in their lives,” according to the CNN story. “That children growing up in poverty are at-risk for a number of ailments is both intuitive and well-supported by research. More difficult to believe is the growing consensus that children on the other end of the spectrum, children raised in affluence, may also be at risk.”

When it comes to health and stress it is clear that excessive homework, for children at both ends of the spectrum, can be damaging. Which begs the question, how much homework is too much?

The National Education Association and the National Parent Teacher Association recommend that students spend 10 minutes per grade level per night on homework . That means that first graders should spend 10 minutes on homework, second graders 20 minutes and so on. But a study published by The American Journal of Family Therapy found that students are getting much more than that.

While 10 minutes per day doesn’t sound like much, that quickly adds up to an hour per night by sixth grade. The National Center for Education Statistics found that high school students get an average of 6.8 hours of homework per week, a figure that is much too high according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). It is also to be noted that this figure does not take into consideration the needs of underprivileged student populations.

In a study conducted by the OECD it was found that “after around four hours of homework per week, the additional time invested in homework has a negligible impact on performance .” That means that by asking our children to put in an hour or more per day of dedicated homework time, we are not only not helping them, but — according to the aforementioned studies — we are hurting them, both physically and emotionally.

What’s more is that homework is, as the name implies, to be completed at home, after a full day of learning that is typically six to seven hours long with breaks and lunch included. However, a study by the APA on how people develop expertise found that elite musicians, scientists and athletes do their most productive work for about only four hours per day. Similarly, companies like Tower Paddle Boards are experimenting with a five-hour workday, under the assumption that people are not able to be truly productive for much longer than that. CEO Stephan Aarstol told CNBC that he believes most Americans only get about two to three hours of work done in an eight-hour day.

In the scope of world history, homework is a fairly new construct in the U.S. Students of all ages have been receiving work to complete at home for centuries, but it was educational reformer Horace Mann who first brought the concept to America from Prussia. 

Since then, homework’s popularity has ebbed and flowed in the court of public opinion. In the 1930s, it was considered child labor (as, ironically, it compromised children’s ability to do chores at home). Then, in the 1950s, implementing mandatory homework was hailed as a way to ensure America’s youth were always one step ahead of Soviet children during the Cold War. Homework was formally mandated as a tool for boosting educational quality in 1986 by the U.S. Department of Education, and has remained in common practice ever since.  

School work assigned and completed outside of school hours is not without its benefits. Numerous studies have shown that regular homework has a hand in improving student performance and connecting students to their learning. When reviewing these studies, take them with a grain of salt; there are strong arguments for both sides, and only you will know which solution is best for your students or school. 

Homework improves student achievement.

• Source: The High School Journal, “ When is Homework Worth the Time?: Evaluating the Association between Homework and Achievement in High School Science and Math ,” 2012. 
• Source: IZA.org, “ Does High School Homework Increase Academic Achievement? ,” 2014. **Note: Study sample comprised only high school boys. 

Homework helps reinforce classroom learning.

• Source: “ Debunk This: People Remember 10 Percent of What They Read ,” 2015.

Homework helps students develop good study habits and life skills.

• Sources: The Repository @ St. Cloud State, “ Types of Homework and Their Effect on Student Achievement ,” 2017; Journal of Advanced Academics, “ Developing Self-Regulation Skills: The Important Role of Homework ,” 2011.
• Source: Journal of Advanced Academics, “ Developing Self-Regulation Skills: The Important Role of Homework ,” 2011.

Homework allows parents to be involved with their children’s learning.

• Parents can see what their children are learning and working on in school every day. 
• Parents can participate in their children’s learning by guiding them through homework assignments and reinforcing positive study and research habits.
• Homework observation and participation can help parents understand their children’s academic strengths and weaknesses, and even identify possible learning difficulties.
• Source: Phys.org, “ Sociologist Upends Notions about Parental Help with Homework ,” 2018.

While some amount of homework may help students connect to their learning and enhance their in-class performance, too much homework can have damaging effects. 

Students with too much homework have elevated stress levels. 

• Source: USA Today, “ Is It Time to Get Rid of Homework? Mental Health Experts Weigh In ,” 2021.
• Source: Stanford University, “ Stanford Research Shows Pitfalls of Homework ,” 2014.

Students with too much homework may be tempted to cheat. 

• Source: The Chronicle of Higher Education, “ High-Tech Cheating Abounds, and Professors Bear Some Blame ,” 2010.
• Source: The American Journal of Family Therapy, “ Homework and Family Stress: With Consideration of Parents’ Self Confidence, Educational Level, and Cultural Background ,” 2015.

Homework highlights digital inequity. 

• Sources: NEAToday.org, “ The Homework Gap: The ‘Cruelest Part of the Digital Divide’ ,” 2016; CNET.com, “ The Digital Divide Has Left Millions of School Kids Behind ,” 2021.
• Source: Investopedia, “ Digital Divide ,” 2022; International Journal of Education and Social Science, “ Getting the Homework Done: Social Class and Parents’ Relationship to Homework ,” 2015.
• Source: World Economic Forum, “ COVID-19 exposed the digital divide. Here’s how we can close it ,” 2021.

Homework does not help younger students.

• Source: Review of Educational Research, “ Does Homework Improve Academic Achievement? A Synthesis of Researcher, 1987-2003 ,” 2006.

To help students find the right balance and succeed, teachers and educators must start the homework conversation, both internally at their school and with parents. But in order to successfully advocate on behalf of students, teachers must be well educated on the subject, fully understanding the research and the outcomes that can be achieved by eliminating or reducing the homework burden. There is a plethora of research and writing on the subject for those interested in self-study.

For teachers looking for a more in-depth approach or for educators with a keen interest in educational equity, formal education may be the best route. If this latter option sounds appealing, there are now many reputable schools offering online master of education degree programs to help educators balance the demands of work and family life while furthering their education in the quest to help others.

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Are You Down With or Done With Homework?

• Posted January 17, 2012
• By Lory Hough

The debate over how much schoolwork students should be doing at home has flared again, with one side saying it's too much, the other side saying in our competitive world, it's just not enough.

It was a move that doesn't happen very often in American public schools: The principal got rid of homework.

This past September, Stephanie Brant, principal of Gaithersburg Elementary School in Gaithersburg, Md., decided that instead of teachers sending kids home with math worksheets and spelling flash cards, students would instead go home and read. Every day for 30 minutes, more if they had time or the inclination, with parents or on their own.

"I knew this would be a big shift for my community," she says. But she also strongly believed it was a necessary one. Twenty-first-century learners, especially those in elementary school, need to think critically and understand their own learning — not spend night after night doing rote homework drills.

Brant's move may not be common, but she isn't alone in her questioning. The value of doing schoolwork at home has gone in and out of fashion in the United States among educators, policymakers, the media, and, more recently, parents. As far back as the late 1800s, with the rise of the Progressive Era, doctors such as Joseph Mayer Rice began pushing for a limit on what he called "mechanical homework," saying it caused childhood nervous conditions and eyestrain. Around that time, the then-influential Ladies Home Journal began publishing a series of anti-homework articles, stating that five hours of brain work a day was "the most we should ask of our children," and that homework was an intrusion on family life. In response, states like California passed laws abolishing homework for students under a certain age.

But, as is often the case with education, the tide eventually turned. After the Russians launched the Sputnik satellite in 1957, a space race emerged, and, writes Brian Gill in the journal Theory Into Practice, "The homework problem was reconceived as part of a national crisis; the U.S. was losing the Cold War because Russian children were smarter." Many earlier laws limiting homework were abolished, and the longterm trend toward less homework came to an end.

The debate re-emerged a decade later when parents of the late '60s and '70s argued that children should be free to play and explore — similar anti-homework wellness arguments echoed nearly a century earlier. By the early-1980s, however, the pendulum swung again with the publication of A Nation at Risk , which blamed poor education for a "rising tide of mediocrity." Students needed to work harder, the report said, and one way to do this was more homework.

For the most part, this pro-homework sentiment is still going strong today, in part because of mandatory testing and continued economic concerns about the nation's competitiveness. Many believe that today's students are falling behind their peers in places like Korea and Finland and are paying more attention to Angry Birds than to ancient Babylonia.

But there are also a growing number of Stephanie Brants out there, educators and parents who believe that students are stressed and missing out on valuable family time. Students, they say, particularly younger students who have seen a rise in the amount of take-home work and already put in a six- to nine-hour "work" day, need less, not more homework.

Who is right? Are students not working hard enough or is homework not working for them? Here's where the story gets a little tricky: It depends on whom you ask and what research you're looking at. As Cathy Vatterott, the author of Rethinking Homework , points out, "Homework has generated enough research so that a study can be found to support almost any position, as long as conflicting studies are ignored." Alfie Kohn, author of The Homework Myth and a strong believer in eliminating all homework, writes that, "The fact that there isn't anything close to unanimity among experts belies the widespread assumption that homework helps." At best, he says, homework shows only an association, not a causal relationship, with academic achievement. In other words, it's hard to tease out how homework is really affecting test scores and grades. Did one teacher give better homework than another? Was one teacher more effective in the classroom? Do certain students test better or just try harder?

"It is difficult to separate where the effect of classroom teaching ends," Vatterott writes, "and the effect of homework begins."

Putting research aside, however, much of the current debate over homework is focused less on how homework affects academic achievement and more on time. Parents in particular have been saying that the amount of time children spend in school, especially with afterschool programs, combined with the amount of homework given — as early as kindergarten — is leaving students with little time to run around, eat dinner with their families, or even get enough sleep.

Certainly, for some parents, homework is a way to stay connected to their children's learning. But for others, homework creates a tug-of-war between parents and children, says Liz Goodenough, M.A.T.'71, creator of a documentary called Where Do the Children Play?

"Ideally homework should be about taking something home, spending a few curious and interesting moments in which children might engage with parents, and then getting that project back to school — an organizational triumph," she says. "A nag-free activity could engage family time: Ask a parent about his or her own childhood. Interview siblings."

Instead, as the authors of The Case Against Homework write, "Homework overload is turning many of us into the types of parents we never wanted to be: nags, bribers, and taskmasters."

Leslie Butchko saw it happen a few years ago when her son started sixth grade in the Santa Monica-Malibu (Calif.) United School District. She remembers him getting two to four hours of homework a night, plus weekend and vacation projects. He was overwhelmed and struggled to finish assignments, especially on nights when he also had an extracurricular activity.

"Ultimately, we felt compelled to have Bobby quit karate — he's a black belt — to allow more time for homework," she says. And then, with all of their attention focused on Bobby's homework, she and her husband started sending their youngest to his room so that Bobby could focus. "One day, my younger son gave us 15-minute coupons as a present for us to use to send him to play in the back room. … It was then that we realized there had to be something wrong with the amount of homework we were facing."

Butchko joined forces with another mother who was having similar struggles and ultimately helped get the homework policy in her district changed, limiting homework on weekends and holidays, setting time guidelines for daily homework, and broadening the definition of homework to include projects and studying for tests. As she told the school board at one meeting when the policy was first being discussed, "In closing, I just want to say that I had more free time at Harvard Law School than my son has in middle school, and that is not in the best interests of our children."

One barrier that Butchko had to overcome initially was convincing many teachers and parents that more homework doesn't necessarily equal rigor.

"Most of the parents that were against the homework policy felt that students need a large quantity of homework to prepare them for the rigorous AP classes in high school and to get them into Harvard," she says.

Stephanie Conklin, Ed.M.'06, sees this at Another Course to College, the Boston pilot school where she teaches math. "When a student is not completing [his or her] homework, parents usually are frustrated by this and agree with me that homework is an important part of their child's learning," she says.

As Timothy Jarman, Ed.M.'10, a ninth-grade English teacher at Eugene Ashley High School in Wilmington, N.C., says, "Parents think it is strange when their children are not assigned a substantial amount of homework."

That's because, writes Vatterott, in her chapter, "The Cult(ure) of Homework," the concept of homework "has become so engrained in U.S. culture that the word homework is part of the common vernacular."

These days, nightly homework is a given in American schools, writes Kohn.

"Homework isn't limited to those occasions when it seems appropriate and important. Most teachers and administrators aren't saying, 'It may be useful to do this particular project at home,'" he writes. "Rather, the point of departure seems to be, 'We've decided ahead of time that children will have to do something every night (or several times a week). … This commitment to the idea of homework in the abstract is accepted by the overwhelming majority of schools — public and private, elementary and secondary."

Brant had to confront this when she cut homework at Gaithersburg Elementary.

"A lot of my parents have this idea that homework is part of life. This is what I had to do when I was young," she says, and so, too, will our kids. "So I had to shift their thinking." She did this slowly, first by asking her teachers last year to really think about what they were sending home. And this year, in addition to forming a parent advisory group around the issue, she also holds events to answer questions.

Still, not everyone is convinced that homework as a given is a bad thing. "Any pursuit of excellence, be it in sports, the arts, or academics, requires hard work. That our culture finds it okay for kids to spend hours a day in a sport but not equal time on academics is part of the problem," wrote one pro-homework parent on the blog for the documentary Race to Nowhere , which looks at the stress American students are under. "Homework has always been an issue for parents and children. It is now and it was 20 years ago. I think when people decide to have children that it is their responsibility to educate them," wrote another.

And part of educating them, some believe, is helping them develop skills they will eventually need in adulthood. "Homework can help students develop study skills that will be of value even after they leave school," reads a publication on the U.S. Department of Education website called Homework Tips for Parents. "It can teach them that learning takes place anywhere, not just in the classroom. … It can foster positive character traits such as independence and responsibility. Homework can teach children how to manage time."

Annie Brown, Ed.M.'01, feels this is particularly critical at less affluent schools like the ones she has worked at in Boston, Cambridge, Mass., and Los Angeles as a literacy coach.

"It feels important that my students do homework because they will ultimately be competing for college placement and jobs with students who have done homework and have developed a work ethic," she says. "Also it will get them ready for independently taking responsibility for their learning, which will need to happen for them to go to college."

The problem with this thinking, writes Vatterott, is that homework becomes a way to practice being a worker.

"Which begs the question," she writes. "Is our job as educators to produce learners or workers?"

Slate magazine editor Emily Bazelon, in a piece about homework, says this makes no sense for younger kids.

"Why should we think that practicing homework in first grade will make you better at doing it in middle school?" she writes. "Doesn't the opposite seem equally plausible: that it's counterproductive to ask children to sit down and work at night before they're developmentally ready because you'll just make them tired and cross?"

Kohn writes in the American School Board Journal that this "premature exposure" to practices like homework (and sit-and-listen lessons and tests) "are clearly a bad match for younger children and of questionable value at any age." He calls it BGUTI: Better Get Used to It. "The logic here is that we have to prepare you for the bad things that are going to be done to you later … by doing them to you now."

According to a recent University of Michigan study, daily homework for six- to eight-year-olds increased on average from about 8 minutes in 1981 to 22 minutes in 2003. A review of research by Duke University Professor Harris Cooper found that for elementary school students, "the average correlation between time spent on homework and achievement … hovered around zero."

So should homework be eliminated? Of course not, say many Ed School graduates who are teaching. Not only would students not have time for essays and long projects, but also teachers would not be able to get all students to grade level or to cover critical material, says Brett Pangburn, Ed.M.'06, a sixth-grade English teacher at Excel Academy Charter School in Boston. Still, he says, homework has to be relevant.

"Kids need to practice the skills being taught in class, especially where, like the kids I teach at Excel, they are behind and need to catch up," he says. "Our results at Excel have demonstrated that kids can catch up and view themselves as in control of their academic futures, but this requires hard work, and homework is a part of it."

Ed School Professor Howard Gardner basically agrees.

"America and Americans lurch between too little homework in many of our schools to an excess of homework in our most competitive environments — Li'l Abner vs. Tiger Mother," he says. "Neither approach makes sense. Homework should build on what happens in class, consolidating skills and helping students to answer new questions."

So how can schools come to a happy medium, a way that allows teachers to cover everything they need while not overwhelming students? Conklin says she often gives online math assignments that act as labs and students have two or three days to complete them, including some in-class time. Students at Pangburn's school have a 50-minute silent period during regular school hours where homework can be started, and where teachers pull individual or small groups of students aside for tutoring, often on that night's homework. Afterschool homework clubs can help.

Some schools and districts have adapted time limits rather than nix homework completely, with the 10-minute per grade rule being the standard — 10 minutes a night for first-graders, 30 minutes for third-graders, and so on. (This remedy, however, is often met with mixed results since not all students work at the same pace.) Other schools offer an extended day that allows teachers to cover more material in school, in turn requiring fewer take-home assignments. And for others, like Stephanie Brant's elementary school in Maryland, more reading with a few targeted project assignments has been the answer.

"The routine of reading is so much more important than the routine of homework," she says. "Let's have kids reflect. You can still have the routine and you can still have your workspace, but now it's for reading. I often say to parents, if we can put a man on the moon, we can put a man or woman on Mars and that person is now a second-grader. We don't know what skills that person will need. At the end of the day, we have to feel confident that we're giving them something they can use on Mars."

Read a January 2014 update.

Homework Policy Still Going Strong

Ed. Magazine

The magazine of the Harvard Graduate School of Education

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Homework is often revision of what is covered in class. As well as regular weekly homework, your child may have assessments such as assignments or projects with due dates.

Homework tips

A key to success is being organised. To avoid Thursday night meltdowns about incomplete homework, read our Homework tips.

Tips for all ages

These tips are relevant for all students Kindergarten to Year 12.

• Ask your child about their homework, know what they are learning about and when assignments are due.
• Use our term assessment planner (DOCX 53.57KB) to record when assessments and exams are scheduled so you can help your child prepare in advance. Make 'to-do' lists to spread out the workload.
• Get into a routine of doing homework at a set time, ideally a little each day.
• pens and pencils
• highlighters
• scrap paper
• printing paper
• computer and internet access
• Turn mobiles to 'aeroplane mode' or off so there are no disruptions.
• If there's no set homework, encourage your child to do some reading. For younger kids, it's great for them to read aloud to you. For older kids, ask them to tell you about what they have been reading.
• Don't jump in and give answers, homework is about helping kids become independent learners.
• Encourage your child to start assignments as soon as they receive them -this will reduce any night-before stress.
• Your child needs to do their own projects and assignments. There's no point submitting work done by anyone other than the student. Teachers need to know what students can do independently.
• If your child is having difficulty with their homework, contact their class teacher for help.
• Teaching and learning

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• Communication and Engagement

School operations

The purpose of this policy is to ensure all schools work with their school communities to develop and communicate a considered homework policy.

• Victorian government schools are required to have a homework policy and communicate it to staff, parents/carers and students.
• The content of this policy is not prescribed, but should be evidence-informed and comprehensive, and must be developed in consultation with the school community.
• School council approval of a school’s homework policy is not required.
• A homework policy template is available on the School Policy Templates Portal External Link (staff login required); schools are encouraged to adapt this template to suit their needs.

Victorian government schools are required to have a homework policy.

The content of this policy is not prescribed by the Department, but should be evidence-informed and comprehensive, outlining:

• a rationale for the elements of the school’s policy
• the responsibilities and expectations of teachers, students and parents/carers in setting, completing, monitoring and responding to homework

The school’s homework policy must be developed in consultation with the school council, as representatives of the school community, and school staff and students. School council approval of a school’s homework policy is not required.

Victorian government schools must periodically communicate their homework policy to staff, parents, carers and students through available communication channels (such as the school newsletter, or by placing the policy on the school’s website).

The setting of homework can be seen as one way of:

• complementing and reinforcing classroom learning
• fostering good lifelong learning and study habits
• developing self-regulation processes such as goal-setting, self-efficacy, self-reflection and time management
• supporting partnerships with parents/carers by connecting families with the learning of their children

The effectiveness of homework can be enhanced when:

• it is set at an appropriate level for each student, supporting those who are experiencing difficulty and extending those of high-ability
• it is related to essential learning at school
• choice in tasks is provided
• it is assessed by teachers, either formally or informally, with feedback provided
• it supports students to have a balance of school-related and non-school related activity in their lives (i.e. where the amount of homework set provides sufficient additional time for students to engage with family, sport and recreation, cultural pursuits and employment, where appropriate)

Definitions

Homework Tasks assigned to students by school teachers that are meant to be carried out during non-school hours.

Reviewed 11 January 2024

• Print whole topic

Policy last updated

15 June 2020

Teacher Professional Practice Unit

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Education Department vows 'full-scale review' of financial aid office after FAFSA debacle

The Education Department said Thursday that it is taking steps to improve operations at its Federal Student Aid office after months of delays and errors with this year’s overhauled Free Application for Federal Student Aid. The form, known as FAFSA, had a botched rollout, disrupting decision timelines for current and prospective college students and schools across the country.

In a letter to staff members Thursday, Secretary Miguel Cardona said the agency was conducting a “full-scale review of FSA’s current and historical organization, management, staffing, workflow structures, business processes, and operations,” as well as vendor contracts.

In addition, the department is shaking up the office’s leadership and bringing on a team of information technology experts to help with FAFSA next year, among other efforts.

“For half a century, Federal Student Aid (FSA) has helped millions of Americans access higher education,” Cardona wrote. “Today, FSA maintains the same mission. But like any organization, its methods and scope of work have changed dramatically over time, and the environment where it now operates is continuously evolving.”

The Education Department has hired the Boston Consulting Group to recommend ways to improve the FSA office, an agency spokesperson told NBC News. It is also working to improve oversight and accountability, Cardona said in his letter, adding that “transformational changes” at the office will be “informed by input from students, educators, and experts in systems design.”

The agency has tapped Denise Carter, the acting assistant secretary for finance and operations, to lead FSA in the interim as it searches for a new executive after Richard Cordray announced his departure in late April. He is set to stay on through early July, the spokesperson said.

Cardona said the agency welcomes guidance from the Office of the Inspector General and lawmakers, many of whom have pressed the department in recent months over its flawed overhaul of FAFSA, which Congress ordered in 2022.

Federal Student Aid has processed all of the 10.3 million FAFSA forms that had been submitted as Wednesday, the Education Department spokesperson said. After having cleared its backlog in recent weeks, officials have smoothed out a process that pushed schools to delay financial aid offers, sometimes by months, and left students making tough decisions about their futures .

FAFSA completions were down only 15.5% as of May 17, according to the National College Attainment Network, a significant improvement from an almost 40% drop in March. (The Education Department spokesperson said completions are only about 11% lower.)

“As we implement these changes at FSA, we remain committed to ensuring its core functions continue,” Cardona said in his letter. “We are working tirelessly to help all students have access to the resources they need to attain higher education.”

Haley Messenger is a producer at NBC News covering business and the economy.

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A proud city of gleaming high rises, oil wealth and five-star hotels lies in ruins.

Millions have fled.

A famine threatens.

Supported by

A War on the Nile Pushes Sudan Toward the Abyss

By Declan Walsh

Photographs by Ivor Prickett

Declan Walsh and Ivor Prickett spent three weeks traveling in Sudan, which has been closed to most foreign journalists since the war began.

The gold market is a graveyard of rubble and dog-eaten corpses. The state TV station became a torture chamber. The national film archive was blown open in battle, its treasures now yellowing in the sun.

Artillery shells soar over the Nile, smashing into hospitals and houses. Residents bury their dead outside their front doors. Others march in formation, joining civilian militias. In a hushed famine ward, starving babies fight for life. Every few days, one of them dies.

Khartoum, the capital of Sudan and one of the largest cities in Africa, has been reduced to a charred battleground. A feud between two generals fighting for power has dragged the country into civil war and turned the city into ground zero for one of the world’s worst humanitarian catastrophes.

As many as 150,000 people have died since the conflict erupted last year, by American estimates . Another nine million have been forced from their homes, making Sudan home to the largest displacement crisis on earth, the United Nations says. A famine looms that officials warn could kill hundreds of thousands of children in the coming months and, if unchecked, rival the great Ethiopian famine of the 1980s.

Fueling the chaos, Sudan has become a playground for foreign players like the United Arab Emirates, Iran, Russia and its Wagner mercenaries, and even a few Ukrainian special forces. They are all part of a volatile stew of outside interests pouring weapons or fighters into the conflict and hoping to grab the spoils of war — Sudan’s gold, for instance, or its perch on the Red Sea.

The greatest tragedy is that none of it was necessary, said Samawal Ahmed, as he picked his way through the remnants of a famous market, past looted jewelry stores and a mangled tank. A year ago, in the first weeks of the war, a rocket smashed into his apartment, and the medical lab where he worked closed down for good. Now he was back, to salvage what he could.

“I lost everything,” he said, holding a batch of documents pulled from the wreckage of his home: his children’s school certificates, his professional qualifications, and a passport. Across the street, the withered remains of three fighters, reduced to bones, were splayed among the debris.

“It makes my stomach churn,” Mr. Ahmed said. “All this could have been avoided.”

The war erupted without warning in April 2023, when a standoff between Sudan’s military and a powerful paramilitary group it helped create — the Rapid Support Forces — burst into gunfire on the streets of Khartoum.

Few Sudanese expected it would last long. Since independence in 1956, their country has experienced more coups than any other in Africa, most short-lived and bloodless. The rivals this time — the national army and the paramilitary force that once did its bidding — had seized power together in 2021, but fell out over how to merge their armies.

Once a Proud Capital, Now a Battlezone

Al Buluk Hospital

Coptic Church

(Khartoum North)

Elamin’s

R.S.F. CONTROLLED

RECAPTURED BY

SUDAN MILITARY

SHAMBAT BRIDGE

(destroyed)

Sudan Radio and TV

Addis Ababa

Aliaa Specialist

Old Republican Palace

GNPOC Tower

Int’l Airport

Note: Large areas of west and south Omdurman are still held

by the Rapid Support Forces (R.S.F.).

Old Republican

Note: Large areas of west and south Omdurman are still held by the

Rapid Support Forces (R.S.F.).

Detail area

South SUDAN

Almost immediately, the fighting ripped across Khartoum and far beyond, in pulsing waves that quickly consumed Africa’s third-largest country. Sudanese have been stunned by the destruction, but neither side looks capable of victory, and the war is metastasizing into a devastating free-for-all.

Another genocide now threatens Darfur , the region that became synonymous with war crimes two decades ago. Fields have become battlegrounds in the country’s breadbasket. The health system is crumbling. And a plethora of armed groups, including hard-line Islamists, foreign mercenaries and even former pro-democracy protesters, has piled into the fight.

With American-led peace talks stalled, the Sudanese state is collapsing and threatening to drag down a fragile region with it. Experts say it is a matter of time before one of Sudan’s many neighbors, like Chad, Eritrea or South Sudan, gets sucked in.

Though often overshadowed by the wars in Gaza and Ukraine, the conflict in Sudan has global ramifications. Iran, already allied with the Houthis in Yemen, is now backing military forces on both sides of the Red Sea. Europeans fear a wave of Sudanese migrants heading for their shores. A recent U.S. intelligence assessment warned that a lawless Sudan could become a haven for “terrorist and criminal networks.”

We spent three weeks crossing Sudan, where few foreign reporters have gained access in the past year.

We traveled from Port Sudan, the new de facto capital on the Red Sea, where nearly quarter of a million have sought refuge.

We drove through sandstorms and dozens of checkpoints guarded by jumpy fighters, reaching Khartoum, the ravaged city where the war began.

As we approached the capital, artillery boomed, a warplane swept overhead and, across the Nile, an oily plume of smoke rose from Sudan’s largest refinery — the latest flashpoint in a sprawling urban battle. With the city in tumult, we slept in an abandoned house, where a neighbor told of how a bomb killed his sister in their kitchen.

It was just one corner of a country three times larger than France. Yet it was possible to see, up close, the immense damage to a capital once considered a jewel on the Nile — and how, if unchecked, it could still get much worse.

Gunfire and mortars splashed into the waters around Col. Osman Taha, a badly wounded officer in the Sudanese military, as he crossed the Nile on a moonless night last November. Around him, he recalled, other wounded soldiers huddled in the boat, hoping to avoid being hit again. Several died.

Colonel Taha made it to the far bank, and five days later his right leg was amputated. Even then, there was no respite. As he recovered in a military hospital overlooking the Nile, he said, shells slammed into its walls, fired by the Rapid Support Forces across the river. Patients moved their beds to avoid being hit as artillery fell.

“It was hell."

Col. Osman Taha, a wounded officer in the Sudanese military.

The Nile has long defined Khartoum. Its tributaries merge in the city center before pushing north through the desert into Egypt. Now, the great river divides Khartoum militarily as well, yet another front line in a splintered capital.

Snipers nestle in the riverbank beneath a giant bridge, blown up in fighting, that slumps into the river. Drones swoop over the water, hunting for targets. And an island in the center of the Nile, where people once picnicked and swam , has become a kind of open-air prison controlled by the R.S.F., residents say.

“Watch your step,” said Dr. Manahil Mohamed as she led us up a sandbag-lined staircase to the fourth floor of the Aliaa Specialist Hospital, overlooking the Nile, where a line of blown-out windows offered a stark panorama.

On the deserted street below, burned-out vehicles clustered around the Parliament building. In the distance stood the skeletal skyline of downtown Khartoum: government ministries, luxury hotels and mirrored high-rises that poked over the city’s poverty, many built during Sudan’s oil boom of the 1990s, now pocked by shelling or gutted by fire. Among them stood the old Republican Palace where followers of the Mahdi, a cleric, toppled and beheaded the country’s British governor-general, Charles Gordon, in 1885. It, too, has gone up in smoke.

In many ways, the destruction in Khartoum is a bitter historical reckoning. For over half a century, Sudan’s military waged ugly wars in the nation’s distant peripheries, quelling rebellions by deploying ruthless militias. Khartoum was left untouched, its residents insulated from the consequences of wars fought in their name.

Now, the army’s most powerful creation — the Rapid Support Forces, a successor to the infamous Janjaweed militias that terrorized Darfur in the 2000s — has turned against the military and brought its trademark havoc to the capital.

Half of Khartoum state’s nine million residents have fled, the United Nations estimates. Its international airport is closed, bullet-pocked jets abandoned on the runway. Nearly all of the city’s 1,060 bank branches have been robbed, officials say, and many thousands of cars stolen — some later located as far away as Niger, 1,500 miles west — in a campaign of street-by-street looting, most but not all, by the Rapid Support Forces.

“A city of this size, this wealth, and nothing remains?” Mohamed Eldaw, a banker, said. “It must be the biggest episode of looting in history.”

At the Aliaa hospital, a triple thud of outgoing artillery shattered the calm. Warning of snipers, Dr. Mohamed urged us back inside.

For months, shells rained on the hospital, which mostly treated soldiers, often punching through its walls, she said. With no electricity, surgeons performed operations by the light of mobile phones.

Relief came in February when the military, armed with powerful new Iranian drones, recaptured this part of the city. (By contrast, the R.S.F. uses drones supplied by the United Arab Emirates).

The military’s advance allowed hundreds of wounded troops to be evacuated by air to Port Sudan, where they lie in the crowded wards of a military hospital. One man had extensive facial injuries from a drone strike. Amputations were common.

The evacuees included Colonel Taha, who sat up in his bed to show a series of videos that he took during his last battle. Jubilant soldiers can be seen whooping and hugging, thinking they have won. Bleeding R.S.F. fighters lie in the dust, and are kicked or taunted by the soldiers. The camera flips to show Colonel Taha himself, sweating heavily, his eyes glazed from battle.

But the soldiers had missed one R.S.F. fighter, a sniper hidden in a residential block, and he shot Colonel Taha in the leg. Later that night, he said, medics moved him to an ammunition factory beside the Nile, where they embarked on their perilous crossing.

He was pessimistic the war would end anytime soon.

“Guns can’t solve this problem,” he said. “We need to talk peace.”

The Famine Ward

To Amna Amin, war means hunger.

After Rapid Support Forces fighters swept into her part of Omdurman, one of the three cities that make up greater Khartoum, Ms. Amin, 36, had no way to feed her five children.

Her husband, a gold miner in the distant north, had vanished. She lost her job as a cleaner. Neighbors shared what they could, but it wasn’t enough. And soon she had two more mouths to feed: Iman and Ayman, twins born in September.

Within months, the twins started losing weight and suffering diarrhea, classic signs of malnutrition. Panicking, Ms. Amin bundled her children in her arms and made a desperate dash across the front line, traveling by donkey cart and minibus to reach Al Buluk children’s hospital, the last place they might be saved.

The United Nations has yet to officially declare a famine in Sudan, but few experts doubt that one is already underway in parts of Darfur and, shockingly, Khartoum, one of the largest capitals in Africa.

More than 220,000 children could die in the coming months alone, the U.N. says . And both sides use hunger as a weapon of war, aid officials say. The army withholds visas, travel permits and permission to cross the front lines. Rapid Support Force fighters have looted aid trucks and warehouses and raised their own obstacles.

“One of the most horrific situations on Earth is on a trajectory to get far, far worse,” said Tom Perriello, the United States envoy for Sudan.

At the hospital, Ms. Amin’s twins, Iman and Ayman, lay with thin limbs and papery skin. They had been saved. For now.

But many more starving children arrive every day, and the entire health system is crumbling.

Half of Khartoum’s 50 hospitals are closed, many destroyed in fighting, said Dr. Sohail Albushra, a state health official.

The hospitals still functioning are strained to the point of collapse. Every day hundreds of new patients arrive at Al Nau hospital, near the frontline in Omdurman. Many sleep two to a bed.

Patients spoke of pinballing from one neighborhood to another as the front line shifts, running a gauntlet of checkpoints defended by fighters who demand money, steal phones and sometimes open fire.

Huda Adil, 30, was paralyzed from the waist down after R.S.F. fighters shot up the bus she was traveling in. (Three passengers died, she said).

Amouna Elhadi sat over her son, Hassan, a 14-year-old shot in the stomach by the mustanfareen , as new youth groups fighting alongside Sudan’s military have become known.

“All his stomach fell out.”

Amouna Elhadi, mother of Hassan, 14.

Mujahid Abdulaziz, however, was smiling.

For 10 weeks, he had been trying to get a bullet removed from his leg. An R.S.F. fighter shot him at a checkpoint after a drone strike on a nearby fuel station killed several other fighters. “The guy was angry,” Mr. Abdulaziz said.

For Mr. Abdulaziz, a 20-year-old engineering student, it was just the start of a torturous search for help.

One hospital patched up his wound, but couldn’t extract the bullet. A second hospital couldn’t, either. He crossed the Nile three times, circling the capital in buses that passed through deserts and around a mountain. Finally, after a journey of 100 miles that should have been 10, he reached Al Nau hospital, where doctors pulled out the bullet, at last.

Not long ago, Mr. Abdulaziz believed he was part of an exciting future. He participated in the euphoric mass protests in 2019 that helped topple President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, Sudan’s autocratic ruler of three decades, a moment of triumph for the country. Two years later, he returned to the streets, defiantly flinging stones at riot police officers following the military coup that set back hopes for civilian rule.

Some protesters now run soup kitchens that provide much of the limited aid available in Khartoum.

But Mr. Abdulaziz just felt defeated.

Before the war, “we were just dreaming,” he said. “Those hopes are gone.”

Clinging to Hope

Mudassir Ibrahim, 50, lifted his shirt to show welts across his back — evidence, he said, of a week spent in R.S.F. detention inside the headquarters of Sudan’s national radio and television station. His captors beat him with iron rods and electrical cables, he said: “It felt like death a thousand times over.”

At the television station in Omdurman, we saw evidence to back his claims. Ropes and other restraints hung from barred rooms in the finance department. Piles of dry excrement were scattered on the floor. Filthy walls were scrawled with names, pleas and snatches of poetry.

“The treachery of your tears is no use to fight injustice,” read one.

“Friends forever” read another, under a list of six names.

Most of the compound stood in ruins. Its main building had been incinerated by airstrikes, while a film archive dating back to the 1940s, one of the largest in Africa, had been blown open by gunfire. The R.S.F. had retreated across the river, soldiers said, but some left behind their own wartime wisdom.

“As long as death is certain,” read a line scrawled on one wall, “don’t live like a coward.” (The R.S.F. did not respond to the allegations of torture and other abuses by its fighters).

As the fighting raged, some Omdurman residents refused to leave. “We were born here, we grew up here, and we will die here,” said Edward Fahmy, 73, sitting in his courtyard of his modest home in the old city, where pictures of Jesus hung on every wall.

Mr. Fahmy and his cousin, Janette Naeim, 50, stayed put even as bombs rained down. Ms. Naeim was hit by a stray bullet as she went to fetch water. When two relatives died, they buried them outside their front door, they said, showing a pair of freshly dug mounds.

Both Orthodox Christians, they are testament to the enduring religious and ethnic diversity of a country whose image was often obscured by three decades of harsh Islamist rule. The war risks washing away that richness as well.

At the Marmina Coptic Orthodox church, shafts of dusty light shone through holes in a rooftop fresco of Jesus, punctured in the fighting. The bishop fled after R.S.F. fighters smashed into his home, firing guns and shouting “Where are the dollars?” said Andrews Hanna, a local businessman.

When Mr. Hanna turned up, an hour later, the floor was smeared with the blood of a priest who had shielded the bishop from rifle blows, he said. Then Mr. Hanna’s factory was raided by fighters who carted away 8,000 motorbikes and rickshaws, he said. Weeks later, his family fled.

“We love this country,” said Mr. Hanna. “The problem is that it has too many armies.”

Sheikh Elamin Omar, a charismatic Sufi cleric in the same part of the city, offered a rare haven from the fighting. “I had to stay,” he said.

He said he sheltered about 1,000 people at his sprawling compound in the old city for over a year.

Families ate from a communal kitchen and fetched water from the Nile, he said, showing us around a mosque, a well-stocked pharmacy and apartments. His followers helped bury the dead, and at night they performed zikir, a devotional dance that is an expression of Sufi spirituality. “It soothed our souls,” he said.

A soup kitchen still offered meals. Sheikh Elamin, a towering man in flowing green robes, said he paid for it all from his own pocket. Beyond running a Sufi Muslim order with branches in London, New York and Dubai, he was also a businessman who owned a gold mine and a meat export business, he said.

Before the war, the sheikh was sometimes criticized for his lavish choices, like chartering a private jet to attend the World Cup in Qatar in 2022. But his charity now has brought praise.

“In this time of war, he’s become the most popular figure in the country — period,” said Suliman Baldo, a veteran Sudan analyst. “People need something positive to hold onto.”

Nearby, we passed a giant mural with the word “Freedom,” leftover from the protests of 2019 and pocked by gunfire. Down the street, men huddled over a pot of bubbling lentils as they prepared to return to their shattered homes — a cautious gesture of hope as the war dragged on.

“We will have a beautiful future, God willing,” said Mahmoud Mustafa, a rickshaw driver clutching a plastic food bowl.

He didn’t even flinch when another artillery barrage rang out, sending more shells across the Nile.

The Militias

Hundreds of black-clad young women, turning in perfect unison, marched through a schoolyard in Omdurman early one morning, the latest recruits in a rapidly expanding conflict.

The war started as a dispute between two men — Sudan’s army chief, Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the Rapid Support Forces leader, Lt. Gen. Mohamed Hamdan. But since last fall, when a succession of R.S.F. victories set off widespread alarm, a proliferation of armed groups has joined the fight, mostly backing the military. There are rebels from Darfur, ethnic militias, Islamists once loyal to former President Bashir, and thousands of young people, women as well as men, recruited from the streets.

Even idealistic young Sudanese who once risked their lives to protest against Mr. Bashir and, later, the military, have joined in.

Whether the militias will decide the war, or cause it to spin entirely out of control, is unclear. Sudan’s military tumbled into the war because it outsourced its fighting to a powerful group, the Rapid Support Forces, that ultimately turned against it.

Now, critics say, the military is in danger of repeating that mistake by empowering more militias.

Even some military leaders are worried. In March, a member of the military high command, Lt. Gen. Shams al-Din al-Kabbashi, warned that, unless the militias were kept in check, “the next danger will come from” them.

Days later he was rebuked by another commander, Lt. Gen. Yasser al-Atta, who said the army “blessed” the popular militias.

“Any mistakes can be corrected as we move forward,” he said.

The Weapons Store

Wooden crates lay scattered across the weapons depot we sifted through next to an abandoned R.S.F. base. Any identifying marks — serial numbers or other clues that showed who had supplied the weapons — had been carefully scraped off. The foreign powers fueling Sudan’s war seemed to be covering their tracks.

Yet traces remain.

American officials have grown increasingly critical of the United Arab Emirates, the war’s biggest foreign sponsor. It has extensive gold and agricultural interests in Sudan, and before the war signed a deal to build a $6 billion port on the Red Sea. Since last year, it has smuggled weapons to the R.S.F. through a base in Chad, in breach of a U.N. arms embargo, The Times reported .

Egypt, by contrast, has backed Sudan’s military. But it is the army’s recent turn to Iran for drones and other weapons that has caused alarm in Washington, several Western officials said.

Russia seems to have helped both sides.

Earlier in the war, Wagner mercenaries supplied the R.S.F. with antiaircraft missiles, U.N. investigators say. Russians later traveled to Khartoum, where they trained fighters to shoot down Sudanese military warplanes, said two senior Sudanese officials who provided the Russians’ names and details of their movements.

Today, nearly two dozen Wagner operatives remain in the capital, mostly Libyan and Syrian recruits, flying drones and firing mortars for the R.S.F., the Sudanese said.

The Russian presence even spurred Ukraine to deploy a small team of special forces to counter its nemesis abroad by helping the Sudanese military in Khartoum.

But Russia’s posture may have changed since the death of Wagner’s founder , Yevgeny V. Prigozhin. Following a visit to Port Sudan by Russia’s Middle East envoy in April, a top Sudanese general said recently that Sudan was prepared to allow Russian naval access to its ports, a longstanding desire for Moscow, in exchange for arms and ammunition.

The foreign meddling is frustrating American- and Saudi-led diplomacy to reach a cease-fire, though critics say even those efforts to save Sudan have been shamefully weak. The country, they warn, is barreling into a protracted conflict that could lead to anarchy or rival fiefs, like Somalia in the 1990s or Libya after 2011 .

The war could easily spill beyond Sudan’s borders. It is already causing tensions inside the security services of Chad, and has cut off vital oil revenues for South Sudan. Now it risks sucking in Ethiopia, Africa’s second-most populous country.

Sudanese officials accuse Ethiopia of backing the R.S.F. Meanwhile, Eritrea, Ethiopia’s traditional enemy, has sided with Sudan’s military. And thousands of rebels from Ethiopia’s restive Tigray region are stationed at a camp in eastern Sudan, officials and aid groups said — part of a combustible mix that threatens to open a new front in the war.

Some Sudanese in exile desperately want the outside world to intervene. But so far, they say, it’s only made things worse.

“It’s sheer madness,” said Ibrahim Elbadawi, a former economy minister now in Cairo, calling for a U.N. peacekeeping force to save his country from collapse.

“The people of Sudan demand it,” he said. “Enough is enough.”

Declan Walsh is the chief Africa correspondent for The Times based in Nairobi, Kenya. He previously reported from Cairo, covering the Middle East, and Islamabad, Pakistan. More about Declan Walsh

Ivor Prickett is a photographer based in Istanbul. He covered the rise and fall of ISIS in Iraq and Syria while on assignment for The Times. More recently he has been working on stories related to the war in Ukraine. More about Ivor Prickett

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