Companionship
Feeling understood by others
Honest with others
Revealing true feelings to others
Trusting others
Understanding others
Theme | Characteristics |
---|---|
Phoniness | Different from usual self Feeling phony/fake Putting on an act |
Conformity | Acting to please others Going with the crowd Influenced by others' expectations Living up to others' expectations Making a good impression Pleasing others Striving for acceptance, fitting in |
Suppression | Denying/subverting/changing emotions Holding in true beliefs Lying to others |
Self-denigration | Disgust with self Self-criticism |
Unclassified | Avoiding negative evaluation Being unsociable Role-experimentation Uncomfortable |
This study represents a first step to examine themes occurring in narratives of authentic and inauthentic experiences. We identified individual themes that were conveyed at relatively high levels in life story scenes of authentic and inauthentic experiences as compared with scenes depicting an emotionally vivid experience.
For the authentic scene, the first category was named relational authenticity . This category is similar to the relational component of authenticity proposed by Kernis et al. (2006) , as it encompasses the values of openness and honesty in interpersonal interactions, as well as striving for empathy and understanding in relationships. Furthermore, authenticity in relational contexts has received increased empirical attention and has been shown as a robust predictor of relational health, such as more secure romantic attachment, higher caregiving to a partner, positive responses from interaction partners, and interpersonal trust ( Gouveia et al., 2016 ; Plasencia et al., 2016 ; Wickham, 2013 ). The second category, expression of true self , is similar to the authentic behavior component of Kernis et al. and the authentic living component of Wood et al. (2008) , as it reflects a genuine expression of one's true thoughts and feelings. The contentment category, reflecting comfort and enjoyment, is not well-represented by self-report authenticity measures; however, this theme is similar to the positive emotions theme that characterized the “most me” narratives in Lenton et al. (2013) . Ownership of actions reflects taking responsibility for behaviors and a sense of self-authorship of one's life, similar to the construct of autonomy in Self-Determination Theory ( Deci and Ryan, 1985 , 2000 ). Resisting external pressures, such as by disobeying authority and resisting outside influence seems to be the conceptual inverse of Wood et al.'s accepting external influence component.
For the inauthentic scene, the phoniness category reflects being “fake” or putting on an act that is inconsistent with one's true self. This component seems to capture the recognition that one is not behaving authentically and may therefore be thought of as the opposite pole of the expression of true self category. To the extent that being fake reflects perceptions of being out of touch with one's true self, this category may also be similar to the self-alienation component of Wood et al. (2008) . Conformity , encompassing themes such as “going with the crowd” and “living up to others' expectations” has the flavor of controlled behavior (low autonomy) along with the accepting external influence component of Wood et al. The suppression category reflects both a knowledge of one's true way of being and actively denying its expression through thought, feeling, and behavior. Thus, it seems this category captures both the awareness component of Kernis et al. (2006) and the denial of authentic behavior or authentic living. Finally, the self-denigration category encompasses derogatory thoughts and disgust directed toward the self. This category is not well-represented in self-report measures of authenticity but seems related to the negative emotions theme found in the “least me” scenes in Lenton et al. (2013) .
In sum, most of our categories shared conceptual space with existing self-report measures. Contentment and self-denigration do not have corresponding self-report scales, however, similar themes were observed in “most me” and “least me” scenes reported in Lenton et al. (2013) . Well-being and ill-being are typically seen as outcomes of authenticity and inauthenticity, respectively ( Boyraz et al., 2014 ), and so it may not be surprising that these categories have emerged as uniquely definitive of authentic and inauthentic experiences. All components from self-report measures were reflected in our categories of aggregated themes with the exception of the unbiased awareness component of Kernis et al. (2006) . However, single themes that uniquely defined the authenticity scene (“acceptance of imperfections/flaws”) and inauthenticity scene (“avoiding negative evaluation”) suggest that the unbiased awareness component may be relevant to participants' memories of authentic and inauthentic scenes.
Our goals in Study 2 were twofold. First, we aimed to use the clusters of themes that were characteristic of authenticity and inauthenticity scenes as the basis for generating a systematic and reliable coding system for memories of authenticity and inauthenticity. Second, we aimed to examine the relations between our coding categories with self-report measures of authenticity, as well as with the traits of autonomy, honesty-humility and Machiavellianism.
The construct of autonomy from Self-Determination Theory ( Deci and Ryan, 2000 ) may be thought of as related to authenticity, as it is defined by experiencing one's behavior as congruent with inner values and interests as opposed to being controlled by external forces. Autonomy may be distinguished from classical views of authenticity by the lack of the assumption of a single “true self”; that is, from the perspective of SDT, any aspect of the self that feels autonomous is considered true and authentic.
Honesty-humility is a trait from the HEXACO model of personality that reflects individual differences in tendencies to approach others in fair, sincere, and modest ways as opposed to being deceptive and greedy ( Ashton and Lee, 2001 ). When included in factor analyses with other personality traits, honesty-humility loaded on a factor defined by authenticity and autonomy measures ( Maltby et al., 2012 ).
Machiavellianism is part of the “Dark Triad” of traits, including narcissism and subclinical psychopathy ( Paulhus and Williams, 2002 ), that reflects individual differences in tendencies to manipulate others, experience cold affect in interpersonal situations, have negative views of other people, and pursue selfish goals ( Rauthmann and Will, 2011 ). Though no studies (to our knowledge) have examined the relations between authenticity and Machiavellianism, studies have suggested that Machiavellianism is strongly, negatively associated with honesty-humility ( Jonason and McCain, 2012 ; Lee and Ashton, 2005 ) and thus might be expected to relate negatively with authenticity.
This study may be important for at least three reasons. First, it serves as a first step toward establishing the reliability and validity of a coding scheme for authentic and inauthentic experiences. Second, it begins to situate a narrative approach to authenticity within prominent trait approaches to authenticity (and to related traits) in the personality literature. Third, including measures of honesty-humility and Machiavellianism allowed us to explore whether people at different ends of socially desirable (i.e., honesty-humility) and undesirable (i.e., Machiavellianism) traits understand authenticity in different ways.
Participants were 103 undergraduate students (40% men) from the same university as in Study 1, ages 18 to 22 ( M = 18.79, SD = 1.06), who completed the study as partial fulfillment of the requirements of an introductory psychology course. Ethnicities were: White (58%), Asian-American (21%), Black (9%), Hispanic or Latino (6%), Multiracial (4%), and Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander (1%). The sample size was based upon practical limitations of the undergraduate subject pool. All methods were approved by the Northwestern university IRB.
Participants were recruited to the study through the introductory psychology participant pool. Individuals deciding to participate in the study navigated to a secure website affiliated with the university where they gave informed consent. Then, participants completed an online questionnaire containing the self-report measures described below as well as the written narratives of authentic and inauthentic scenes. As in Study 1, the authenticity prompt directed participants to describe “an authentic scene, a scene in which you were most like your true self”, and the inauthenticity prompt directed participants to describe and “an inauthentic scene, a scene in which you were least like your true self.” For each scene, participants were asked to describe what happened, where and when the event took place, who was involved, thoughts and feelings during the event, and what the event says about “you and your personality.”
2.2.3.1. authenticity inventory.
Participants completed Kernis et al. (2006) Authenticity Inventory (AI-3), which includes 45 items that assess four components of authenticity: awareness (e.g., I am in touch with my motives and desires); unbiased processing (e.g., I am very uncomfortable objectively considering my limitations and shortcomings (reverse scored)); behavior (e.g., I frequently pretend to enjoy something when in actuality I really don't (reverse scored)); and relational orientation (e.g., I want people with whom I am close to understand my weaknesses). Participants responded to items on a 6-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly agree). Alphas were acceptable for each subscale: for awareness, α = .83; for unbiased processing, α = .74; for behavior, α = .74; and for relational orientation, α = .79.
Participants completed Wood et al.'s (2008) Authenticity scale, which includes 12 items that assess their tripartite model of authenticity: self-alienation (e.g., I don't know how I feel inside); accepting external influence (e.g., I usually do what other people tell me to do); and authentic living (e.g., I am true to myself if most situations). Participants responded to items on a 6-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly agree). Alphas were acceptable for each component: for self-alienation, α = .90; for accepting external influences, α = .84; and for authentic living, α = .83.
Participants completed the 7-item assessment of autonomy included in the Basic Psychological Needs Scale ( Gagné, 2003 ). Items assess the degree to which participants feel their need for autonomy is currently satisfied (e.g., I feel like I am free to decide for myself how to live my life). Participants responded to items on a 6-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly agree), and α = .72 for the scale was acceptable.
Participants completed the International Personality Item Pool (IPIP) assessment of honesty-humility (IPIP-HEXACO; Ashton et al., 2007 ; Goldberg et al., 2006 ). The IPIP-HEXACO honesty-humility scales assess the four facets of honesty-humility included in the HEXACO model of personality with 10 items for each facet: sincerity, (e.g. “Don't pretend to be more than I am”); fairness, (e.g., “Try to follow the rules”); greed avoidance (e.g. ”Don't strive for elegance in my appearance”); and modesty (e.g. “Am just an ordinary person”). Participants responded to items on a 6-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly agree. Alphas were acceptable for each facet: for sincerity, α = .87; for fairness, α = .85; for greed avoidance, α = .62; and for modesty, α = 83. The IPIP-HEXACO scales have convergent correlations of between .76 and .98 with the original HEXACO facet scales ( Ashton et al., 2007 ).
Machiavellianism was measured using the 20-item MACH IV scale developed by Christie and Geis (1970) . Each respondent was asked to indicate the extent of his or her agreement or disagreement with each of the 20 items (e.g., “It is wise to flatter important people.”) using a 6-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly agree). An α coefficient of .73 was obtained for this scale.
We developed a content analysis system for coding the themes that were identified in Study 1 as uniquely descriptive of authentic and inauthentic experiences. Two coders blind to information about participants were required to determine (i) how much each authentic scene conveyed each of the themes that were uniquely descriptive of authentic scenes and (ii) how much each inauthentic scene conveyed each of the themes that were uniquely descriptive of inauthentic scenes. Themes uniquely descriptive of authentic experiences in Study 1 were: relational authenticity, expression of true self, contentment, ownership of actions, and resisting external pressures. Themes unique to inauthentic experiences were: phoniness, conformity, suppression, and self-denigration. Coders used the guidelines presented in the Appendix to code each respective theme. Inter-coder reliabilities were calculated as ICC s for the average of fixed coders ( Shrout and Fleiss, 1979 ) for all themes, and scores for each theme were calculated as the average of coders' ratings.
Our first goal of this study was to create reliable coding categories for themes that were uniquely definitive of authenticity and inauthenticity scenes. Based on the guidelines of Koo and Li (2016) , this goal was achieved for relational ( ICC = .75), contentment ( ICC = .83), ownership of actions ( ICC = .65), resisting external pressures ( ICC = .67), phoniness ( ICC = .75), conformity ( ICC = .75), and suppression ( ICC = .62) codes. The expression of true self theme from the authenticity scene ( ICC = .51) and self-denigration theme from the inauthenticity scene ( ICC = .51) had moderate interrater reliabilities. However, 70% of expression of true self codes were within one point of complete agreement (e.g., Coder 1 rating = 1, Coder 2 rating = 2) as were 89% of the suppression codes, suggesting that these categories were coded reliably. Nonetheless, results pertaining to these themes should be interpreted with some caution.
First, we present descriptive statistics for self-report and narrative variables. We then examine correlations among self-report variables and narrative themes. Finally, we conduct data reduction procedures on the self-report variables and relate the resultant factors to narrative themes.
Means and standard deviations for self-report and narrative variables are shown in Table 4 . Participants reported relatively higher scores on self-report variables scored in a desirable direction (e.g., authenticity, honesty) than those scored in an undesirable direction (e.g., inauthenticity, Machiavellianism). Although mean values were relatively low for narrative codes, this was likely because only one or two themes were most prevalent in each individual's scene. Supporting this interpretation, 70/103 participants scored at least 2.5 for one of the authenticity codes, and 90/103 participants scored at least 2.5 on one of the inauthenticity codes. Thus, the large majority of participants showed at least moderate levels of at least one of the themes in their authenticity and inauthenticity scenes.
Means, standard deviations, and correlations for self-report measures (s1–s13).
Self-report measures | |||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Variable | s1 | s2 | s3 | s4 | s5 | s6 | s7 | s8 | s9 | s10 | s11 | s12 | s13 |
Aut3 facets | |||||||||||||
s1. Awareness | |||||||||||||
s2. Unbiased processing | 0.44 | ||||||||||||
s3. Behavior | 0.73 | 0.37 | |||||||||||
s4. Relational orientation | 0.63 | 0.35 | 0.66 | ||||||||||
Authenticity Scale facets | |||||||||||||
s5. Alienation | -0.66 | -0.35 | -0.57 | -0.55 | |||||||||
s6. External influence | -0.46 | -0.38 | -0.63 | -0.38 | 0.45 | ||||||||
s7. Authentic living | 0.69 | 0.31 | 0.70 | 0.73 | -0.67 | -0.47 | |||||||
Autonomy scale | |||||||||||||
s8. Autonomy | 0.63 | 0.39 | 0.61 | 0.55 | -0.60 | -0.50 | 0.70 | ||||||
Honesty facets | |||||||||||||
s9. Sincerity | 0.38 | 0.29 | 0.45 | 0.52 | -0.48 | -0.35 | 0.52 | 0.41 | |||||
s10. Fairness | 0.24 | 0.06 | 0.21 | 0.23 | -0.20 | -0.05 | 0.23 | 0.17 | 0.38 | ||||
s11. Greed-avoidance | 0.27 | 0.22 | 0.27 | 0.26 | -0.20 | -0.28 | 0.31 | 0.30 | 0.45 | 0.28 | |||
s12. Modesty | 0.12 | 0.19 | 0.18 | 0.28 | -0.09 | -0.12 | 0.21 | 0.08 | 0.47 | 0.33 | 0.50 | ||
Machiavellianism scale | |||||||||||||
s13. Machiavellianism | -0.35 | -0.13 | -0.32 | -0.41 | 0.36 | 0.22 | -0.49 | -0.32 | -0.66 | -0.53 | -0.37 | -0.49 | |
M | 4.36 | 4.00 | 3.90 | 4.51 | 2.14 | 3.23 | 4.57 | 4.22 | 4.48 | 4.87 | 3.61 | 3.79 | 3.13 |
SD | 0.69 | 0.73 | 0.66 | 0.67 | 0.99 | 1.11 | 0.89 | 0.73 | 0.83 | 0.86 | 0.67 | 0.86 | 0.51 |
Note. Descriptive statistics were calculated at the average item level for self-report variables. Correlations >.2 are significant at α = .05.
3.2.1. self-report variables.
Pearson correlations among variables are shown in Table 4 . As was to be expected, self-report scales scored in the direction of authenticity had strong positive correlations with each other (and autonomy) and strong negative correlations with scales scored in the direction of inauthenticity. Authenticity scales and autonomy also tended to correlate positively with honesty facets and negatively with Machiavellianism, whereas inauthenticity scales showed the opposite pattern of relations. Finally, honesty facets correlated negatively with Machiavellianism.
Turning to the correlations between authenticity codes (see Table 5 ), relational authenticity was positively correlated with expression of true self and contentment, and ownership of actions was positively correlated with resisting pressures. Contentment was negatively correlated with ownership of actions. For inauthenticity codes, suppression was positively correlated with conformity and negatively correlated with self-denigration. Looking across authenticity and inauthenticity codes, ownership of actions was positively correlated with self-denigration. Overall, most bivariate correlations between pairs of narrative themes did not reach statistical significance, and magnitudes of those that did were small to moderate. This pattern of findings suggests that individual themes may be considered separately in relation to self-report variables.
Means, standard deviations, and correlations for narrative codes (n1-n9).
n1 | n2 | n3 | n4 | n5 | n6 | n7 | n8 | n9 | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
n1. Relational authenticity | |||||||||
n2. Expression of true self | 0.38 | ||||||||
n3. Contentment | 0.42 | 0.17 | |||||||
n4. Ownership of actions | -0.05 | 0.08 | -0.29 | ||||||
n5. Resisting external pressures | -0.07 | -0.09 | -0.17 | 0.45 | |||||
n6. Phoniness | 0.14 | 0.05 | 0.18 | -0.08 | -0.06 | ||||
n7. Conformity | 0.02 | 0.00 | 0.02 | 0.18 | 0.10 | 0.10 | |||
n8. Suppression | 0.19 | 0.20 | 0.09 | 0.01 | 0.13 | 0.11 | 0.28 | ||
n9. Self-denigration | -0.06 | 0.11 | -0.08 | 0.27 | -0.13 | -0.16 | -0.08 | -0.28 | |
2.06 | 2.16 | 1.93 | 1.20 | 1.10 | 2.35 | 1.96 | 2.21 | 1.48 | |
0.96 | 0.87 | 1.06 | 0.51 | 0.40 | 1.02 | 1.03 | 1.00 | 0.76 |
Note. Descriptive statistics were calculated from the average of coders' ratings for narrative variables. Correlations >.2 are significant at α = .05.
There were several statistically significant correlations between narrative codes and self-report variables (see Table 6 ). Relational authenticity in authentic scenes was positively associated with relational orientation from the Authenticity Inventory; people who view themselves as expressing their true selves in relationships described authenticity scenes in which they related to other people in honest, trusting, and understanding ways. Self-denigration in inauthentic scenes was positively associated with awareness from the Authenticity Inventory; people who profess to know their psychological make up (affect, behavior, thoughts, and motivations) tend to criticize themselves when depicting memories of inauthenticity. The negative associations between self-report variables reflecting higher authenticity, autonomy, and honesty and the phoniness code suggests that people who perceive themselves as less authentic emphasize discrepancies from their true selves when recounting inauthentic memories. People who report higher Machiavellianism also emphasized phoniness in inauthenticity memories; thus, people who report using others to get what they want narrated inauthenticity memories in which they acted in a fake manner.
Correlations between self-report variables and narrative codes.
Variable | n1 | n2 | n3 | n4 | n5 | n6 | n7 | n8 | n9 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
s1. Awareness | 0.09 | -0.01 | 0.07 | 0.19 | 0.06 | -0.26 | 0.08 | -0.07 | 0.28 |
s2. Unbiased processing | 0.11 | -0.04 | 0.08 | 0.19 | 0.12 | -0.17 | -0.05 | -0.08 | 0.12 |
s3. Behavior | 0.09 | 0.05 | 0.05 | 0.17 | 0.02 | -0.35 | 0.03 | 0.09 | 0.17 |
s4. Relational orientation | 0.24 | 0.13 | 0.05 | 0.13 | 0.04 | -0.25 | -0.09 | 0.10 | 0.07 |
s5. Alienation | -0.04 | -0.08 | -0.15 | -0.13 | 0.04 | 0.28 | 0.05 | 0.02 | -0.12 |
s6. External influence | 0.15 | -0.01 | 0.05 | -0.16 | -0.05 | 0.29 | -0.01 | -0.05 | 0.00 |
s7. Authentic living | 0.12 | 0.11 | 0.13 | 0.13 | 0.07 | -0.25 | 0.07 | 0.16 | 0.08 |
s8. Autonomy | -0.01 | 0.07 | 0.03 | 0.21 | 0.08 | -0.32 | 0.11 | 0.04 | 0.16 |
s9. Sincerity | 0.03 | -0.01 | 0.12 | 0.05 | -0.08 | -0.40 | -0.11 | 0.03 | 0.06 |
s10. Fairness | 0.08 | 0.16 | 0.19 | -0.04 | 0.00 | -0.20 | -0.10 | 0.01 | 0.08 |
s11. Greed-avoidance | -0.07 | 0.04 | 0.07 | 0.03 | -0.09 | -0.25 | 0.08 | -0.02 | 0.08 |
s12. Modesty | -0.05 | -0.04 | 0.13 | 0.07 | 0.03 | -0.22 | 0.07 | 0.16 | -0.06 |
s13. Machiavellianism | 0.02 | -0.03 | -0.10 | -0.03 | 0.06 | 0.36 | -0.07 | -0.16 | -0.02 |
Note. Correlations >.2 are significant at α = .05. n1 = Relational authenticity; n2 = Expression of true self; n3 = Contentment; n4 = Ownership of actions; n5 = Resisting external pressures; n6 = Phoniness; n7 = Conformity; n8 = Suppression; n9 = Self-denigration.
Factor extension analysis involves deriving factors from a given set of variables, and then finding the loadings of an additional (or extended) set of variables (i.e., variables not included in the original factor analysis) on those factors ( Dwyer, 1937 ; Horn, 1973 ). Factor extension analysis was desirable for these data because the self-report variables were highly intercorrelated. In order to conduct the factor extension analysis, we first needed to know how many factors to extract. The technique used to answer this question was Very Simple Structure (VSS) analysis ( Revelle and Rocklin, 1979 ), an exploratory method for determining the optimum number of interpretable factors to extract from a data set. This index can take values between 0 and 1 and is a measure of the goodness-of-fit of the factor solution for a given factorial complexity. The VSS value peaked at .91 for a two-factor solution for with a complexity of two.
A minimum residual factor analysis extracting 2 factors was carried out on the self-report scales and rotated using the oblimin rotation. Factor extension analysis determined what the loadings of the narrative codes would be on these factors (see Table 7 ). Factor 1 was defined at the positive pole by authenticity and autonomy scales, and at the negative pole by inauthenticity. Factor 2 was defined by the honesty scales at the positive pole and by Machiavellianism at the negative pole. The two factors were moderately, positively correlated ( r = .49). Using a cutoff of .2 for interpretation, factor extension results showed that the narrative codes of “ownership of actions” and “self-denigration” were positively related to the authenticity factor (Factor 1), and that the “phoniness” code was negatively related to both the authenticity and honesty factors (Factor 2). People who scored high on authenticity/autonomy tended to describe their authentic moments as times when they took ownership of their actions, and they described their inauthentic moments as times when they criticized themselves. People who reported themselves as highly inauthentic, as Machiavellian, and as dishonest described their inauthentic moments as containing relatively high degrees of phoniness.
Factor extension analysis results.
Factor analysis results for self-report variables | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|
Variable | Factor 1 | Factor 2 | h2 | u2 |
Awareness | 0.86 | -0.06 | 0.70 | 0.30 |
Unbiased processing | 0.47 | -0.01 | 0.21 | 0.79 |
Behavior | 0.85 | -0.03 | 0.70 | 0.30 |
Relational orientation | 0.69 | 0.16 | 0.61 | 0.39 |
Alienation | -0.74 | -0.02 | 0.57 | 0.43 |
External influence | -0.64 | 0.05 | 0.38 | 0.62 |
Authentic living | 0.80 | 0.13 | 0.75 | 0.25 |
Autonomy | 0.79 | -0.04 | 0.60 | 0.40 |
Sincerity | 0.22 | 0.67 | 0.65 | 0.35 |
Fairness | -0.04 | 0.58 | 0.31 | 0.69 |
Greed-avoidance | 0.09 | 0.49 | 0.30 | 0.70 |
Modesty | -0.17 | 0.73 | 0.44 | 0.56 |
Machiavellianism | -0.05 | -0.79 | 0.67 | 0.33 |
Factor extension results for narrative codes | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|
Variable | Factor 1 | Factor 2 | h2 | u2 |
Relational authenticity | 0.11 | -0.05 | 0.01 | 0.99 |
Expression of true self | 0.06 | 0.03 | 0.01 | 0.99 |
Contentment | -0.01 | 0.19 | 0.03 | 0.97 |
Ownership of actions | 0.26 | -0.10 | 0.05 | 0.95 |
Resisting pressures | 0.11 | -0.11 | 0.01 | 0.99 |
Phoniness | -0.22 | -0.30 | 0.20 | 0.80 |
Conformity | 0.03 | -0.02 | 0.00 | 1.00 |
Suppression | -0.03 | 0.14 | 0.02 | 0.98 |
Self-denigration | 0.22 | -0.08 | 0.04 | 0.96 |
Note. A minimum residual factor analysis extracting 2 factors was carried out on the self-report scales and rotated using oblimin rotation. Factor extension analysis determined what the loadings of the narrative codes would be on these factors. Numbers underneath columns “Factor 1” and “Factor 2” are factor loadings. “h2” = communality; “u2” = uniqueness.
As noted in the discussion of Study 1, there is a great deal of conceptual overlap between our narrative coding scheme and existing self-report measures of authenticity and related constructs. This overlap is also observed in the empirical associations in Study 2, attesting to the convergent validity of both the self-report variables and narrative codes. Yet the degree of overlap is not nearly strong enough to consider the constructs redundant across levels of analysis. The magnitude and consistency of the associations suggests that trait approaches and narrative approaches to authenticity may each tap into unique information about a person's psyche; the narrative codes show evidence of both convergent and discriminant validity with trait measures. This pattern of results mirrors findings from other research examining relations between trait and narrative variables (e.g., Lodi-Smith et al., 2009 ; McAdams et al., 2004 ; Wilt et al., 2011 ).
Authenticity has been espoused as a central virtue by philosophers and psychologists alike, and recent trait approaches to measurement of authenticity have revealed compelling empirical associations between higher levels of authenticity and greater well-being. Based on the notion that authenticity may be relevant to narrative identity — the evolving life stories that connect one's past with the present and imagined future — our goals in the current research were to (i) identify authenticity and inauthenticity themes as expressed in life story scenes, (ii) create reliable coding categories for such these themes, and (iii) examine the relations between narrative themes and self-report assessments of authenticity and related constructs. These goals were largely realized across two studies of undergraduates, thus representing a first step toward the study of authenticity and inauthenticity in narrative identity.
The different components of authenticity and inauthenticity revealed through life story scenes coincided well with self-report measures. Though this might not seem surprising in hindsight, there are several reasons that our coding strategy could have identified themes lying outside of existing self-report frameworks (see Adler et al., 2017 ; Panattoni and McLean, 2018 ). Methodological reasons include lack of method variance, differences in operationalization of the constructs, and socially desirable responding to both self-reports and narrative prompts. Conceptual reasons include the possibility that generating narratives taps into a different mode of thought than does responding to self-report questions, that narrative measures may be more susceptible to unconscious influences than are self-report items, and that narratives are more contextualized to particular situations and influenced by a perceived audience than are self-report responses. Finally, our use of an inductive or data-driven approach to coding did not necessitate overlap with any existing theoretical frameworks of authenticity ( Syed and Nelson, 2015 ).
The conceptual correspondence seems to be good news for both self-report and narrative approaches to authenticity. Self-report measures need not expand to include content that was missed, and narrative approaches need not seek theoretical justification for content lying outside of self-report boundaries. However, the levels of assessment were not redundant; the moderate associations between narrative themes and self-report measures suggest that narrative assessments do not overlap completely with self-report scales.
Because authenticity has been a robust predictor of mental health, perhaps the most pressing question for future research is to determine whether narrative themes are related to mental health above and beyond self-report measures. There is good reason to think that this might be the case. A recent review concluded that narrative themes have incremental validity in predicting well-being both cross-sectionally and prospectively independently of dispositional personality traits ( Adler et al., 2016 ). Additionally, qualitative studies link authenticity to healthy behavior ( Conroy and de Visser, 2015 ) and quantitative studies show that expressing intrinsic values in memories is related to well-being ( Lekes et al., 2014 ).
Another direction for future research that may further integrate trait and narrative approaches to authenticity is to explore what types of life stories support (self-reported) authentic functioning. That is, how does narrative identity differ among people with higher and lower levels of self-reported authenticity? The current study reveals only limited information related to this question; specifically, our findings suggest that people with different levels of self-reported authenticity see different themes as indicative of authenticity/inauthenticity in life story scenes. For Example, our findings indicate that a person with higher self-reported relational authenticity is likely to view relational honesty as indicative of authenticity. Our findings have nothing to say about whether people with higher levels of self-reported relational authenticity tell life stories (when not primed to tell moments that are authentic) that convey themes of open, honest, and close relationships. It is easy to envision a study that tests these ideas. Scenes from a typical life story interview (e.g., high point, low point, turning point, important memories from different times of life) could be coded for the authenticity/inauthenticity themes identified in the current study, and these themes could be correlated with self-reported authenticity measures. It is worth noting that a study like this could not be conducted without first identifying valid coding categories for authenticity/inauthenticity, as was done in the current studies.
There may be some concern that authenticity and inauthenticity were assessed through subjective methods of self-report and life-story scenes. Therefore, we cannot make claims about more objective aspects of authenticity and inauthenticity that might be captured by measures such as experimentally manipulated reaction times (e.g., Schlegel et al., 2009 ). Though this is a potential limitation, subjectivity is at the core of a narrative identity perspective on authenticity. The narrative identity approach is authenticity centered on one's personal myth regarding what it means to be true (and false) to oneself. This standpoint is somewhat similar to that taken by Schlegel and colleagues (e.g., 2009 ; 2011 ; 2013 ) regarding the true self-concept. The authors remained neutral on the issue of the ontological reality, preferring instead to define the true self-concept as the cognitive schema and subjective beliefs and feelings what aspects of one's self-concept reflect true, core characteristics. This decision was based on the rationale that perceptions of reality can have important consequences regardless of the accuracy of the perceptions.
The researchers and coders bring unique perspectives and biases to extracting themes from qualitative data. Other labs may have identified different themes and clustered themes in different ways in Study 1. This would have resulted in different quantitative coding categories in Study 2. Indeed, the emergence of categories that were similar to dimensions of authenticity/inauthenticity that emerged in previous research may reflect some of our biases. Therefore, our coding systems is not meant to be exhaustive but rather one potentially useful way of examining authenticity in life-stories.
The generalizability of our findings may also be limited because we relied on samples of undergraduates from a Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic (WEIRD) society ( Henrich et al., 2010 ). Potential limitations to generalizability based on age and culture are highly relevant for the concept of authenticity. Identity conflicts may be more salient for undergraduate participants than for older adults, and therefore older adults might have a more stable ideas about what constitutes authenticity and inauthenticity ( Schlegel et al., 2013 ). More stable notions of authenticity could result in stronger and possibly more reliable associations between scales attempting to measure authenticity-related constructs. Authenticity may also be more highly valued among Western as compared to non-Western nations ( Lenton et al., 2013 ; Slabu et al., 2014 ). Understandings of authenticity could therefore vary across cultures, which may have consequences for which themes emerged as uniquely defining of authenticity and inauthenticity; for instance, most themes that were uniquely definitive of authenticity in the current study were primarily concerned with the self, which may be due to the relative emphasis on self-enhancement in Western nations. Perhaps people from non-Western nations would place more emphasis on relational authenticity themes. Regardless of these limitations, narrative studies in their essence are aimed at developing an understanding of how a particular group of people understand themselves in a particular sociohistorical context ( McAdams and Pals, 2006 ).
Finally, our relatively small sample sizes may be considered a limitation. In Study 1, it is possible that different unique themes may have emerged with a greater sample size, or that the rank-ordering of unique themes could have changed. In Study 2, our power to detect small-to-medium effect sizes was not optimal. Though we recommend that future studies employ larger sample sizes, we are aware that logistical challenges to collecting and coding narratives would make doing so a lengthy and costly undertaking.
In the current studies, we found that for undergraduates in a Western society, authentic experiences entail expressing one's perceived true nature, being content and relaxed, taking ownership of one's choices, not giving in to external pressures, and having open and honest relationships. In contrast, inauthentic experiences involve being phony, conforming to others' expectations, suppressing one's emotions, and denigrating the self. Thus, life-story scenes characteristic of authenticity/inauthenticity turned out to be similar to the ideas emerging from prominent psychological and philosophical theories. Assessments of narrative authenticity/inauthenticity were related to but distinct from self-report assessments, opening the possibility for narrative approaches to reveal unique insight into the psychology of the true and false selves.
Author contribution statement.
Joshua Wilt: Conceived and designed the experiments; Performed the experiments; Analyzed and interpreted the data; Contributed reagents, materials, analysis tools or data; Wrote the paper.
Sarah Thomas: Conceived and designed the experiments; Analyzed and interpreted the data; Wrote the paper.
Dan McAdams: Conceived and designed the experiments; Analyzed and interpreted the data; Contributed reagents, materials, analysis tools or data; Wrote the paper.
This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.
The authors declare no conflict of interest.
Data associated with this study has been deposited at Open Science Framework under: https://osf.io/u9fea/?view_only=5bb21c2ba8d442218ed4f750c6c2a4c1 .
1 Both studies were part of larger projects and thus contained additional self-report measures that were not included in the current analyses. All study materials, all data, and all analyses for the current manuscript are available at: https://osf.io/u9fea/?view_only=5bb21c2ba8d442218ed4f750c6c2a4c1 .
2 Coders were instructed to work on only one type of scene at a time in order to reduce the likelihood that the coding of the participant's target scene (i.e., the scene being coded) was influenced by the content of the participant's other scenes. For instance, we did not want the content of a participant's authenticity scene to influence how a coder perceived the same participant's inauthenticity scene.
Abandonment |
Acceptance of imperfections/flaws |
Accepting responsibility Accomplishment/Achievement/Success |
Acting in a genuine way with others |
Acting in accordance with beliefs/values |
Acting out of obligation Acting to please others/gain approval |
Acting without thinking Adulation |
Adventure Anger |
Avoiding conflict |
Avoiding negative evaluation |
Being at home Being at school Being at work Being carefree Being unsociable Being with family Being with friends |
Boredom/Redundancy Caring for others Caution/wariness Comfortable |
Companionship, connecting, having fun with others |
Competence |
Confidence |
Confused Criticism |
Denying, subverting, changing emotions |
Desire to change oneself Different from usual self Disgust with self Disinhibition of behavior Disliking others |
Distancing from self (watching from outside) |
Embarrassment Empathy |
Encouragement/support from others |
Enjoyment Escapism |
Expression of true thoughts Fear |
Feeling guarded Feeling insignificant Feeling phony/fake Feeling restricted Feeling true to oneself |
Feeling understood by others Freedom from responsibility Frustration |
Going with the crowd/conformity |
Guilt Happiness |
Holding in true beliefs Honest with others Hurting others Impulsivity |
Inability to control emotions |
Incompetence |
Influenced by others' opinions/expectations |
Intensity |
Lack of social support Learning a lesson Living up to others' expectations |
Loneliness |
Looking for ways to change Loss of agency |
Loss of composure Lying to others Lying to self |
Making a good impression Manipulation |
Meaningful loss Nervous |
Not being judged Optimism Ownership of choices |
Perseverance, overcoming obstacles |
Pessimism Pleasing others Politeness Protecting others Putting on an act |
Putting one's own needs above the needs of others |
Relaxed Relief |
Religion/presence of God/spiritual presence |
Resisting others' influence/disobeying authority |
Revealing true feelings to others |
Role experimentation |
Sadness (depression) Safety |
Self-criticism |
Stress |
Strive for acceptance/fitting in |
Surrender to a higher power Sympathy |
Trusting oneself |
Trusting others |
Uncomfortable |
Understanding others Unsafe |
Upset |
Example authenticity scene. “I was with my friends at their dorm room. We were in the common room, just us, it was late and we were laughing about weird ticks that we have. I was with me boyfriend, and when it was my turn I said that I drool a lot while I'm asleep. At the time I was sleeping with my boyfriend but hadn't told him about my drooling. We all laughed, and then my boyfriend turned to me and said, “yeah you do drool a lot” and I felt so embarrassed and ashamed. But we were laughing about it at the same time and it just made me feel comfortable about myself. Then he went and said something equally as embarrassing and I felt better. I realized that everyone does something weird and gross and it was cool to talk about it, out in the open. I really felt like I could be myself around these people.”
This scene was coded as containing the characteristics of: “companionship”, “acting in a genuine way with others, “feeling true to oneself” “enjoyment” “feeling understood by others”, “being honest with others”, “receiving encouragement”, “being with friends”, “not being judged”, “embarrassment”, “being carefree”, “trusting others”, “revealing true feelings to others”, “being relaxed”, “being disinhibited”, and “acceptance of imperfections”.
Example inauthenticity scene. “ The first day at [university blinded] I was really desperate to meet people that would like me. At night I went to a dance party and felt that no one would like me unless I was “on”. So I started being funny and comical, people started laughing and soon I had people congregating around watching me tell jokes and be funny. I started saying that I liked music that I hated because these people liked it. I felt so fake! And I wanted to just be myself, but I knew that if I was myself people wouldn't like me. So I kept up being funny because I wanted to be the life of the party. Pretty soon everyone was talking about how funny and clever I was. As the party died down and people left I had a phone filled with new numbers, but I felt just as alone as when I walked in. I walked back to my room and thought that I really wouldn't like anyone that I had met that night personally.”
This scene was coded as containing the characteristics (presented in the order in which they were coded) of: “feeling phony”, “lying to others”, “being different from one's usual self”, “desire to make a good impression”, “striving for acceptance”, “acting to please others”, “being pessimistic”, and “being upset”.
Example emotionally vivid scene. “ I drove out of my high school for the very last time. It was the last day of school my senior year, and I was done with all of my tests. It was the last time I would drive out of the parking lot as a student. I felt so many emotions: accomplishment, fear, lots of sadness, yet happiness. I was one of the last ones to finish my exams and when I walked out the parking lot was empty. It was hot I just remembered wanting to stay there, and not leave. I thought back at my experiences and wanted to have the same great moments in college. At the end I remembered being afraid of were life was gonna take me next.”
This scene was coded as containing the characteristics (presented in the order in which they were coded) of: “sadness”, “happiness”, “accomplishment”, “being at school”, “fear”, and “nervousness”.
Relational authenticity. Key characteristics of scenes containing “relational authenticity” (identified in Study 1) are: acting in a genuine way with others, companionship, feeling understood by others, honest with others, revealing true feelings to others, trusting others, and understanding others . Relational authenticity reflects the degree to which the protagonist feels connected to others. The scene conveys the sense that others are trustworthy and expressions of honesty are welcomed with understanding and in a non-judgmental way. The protagonist feels a strong sense of companionship with others in the scene. Scenes were coded on a scale from 1 (very low) to 4 (very high) based on the degree to which they conveyed relational authenticity: “The scene conveyed relational authenticity to a...degree”.
Expression of true self. Key characteristics scenes containing the theme “expression of true self” are: expression of true thoughts, feeling true to oneself, genuineness, and revealing one's true self . This code reflects the degree to which the protagonist feels true to him/herself. The scene conveys the sense that one's actions and feelings are accurate reflections of one's true nature. The protagonist feels that the scene is a genuine portrayal of one's real self. Scenes were coded on a scale from 1 (very low) to 4 (very high) based on the degree to which the protagonist expressed his or her true self: “The scene expresses the protagonist's true self to a...degree''.
Contentment. Key characteristics of scenes containing the theme “contentment” are enjoyment, feeling comfortable, happiness, and relaxation . This code reflects the degree to which the protagonist feels content in his/her surroundings. The scene conveys a sense of comfort and happiness. The protagonist feels relaxed and natural in the situation or event described in the scene. Scenes were coded on a scale from 1 (very low) to 4 (very high), based on the degree to which they convey contentment: “The scene conveyed feelings of contentment to a...degree.''
Ownership of actions. Key characteristics of scenes containing the theme “ownership of actions” are accepting responsibility, acting in accordance with one's beliefs and values, and taking ownership of choices . This code reflects the degree to which the protagonist feels ownership of his/her actions. The scene conveys the sense that actions were in accordance with the values of the protagonist. The protagonist accepts responsibility for his/her actions by identifying some value or value system and acting in accordance with those values. Scenes were coded on a scale from 1 (very low) to 4 (very high), based on the degree to which they conveyed that the protagonist accepted ownership of his/her actions. “The protagonist accepted ownership of his/her actions to a...degree.''
Resisting external pressures. Key characteristics of scenes containing the theme “resisting external pressures'' are disobeying authority and resisting influence . This code reflects the degree to which the protagonist resists external pressures to conform. The scene conveys the sense that the protagonist defies the influence of social pressures. The protagonist opposes authority figures and/or societal expectations. Scenes were coded on a scale from 1 (very low) to 4 (very high), based on the degree to which the protagonist resisted external pressures. “The protagonist resisted external pressures to a...degree.''
Phoniness. Key characteristics of scenes containing the theme “phoniness'' are different from usual self, feeling phony/fake, and putting on an act . This code reflects the degree to which the protagonist feels that he/she is being phony. The scene conveys the sense that the protagonist is putting on an act that is different from how he/she usually behaves (unless the difference is endorsed as authentic). The protagonist feels fake and/or contrived. Scenes were coded on a scale from 1 (very low) to 4 (very high), based on the degree to which the protagonist felt phony. “The protagonist conveys the sense of phoniness to a...degree.''
Conformity. Key characteristics of scenes containing the theme “conformity” are acting to please others, going with the crowd, being influenced by others' expectations, living up to others' expectations, concern with making a good impression, pleasing others, and striving for acceptance or to fit in . This code reflects the degree to which the protagonist conforms to the demands of others or society. The scene conveys a sense that the protagonist is striving to make a good impression, fit in, or is acting in order to please others. The protagonist attempts to gain acceptance by adjusting his/her behavior to conform to social/societal pressures. Scenes were coded on a scale from 1 (very low) to 4 (very high), based on the degree to which the protagonist conformed to external pressures. “The protagonist conforms to external pressures to a...degree.''
Suppression. Key characteristics of scenes containing the theme “suppression'' are denying, subverting, or changing one's emotions, holding in one's true beliefs, and lying to others . This code reflects the degree to which the protagonist suppresses his/her emotions, thoughts, and actions. The scene conveys the sense that the protagonist is actively withholding his/her opinions or lies to others in order to avoid revealing true beliefs and opinions. The protagonist actively avoids expressing his/her true self in order to avoid negative consequences. Scenes were coded on a scale from 1 (very low) to 4 (very high), based on the degree to which the protagonist suppresses true feelings, beliefs, and behavior. “The protagonist suppressed his/her true self to a...degree.''
Self-denigration. Key characteristics of scenes containing the theme “self-denigration'' are expressing disgust with oneself and self-criticism . This code reflects the degree to which the protagonist describes him/herself in derogatory terms. The scene conveys the sense that the protagonist does not approve of the way he/she acted and may be disgusted with him/herself. The protagonist is critical of him/herself. Scenes were coded on a scale from 1 (very low) to 4 (very high), based on the degree to which the protagonist was self-critical and self-denigrating. “The protagonist was self-critical and self-denigrating to a...degree.''
Monday 02 September 2024
A figure from the report
THE bloodstains and markings on the Holy Shroud of Turin correspond to the brutal treatment of Christ described in Gospel accounts of his crucifixion, a new study suggests.
The study, published by the University of Padua, is by Professor Giulio Fanti, co-ordinator of the international Shroud Science Group. Fanti, a professor of mechanical and thermal measurements, is the author of numerous works on the Shroud over 25 years, and is convinced of its authenticity.
The Shroud is a handmade twill linen cloth measuring 4.4 by 1.1 metres which contains the image of the front and back of a man, most clearly revealed in a photographic negative taken in 1898.
The Vatican, given ownership in 1983, has not officially pronounced on its authenticity. In 1988, it was carbon-dated to the 12th century, although some scientists claim that the testing was carried out erroneously on a piece of medieval cloth.
T he new study reports: “There are hundreds of reddish spots of varying shapes and sizes which almost completely overlap the body image imprinted on it, and which seem perfectly consistent with the different types of torture suffered by Jesus who was wrapped in it as a corpse.
“Bloodstained marks on the head consistent with a crown of thorns, blood marks on the hands and feet with crucifixion, and a bloodstain on the chest with the post-mortem spear wound that Christ received.”
The presence of creatinine particles with ferritin, often a by-product of muscle contractions, provides microscopic confirmation of “very heavy torture”, he says. The right eye of the Shroud’s body image is “more sunken and apparently furrowed by a vertical mark”, indicating that the victim was “blinded by a blow to the head”, or wounded “by a thorn from the crown placed on Jesus’s head”.
The 11,300-word study, which includes medical and forensic images, concludes that the likely cause of Jesus’s “relatively early death on the cross” was “hemopericardial infarction”, brought on by kidney and liver failure from “flagellation and microcytic anemia”.
“Jesus was severely scourged and nailed to the cross — he died and his corpse was placed in the sepulchre in Jerusalem and wrapped in the Holy Shroud.”
It continues: “The strong uremia that produced an accentuated shrinkage of the volume of the erythrocytes in the blood caused serious problems in oxygen exchange during breathing. To compensate for these physical problems, Jesus had to increase his breathing heavily, as well as the frequency of his heartbeats, which prompted a heart attack as the main cause of death.”
Although apparent references to the Shroud were made in the early centuries, the object’s documented history dates from its exhibition in 1353 at the French town of Lirey, from where it was acquired by the royal House of Savoy.
Damaged by fire in 1532 while housed in a chapel at Chambéry, it was taken to Turin in 1578, and has remained in a specially designed chapel close to the city’s cathedral since 1683, apart from several brief periods of wartime concealment.
In his new study, Professor Fanti argues that the image on the Shroud was produced by radiation or an “electric-type energy” of unknown origin, “probably connected with the Holy Fire of Jerusalem which emanated from the corpse and reacted with the linen”.
Features of the facial image, he argues, “accurately coincide” with depictions of Christ on Byzantine coins from the seventh century, suggesting that the Shroud was “seen during the Byzantine Empire”.
His study refers to previous investigations, including those of 1980 and 1981 which confirmed the existence of human blood and fluid produced by pulmonary edema on the Shroud. The “different directions” of blood rivulets, bearing “different macroscopic characteristics”, indicate that the body was held in an upright position and later rotated and rested on its side, while traces of local clay and limestone also indicate a “quick burial”, the new study says.
Professor Fanti writes: “Jesus probably lost at least a third of his blood, thereby causing hypovolemic shock — a strong reduction in the volume of blood circulating in the body due to various hemorrhages and body fluid losses.
“Due to uremia, the red blood cells significantly reduced their ability to exchange oxygen, thus causing a notable tachycardia, which was also accentuated by tonic and clonic contractions, or muscle spasms, resulting from the hypertension of the limbs nailed to the cross. . .
“During Jesus’s last hour before dying on the cross, a reduced blood flow to the kidneys was also caused by hypovolemia and severe dehydration.”
Professor Fanti writes that his study was “partially supported by a religious group that requested anonymity”, which had backed his forensic work on other objects. The results, he says, are “fully consistent” with the description of Christ’s scourging and crucifixion in the Gospels.
In an interview in February 2023 with Italy’s La Voce dell’Ionio , the Professor dated his interest in the Shroud to a school visit, aged ten, saying that he was personally convinced that this development was a “work of God”.
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Authenticity has long captured the imagination of literary figures, philosophers and scientists. The construct originated in Aristotelian thinking and serves as an injunctive societal norm in contemporary society. Although people have been fascinated with authenticity since at least the time of the ancient Greeks, the concept remains elusive. In this Review, we aim to clarify the construct of authenticity. First, we consider the evidence for conceptualizations of authenticity as self-accuracy, self-consistency, self-ownership and self-enhancement. We then differentiate between trait authenticity and state authenticity and highlight pertinent theoretical models and measurement approaches. Authenticity is relevant to psychological functioning, and we describe its associations with self-regulation, behaviour regulation, interpersonal relations, psychological health and consumer behaviour. Although authenticity has beneficial effects in these domains, it also has drawbacks such as the potential for hypocrisy, off-putting positive self-presentation and conflict in the workplace. We conclude by pinpointing empirical lacunae and proposing future research directions.
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Constantine Sedikides
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Do you always feel like you’re able to be yourself, or do you feel that you sometimes have to change who you are in certain situations? If you’re like many people, you might sometimes feel inauthentic—in other words, that you can’t act in ways that reflect how you really feel. However, psychologists have suggested that authenticity (an important concept in positive psychology) may be a key part of well-being, and—importantly—that it’s possible to increase how authentic we feel in our daily lives. In today’s post, I’ll review the research on authenticity, discuss its relationship to well-being, and suggest ways that you can work to cultivate authenticity.
“I think when you’re authentic, you end up following your heart, and you put yourself in places and situations and in conversations that you love and that you enjoy.” – Neil Pasricha, Author of Blog 1000 Awesome Things
Psychologist Kennon Sheldon and his colleagues describe authentic behavior as behavior that we have freely chosen and which allows us to express who we are. In other words, authentic people act in ways that reflect their values and identity. Authenticity can be difficult to define because it’s different for everyone. For example, a behavior that might feel authentic for one person could feel inauthentic for someone else. Ultimately, however, authenticity involves feeling like “yourself” and not feeling like you’re wearing a “mask” that prevents others from seeing who you are. In humanistic psychology , authenticity is seen as crucial for well-being , and a lack of authenticity can result in psychopathology .
According to Alex Wood (who is known for studying positive psychology ) and his colleagues, authenticity has three components. The first component, self-alienation , refers to whether someone feels like they know and understand themselves (since a person who doesn’t truly understand themselves would feel more self-alienated and less authentic). The second component is authentic living , which involves feeling like your behaviors reflect your true feelings. The third component is accepting external influence , which involves changing one’s behaviors to fit in or acting in a way that others think you should, and is seen as a sign of less authenticity.
Do most people act authentically all the time, or do they change their behavior from one situation to the next? Psychologists call people’s tendency to change their behavior to match a particular situation self-monitoring . High self-monitors are more likely to change their behavior depending on the social environment they find themselves in, while low self-monitors tend to act similarly across a range of situations. Is it better to be a high or low self-monitor? Psychologists suggest that there are pros and cons to both: too much self-monitoring can cause someone to be seen as inauthentic, while too little can cause someone to be seen as inflexible. As psychologist Gregory Jantz explains for Psychology Today , “While adapting to your environment is certainly beneficial in some situations, shifting your personality completely is problematic.” In other words, it’s okay to not express exactly what you’re thinking or feeling all the time. For example, if your friend is a terrible singer, you might not want to tell them this in order to spare their feelings—but this is different from being inauthentic. In other words, it’s important to find a balance between expressing ourselves and monitoring the situation to decide on the most appropriate way to respond in a given context.
Neil Pasricha, author of the blog 1000 Awesome Things , explains in a TEDxToronto talk that authenticity may be key to living a good life: “I think when you’re authentic, you end up following your heart, and you put yourself in places and situations and in conversations that you love and that you enjoy. You meet people that you like talking to. You go places you’ve dreamt about. And you end up following your heart and feeling very fulfilled.” In other words, he suggests that authenticity could be linked to happiness if it it leads us to pursue things that are more enjoyable and fulfilling to us.
What does the research say—are more authentic people indeed happier? In one study , researchers found that people who scored higher on a measure of authentic living reported greater happiness, more positive emotions , and higher self-esteem than people who reported being less authentic. More authentic people also reported having better relationships with others and more personal growth. Similar results were found in another study: more authentic people were found to be happier with their lives and have higher self-esteem.
Another study asked participants how authentic they felt in different life roles (for example, in roles such as friend, employee, student, etc.). The researchers found that, when people felt more authentic in a particular role, they felt less neurotic and were more satisfied with that particular role. Additionally, when participants felt more authentic in general (the average of how authentic they felt in different life roles), they had higher self-esteem and had lower stress, anxiety, and depression. Although these studies don’t show that authenticity necessarily causes greater well-being, they do suggest that authenticity may be an important part of psychological health.
Researchers have also found that more authentic people may be happier in their relationships with others. In one study , participants who were in romantic relationships were asked to fill out surveys on their attachment style , how authentic they felt in their current relationship, and how they felt about their relationship. Participants who reported more authenticity in their relationships scored lower on a measure of attachment avoidance —that is, more authentic participants didn’t feel the need to avoid closeness in their relationships. The researchers also found that feeling more authentic in a particular relationship was related to more satisfaction with the relationship overall.
“In order for connection to happen, we have to allow ourselves to be seen, really seen.” – Brené Brown
Although authentic people tend to have happier relationships, many people may avoid authenticity in their relationships because they fear rejection . As Jantz explains, people often are inauthentic because they believe it’s what others want to see: “instead of showing up as yourself, you show up as the person you think everyone else will like.”
Ironically, however, presenting ourselves in the way that we think others want may actually hinder us when we work to build close relationships with others. Psychologist and researcher Brené Brown explains that being authentic in our interactions with others is crucial for developing meaningful relationships. Brown explains that “in order for connection to happen, we have to allow ourselves to be seen, really seen.” When Brown studied research participants who felt fulfilled and connected to others in their personal lives, she found that they had something in common—they were able to be true to themselves: “as a result of authenticity, they were willing to let go of who they thought they should be in order to be who they were.” In other words, authenticity appears to be crucial for developing closeness and connection to others—but, paradoxically, a fear of rejection may be what keeps us from expressing our authentic selves.
Importantly, however, some people may fear being their authentic selves because they fear that those around them will be less than supportive. For example, for LGBT individuals, people who may face religious oppression, or people who have invisible disabilities, being open about one’s authentic self can involve greater risks. In one study , researchers tested out this idea by asking LGB individuals how they felt about different types of social situations they found themselves in (such as with friends, with family, or with coworkers). The researchers found that when LGB individuals felt that a particular social environment supported their autonomy—in other words, that they felt able to be who they really are—they were more open about their sexual orientation, and in that environment they had lower levels of depression and higher self-esteem. Importantly, coming out to people who were more controlling and less accepting was not linked to higher well-being. In other words, lack of support can be a significant barrier to being one’s authentic self. However, finding more supportive and accepting people to surround yourself with can sometimes be an important first step to living more authentically.
Given the importance of authenticity, how can we work to live in more authentic ways? Psychologists have found several techniques we can use to increase feelings of authenticity in our daily lives.
Psychologists have found that living with authenticity does seem to be an important part of well-being. People who are authentic tend to be happier, have higher self-esteem, and feel better about their relationships. Despite this, many people struggle to be authentic at times, especially if they worry about being rejected. However, by becoming more comfortable with vulnerability, working to be more mindful, and looking into psychotherapy as a way to figure out who you are and who you want to be, it’s possible to live more authentically.
About this Contributo r: Elizabeth Hopper received her PhD in psychology from the University of California, Santa Barbara, where she conducted research on positive psychology and gratitude. Prior to attending UCSB, she received her BA in Psychology and Peace & Conflict Studies from UC Berkeley and worked in a research lab at UC San Francisco studying health psychology. Her research interests include gratitude, positive emotions, close relationships, and health. When she’s not writing about psychology, Elizabeth can often be found exploring the Bay Area and spending time with her dog, Luna. In addition to HealthyPsych, Elizabeth’s writing has also been published by the Greater Good Science Center .
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Individuals considered authentic are those who strive to align their actions with their core values and beliefs with the hope of discovering, and then acting in sync with, their true selves. When people act in ways that violate their self-concept , they may experience negative feelings, ranging from mild discomfort to heavy guilt .
There is debate over whether people actually possess an innate self and need to uncover it, or whether the true self is flexible and determined by the choices people make throughout their lives. Defining and measuring the characteristic has proven challenging, but ongoing research aims to pin down the components of authenticity and discover its connections to self-esteem , goal-achievement, coping skills, and an array of other psychological benefits.
The concept is still debated today, but psychologists Michael Kernis and Brian Goldman developed an Authenticity Inventory in 2000 comprised of four key factors:
1. Self-awareness: Knowledge of and trust in one's own motives, emotions, preferences, and abilities.
2. Unbiased processing: Clarity in evaluating your strengths and your weaknesses without denial or blame.
3. Behavior: Acting in ways congruent with your own values and needs, even at the risk of criticism or rejection.
4. Relational orientation: Close relationships, which inherently require openness and honesty.
The journey toward authenticity is a lifelong process, but certain time periods may elicit more exploration than others. Adolescents and young adults experiment with friends, partners, hobbies, and jobs to identify what feels right for their present and their future. People in middle age may reflect on their identity , evaluating whether the choices they’ve made thus far, such as in their career and relationships, have provided fulfillment.
The internet has dramatically expanded the capacity for self-expression. But people’s identity on social media sometimes departs from what they view as their true self, or the self they are offline. It can be valuable for those individuals to reflect on whether their social media presence expresses the full range of their identity so that their community or audience can understand them in a way that aligns with their genuine self.
Authenticity is a bedrock of well-being. The trait is correlated with self-esteem, purpose, vitality, and the ability to set and accomplish goals . It’s also linked to coping skills that allow people to navigate life’s challenges in healthy ways, rather than resorting to self-destructive habits such as drugs or alcohol , and it may act as a buffer against the negative effects of loneliness .
Mindfulness refers to being aware of one’s experiences without judgment. Research suggests that people who score higher on surveys of authenticity are also more mindful and emotionally intelligent . This relationship could be bidirectional: Practising mindfulness and learning about emotional intelligence could provide the tools to become more authentic, leading people to think differently and become more observant, accepting, and capable of change.
Being authentic involves the ability to be introspective and understand what motivates oneself. Such accurate self-knowledge can be a double-edged sword, though, if it reveals uncomfortable truths or weaknesses that one would rather not admit. However, advocates of authenticity argue that in the long run, it’s better to be accurate than biased.
Being authentic can also put a person at odds with their larger peer group if their emerging perspective is an unpopular one. However, authentic people wouldn’t look to others for approval or surrender to the social pressures of what they should or shouldn't do. The validation they derive from following an internal compass is sufficient for their mental well-being.
Developing authenticity is an ongoing process. To begin, reflect on your values. What changes can you make to live in accordance with those values? You can observe yourself objectively (pretend that you’re a fly on the wall or assessing someone else) and observe which actions and choices feel authentic and which do not. Examine belief systems that you developed in childhood or ingrained patterns that no longer serve you—understanding the roots of current beliefs can help you move forward.
Genuine people share a few key traits. They tend to take time to develop an opinion and speak their mind, respond to internal expectations rather than external ones, and forge a unique path to fulfill their passion and purpose. They aren’t threatened by failure and can admit their faults. They are often less judgmental of others and have strong self-esteem.
If a person tends to be defensive and self-deceptive, they are likely not being true to themselves. Qualities of inauthentic people include having unrealistic perceptions of reality, looking to others for approval and validation, being judgmental, not thinking things through, not learning from mistakes, and being unable to express emotions clearly or understand their own motivations.
Being authentic requires courage. Revealing your true self could garner disfavor from others, such as by expressing opposing political beliefs or sharing honest feedback with a loved one. It makes you vulnerable to rejection or betrayal. Additionally, authenticity demands tremendous mental energy —the willingness to continually evaluate your values, your options, and your actions.
We are drawn to genuine people —rather than people who simply agree with whatever we say or do—because those who are true to themselves are also likely to be true and honest with us. Authenticity is also associated with many appealing traits, including confidence , strength, individuality, and emotional resilience .
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The essence of authenticity.
In this paper, we build upon the model of authenticity proposed by Lehman and colleagues, which includes the dimensions consistency, conformity, and connection. We expand this “3C-view” by adding a fourth dimension, continuity, which results in what we have come to call “4C-view of authenticity.” We discuss our proposal from a process perspective and emphasize that congruence might be a reasonable candidate for a concept that unifies the four dimensions of authenticity.
In a recent review article, Lehman and colleagues write about authenticity in the context of management studies ( Lehman et al., 2019 ). Their point of departure is their perception that the term “authenticity” refers to what is real, genuine, or true. In contrast to this, Lehman and coauthors outline their perspective of authenticity as dependent on the referent of the term. In keeping with other recent publications motivated by a “lack of definitional clarity” ( Newman, 2019 , p. 8), they outline different meanings the term can have in different contexts and ask what we are talking about when we talk about something or someone authentic.
Obviously, this semantic heterogeneity has its disadvantages, of which Lehman et al. (2019) emphasize two: the difficulties it brings for scholarly discourse and the possibility of “missing the big picture” ( Lehman et al., 2019 , p. 2). In order to overcome these hurdles, the authors propose a conceptual framework that rests on three different “meanings” of authenticity: authenticity as consistency, as conformity, and as connection.
In brief, authenticity as consistency is the congruous relationship between an entity’s external characteristics and its internal values. Authenticity as conformity is a congruous relationship between an entity and its social norms. Authenticity as connection is the congruence between an entity and “a person, place, or time as claimed” ( Lehman et al., 2019 , p. 3). We deliberately use the terms congruence and congruous in all three definitions because we propose in this paper that congruence is the essence of authenticity . In general, we use these terms in keeping with Merriam-Webster’s dictionary definition for congruous , “being in agreement, harmony, or correspondence” ( Congruous, 2020 ). We think that all three of Lehman and coworkers’ interpretations of authenticity encompass some form of congruence: a particular congruous relationship between an entity and characteristics of itself, between an entity and its social context, and between an entity and another one, respectively.
We think of authenticity not as a static concept, but as a developmental process, as subject to change. Consequently, we suggest that besides the above three “C’s,” there is a fourth “C,” a fourth meaning of authenticity as continuity . The continuity perspective captures the developmental character of authenticity, the ever-changing relationships between an individual and himself/herself, others, and the social norms his/her life is embedded in. These relationships are different across the lifespan; they are different for the same person as a child, adolescent or adult. Hence, authenticity as continuity describes the congruous relationship between an entity and features of development and, therefore, captures the evolving nature of authenticity. Going beyond the static view of authenticity allows for inherent changes in authenticity over time and places a greater emphasis on becoming authentic instead of being authentic. Thus, authenticity as continuity combines a dynamic connection between static and process characteristics of authenticity, which in turn makes authenticity more of an on-going project instead of something that can be achieved.
Based on these considerations, we define authenticity as “the process of being in a congruous relationship with self, others, and relevant social norms.” Thus defined, we restrict our discussion to authenticity as a concept that can be applied at both the level of the individual as well as at the level of the collective (community and population). In this paper, we first briefly review Lehman et al.’s (2019) view of authenticity as consistency, conformity, and connection (henceforth, “3C-view” of authenticity). Then, we propose the addition of a fourth C, continuity (4C-view). Next, we explore and propose congruence as the essence of authenticity. Finally, we discuss advantages and disadvantages of our proposal.
Lehman et al. (2019) tackle the problem of multiple interpretability of the term “authenticity.” The paper appeared in Academy of Management Annals and is, therefore, written from an economics and management perspective. In this section, we outline their discussion and argument step-by-step.
The authors’ 3C-View emerges from three guiding questions that address the referent, the target, and the audience of authenticity. First, they argue that in order to capture the meaning of authenticity one has to know who or what is the reference point to assess authenticity, which can be either inside (i.e., the entity itself) or outside of the entity (e.g., social category) that is judged. Second, the meaning of authenticity also depends on who or what the judgment of authenticity is directed to, meaning who or what the entity in itself is (e.g., individuals, organizations, brands, and objects etc.). Lastly, the audience that makes the authenticity judgment should be considered, and whether the audience is congruent with the entity (e.g., the self) or different (e.g., consumers judging authenticity of a product). The concept of authenticity as consistency was derived from classical philosophical works by the ancient Greeks and the existentialist movement (see Lehman et al., 2019 ). Here, the referent and target are the same (i.e., the entity) and hence authenticity is judged by the congruous relationship between external characteristic and internal representations of values and beliefs of the entity. An entity is primarily considered an individual in this conceptualization. The audience that judges on the congruence can be congruent with the entity (i.e., the alignment of an individual’s internal representations with his/her behavior leads to a feeling of authenticity or inauthenticity) or different (i.e., the perception of someone’s behavior being aligned with his/her assumed inner representations). However, in both cases the interpretative nature of authenticity is very subjective, as internal representations cannot be measured objectively, but are rather dependent on subjective feelings, or estimates from the perceived characteristics. Definitions in this conceptualization of authenticity reflect these two major aspects for alignment: the understanding of one’s true self (i.e., internal representation) and behaving and interacting accordingly (i.e., external characteristics; e.g., Goldman and Kernis, 2002 ; Harter, 2002 ; Kernis and Goldman, 2005 , 2006 ; Wood et al., 2008 ). This conceptualization is informed by research themes around self-concept ( Kraus et al., 2011 ), self-representation ( Walumbwa et al., 2008 ; Hochschild, 2012 ) and organizational as well as brand identity ( Beverland, 2005 ; Hatch and Schultz, 2017 ; Lehman et al., 2019 ).
Understanding the meaning of authenticity as conformity is embedded in cognitive psychology on schemas and work in sociology on institutional categories (for a brief overview see Lehman et al., 2019 ). Here, the referent lies outside of the entity (i.e., the social category). The target of the authenticity judgment, i.e., the entity, is either an individual (e.g., a musician creates music that is congruous with their genre; a leader with a specific leadership style and their actions are congruous with expectations of that category) or an object (e.g., a restaurant that serves cuisine that is congruous with the restaurant’s theme). Thus, authenticity is assessed by the congruous relationship between the entity and the social category that serves as a referent. The audience that judges on the congruence can be the entity itself or outside of the entity using categories and classifications to locate and evaluate authenticity. They can even act jointly to determine how authentic an entity is (e.g., people rate authenticity of a restaurant by evaluating who dines at that restaurant). As referent and target can both be captured objectively, the interpretative nature is much more objective than in the previous evaluation of authenticity. Yet, according to the authors, it still has subjective elements, as humans define and perceive social categories, and therefore there are some variabilities depending on the audience. In this conceptualization, the referent is dynamic as it is defined by members of the specific category, as they determine the norms and expectations the entity is subject to. Therefore, authenticity is subject to change according to the evolvement of a social category. Authenticity thus conceived “… reflects a concern with correct classification” (Davies, 2001, p. 203; citation in Lehman et al., 2019 , p. 14). This conceptualization of authenticity is informed by research themes around category membership ( Kovács et al., 2014 ) and reinterpretation ( Negro et al., 2011 ; Lehman et al., 2019 ).
The last conceptualization according to the 3C-view is authenticity as a connection , which is derived from work both in psychological essentialism and semiotics ( Lehman et al., 2019 ). Here, the referent is outside of the entity and is identified as a point of connection to a specific origin (i.e., person, place, or time). The target of the authenticity is mainly considered an object (e.g., artwork, clothing, and jewelry). Authenticity is judged by the congruence of the entity and the spatial and/or temporal distance to a specific outside criterion. The audience that judges the authenticity is equally outside of the entity and either relies on expert knowledge (e.g., an authentic Picasso painting is defined by certain criteria) or is the expert in itself (e.g., a connoisseur), which in turn makes the interpretation of authenticity highly objective. This conceptualization is informed by research themes around provenance ( Dutton, 2003 ), transference ( Grayson and Martinec, 2004 ) and symbolism ( Leigh, 2006 ; see also Lehman et al., 2019 for an in depth review).
While the 3C-view reflects the complexity of authenticity, it does not capture the developmental aspect of authenticity. Thus, we propose a fourth “C”: authenticity as continuity . This view takes a process perspective : it captures the developmental process of authenticity. This perspective goes hand in hand with the remarks on authenticity of Peterson (2005) who characterized the term “authenticity work,” stating that individuals continuously work on appearing and remaining authentic and thus derived that authenticity “[…] is subject to continual change” ( Peterson, 2005 , p. 1086). Moreover, Koole and Kuhl (2003) hold that a chronic fixation (i.e., being static in authenticity) is rather suboptimal, as a dynamic change in affect and temporary alienation are relevant to allow for self-development and “optimal functioning sometimes requires active suppression of the authentic self […]” ( Koole and Kuhl, 2003 , p. 46). We think that the study of the variability of authenticity expressions over time, both intra-and inter-individually, will be as relevant to personality psychology research as is the variability of other behavioral characteristics. In particular, conceiving of expressions of authenticity as density distributions over time ( Fleeson, 2001 ) might be one fruitful way of looking at the continuity dimension of authenticity.
Several considerations are important when thinking of authenticity as continuity. First , authenticity is established through repeated self-assessment. An individual has to continuously evaluate whether he/she considers himself/herself being authentic or not. This involves constantly seeking “one’s truth of […] feelings and desires” ( Krause, 2017 , p. 5f) and reflecting critically on them in order to evolve authentically. Second , in a process, change abounds. Therefore, there are no characteristics of authenticity that are constantly fixed. Everything moves and is always subject to change. This requires the ongoing evaluation and re-evaluation of these ever-changing characteristics with the question in mind whether they fit the then current perception of authenticity. This resonates with the reflections of education researcher Pauline E. Leonard, who wrote about navigating the road of authenticity that “[b]ecoming authentic is a process, a journey, not an end in itself; it is an inner and outer journey and requires a continual examination of one’s multiple identities within the context of the communities in which one lives, works, and interacts” ( Leonard, 2005 , p. 7f). Third , with each change, the question comes up whether the continuity of authenticity is interrupted. It is difficult, but not impossible, to define breakage points where someone considers himself/herself authentic before and non-authentic after such point if the characteristics of authenticity are constantly changing. For example, traumatic events may cause an interruption in authenticity. Quade et al. (2019) examined in a qualitative study about scapegoating – a term that describes actively deflecting the blame received for one’s own failures by blaming others – how this traumatic event left it challenging for female leaders to remain authentic. In their qualitative study, all participants experienced an incongruence between their self-image and the image their audience had of them ( Quade et al., 2019 ). Fourth , every process has a beginning and an end. It seems clear that the authenticity process does not begin at birth due to the intellectual requirements of the person to self-evaluate. The endpoint of the process is hard to determine and is probably only individually defined, perhaps just like all of the process. One could argue that certain illnesses, such as dementia, can lead to an assessment of an endpoint, whereas authenticity is no longer experienced or perceived. Yet as the mental state of people with dementia is fluctuating, it could be considered more as a fading of authenticity rather than an actual end point of authenticity (see also Holm, 2001 ).
The concept of authenticity as continuity can be viewed in light of the work of modern philosophers, such as Parfit (1984) , who addressed moral, personal identity, and normative ethics. In keeping with our outline of the 3 C’s, we apply to the 4th C (authenticity as continuity) the same three guiding questions, considering the referent, the target, and the audience of authenticity. Here, the referent is considered the feature of development over time (e.g., typical development). The target of the identity judgment, i.e., the entity, is mostly considered an individual but can also be an object (e.g., a company), a community, or even a population. Therefore, authenticity is assessed by the congruous relationship between the entity and the feature of development over time that serves as a referent. The audience that judges on the congruence can be the entity itself or reside outside of the entity, who either rely on expert knowledge on features of development or the “gut feeling” of how oneself or others stay true to their path of development. While the former can be considered rather objective, the latter is very subjective since internal representations cannot be measured objectively, but are rather dependent on subjective feelings, or on inferences based on perceived characteristics. This conceptualization is informed by research themes that revolve around personality development, subjective sense of self, and individual values ( Kuhl, 2001 , 2020 ; Newman, 2019 ; Urminsky and Bartels, 2019 ).
Taken together, our extension of Lehman’s 3C-view of authenticity provides a comprehensive model of authenticity, henceforth called 4C-Model of authenticity ( Table 1 ). The 4C-model allows for a more complete, inclusive, and integrated understanding of authenticity. Moreover, the model reveals interesting relations among the different characteristics of authenticity.
Table 1 . The 3-Cs proposed by Lehman et al. (2019) and the fourth C proposed in this paper.
All four Cs are relational in that they either relate different kinds of characteristics of one individual or entity to each other (C1, C4) or characteristics of an individual or entity to something external (C2, C3; Figure 1 ). All four Cs are arranged so that these two axes of authenticity relations self-self (green) and self-world (red) form the diagonals (1,4) and (2,3), respectively. What all four kinds of relationship have in common is that the relation is congruous.
Figure 1 . The 4-C model of authenticity with personal axis (green diagonal) and social axis (red diagonal) displayed in juxtaposition.
In this section we explicate what we mean when we use the term congruence in our present context. We also outline why we think that congruence is the essence of authenticity .
The Latin origin of the word, congruere , means to come together , to fit in , to correspond , or to agree . We see things or aspects as congruous or congruent when we see fit . When characteristics that form or represent the relata of C–relationships go well together , we consider them congruous. What does that mean, to go well together? Let us consider a few examples pertinent to C1, consistency.
First, it should be possible to assess (evaluate) the relata and their relationship. We cannot establish congruence if we cannot make up our mind about the meaning of relata in and of themselves, as well as for each other. In terms of consistency (C1), what are we talking about when we talk about external features and internal values? We need to define what counts as external and internal value. We also need to explicate what external feature and internal values we are talking about.
Second, the relata have to be mutually relevant. For example, the relationship between external characteristics and internal values in C1 should have mutually relevant relata if, for example, a person behaves in a friendly and peaceful manner and his/her values include a devotion to non-violence. It makes less sense to attempt to establish a relation between peaceful behavior and the part of a person’s value system that embraces family values. Congruence can be evaluated in the former, but not the latter case. We can say that friendly behavior and a non-violent stance are congruent, and that aggressive behavior and a non-violent stance are incongruent. But we cannot say that friendliness and family values are necessarily congruent. On the other hand, aggressive behavior and family values are not entirely incongruent.
Third, and most obviously, the relata have to support each other in a justificatory, explanatory, or even causal way, at least in one, sometimes in both directions. A non-violent stance causes peaceful behavior, which in turn supports a non-violent stance. Anti-racist values explain inclusive behaviors, which in turn nurture an anti-racist value system.
Fourth, the relata should not contradict each other. Supporting the death penalty and insisting on keeping the 10 Commandments as an important component of one’s value system is a contradiction. Only if relata stand in a non-contradictory relationship with each other can we consider them congruous.
In sum, we see congruence as referring to a self-self or self-world relationship in which relata are assessable, mutually relevant and supportive, and non-contradictory. Based on our definition of congruence and our discussion of the 4 C’s we believe that congruence is a formidable candidate for the common denominator of all four Cs and, therefore, for representing the essence of authenticity.
In this paper, we have discussed Lehman’s 3C view of authenticity and expanded it by adding a fourth C, continuity. This modification emphasizes our view that authenticity is not static, but a process. This process perspective is based on the assumption that authenticity is subject to change, requires continuous work, and can thus be characterized as a developmental process.
Moreover, we have proposed that congruence may be the essence of authenticity. All four Cs require congruent relationships between internal and external aspects and, together, represent a proposed 4C model of authenticity.
Rogers uses the terms “congruence” and “incongruence” to delineate the difference between individuals who live an authentic life (congruence) at least in part due to receiving positive regard and those who cannot (incongruence) and who develop defense mechanisms ( Rogers, 1951 ). According to Rogers’ concept of an “organismic valuing process,” a person has an inborn capability to estimate what kinds of changes will be good for them in terms of being conducive to their strive towards such lived congruence. Sheldon and colleagues have put that theory to the test and performed a study to see “how people change their minds over time about what goals and values to pursue” ( Sheldon et al., 2003 , p. 837). Their results suggest that individuals shift towards intrinsic more than extrinsic goals, which supports the hypothesis that subjective well-being plays a greater role in such changes than, e.g., social desirability. These results provide an illustration of the developmental process we aim to capture with our fourth C, continuity. They also suggest that Lehman et al.’s consistency might be a stronger motivation for such developmental change than conformity.
Among the many possible repercussions of inauthenticity appears to be that experiencing inauthenticity can come as a threat to one’s moral self-concept ( Gino et al., 2015 ). Gino and colleagues have offered the explanation that inauthenticity and dishonesty share similar roots in that both are a “violation of being true, whether to others or oneself” (p. 984). Feelings of impurity in the context of inauthenticity could be explained by a spillover effect, because dishonesty is not socially accepted, while inauthenticity is. However, experiencing inauthenticity (i.e., incongruence) is a vital aspect for the process perspective of authenticity, as incongruence allows for continuous re-evaluation, and hence offers opportunities for development ( Kuhl, 2020 ).
How does our 4C-model of authenticity fit with existing categorization schemes? Newman recently lamented the “lack of definitional clarity [which is] due in part to the diversity of contexts in which authenticity is studied” ( Newman, 2019 , p. 8). In response to this perceived heterogeneity of definitions, Newman proposes three broad categories, i.e., historical, categorical, and values authenticity. The first two apply mainly to objects (e.g., pieces of art or types of food, resp.) Only the third appears to be applicable to individuals in that it refers to “the consistency between an entity’s internal states and its external expressions” ( Newman, 2019 , p. 10). This definition maps directly onto Lehman et al.’s first dimension of authenticity. Both Lehman et al.’s three and our fourth dimension should not be viewed as mutually exclusive categories, but as viewpoints or lenses through which the different kinds of authenticity can be studied.
We wish to emphasize that we developed our 4C-model of authenticity in the context of models of the self. In other words, we refer to authenticity (in the present context) as a characteristic of the self and its development. Our goal is not to contribute to the debate about what authenticity is in general , but to expand the list of characteristics of authenticity in the particular context of concepts of the self and the development of the self. When Newman writes about the “psychology of authenticity,” his focus is on what he calls “lenses” or “dimensions of consideration” ( Newman, 2019 , p. 10). His lenses (historical, categorical, and value) are not characteristics or dimensions of authenticity, but of the ways how authenticity is established in different contexts.
Carroll views authenticity as “an attribution – nothing more, nothing less” ( Carroll, 2015 , p. 3). He claims that “[i]n modern society, authenticity is often socially constructed,” and is thereby “culturally contingent and historically situated” ( Carroll, 2015 , p. 3) He contrasts this kind of socially constructed authenticity with Dutton’s nominal authenticity , e.g., the kind of authenticity attributed to an original painting or historically authentic piece of clothing ( Dutton, 2003 ), the authenticity of which can usually be “objectively and definitively evaluated”( Carroll, 2015 , p. 4). It remains to be explored whether the individual authenticity (the authentic self) we discuss in this paper is a kind of nominal authenticity that can be evaluated, but only subjectively, or if it is culturally contingent, or both.
Given that we have developed our model in the area of personality psychology, we do not see it as representing a different category, but as an additional dimension that, together with Lehman et al.’s three Cs, applies mainly to Newman’s category of values authenticity. We hope that our model will be helpful in further research on authenticity not only in individuals, but perhaps also in communities and populations. Such extension of our model from the realm of personal to social psychology, however, is clearly beyond the scope of this paper.
The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article/supplementary material, further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author.
OD is the primary contributor regarding the proposed 4-C model and its outline. KL contributed to the overall idea and specific topic of this publication. All authors contributed to the writing of article and approved the submitted version.
The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
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Keywords: authenticity, congruence, self, self-development, continuity in self-development
Citation: Dammann O, Friederichs KM, Lebedinski S and Liesenfeld KM (2021) The Essence of Authenticity. Front. Psychol . 11:629654. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2020.629654
Received: 15 November 2020; Accepted: 22 December 2020; Published: 21 January 2021.
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Copyright © 2021 Dammann, Friederichs, Lebedinski and Liesenfeld. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.
*Correspondence: Olaf Dammann, [email protected]
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.header_greentext{color:greenimportant;font-size:24pximportant;font-weight:500important;}.header_bluetext{color:blueimportant;font-size:18pximportant;font-weight:500important;}.header_redtext{color:redimportant;font-size:28pximportant;font-weight:500important;}.header_darkred{color:#803d2fimportant;font-size:28pximportant;font-weight:500important;}.header_purpletext{color:purpleimportant;font-size:31pximportant;font-weight:500important;}.header_yellowtext{color:yellowimportant;font-size:20pximportant;font-weight:500important;}.header_blacktext{color:blackimportant;font-size:22pximportant;font-weight:500important;}.header_whitetext{color:whiteimportant;font-size:22pximportant;font-weight:500important;}.header_darkred{color:#803d2fimportant;}.green_header{color:greenimportant;font-size:24pximportant;font-weight:500important;}.blue_header{color:blueimportant;font-size:18pximportant;font-weight:500important;}.red_header{color:redimportant;font-size:28pximportant;font-weight:500important;}.purple_header{color:purpleimportant;font-size:31pximportant;font-weight:500important;}.yellow_header{color:yellowimportant;font-size:20pximportant;font-weight:500important;}.black_header{color:blackimportant;font-size:22pximportant;font-weight:500important;}.white_header{color:whiteimportant;font-size:22pximportant;font-weight:500important;} what is whole person health.
Whole person health involves looking at the whole person—not just separate organs or body systems—and considering multiple factors that promote either health or disease. It means helping and empowering individuals, families, communities, and populations to improve their health in multiple interconnected biological, behavioral, social, and environmental areas. Instead of just treating a specific disease, whole person health focuses on restoring health, promoting resilience, and preventing diseases across a lifespan.
Health and disease are not separate, disconnected states but instead occur on a path that can move in two different directions, either toward health or toward disease.
On this path, many factors, including one’s biological makeup; some unhealthy behaviors, such as poor diet, sedentary lifestyle, chronic stress, and poor sleep; as well as social aspects of life—the conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work, and age—can lead to chronic diseases of more than one organ system. On the other hand, self-care, lifestyle, and behavioral interventions may help with the return to health.
Chronic diseases, such as diabetes, cardiovascular disease, obesity, and degenerative joint disease, can also occur with chronic pain, depression, and opioid misuse—all conditions exacerbated by chronic stress. Some chronic diseases increase the immediate and long-term risks with COVID-19 infection. Understanding the condition in which a person has lived, addressing behaviors at an early stage, and managing stress can not only prevent multiple diseases but also help restore health and stop the progression to disease across a person’s lifespan.
Some health care systems and programs are now focusing more on whole person health.
The VA’s Whole Health System of Care and Whole Health approach aims to improve the health and well-being of veterans and to address lifestyle and environmental root causes of chronic disease. The approach shifts from a disease-centered focus to a more personalized approach that engages and empowers veterans early in and throughout their lives to prioritize healthy lifestyle changes in areas like nutrition, activity, sleep, relationships, and surroundings. Conventional testing and treatment are combined with complementary and integrative health approaches that may include acupuncture, biofeedback, massage therapy, yoga, and meditation.
The Total Force Fitness program arose within the U.S. Department of Defense Military Health System in response to the need for a more holistic approach—a focus on the whole person instead of separate parts or only symptoms—to the demands of multiple deployments and the strains on the U.S. Armed Forces and their family members. The focus extends the idea of total fitness to include the health, well-being, and resilience of the whole person, family, community, and U.S. military.
Established in 2020, the Whole Health Institute’s Whole Health model helps people identify what matters most to them and build a plan for their journey to whole health. The model provides tools to help people take good care of their body, mind, and spirit, and involves working with a health care team as well as tapping into the support of family, friends, and communities.
The North Carolina Department of Health and Human Services has incorporated a whole person health approach into its health care system by focusing on integrating physical, behavioral, and social health. The state has taken steps to encourage collaborative behavioral health care and help resolve widespread inequities in social conditions, such as housing and nutritious food access.
The Ornish Program for Reversing Heart Disease is an intensive cardiac rehabilitation program that has been shown to reverse the progression of coronary heart disease through lifestyle changes, without drugs or surgery. The program is covered by Medicare and some health insurance companies. The program’s lifestyle changes include exercise, smoking cessation, stress management, social support, and a whole-foods, plant-based diet low in total fat. The program is offered by a team of health care professionals who provide the support that individuals need to make and maintain lasting changes in lifestyle.
A growing body of research suggests the benefits of healthy behaviors, environments, and policies to maintain health and prevent, treat, and reverse chronic diseases. This research includes several large, long-term epidemiological studies—such as the Framingham Heart Study, Nurses’ Health Study, and Adventist Health Studies—that have evaluated the connections between lifestyle, diet, genetics, health, and disease.
There is a lack, however, of randomized controlled trials and other types of research on multicomponent interventions and whole person health. Challenges come with conducting this type of research and with finding appropriate ways to assess the evidence. But opportunities are emerging to explore new paths toward reliable and rigorous research on whole person health.
Yes, NCCIH plans to fund research on whole person health . (Details can be found in the NCCIH Strategic Plan FY 2021–2025: Mapping a Pathway to Research on Whole Person Health . )
By deepening the scientific understanding of the connections that exist across the different areas of human health, researchers can better understand how conditions interrelate, identify multicomponent interventions that address these problems, and determine the best ways to support individuals through the full continuum of their health experience, including the return to health.
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NCCIH thanks Mary Beth Kester, M.S., and Helene M. Langevin, M.D., NCCIH, for their review of this publication.
This publication is not copyrighted and is in the public domain. Duplication is encouraged.
NCCIH has provided this material for your information. It is not intended to substitute for the medical expertise and advice of your health care provider(s). We encourage you to discuss any decisions about treatment or care with your health care provider. The mention of any product, service, or therapy is not an endorsement by NCCIH.
Related Topics
NCCIH Strategic Plan FY 2021–2025 Mapping a Pathway to Research on Whole Person Health
Methodological Approaches for Whole Person Research Workshop
Transforming Veterans’ Health: Implementing a Whole Health System of Care
Complementary, Alternative, or Integrative Health: What’s In a Name?
IMAGES
VIDEO
COMMENTS
First, the authenticity of research can be looked at from various perspectives: Novelty: A study is truly authentic if it has not been done before, addresses a question that has not been asked before, or sets out to bridge pre-existing knowledge gaps. Credibility: This relates to the accuracy of the methods, data, and findings.
Qualitative research can be conducted as an independent, in-depth study generating a new hypothesis or explanatory theory, or it can be carried out as part of a mixed-methods design with greater or lesser emphasis. It has rigor and strategies to enhance research integrity so that its place in knowledge development and scholarship is not lost.
Authenticity as conformity is a congruous relationship between an entity and its social norms. Authenticity as connection is the congruence between an entity and "a person, place, or time as claimed" ( Lehman et al., 2019, p. 3). We deliberately use the terms congruence and congruous in all three definitions because we propose in this paper ...
This study develops a measure of perceived authenticity in science communication and then explores communication strategies to improve the perceived authenticity of a scientific message. The findings are consistent with literature around trust and credibility, but indicate that authenticity—the perception that the scientist is a unique individual with qualities beyond institutional ...
Introduction. This article is the fourth and last in a series of four articles aiming to provide practical guidance for qualitative research. In an introductory paper, we have described the objective, nature and outline of the series [].Part 2 of the series focused on context, research questions and design of qualitative research [], whereas Part 3 concerned sampling, data collection and ...
The Authenticity Criteria (AC) were established by Egon Guba and Yvonne Lincoln in 1989 in order to judge the authenticity of qualitative research and in this chapter, we discuss how we enact the AC in our science education research. These criteria were developed in response to the positivistic assumptions of internal and external validity ...
Qualitative research can help identify facilitators. and barriers to intervention and can assist in the. development of health care policy (Sandelowski &. Leeman, 2012). It helps bring richness ...
Qualitative research explores the intricate details of human behavior, attitudes, and experiences, emphasizing the exploration of nuances and context. Ensuring trustworthiness is crucial in establishing the credibility and reliability of qualitative findings. This includes elements such as credibility, transferability, dependability, and ...
Authenticity and Scientific Integrity in Qualitative Research. minology and published norms. Although there are varying positions on this argument, one concern remains: good science equals credible findings, authentic research, trustworthiness, and ethical integrity. Scholarship in qualitative research de-mands thoughtful attention to good science.
Authenticity criteria are criteria for determining the goodness, reliability, validity, and rigor of qualitative research. They may be contrasted with trustworthiness criteria on foundational grounds. Trustworthiness criteria were developed in response to conventional quantitative and statistical concerns for rigor, including internal validity ...
When interpretations are convergent, research findings are assumed to be credible. 26, 27 One example that demonstrates this, is a study where Kotter's model of change management was used simultaneously with the normalization process theory, a sociological tool, to explore the implementation and sustainability of medication reviews in older ...
A framing of authenticity in research-based learning. In the context of research-based learning (hereafter RBL) Wald and Harland (Citation 2017) proposed a theoretically informed and practice-oriented framework for authenticity stating that 'the authentic model of teaching through research should promote students' sense of ownership over the research, which is achieved by entrusting them ...
I discuss the implications of these findings for authenticity research and practice in psychology, marketing, management, and sociology. Get full access to this article. View all access and purchase options for this article. Get Access. Appendices. Appendix. Words and expressions mentioned at least 3 times in the survey responses.
Research on authenticity is mainly qualitative and interpretive (e.g., Beverland, 2005a; Beverland & Luxton; Gundlach and Neville) and there is a need for quantitative studies and the development of generalizable measures of perceived authenticity. Given that authenticity is an emergent and in fieri notion whose meaning changes over time and ...
Conceptualization of the mixed methods study. In order to gain a deeper understanding of students' learning through authentic experimenting in a non-formal learning setting and their perceptions of authentic research, we conducted a mixed methods study (Johnson et al., 2007).We used a (convergent) parallel design for our study as both qualitative and quantitative methods are performed ...
1. Introduction. The idea of finding and expressing one's true nature, or being authentic, has been exalted through the ages by philosophers, social theorists, and psychologists alike (Robinson et al., 2012).The converse, denying and subjugating one's real identity, or being inauthentic, is portrayed in a more negative light (Nehamas, 1999).This consensus of attitudes toward authenticity and ...
As the term is typically used, authenticity refers to the degree to which a particular behavior is congruent with a person's attitudes, beliefs, values, motives, and other dispositions. However, researchers disagree regarding the best way to conceptualize and measure authenticity, whether being authentic is always desirable, why people are motivated to be authentic, and the nature of the ...
Authenticity is increasingly touted as a key feature of assessment designs that promote learning in higher education (HE), though its reference point is rarely learning itself. ... The effects of choice on intrinsic motivation and related outcomes: A meta-analysis of research findings. Psychological Bulletin 134, no. 2: ...
Fanti, a professor of mechanical and thermal measurements, is the author of numerous works on the Shroud over 25 years, and is convinced of its authenticity. The Shroud is a handmade twill linen cloth measuring 4.4 by 1.1 metres which contains the image of the front and back of a man, most clearly revealed in a photographic negative taken in 1898.
The time from the late 1990s to the present has been called the age of authenticity 1,2.Self-help books, magazine articles, TV shows and blogs extol the virtues of authenticity and proffer tips on ...
Accordingly, in this chapter, we review and develop theory and empirical research about how targeted entities (producers, persons, products, services), audiences and third parties combine to produce authenticity. For targets, we examine the range of actions and structures of various entities that have been empirically associated with authenticity.
Although authenticity is often studied as a trait or individual difference, we review research demonstrating that authenticity varies within individuals and predicts variations in well-being. Next, we show that perceiving autonomy support within a relational context is associated with people feeling more authentic and more like their ideal ...
In humanistic psychology, authenticity is seen as crucial for well-being, and a lack of authenticity can result in psychopathology. According to Alex Wood (who is known for studying positive psychology) and his colleagues, authenticity has three components. The first component, self-alienation, refers to whether someone feels like they know and ...
Defining and measuring the characteristic has proven challenging, but ongoing research aims to pin down the components of authenticity and discover its connections to self-esteem, goal-achievement ...
Authenticity as conformity is a congruous relationship between an entity and its social norms. Authenticity as connection is the congruence between an entity and "a person, place, or time as claimed" ... This conceptualization of authenticity is informed by research themes around category membership (Kovács et al., 2014) and ...
The North Carolina Department of Health and Human Services has incorporated a whole person health approach into its health care system by focusing on integrating physical, behavioral, and social health. ... Challenges come with conducting this type of research and with finding appropriate ways to assess the evidence. But opportunities are ...
Background Authentic leadership controls quality care and the safety of patients and healthcare professionals, especially nurses. Aim This study examined the influence of nurses' authentic ...
After facing a 50% share slump since short seller Culper Research publicly doubted the company's Bitcoin mining profitability and the feasibility of its AI expansion, Iris Energy (IREN ...