forensic psychology case study essay

Five Famous Cases Cracked by Forensic Psychologists

• Published December 1, 2016
• Last Updated May 19, 2021
• Read Time 3 mins

An understanding of the criminal mind is one of the most useful tools in solving crimes, which becomes apparent in these five famous cases cracked by forensic psychologists. Although techniques are becoming more sophisticated every year, forensic psychology has a long and storied history.

1. Ted Bundy

A psychologist could spend a lifetime examining the twisted mind of Ted Bundy, one of America’s most notorious and charismatic killers. Luckily, several forensic psychologists used their expertise to crack this famous case. Over time, Ted Bundy’s brutal attacks and killings became less careful and more frequent. Their psychological profile, which benefited greatly from a former girlfriend’s information, eventually ended the nationwide manhunt for Bundy and even linked him to other unsolved murders.

2. John Wayne Gacy

Although complaints and suspicions from neighbors were ultimately what ended “killer clown” John Wayne Gacy’s shocking killing spree, forensic psychologists ensured that the culprit in this famous case didn’t go free on a bogus insanity plea. Through a series of interviews, psychologists on the case were able to determine that Gacy’s murders involved premeditation and a detailed plan to hide his victims bodies. Without forensic psychologists assistance in this case, traumatized families may have never experienced the satisfaction of seeing Gacy punished for his crimes.

3. Explosions at Radio City Music Hall

An ongoing series of bombings at New York City’s famed Radio City Music Hall is an intriguing case that’s often forgotten these days. This case, which involved more than a dozen explosions between 1940 and 1950, proved so problematic for police that it was one of the inspirations for the development of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Psychologist James Brussel was able to determine that due to the intricacy and knowledge of the explosive devices, the bomber was almost definitely an engineer, most likely at Con Edison. This profile directed the police towards George Metesky. The remarkable accuracy and efficacy of the forensic psychologist’s profile increased the demand for these experts across the nation.

4. Aileen Wuornos

The case of serial killer Aileen Wuornos, who you might know as the inspiration for Charlize Theron’s mesmerizing performance in “Monster,” may have never been solved without a famous use of forensic psychology. Psychologists were able to determine a consistent motivation for Wuorno’s killings–her intense fear of losing her relationship with her long-time partner Tyria Moore. This profile proved to be incredibly accurate when each of Wuornos’s killings was later linked to rocky periods and short-term separations between the lovers.

5. Andrei Chikatilo

Andrei Chikatilo’s reign of terror had Russian police mystified for more than two decades, until it became one of these famous cases cracked by forensic psychologists. To date, Chikatilo has been linked with the murders of 53 Russian women and children. Growing frustrated with the lack of promising leads, Viktor Burakov, the case’s chief investigator decided to employ a new method. He enlisted Dr. Alexander Bukhanovsky’s help in compiling a psychological profile for the killer. This information proved invaluable in narrowing down their list of suspects down to Chikatilo himself, who confessed to his horrific crimes in 1990.

The Ongoing Importance of Forensic Psychology

Although many people probably think of Clarice Starling in the movie “Silence of the Lambs,” when they think of forensic psychology, it’s not just a plot device in a movie. The real-life psychological profiles from these five famous cases that were cracked by forensic psychologists were the difference between letting a case go cold and capturing a criminal.

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Deb Gajic, CPsychol

Team Leader Examiner (A-Level Psychology)

B.A. (Hons), Social Sciences, Msc, Psychology

Deb Gajic is an experienced educational consultant with a robust history in the education and training field. She brings expertise in Psychology, Training, CPD Provision, Writing, Examining, Tutoring, Coaching, Lecturing, Educational Technology, and Curriculum Development. She holds a Master of Science (MSc) in Psychology from The Open University, a PGCE from Leicester University, and a BA (Hons) 2:1 from Warwick University. She is a Chartered Psychologist (CPsychol) and an Associate Fellow of the British Psychological Society (AFBPsS).

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Saul Mcleod, PhD

Editor-in-Chief for Simply Psychology

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MRes, PhD, University of Manchester

Saul Mcleod, PhD., is a qualified psychology teacher with over 18 years of experience in further and higher education. He has been published in peer-reviewed journals, including the Journal of Clinical Psychology.

On This Page:

What do the examiners look for?

• Accurate and detailed knowledge
• Clear, coherent, and focused answers
• Effective use of terminology (use the “technical terms”)

In application questions, examiners look for “effective application to the scenario,” which means that you need to describe the theory and explain the scenario using the theory making the links between the two very clear.

If there is more than one individual in the scenario, you must mention all of the characters to get to the top band.

Difference between AS and A level answers

The descriptions follow the same criteria; however, you have to use the issues and debates effectively in your answers. “Effectively” means that it needs to be clearly linked and explained in the context of the answer.

Read the model answers to get a clearer idea of what is needed.

Exam Advice:

You MUST revise everything – because the exam board could choose any question. However, it does make sense to spend more time on those topics which have not appeared for a while.

With these particular questions, there is a sizeable risk that people don’t understand the difference between the questions and then write about the wrong thing.

Make sure you know which is which; for example, do you understand the difference between “Genetic explanations” and “Neural and hormonal explanations,” and do you have a model essay for each?

Problems in Defining Crime

• Deviance involves breaking society’s norms and values

• Crime involves breaking a law

What is considered a crime and how that act is dealt with varies considerably from culture to culture?

Almost all research in forensic psychology can be considered ethnocentric as it is only relevant to the culture where the research was carried out.

For example, bigamy is illegal in the UK but not in all cultures. The age of criminal responsibility is 10 in England & Wales, but 8 in Scotland (being raised to 12) and 14 in most other European countries.

Definitions of crime change over time. For example, a parent’s right to smack their own child was outlawed in 2004. Homosexuality became legal in Britain in 1967.

A02 Scenario Question

In the UK, it is against the law to have more than one wife or husband at the same time. Smacking children was not illegal before 2004 in the UK, but now it can be a criminal offense.

1) Referring to the statements above, explain two problems in defining crime. [4 marks]

It is difficult to define crime because definitions of crime are culturally specific. Whilst it is illegal to practice polygamy in the UK, it is not illegal in some other countries.

A further issue is that definitions of crime change over time, for example, it was perfectly legal to smack your child in the UK before 2004, but now it is against the law, and public attitudes and perceptions have also changed.

Ways of Measuring Crime: Official Statistics

• Official Statistics are government records of all recorded crime in the previous year, based on police reports. They are published by the Home Office annually.

Official statistics lack validity as not all crime is reported or recorded by the police. For example, domestic violence against men is an under-reported crime.

They may also lack reliability as there are differences between police forces about which crimes are recorded, for example, some police forces do not record theft if the value is less than £10.

Also, they only count the number of criminal acts rather than the number of criminals, so the overall picture might be misleading. It could be that relatively few criminals are responsible for the majority of crime in an area.

Ways of Measuring Crime: Victim Surveys

Victim Surveys such as the Crime Survey for England and Wales selects 50,000 households randomly and asks them to document any crimes they have been a victim of in the past year.

Respondents may get years mixed up and report a crime happening in that year when in fact, it was the year before. This is known as telescoping.

Furthermore, some people may be unaware that they have been a victim of crime, e.g., thefts of garden sheds may only be discovered months later or assumed that the item is misplaced, not stolen.

However, victim surveys could be higher in validity than official statistics as victims are more likely to report trivial offenses in these surveys, things they wouldn’t go to the police with, as they might think it a waste of time.

Ways of Measuring Crime: Offender Surveys

• Offender Surveys involve Individuals volunteering the number and types of crimes they have committed.

• These tend to target groups of likely offenders based on ‘risk’ factors such as previous convictions, age, social background, etc.

• The Offender Crime and Justice Survey was the first self-report survey of its kind in England and Wales.

These obviously lack validity as offenders are unlikely to be truthful about the real extent of their own criminality. It may also be that they can’t accurately remember how many crimes they have committed and exactly when they took place.

All methods to measure crime are hampered by what is known as the dark figure of crime. As all the methods used to measure crime have issues with reliability and validity, a better approach might be to take a multidisciplinary approach and combine all three methods to get the best possible picture of the extent of crime in England & Wales in any year.

General Criticisms of Measuring Crime

Essay question.

Describe & evaluate ways of measuring crime. Refer to evidence and/or published examples in your answer (16 Marks)

Plan (16 marks – 20 minutes – 400-500 words)

• A01: – Official Statistics
• A03: – Police don’t record all crimes (Why?)
• All crimes are not reported (Why?)
• A01: – Victim Surveys
• A03: – Issues with memory (was it this year!) Victims might not report a crime (Why?)
• A01: – Offender Surveys
• A03: – Validity, social desirability, demand characteristics. Why wouldn’t offenders tell the truth?
• Conclusion: – Dark figure of crime. True picture through triangulation of all ways of measuring crime

Offender Profiling

When police have very little evidence to go on, they will sometimes enlist the help of a forensic psychologist. The forensic psychologist will use prior knowledge, and evidence gathered from the scene to build an offender profile.

An offender profile outlines the type of person likely to have committed the crime. It is based on prior experiences and uses computer databases to analyze what is already known. Offender profiles are only as good as the information provided to the profiler.

They should be regarded as one tool amongst many to be used by the police.

Top Down – The FBI Approach

• The phrase top-down refers to an approach that starts with the big picture and then fills in the details. The Top Down FBI approach relies on previous experiences of crimes.

• In the 1970s, the FBIs Behavioral Science Unit gathered data from 36 sexually motivated serial killers, including Charles Manson & Ted Bundy, to develop this approach to Offender Profiling.

• In 1980, Hazelwood and Douglas published their account of the ‘lust murderer.’ They advanced a theory that lust murderers are mainly categorized into two types: – Organised and disorganized. This is an example of a top-down typology.

• An organized  offender leads an ordered life and kills after some sort of critical life event. Their actions are premeditated and planned, they are likely to bring weapons and restraints to the scene. They are likely to be of average to high intelligence and employed.

• A disorganized  offender is more likely to have committed the crime in a moment of passion. There will be no evidence of premeditation, and they are more likely to leave evidence, such as blood, semen, murder weapon, etc., behind. This type of offender is thought to be less socially competent and more likely to be unemployed.

Top-down profiling is reductionist, as the classification system (organized/disorganized) is too simple. Offenders are not simply either disorganized or organized. It may be that there are both organized and disorganized features to all their crimes. An offender may start off being disorganized and become more organized as they develop their modus operandi.

Top Down typology can only be applied to sexually motivated serial killers; because of the limitations of the original sample that they interviewed: – sexually motivated serial killers!).

Alison et al. (2002) argue that this approach is based on outdated theories of personality being stable. External, situational factors can be a major influence on offending, and they are constantly changing.

Bottom-up – The British Approach

• A bottom-up approach that starts with small details and creates the big picture. No initial assumptions are made about the offender, and the approach relies heavily on computer databases. It can be the little details that are often overlooked that can be crucial to the success of a case.

• Canter (1990) is the UK’s foremost profiling expert; his bottom-up approach looks for consistencies in offenders’ behavior during the crime. Canter’s most famous case is that of the ‘Railway Rapist’ John Duffy.

• John Duffy carried out 24 sexual attacks and 3 murders of women near railway stations in North London in the 1980s. David Canter analyzed the geographical details and the evidence and drew up a surprisingly accurate profile. However, it should be noted that the profile didn’t directly lead to John Duffy’s arrest.

Bottom-up has wider applications; it can be applied to other crimes, not just sexually motivated serial killers like top-down.

Profiles can be useful, but police must be careful not to be blinded to other possibilities by them. Occasionally criminals do not fit the profile. Overuse could lead to miscarriages of justice. E.g., Paul Britton’s misleading profile in the hunt for the killer of Rachel Nickell.

Investigative Psychology

• Using computer databases and a program called Smallest Space Analysis, patterns are identified, and it is possible to see if a series of offenses are linked.

• Central to this approach is the concept of interpersonal coherence. This means the behavior of the offender at the time of the crime will be comparable to what they’re like in everyday life. Degrees of violence used in serious crimes, especially rape, may reflect how the criminal treats other women in his non-criminal life.

Evidence supports investigative psychology. Canter & Heritage (1990) analyzed 66 sexual assault cases using Smallest Space Analysis and identified clear common patterns of behavior.

The use of computer databases and Smallest Space Analysis makes this approach much more scientific than top-down typologies.

Geographical Profiling

• Geographical Profiling is used to make inferences about where an offender is likely to live. This is also known as crime mapping.

• Canter’s Circle theory (1993) proposed two models of offender behavior. Offenders are classified as either marauders (who commit crimes close to home) or commuters (who travel away from home to offend).

• It is called circle theory as most offenders (marauders) do operate in an area they are familiar with, and their crimes form a circle around their usual residence.

• It is more difficult to geographically profile commuters, although when investigators were looking at the disappearance and murder of 4 young girls from different and seemingly unrelated areas of Britain in the 1980s, the dumping of the bodies in laybys next to major A roads (including Twycross, just up the road) led to a breakthrough. It was realized that his likely occupation was delivery driver, giving him access to a van/lorry for easy transportation and leading to him ‘commuting’ all over the country, traveling along A roads.

Evidence supports geographical profiling. Lundrigan & Canter (2001) collated evidence from 120 murder cases and found that the offender’s home base was invariably located in the center of the crime scene pattern.

Essay Questions

Discuss the top-down approach to offender profiling. Refer to evidence in your answer (16 marks).

Discuss the bottom-up approach to offender profiling. Refer to evidence in your answer (16 marks)

Discuss investigative psychology and/or geographical offender profiling. Refer to evidence in your answer (16 marks)

Biological explanations of crime

Atavistic form.

• Lombroso’s (1876) theory of Criminology suggests that criminality is inherited and that someone “born criminal” could be identified by the way they look.

• He suggested that there was a distinct biological class of people that were prone to criminality. These people exhibited ‘atavistic’ (i.e., primitive) features.

• Lombroso suggested that they were ‘throwbacks’ who had biological characteristics from an earlier stage of human development that manifested as a tendency to commit crimes. Lombroso claimed that criminal types were distinguishable from the general population because they looked different.

• In a study of 383 dead Italian criminals and 3839 living ones, he found 40% of them had atavistic characteristics.

• These features include: – large jaw, forward projection of jaw, low sloping foreheads, high cheekbones, flattened or upturned nose, handle-shaped ears, large chins, very prominent in appearance, hawk-like noses or fleshy lips, hard shifty eyes, scanty beard or baldness, insensitivity to pain, long arms and tattoos!

These early theories seem ridiculous to us now, but they did represent the beginning of offender profiling and modern forensic science. Lombroso did also champion the use of the scientific method by using an evidence-based approach to research, doing hundreds of observations and measurements.

However, Lombroso did not have a control group of non-criminals, so it could just have been that those characteristics are common in the general population.

Lombroso has been accused of scientific racism; some of the characteristics he identified are more prevalent in certain racial groups.

However, this is still an issue today. Eberhardt found that stereotypically ‘black’ looking men were much more likely to get the death penalty in the USA than those who were less stereotypically black looking, even if they had committed very similar offenses!

The physical differences Lombroso discovered were much more likely to be the result of other factors such as poverty, poor diet, illness, and disease.

Goring (1913) did find evidence that criminals tended to have lower-than-average intelligence. But, this may mean crime is due to a lack of education rather than any biological factors.

Lombroso’s theory lacks temporal validity. It is a child of its time when eugenic theories were very popular.

Neural Explanations of Offending behavior

• Adrian Raine of the University of Southern California has conducted research using PET scanning and found abnormalities in some parts of the brain in violent criminals.

• Most of the criminals in these studies have been diagnosed with Antisocial Personality Disorder (APD). Raine has discovered that these individuals have reduced activity in the prefrontal cortex of the brain, the part of the brain that regulates emotional behavior. Put simply, they find it difficult to control their impulses and do not suffer from guilt or remorse.

• Raine studied 41 violent offenders and compared the activity in their prefrontal cortex to 41 non-criminals (including six schizophrenics) using PET scans. The violent offenders showed significantly less activity in the prefrontal lobe than the other participants suggesting less control over impulsive behavior.

• The prefrontal lobe develops relatively late, sometimes not fully developed until the early 20s and later in males. This may explain the peak in antisocial behavior by male teenagers!

Not every criminal has APD or an abnormal brain structure. These theories can only explain a small minority of extreme cases. Everybody has free will. We choose whether or not to break the law.

+ Use of scientific method and scientific equipment, e.g., PET scans.

Explaining crime simply through brain structure is very reductionist. Crime is complex, and the reasons for people turning to crime are many and varied.

A good example of these criticisms is the case of Jim Fallon: – Professor of Psychiatry at the University of California, Irvine. Jim Fallon has the brain of a serial killer – Low activity prefrontal cortex and the defective version of the MAOA gene.

BUT he is not a serial killer! Something he attributes to his fabulous childhood and supportive family. A case of nurture triumphing over nature.

Genetic explanations of Offender behavior

• Price (1966) suggested that males with an extra Y chromosome XYY ‘supermale’ were predisposed towards violent crime. Individuals with XYY are above-average height and below-average intelligence. It might be the latter characteristic (Low intelligence) that accounts for their over-representation in prison populations.
• Christiansen (1977) looked at 3586 twin pairs in Denmark. A 52% concordance rate for criminality was found for monozygotic (identical) twins, compared to just 22% for dizygotic (non-identical) twins.
• However, we must remember the effects of shared upbringing, and if crime really was genetic, we would expect a 100% concordance rate for monozygotic twins as they share 100% of their genes.
• Brunner studied a genetic abnormality commonly known as the ‘warrior gene’ as it is associated with excessively violent and aggressive behavior, which may lead to crime. This mutation/abnormality on the X chromosome leads to increased levels of MAOA. As MAOA removes the neurotransmitters serotonin , dopamine , and noradrenaline, this leads to lower levels of these neurotransmitters, which can then lead to behavioral problems.
• Reduced levels of dopamine and noradrenaline cause problems with inappropriate violent and sexual behavior. The impaired metabolism of serotonin is also likely to be responsible for mental issues, and this could be linked to aggressive behavior.

There is support for the diathesis-stress model of crime. Someone may have biological tendencies towards crime, but they will need some sort of environmental trigger in order to actually become a criminal. (Nature and Nurture)

We must avoid biological determinism; genes are not destiny. Criminals have free will.

Explaining crime simply through genes is very reductionist. Crime is complex, and the reasons for people turning to crime are many and varied.

Discuss the atavistic form as an explanation for criminal behavior. Refer to evidence in your answer (16 marks).

Discuss genetic and/or neural explanations of offending. Refer to evidence in your answer (16 marks)

Psychological Explanations of Crime

The central idea of this topic is that for aggression to be an adaptive feature, it has to serve a purpose.

Eysenck’s Theory of Personality

• According to Eysenck, our personality is innate and has a biological basis. There is a personality type known as the criminal personality. Individuals with a criminal personality will score highly on measures of extraversion, neuroticism , and psychoticism.

• These people are seen as difficult to condition (train) and cold and unfeeling, and it is these traits which may explain their criminality.

Evidence to support this theory comes from Eysenck’s study of 2070 male prisoners and 2422 male controls. The prisoners scored higher on extraversion, neuroticism, and psychoticism than the non-criminal controls.

However, Farrington reviewed several studies and only found evidence of prisoners scoring higher on measures of psychoticism.

The idea of one personality type explaining all offending behavior is not very plausible; there are many different types of both crimes and offenders. All criminals are not the same.

This research can be seen as culturally biased. Holanchock studied Black and Hispanic criminals in America and found them to be less extroverted than non-criminal control groups.

The validity of measuring personality through a psychometric test is also questionable, as is the notion that personality is a stable entity. Most people would argue that personality changes over the years and as a person matures.

Eysenck’s theory is similar to other biological explanations of offending, such as Anti-social personality disorder (APD). However, whilst Raine explains this through neural differences, Eysenck attributes it to the functioning of the nervous system.

Therefore, although Eysenck’s theory is seen as a psychological theory as it focuses on personality, it could also be accused of biological determinism as it sees personality as innate and unchanging.

Cognitive Explanations – Cognitive Distortions

Please see article on Kohlberg’s theory of moral development .

Differential Association Hypothesis

• This explanation for offending suggests that through interaction with others, individuals learn the values, attitudes, techniques, and motivation for criminal behavior.

• We often hear the phrase “Got in with a bad crowd”; our friendship groups can profoundly affect criminality, especially during adolescence.

• Differential associations (number of contacts with criminals over non-criminals) may vary in frequency, duration, priority, and intensity.

• The process of learning criminal behavior by association with criminal and anti-criminal patterns involves all of the mechanisms that are involved in any other learning. (behaviorism: classical conditioning, operant conditioning, social learning theory).

• The principal part of the learning of criminal behavior occurs within intimate personal groups.

This theory does not account for individual differences. Some people are much more susceptible (easily led) to the influence of others. Therefore the theory neglects to consider the role of temperament and personality.

This theory shifted the emphasis away from biology and eugenics arguments for criminality.

It can also account for white-collar crime, and indeed it was Sutherland who coined the term. Differential association can explain crime for all races, gender, and social groups.

This theory is impossible to test. How do you count up someone’s associations and influences accurately?

– Farrington found that the family is a large influence on offending. Crime can be seen as inter-generational.

Psychodynamic Theories

• The psychodynamic explanation of offending behavior sees the Superego, the moral component of the personality, as crucial in explaining criminality.
• Blackburn (1993) argues that if the superego (the moral part of the personality) is deficient, then criminality is inevitable as the Id (pleasure principle) is not properly controlled, and we are going to give in to our urges and impulses.
• Weak Superego may develop if the same-sex parent is absent during the phallic stage of psycho-sexual development. This would mean that we would fail to internalize the moral values of same-sex parents.
• Deviant Superego may develop if the child internalizes the morals of a criminal or deviant same-sex parent.
• Overharsh Superego may develop if the same-sex parent is overly harsh. This may mean an individual is crippled by guilt and anxiety and commits a crime in order to satisfy the superego’s need for punishment.
• • Another psychodynamic theory is Bowlby’s maternal deprivation hypothesis. This predicts that if an infant is deprived of a mother or mother figure during the critical period of attachment in the first few years, then there will be serious and permanent consequences. These consequences included mental abnormalities, delinquency, depression, affectionless psychopathology, and even dwarfism!

However, this theory has been heavily criticized. Freud’s theory is seen as sexist as he focuses on the Oedipus Complex and adds the Electra complex as an afterthought.

In fact, Freud argued that females were less moral than males. This is because males fear castration by their fathers for moral transgressions, whereas females only fear losing their mother’s love!

However, the vast majority of criminals are male, not female. Males outnumber females in prisons throughout the world.

There is little evidence to back up this theory, many children grow up without a same-sex parent, and the vast majority do not turn to crime. Although family influence is undeniably a factor in criminality, individuals with delinquent parents or siblings are much more likely to turn to crime.

The idea of the over-harsh superego and wanting to be punished does not stand up to scrutiny; most criminals go to great lengths not to be caught and punished!

Discuss Eysenck’s theory of the criminal personality. Refer to evidence in your answer (16 marks).

Describe and discuss cognitive explanations of offending. Refer to at least one other explanation of offending in your answer (16 marks)

Discuss the differential association theory of offending. Refer to at least one other explanation of offending in your answer (16 marks)

Discuss two or more psychodynamic explanations of offending. Refer to evidence in your answer (16 marks)

Dealing with Offender behavior

In 2016 the UK prison population was 86,000, despite having an official capacity of only 78,000, leading to serious overcrowding. (Howard League).

What are the implications of this?

In order for the prison to work, prisoners must be educated and made more employable to ensure they are more likely to remain out of prison and instead contribute to society. Otherwise, prisons become simply ‘Universities of crime.’

Research has shown (Prison Reform Trust 2007) that many prisoners have not reached the levels of literacy and numeracy expected of an average 11-year-old; 50% in writing, 66% in numeracy, and 80% in reading. 50% do not have the skills required by 96% of all jobs, and 50% have been excluded from school.

These statistics make prisoners, along with their criminal records, virtually unemployable without successful educational intervention within the prison system.

Many people are critical of the parole system (the fact that prisoners are often released early and rarely serve their full sentence); however, this is an important incentive crucial to the smooth operation of the prison system. Applications for parole are allowed after a minimum term (set by the judge) has been served.

Success will depend on the nature of the offense, the judge’s comments on sentencing, and, crucially, the inmate’s behavior in prison. This gives the prisoner an incentive to behave and comply with prison rules. Without this incentive, many inmates would be unmanageable.

Aims of Custodial Sentencing and its Effects

Aims of Custodial Sentencing

1) Deterrence – Prison should be an unpleasant experience. So someone who serves a prison sentence should never wish to serve another. The thought of prison should act as a deterrent to others and prevent them from committing crimes.

2) Incapacitation – Taking a criminal out of circulation means they are unable to commit further crimes, keeping society safe.

3) Retribution – Society is taking revenge on the criminal. They are paying for their crimes by having their freedom taken from them.

4) Rehabilitation – Prison can be used to reform criminals through training, education, and therapy so they leave prison a changed person.

Psychological Effects of Custodial Sentencing

1) Stress and Depression – Suicide rates are higher in prison than in the general population, as are cases of self-harm. If a prisoner suffers from mental health issues before their sentence, this is likely to worsen in prison.

2) Institutionalisation – Having adapted to the norms and values of prison life, some prisoners find it impossible to cope in the real world on their release. Some even commit crimes with the intention of being arrested and returned back to the comfort of what they know – prison.

3) Prisonisation – Similar to institutionalization, some behaviors that are unacceptable in the outside world are encouraged and rewarded inside the walls of a prison. Prisoners learn to accept the prisoner code in order to survive, for example, the unofficial hierarchy of prisoners.

The study you learned about last year is useful here. Zimbardo’s main conclusions were that situational factors were more useful for explaining the behavior of prisoners and guards than individual ones. Zimbardo’s participants conformed to their ideas of how prisoners and guards should behave.

Prisons are very regimented, and prisoners have to conform to strict rules and regulations. They are told when to sleep, wake, eat, exercise, etc. They have no autonomy. The problem arises when prisoners have served long sentences and become very accustomed to the prison way of life. This means they find it very hard to adapt to life on the outside.

In order to combat the problems of institutionalization and prisonisation, prisoners need to be well prepared for their release. This might mean a move to an open prison or lessons in life skills. Without these skills, they will be unable to cope and will soon find themselves back in prison.

Curt Bartol (1995) has suggested that prison is ‘brutal, demeaning and generally devastating.’ Suicide rates are generally 15 times higher than in society in general. Most at risk are young, single men in the first 24 hours of incarceration. Around 25% of female and 15% of male prisoners have symptoms of psychosis (severe mental illness)

Individual differences – Not all prisoners react in the same way to incarceration. Some punishment should fit the individual, not necessarily the crime!

Rehabilitation – Cuts to prison budgets mean that education, training, and therapy are not always available or effectively delivered. So opportunities for rehabilitation are limited.

University of Crime – Putting young, inexperienced criminals into a prison environment with older, more experienced criminals may mean that the type of education these youngsters get is not necessarily the type we would want!

• The aim of prison is to punish and rehabilitate offenders in the hope that they will not re-offend. Re-offending is known as recidivism . The prison has a poor record for reducing reoffending – 57% of offenders will re-offend within a year of release (2013).

• Over two-thirds (67%) of under 18-year-olds are reconvicted within a year of release offending by all recent ex-prisoners in 2007-08 cost the economy between £9.5 and £13 billion.

In order to reduce recidivism (i.e., re-offending), punishment needs to fit the individual as well as the crime and more research is needed into reducing the negative psychological effects of imprisonment.

The aim should be for offenders to leave prison fully reformed and ready to take on the role of productive and law-abiding citizens.

Alternatives to imprisonment – Given that we know prison doesn’t work, we need alternatives. Some alternatives include probation and restorative justice.

However, the government is reluctant to invest in prisoners due to economic restraints and public opinion. But, this is a short-sighted approach; in order to cut crime and recidivism rates, investment is needed (Economic implication).

Behavior Modification

• Therapies based on the principles of operant conditioning aim to bring about specific changes in behavior. This is known as behavior modification. It involves rewarding ‘appropriate’ behavior and withholding rewards for ‘inappropriate’ behavior.

• This approach usually works best with children or in institutions such as mental hospitals, schools, and prisons. For example, children can be observed and supervised by parents and teachers working with therapists. As a result, their behavior can be consistently and systematically reinforced.

• Token economies illustrate the application of operant conditioning principles to adults in institutional settings. They were introduced into mental hospitals in the USA in the 1960s. Tokens, such as plastic discs, are given as rewards for ‘desirable’ behavior. The tokens can then be exchanged for privileges. In theory, tokens reinforce ‘appropriate’ behavior. House credits are used in the same way in schools.

• Hobbs and Holt (1976) introduced a token economy program with young delinquents in three behavioral units, and a fourth acted as a control. They observed a significant improvement in a positive behavior as a result of the introduction of the token economy. Allyon (1979) found similar effects in an adult prison.

Token economies are easy to implement and do not require specialist training or expense, like other therapies such as Anger Management. But, all staff must implement them consistently if they are to work.

The effects they appear to produce may not be primarily due to the token economy. Patients may be responding to increased attention, a planned system of activities, and improved monitoring rather than a desire to get tokens.

Token economies may not really change behavior – people may simply mimic or fake ‘desirable’ behavior in order to get tokens. On release, prisoners revert back to previous criminal behaviors.

Token economies raise ethical issues. Is it ethical to withhold ‘privileges’ such as watching TV because a severely disordered person does not do what a nurse thinks is desirable? Are people’s human rights threatened when staff can control their access to food and their freedom of movement?

Clinton Field (2004) found that for maximum effect, the rewards and frequency of them needed to be individually tailored to the inmate. Think about house credits; whilst they work well with Year 7 students, a school mug or pen is hardly going to motivate a Year 11 student!

Anger Management

• Anger Management programs are a form of Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT); they aim to change the way a prisoner thinks and, therefore the way they act.

• There are three stages in Anger Management: –

1) Cognitive Preparation: – The offender is encouraged to reflect on their past behaviors and what makes them angry. The therapist works with them to show them that their response is irrational and helps them to redefine the situations as non-threatening. They are taught to recognize their own triggers for anger.

2) Skill Acquisition: – The offenders are taught a range of techniques and skills to enable them to avoid triggers and deal with anger-provoking situations more rationally. They might require training in assertiveness and effective communication. They are taught how to control their own emotions rather than being ruled by them.

3) Application practice: – Offenders practice their new skills through role-play. The therapist will deliberately provoke them to see how they react. The therapist will positively reinforce successful strategies.

• Ireland (2000) Investigation of whether anger management courses work. A natural experiment compared a group of 50 prisoners who had completed CALM and a group of 37 who were assessed as suitable but had not actually taken the course. Prisoners who had completed CALM rated themselves lower on the anger questionnaire and were rated lower by the prison officers than the control group. 92% showed improvements on at least one measure of aggression and anger. Conclusions: – In the short term, the treatment seemed effective, but there is no re-offending data.

Anger management is an eclectic approach. It uses a cognitive approach in stage 1, a behavioral in stage 2, and a social in stage 3. This recognizes that offending behavior is the complex interaction between social and psychological factors.

Anger management is more likely to lead to a permanent change in behavior than behavior modification programs (token economies), as it focuses on changing the way an offender both thinks and behaves.

Although Anger Management works in the short term, the lack of re-offending data means we don’t know if the effects last. It is very different from role-playing controlling anger to controlling anger once outside of prison.

Anger management is limited in its application as not all crime is motivated by anger. Crimes for financial gain, for example, would not benefit from any form of CBT, as they are logical!

Anger Management is very expensive and time-consuming as it requires highly skilled therapists. Also, the prisoner must be motivated and want to change. (How many Psychiatrists does it take to change a light bulb? One – but the light bulb must really want to change!)

Restorative Justice Programmes

• Restorative justice usually involves a supervised mediation meeting between the victim and the offender with a trained mediator. The victim is given the opportunity to confront the offender and explain the impact the crime has had on their life. The offender has to face up to the consequences of their actions, and this starts the rehabilitation process.

• Restorative justice has to be voluntary for all parties and seeks a positive outcome. It is respectful and not degrading for either offender or victim.

Aims of Restorative Justice

• Rehabilitation of Offenders – Being punished is a passive process; restorative justice requires the offender to be an active participant in the process. It is tough for the offender they have to listen to the impact of their crimes on the victim and take full responsibility for their actions. The experience should reduce the likelihood of them reoffending.

• Atonement for Wrongdoing – Offenders may offer concrete compensation (money or unpaid work) or atone by showing genuine feelings of guilt and remorse.

• Victim’s Perspective – Restorative justice restores power to the victim. Their voice is heard in the legal process, and they feel that their feelings have been taken into account. Many who have been through the process report that it has reduced their feeling of being a ‘victim’ and helped them to feel safe again.

Restorative justice is tough both for victims and offenders. For offenders, they have to face up to the consequences of their actions, but for victims, they may be forced to relive frightening and upsetting experiences.

The UK Restorative Justice Council (2015) reported 85% satisfaction from victims who had taken part in face-to-face restorative justice meetings.

Sherman & Strang (2007) reviewed 20 studies involving 142 men convicted of violence and property offenses, who had taken part in restorative justice, only 11% reoffended, compared to 37% of a matched control group. So it does work!

Cost – Shapland (2007) concluded that every £1 spent on restorative justice would save the government £8 through reduced reoffending. However, there are costs involved in training mediators and high dropout rates from offenders unable to face their victims, so it may not always be cost-effective.

Remorse – Offenders must feel genuine remorse. Therefore, restorative justice is not suitable for all criminals or, indeed, all crimes. It only works where there is an obvious victim.

Soft Option – Public opinion may be against restorative justice, as it may be seen as ‘getting off lightly.’

Feminist critique – Women’s Aid have called for a ban on the use of restorative justice in cases of domestic abuse, as they believe it is inappropriate.

First-time offenders – Restorative justice is most effective with young, first-time offenders. It provides a short, sharp shock and forces them to face up to the consequences of their actions.

Discuss the psychological effects of custodial sentencing. Refer to evidence in your answer (16 marks)

Discuss behavior modification in custody. Refer to evidence in your answer (16 marks)

Discuss the use of anger management as a treatment for offenders. Refer to evidence in your answer (16 marks)

Discuss restorative justice as a way of dealing with offenders (16 marks)

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An Overview of Forensic Psychology

What do forensic psychologists do?

Kendra Cherry, MS, is a psychosocial rehabilitation specialist, psychology educator, and author of the "Everything Psychology Book."

Emily is a board-certified science editor who has worked with top digital publishing brands like Voices for Biodiversity, Study.com, GoodTherapy, Vox, and Verywell.

Peter Dazeley / Getty Images

What Is Forensic Psychology?

What do they do, distinguishing features, education and training.

Forensic psychology is a field that combines the practice of psychology and the law by utilizing psychological expertise within the justice system. Forensic psychology may encompass evaluating competency to stand trial, making sentencing recommendations, offering expert testimony, performing child custody evaluations, participating in jury selection, and providing psychotherapy to criminal offenders.

The word 'forensic' originates from the Latin word 'forensis,' which means "the forum," or the court system of Ancient Rome. The American Board of Forensic Psychology describes this field as the application of psychology to issues that involve the law and legal system.

Interest in forensic psychology has grown significantly in recent years. Increasing numbers of graduate programs offer dual degrees in psychology and law, while others provide specialization in forensic psychology.

Some psychologists hold a specialist degree in forensic psychology, but most are licensed psychologists with either a PhD. or PsyD. These professionals may work in both criminal and civil law areas.

While forensic psychology is considered a rather new specialty area within psychology, the field dates back to the earliest days in psychology's history. Philosophers and scientists have long sought to understand what makes people commit crimes, behave aggressively, or engage in antisocial behaviors.

Forensic psychology is a relatively new specialty area. In fact, forensic psychology was just officially recognized as a specialty area by the  American Psychological Association  in 2001.   Despite this, the field of forensic psychology has roots that date back to  Wilhelm Wundt's   first psychology lab  in Leipzig, German.

Learn more about some of the major events and key figures in the  history of forensic psychology .

Today, forensic psychologists are not only interested in understanding why such behaviors occur, but also in helping minimize and prevent such actions.

The field has experienced dramatic growth in recent years as more and more students become interested in this applied branch of psychology.   Popular movies, television programs, and books have helped popularize the field, often depicting brilliant heroes who solve vicious crimes or track down killers using psychology.

While depictions of forensic psychology in popular media are certainly dramatic and attention-grabbing, these portrayals are not necessarily accurate. That said, forensic psychologists do play an important role in the criminal justice system. It can be an exciting career for students interested in applying psychological principles to the legal system.

If you enjoy learning about the science of human behavior and the law, then forensic psychology will probably interest you quite a bit. The field has witnessed dramatic growth in recent years, as more and more students become interested in this applied branch of psychology. However, forensic psychology is about much more than the glamorized views portrayed in television shows, movies, and books.

Common Job Roles

Some of the functions typically performed within forensic psychology include:

• Competency evaluations
• Sentencing recommendations
• Evaluations of the risk of reoffending
• Testimony as an expert witness
• Child custody evaluations
• Academic research on criminality
• Consult with law enforcement
• Treatment of criminal offenders
• Provide psychological services to inmates and offenders
• Trial consultants who help with jury selection, witness preparation, or legal strategies
• Design correctional programs

Forensic psychology is defined as the intersection of psychology and the law, but forensic psychologists can perform many roles, so this definition can vary.

In many cases, people working in forensic psychology are not necessarily "forensic psychologists." These individuals might be clinical psychologists , school psychologists , neurologists, or counselors who lend their psychological expertise to provide testimony, analysis, or recommendations in legal or criminal cases.

For example, a clinical psychologist might provide mental health services such as assessment, diagnosis, and treatment to individuals who have come into contact with the criminal justice system. Clinicians might be asked to determine if a suspected criminal has a mental illness , or they may be asked to provide treatment to individuals who have substance abuse and addiction issues.

Another example is that of a school psychologist . While people in this profession typically work with children in school settings, a school psychologist working in forensic psychology might evaluate children in suspected abuse cases, help prepare children to give testimony in court, or offer testimony in child custody disputes.

So what exactly makes forensic psychology different from another specialty area such as clinical psychology? Typically, the duties of a forensic psychologist are fairly limited in terms of scope and duration. A forensic psychologist is asked to perform a very specific duty in each individual case, such as determining if a suspect is mentally competent to face charges.

Unlike the typical clinical setting where a client has voluntarily sought out assistance or evaluation, a forensic psychologist usually deals with clients who are not there of their own free will. This can make assessment, diagnosis, and treatment much more difficult since some clients willfully resist attempts at help.

Forensic psychology is not a common degree option, yet more and more schools are offering it as a specialty. If you are interested in becoming a forensic psychologist, you should take courses that focus on topics such as:

• Criminal psychology
• Social behavior
• Abnormal behavior
• Cognitive psychology
• Drugs and psychopharmacology
• Criminal justice

If your school does offer coursework or a degree option in forensic psychology, you can expect to tackle topics that include deviant behavior, the psychology of criminal behavior, criminal risk assessment, domestic violence , mental health social policy, juvenile criminal justice, and adult offender treatment.

The growing popularity of the field has also led to an increase in the number of master's level forensic psychology degrees. Many experts suggest that such programs, while popular and appealing, have a disadvantage over clinical, doctoral-level training. 

Doctoral-level study in forensic psychology typically focuses on topics including research methods, personality analysis, cognitive science, psychology and the law, ethical and legal issues, assessment, and treatment.

While there is no certification requirement for forensic psychologists, becoming a licensed psychologist has professional advantages in terms of establishing credibility and expertise.

While forensic psychology may not be all about solving crimes and getting inside the minds of criminals, there are still plenty of challenges for forensic psychologists. There are a number of different job options within the field of forensic psychology.

For example, some forensic psychologists work directly in the criminal justice system to assess, evaluate, and treat individuals who have committed crimes or have been the victims of crimes. Other forensic psychologists investigate cases of alleged child abuse, work with child witnesses, evaluate individuals involved in child custody disputes, and assess mental competency.

If you are interested in a field such as forensic or criminal psychology, you might want to spend some time researching some of the exciting career options in forensic psychology . 

The degree you choose to pursue may depend somewhat on what you want to do as a forensic psychologist, so figuring this out early on can be helpful in planning your educational path.

A Word From Verywell

Forensic psychology can be an exciting and challenging career choice. Skills that you might need if you choose to pursue a career in this field include the ability to communicate well, research problems, and think critically.

American Board of Forensic Psychology. About .

American Psychology Association. Speciality Guidelines for Forensic Psychology.

American Psychological Association.  What is forensic psychology?

Davies GM, Beech AR (eds). Forensic Psychology: Crime, Justice, Law Interventions. 3rd ed. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons; 2017.

Fulero SM, Wrightsman LS. Forensic Psychology . Belmont, CA: Wadsworth; 2009.

By Kendra Cherry, MSEd Kendra Cherry, MS, is a psychosocial rehabilitation specialist, psychology educator, and author of the "Everything Psychology Book."

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Forensic psychological assessment in practice: Case studies

Forensic Psychological Assessment in Practice: Case Studies presents a set of forensic criminal cases as examples of a scientist-practitioner model for forensic psychological assessment. The cases address forensic issues, such as criminal responsibility, violence risk assessment, treatment planning, and referral to long term forensic care. The authors address a variety of mental disorders including psychosis, posttraumatic stress disorder, psychopathy and other personality disorders. The book will be useful for novice and experienced forensic psychologists and psychiatrists who are looking for case studies that integrate recent empirical evidence with psychological test findings.

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Forensic Psychology. Child Testimony in Abuse Case Research Paper

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Introduction

Research development, research methods, typical findings, problems in the field, discussion and conclusion.

The current interest devoted to child safety, to advance the value of their lives, and to ensure that their rights are appreciated. However, their rights have unavoidably influenced the legal field, and predominantly, the study of a child witness, particularly in sexual misuse cases. This further resulted in a heated debate, concerning forensic interviewers. Some researchers argue that interviewers also have their own discrimination, attitudes, and anticipations about a confrontation for which a child has been called upon to give evidence. There are also those who argue that the board of judges, legal representatives, and consultants can more or less deliberately manipulate children’s evidence by telling what replies they wish to hear, thus ultimately inducing children to narrate fictional details, which are typically a consequence of suggestibility and fantastic action. This research paper will attempt to capture issues related to child testimony more so in the issue of child abuse and finally problems different people experience in this field. It is very tricky to achieve precise information from young children. (Weiner&et al 22).

According to research, an estimated 200,000 children are caught up in the legal system annually, a quarter of this more often are in the preschool age. The majority of such cases are mainly in sexual abuse. While even preschool-age kids are relatively competent in presenting truthful evidence, they are also more susceptible to having their statements and their reminiscences distorted in such a manner that, it is at times impossible to know the truth. As a result, the public and expert view about the integrity of children as eyewitnesses in sexual mistreatment cases has resulted in sharp divisions. We find that they are those who hold the idea that children reveal information of sexual cruelty, no matter what methods are put in place to acquire their revelation; therefore they hold the assumption that children do not create fake information of their individual sexual discrimination. While there are those that believe that children are as powerless as sponges who saturate up interviewers’ submissions and repeat these ideas in court. (Durston 218).

In the past two decades, the United States has witnessed a remarkable increase in cases of sexual abuse. The tendency has been persistent in recent years. The number of such cases growing progressively from 325,000 in the late 1980s to virtually half a million in the early 1990s. Regrettably, because of its very nature, child sexual mistreatment typically happens in secret with no observer other than the supposed executor and the casualty. Therefore, examiners must rely on children’s accounts or bodily proof so as to establish whether or not claims of sexual abuse are legitimate. Medical proof, nevertheless, is hardly ever adequate to recognize a precise executor, due to the mere fact that many forms of sexual abuse hardly leave any bodily signs. Consequently, when bodily verification is absent, the only outstanding option is to attain information from the child witness. (Bartol&Bartol 236).

Researchers have used different methods to study child testimony, some of the major research methods in use include Naturalistic observation. Here children are watchfully observed in their normal setting without meddling by the researchers. Researchers here should be ordinary and do nothing to alter the surroundings or behavior of the children. This technique is excellent if the researcher wants participants to be reacting usually but it can be time-consuming, the required behavior may also never happen, there is also no power over the setting and it is tricky to know if the researcher will be able to absolutely be inconspicuous. (Myers 845).

Survey Method: This method entails questioning a big group of children about certain occurrences and this could comprise their response towards something, their attitudes, and way of life. Carrying out a survey calls for a representative sample or a sample that replicates all major characteristics of the population you want to symbolize. Surveys must also use cautious phrasing in the questions to avoid uncertainty or prejudice. This method is very fast and resourceful; however, it is sometimes hard to gain profound facts from a survey and there is no assurance that the person taking the survey is being open and sincere. (Durston 211).

Case Study: This involves obtaining thorough information about an individual to develop common philosophy about behavior. It is sometimes very accommodating to study one kid or a very small group of children in great depth to learn as much information as possible. Case studies need a lot of time, effort, and attention to detail. Yet; they disclose more about a particular topic than any other study method. Generalizing the finding to other people or groups is typically complex. (Weiner&et al 10).

Correlation Design: This research method involves determining the relation between two variables. Sometimes, correlation studies are seen as a separate research method while other times it is listed under another group. Correlations are affirmed as either positive or negative. Positive correlations denote that as the value of one variable goes up, the value of the other variable goes up or vice versa while, negative correlations indicate that as the value of one variable goes up, the value of the other variable goes down. Correlations can be misleading. Finding a major correlation between 2 variables does not warranty that they are the only two variables. (Bartol&Bartol 244).

Experimental Method: This is a study in which the researcher influences at least one variable while measuring at least one other variable. This technique is frequently used in psychological research and can potentially lead to answering cause-effect questions. This is the main technique used to study the consistency of eyewitness testimony in young children. Participants in an experiment are generally haphazardly assigned to diverse groups. The group that obtains the independent variable is called the experimental group and the group of participants are treated in the way as the experimental group but do not obtain the independent variable is called the control group. Occasionally a preexisting trait already exists in the participants, such as sex, age, and clinical diagnosis. In this case, there is no accidental assignment and the type of research is referred to as differential research. The experimental method is very important since the researcher is able to restrain or manage the situation and different variables. (Myers 832-834).

We find that, while preschool-age children are competent in giving forensically appropriate evidence, they are more susceptible than elder children who are, in turn, more susceptible than adults. During indicative interviewing methods and repetitive questioning, children can be led to get incorrect not only nonessential particulars, but the middle idea of actions they went through, even incidents distressing their bodies that may possibly have sexual allegations. There is no ‘Pinocchio Test’ to establish whether claims that materialize after repetitive interviews using indicative systems are correct or purely the product of the evocative interview actions. Whenever probable interviews with children in suits where sexual misuse is alleged should be preserved by electronic means example by video-taping. Preferably from the initial interview. (Bartol&Bartol 203).

Some of the key problems in this field are that the children do not only endure the shock of mistreatment but also regularly, the extra trauma of post-abuse involvement by diverse people example the police officers, jury, parents, teachers, social workers, and psychologists, who must consult the child continually and for a range of reasons. Another major problem in this field is different interviewing used to obtain the testimony since they are said to result in misinformation. By and large, the younger the child the more probable the child will admit someone’s else explanation of an event if it bears a similarity to the original incident, such methods include: repeated questioning which results in the child changing the original answer due to loss of self-assurance on what they could have said early, deferred questioning, evocative and ambiguous interviewing, the emotional tenor of the interview ex-ample if the interviewer generates an emotional tone of the indictment, and the rank of the person carrying out the interview is said to have a major unenthusiastic impact on the evidence which is acquired from the child mainly because kids are more prone to trust adults than other kids. In addition, if the interviewer has a prejudice that sexual abuse took place, the interviewer’s means of questioning is negatively affected and the child’s reply or evidence could be reliable with the interviewer’s partiality. There is also the issue of peer pressure; interviewers commonly like referring to a child of similar age to induce a child to confess to a certain allegation or even intimidate to inform other children that the child failed to collaborate during the interview process. (Durston 224).

Both from the systematic psychosomatic group and from the legal society, solemn fears have been raised about the correctness and consistency of evidence pertaining to children in alleged sexual abuse cases. A multitude of inappropriate interviewing methods have been recognized, all of which can critically compromise the dependability of testimony acquired straight from a child. Unacceptable questioning techniques may permanently foul the proof from the child, making a determination of what actually took place unworkable. Deliberations of the appropriate process of law are notable, principally when it might be argued that unacceptable interviewing techniques, as well as uncertainty and misperception in gossip, can complex other risks to the truth. Videotaping all interviews can be advocated on several grounds. Videotaping simply permits analysis of the interviewing ways and exactness in relating what emerged, but also may guard the child against the trauma of repetitive, indicative, and perhaps even coercive interviews. In alleged sexual abuse suits, the approach in which interviews have been performed and evidence handled has not been excellent skill, good medical practice, and possibly not even fine law. Techniques of interviewing lack scientific impartiality and insight. The rumor which lacks adequate indicia of consistency would then be unsuccessful to meet the criterion for acceptability. Both inappropriate interviewing and imprecise hearsay could very well fail to guarantee due process of law. These worries are justifiably disturbing to all concerned; therefore the time for considerate deliberation of the process of examining and trying supposed sexual abuse cases has certainly come. When all is said and done it is therefore clear that it is very tricky to achieve precise information from young children. We should therefore be very careful when dealing with testimonies from children, to ensure that justice is achieved where it is due. (Myers 856).

Bartol, A. &Bartol, C.Current Perspectives in Forensic Psychology and Criminal Justice.SAGE.2006.ISBN:1412925908

Bartol, A. &Bartol, C.Introduction to ForensiPsychology.SAGE.2004.ISBN:0761926062.

Dorsten, B.Forensic psychology: From Classroom to Courtroom.Springer.2002.ISBN:0306472708.

Myers, J.Myers on Evidence in Child, Domestic, and Elder Abuse Cases. Aspen Publishers online.2005.ISBN:0735556687.

Weiner, B&et al.Handbook of Psychology. John Wiley and Sons.2003.ISBN:047138321X.

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Department : Psychology Module co-ordinator : Mr. John Fisher Credit value : 20 credits Credit level : M Academic year of delivery : 2021-22 See module specification for other years: 2022-23 2023-24 2024-25

Module summary

This broad module will look at a range of applications for forensic psychology. It will provide students with the theoretical background and knowledge of the criminal justice framework in order to scrutinise the contributions of psychologists working in legal, health and forensic settings.

Module will run

Module aims.

• To inform understanding of the criminal justice system and the context in which forensic psychologists work.
• To introduce students to the contributions forensic psychologists have made to many aspects of the criminal justice process.
• To provide the opportunity for students to continue to develop and refine skills in critical analysis and presentation

Module learning outcomes

• Recognise and understand the criminal justice framework and evaluate the utility of psychological theories to aid understanding for the causes of criminal behaviour.
• Evaluate various biological, sociological and psychological theories of crime and how these might be applied to a case study.
• Highlight the psychological processes operating in courtrooms, and critically evaluate the research evidence that attempts to explain how and why some jurors are susceptible to bias.
• Identify and evaluate factors that may impact on the accuracy of eyewitness memories and what steps investigators can take to minimise their influence.
• Critically evaluate the extent to which crime is a consequence of mental disorder.
• Reflect on the prevalence, aetiology, and practical implications of suicidal behaviour in prison settings and critically evaluate the underlying theory that is used to explain these behaviours.
• Evaluate the effectiveness of interventions and technologies used to reduce re-offending.
• Present and critically evaluate research findings with confidence.

Module content

• The Criminal Justice Framework
• Theories of Crime
• Eyewitness Testimony
• Juror Decision-Making
• Crime and Mental Disorder
• Suicidal Behaviour in Forensic Settings
• Forensic Psychology in the Community
• Using Technology for Rehabilitation

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• Forensic Psychology

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Science News

Science and the challenges of evidence-based forensics.

By Nancy Shute

Editor in Chief

June 1, 2024 at 8:00 am

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Detectives and scientists have a lot in common. Both collect data, develop hypotheses and test their assumptions. And both pursue evidence in the hope of a definitive finding.

Science was key to the exploits of fictional detective Sherlock Holmes, who developed tests to detect poisons and other clues. Another fictional British detective, Dr. John Evelyn Thorndyke, also applied science, using his training as a pathologist to solve crimes, including using X-rays to reveal a murder victim’s corpse stashed in an Egyptian s­arcophagus. Many more science-minded fictional gumshoes followed, including introverted entomologist Gil Grissom in CSI: Crime Scene Investigation and FBI behavioral analyst Jason Gideon in Criminal Minds .

We continue to be fascinated by the science of solving crimes — true crime is the most popular genre for top-ranked podcasts. But failures of forensic science to accurately ID perpetrators and exonerate the innocent have become as fascinating as the marvels of scientific sleuthing itself. No doubt Sherlock would argue that science is still the solution. Would he be wrong?

In this issue, we examine where forensics falls short and how scientists are working to fix those failures. It’s a challenge, because the work requires both improving the science itself and bettering public understanding of science for a society that includes judges, prosecution and defense lawyers, and jurors.

Despite the shakiness of some of the so-called science, solid, real-deal science can still help make the criminal justice system more accurate and fair. As freelance writer Amber Dance writes, science can’t always provide 100 percent certainty, but it can improve the odds that evidence is tested and evaluated properly (Page 22).

In the courtroom, science has led to huge leaps forward. The introduction of DNA evidence in the 1990s overturned many wrongful convictions. It became the gold standard in suspect identification, identifying notorious criminals like the Golden State Killer ( SN: 12/17/18 ). But it’s not infallible; using very small samples of DNA, a mere few cells, makes it harder to get a positive identification. Efforts are underway to add likelihood ratios to this type of evidence, but the technique isn’t widely used.

Researchers are also testing ways to improve eyewitness identification. Such approaches include being sure that the officer running a photo lineup doesn’t know who the suspect is and inadvertently influence the witness, or ensuring that one person in a lineup doesn’t look dramatically different than the others.

I was fascinated by one study that suggested a way to reduce witness bias when showing lineups. Showing pairs of photos and asking which of each pair looked most like the suspect, rather than showing multiple headshots at once, meant witnesses were less likely to assume that one person in the lineup had to be the perpetrator. But calling a suspect “most likely” may be meaningless in a court where jurors crave certainty, Dance notes. One of the biggest challenges in using science to make the criminal justice system more just is getting the system to accept the caveats and nuance that are inherent to the science itself. Even when it comes to bits of DNA.

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• Systematic Review
• Open access
• Published: 30 May 2024

The effectiveness of interventions for offending behaviours in adults with autism spectrum disorders (ASD): a systematic PRISMA review

• Jody Salter 1 , 2 &
• Sarah Blainey 1 , 3  

BMC Psychology volume  12 , Article number:  316 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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Previous research has suggested that the core features of autism spectrum disorders (ASD) may contribute to offending behaviours and increased vulnerability within the Criminal Justice System. To date, there is a paucity of evidence assessing the effectiveness of interventions for offending behaviour in adults with ASD but without co-occurring intellectual disability (ID) across a broad range of forensic settings. The lack of robust evidence is concerning, as limited effectiveness may contribute to an increased likelihood of prolonged incarceration, particularly in the most restrictive settings. A PRISMA systematic review was conducted with a narrative synthesis to: (a) evaluate the evidence of the effectiveness of interventions aimed at reducing recidivism, (b) assess whether the core features of ASD impact the effectiveness of these interventions, and (c) identify additional factors that may affect the effectiveness of interventions within this population. Seven studies involving ten male participants were identified. The findings suggest that interventions for offending behaviours in adults with ASD without intellectual disability (ID) are largely inadequate, and that core ASD features need to be considered. Additionally, a complex interplay of risk factors potentially impacting intervention effectiveness was suggested. Limitations include heterogeneity across intervention types, measures of effectiveness, and what constitutes effectiveness. Despite the limited number of studies and data quality, the review aligns with a growing body of literature highlighting vulnerability and a need for evidence-based interventions for people with ASD. The review also discusses the broader implications of ineffective interventions.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

Autism spectrum disorders (ASD) represent a group of complex and highly heterogeneous neurodevelopmental disorders. A diagnosis of ASD is based on the presence of two core features: impairments in social communication and interaction (SCI), and restrictive and repetitive behaviours (RRBs) [ 1 ].

Phenotypic manifestations of the core features often present with varying degrees of social disengagement, difficulties in establishing and sustaining relationships, social naivety, lack of eye contact, and difficulties in interpreting facial expressions [ 2 ]. RRBs manifest as intense and highly restrictive special interests, a strong inclination for environmental consistency [ 3 ], cognitive rigidity, and hyper-or hypo sensory responses to the environment [ 4 ].

Additional factors modulate and influence these core features, including the extent of sensory and motor impairments, language and cognitive abilities, adaptive functioning, gender and the presence of co-occurring psychiatric disorders [ 5 , 6 , 7 ]. The increasing recognition of ASD has resulted in significantly higher diagnosis rates across all age groups [ 8 ], which are currently estimated to be 1 in 57 in England [ 9 ]. Consequently, this increase in diagnoses has led to a greater representation of individuals with ASD within the criminal justice system (CJS).

ASD in the criminal justice system

An increasing body of research has highlighted the significant vulnerability experienced by individuals with ASD while navigating the CJS. This vulnerability becomes evident throughout multiple stages of the criminal justice process, ranging from initial encounters with police [ 10 ] through to police interviews [ 11 ], to court room proceedings [ 12 ] and prison services [ 13 ]. This heightened vulnerability is exacerbated by the reported general lack of understanding of ASD within the CJS, among both professionals and the general public [ 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 ].

Individuals with ASD and co-occurring intellectual disability (ID) are often identified and diverted from the criminal justice system (CJS). This is due to a recognition of their reduced culpability, a result of impairments in both intellectual and adaptive functioning [ 15 ]. In contrast, individuals with ASD but without co-occurring ID, the population on which this review focuses, exhibit significant deficits in adaptive functioning despite their intellectual capabilities. This difference is often referred to as the IQ functioning gap and is unique to individuals with ASD [ 17 ]. Despite impairments in adaptive functioning, this population is considered intellectually capable. Therefore, they are generally perceived as culpable and sufficiently competent to navigate the complexities of the CJS and receive a fair trial. This contrast raises further questions concerning culpability ranging from criminal responsibility to the appropriateness of sentencing.

Following conviction, when an offence has met the custody threshold, offenders with ASD are typically diverted to the community or prison. Alternatively, if detained under the Mental Health Act 1983 (the legislative framework governing mental healthcare and treatment in England and Wales), they may be detained in a secure hospital environment (classified as low, medium, or high security).

Estimating the prevalence of ASD within the UK prison population is difficult because of a lack of routine assessment; nonetheless, ASD is estimated to range between 1% and 4.4% [ 5 ]. Research has shown a disproportionately high prevalence of ASD in secure hospital settings (6.5%), exceeding the estimate for the general population [ 18 ].

Qualitative studies examining the experiences of prisoners with ASD without co-occurring ID have highlighted their increased vulnerability to bullying, exploitation, and social anxiety in prison [ 13 ]. In addition, research aimed at evaluating the prevalence of the broader autistic phenotype among a prison population, as well as comparing their mental health characteristics to those without, revealed a significant risk of self-harm and suicide in individuals presenting with autistic traits. Within this cohort, of the 240 prisoners assessed, 46 displayed significant autistic traits, with 12 meeting the diagnostic criteria for ASD. Notably, only two of these individuals had been previously recognised by the prison as having ASD. This finding highlights the under recognition of ASD and emphasises the heightened vulnerability of this population to a range of mental health risks within the prison environment [ 5 ].

Although it may be logical to assume that a secure hospital setting may better meet the treatment needs of people with ASD than a prison setting, current evidence suggests otherwise. Concerns have been raised, including the high likelihood of long-term seclusion in people with ASD compared to those without ASD [ 19 ] and significantly longer than average stays within secure hospital settings [ 20 ].

Despite several initiatives aimed at improving the recognition of ASD within the prison population [ 21 ], a recent UK government report on ‘neurodiversity’ [ 22 ], a term encompassing various conditions that fall into the broader category of neurodevelopmental disorders (NDDs) including ASD, highlighted three notable areas of concern. These included a greater likelihood of neurodivergent individuals being held on remand, inappropriately pleading guilty, and judges often failing to recognise a defendant’s neurodivergence as a mitigating factor when sentencing. These findings demonstrate that much work is needed to address the challenges faced by individuals with ASD and neurodivergent conditions in the CJS.

ASD and risk of offending

While there is insufficient evidence to suggest that individuals with ASD are at greater risk of engaging in offending behaviours [ 23 ], it has been suggested that the core features of ASD may contribute to the risk of offending behaviours [ 24 , 25 ]. Risk factors for offending behaviour in the general population are associated with the cumulative influence of various factors, including alcohol and drug abuse, low socioeconomic status, mental disorders, adversity, child abuse, and traumatic brain injury [ 26 , 27 , 28 ]. Less is known about the risk factors for offending behaviour within the ASD population, with the exception of co-occurring psychiatric disorders, such as personality disorders and psychosis [ 5 ].

Research suggests that individuals diagnosed with ASD early in life face barriers to services throughout their lifespan, resulting in unmet education, health, and therapeutic needs [ 29 , 30 ]. Research suggests that certain demographic groups, such as women [ 31 , 32 ], individuals from ethnic minorities, and those from lower socioeconomic backgrounds [ 9 , 33 ], are far more likely to be underdiagnosed. This in turn increases the risk of unmet needs [ 34 , 35 ]. These factors may contribute as variables that collectively increase the overall cumulative risk of engaging in offending behaviours.

Forensic interventions

Interventions for offending behaviour often use cognitive-behavioural techniques to reduce recidivism, with an emphasis on perspective-taking, self-and relationship management, and problem solving. In the United Kingdom, the Ministry of Justice requires a sufficient evidence base for the accreditation of forensic interventions. This accreditation aims to promote high-quality programs in prisons and community settings to reduce recidivism [ 36 ].

Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) is widely recognised as one of the most effective interventions for offending behaviours [ 37 ]. There is evidence that CBT reduces recidivism by 20–30% in the general offending population [ 38 , 39 ]. However, there is little evidence to support the effectiveness of such interventions for offending behaviour in forensic secure settings, often yielding inconsistent findings [ 40 ].

Beyond forensic settings, evidence suggests that adapted CBT is effective for individuals with ASD [ 41 , 42 ]. These adjustments are necessary due to the core features of ASD and challenges in areas such as perspective taking and cognitive rigidity, both of which are conducive to successful therapeutic outcomes in this population [ 43 ]. Additionally, evidence supports the use of social skills training [ 44 ] and group-based social skills interventions in adults with ASD [ 41 ] However, there is no consensus regarding the specific adaptations most beneficial for individuals with ASD.

Furthermore, the lack of appropriate outcome measures has been reported to be a barrier to determining the effectiveness of interventions within secure forensic hospital settings [ 45 , 46 , 47 ]. Despite the evidence for CBT use within the general offender population and for individuals with ASD outside forensic settings, there are reports that the implementation of these interventions is not effective for individuals detained within secure hospital settings [ 19 , 48 , 49 ].

The increasing recognition of the vulnerability of individuals with ASD within the CJS highlights the urgent need for a systematic evaluation of the effectiveness of interventions for offending behaviours in adults with ASD. While previous research has examined interventions for individuals with ASD and co-occurring ID [ 49 ], a significant research gap remains regarding the effectiveness of forensic interventions for individuals with ASD but without co-occurring ID [ 14 ].

This systematic review aims to address this gap by conducting a comprehensive evaluation of intervention effectiveness in an ASD population without co-occurring ID.

Research aims

This systematic review is guided by the following research objectives:

To systematically review and evaluate the effectiveness of interventions for offending behaviours in adults with ASD without co-occurring ID, as reported in the literature;

To ascertain whether the core features of ASD impact the effectiveness of the identified interventions; and.

To identify additional risk factors that may impact the effectiveness of interventions in this population.

Inclusion criteria

Each potentially eligible study was screened based on the inclusion and exclusion criteria described in the PICO framework below [ 50 ].

Population.

Participants included adults aged 18 years and older diagnosed with ASD, as defined by the authors in the literature. Studies involving participants with co-occurring ASD and ID and those that did not differentiate between these two populations were excluded.

Intervention & Outcomes.

Our review aimed to identify studies that objectively and/or subjectively measured the effectiveness of therapeutic or pharmacological interventions for reducing recidivism in individuals with ASD exhibiting offending behaviours. These included interventions delivered in all categories, namely, prisons, probation supervision, and secure hospitals.

Study Design and Comparison.

All primary research studies were included, regardless of publication date or country of origin. Studies that were peer-reviewed (e.g., grey literature and conference abstracts), systematic reviews, and those not published in English were excluded. An inclusion-exclusion criterion related to the type of comparison conducted in individual studies was not imposed.

Search strategy

The search was conducted on the 27th of March 2021 across five databases, covering a broad timeframe and utilising international terminology. The databases included:

Embase (1974 to 2021).

Ovid MEDLINE(R) and Epub ahead of print, In-process, In data-review and other Non-Indexed Citations.

Ovid MEDLINE(R) Daily.

Global Health (1973 to March 2021).

APA PsychInfo (1806 to February 2021).

Furthermore, a web-based search using Google Scholar was conducted with the same search terms. The first 15 pages of results were manually reviewed; however, no additional studies meeting the inclusion criteria were found. Additionally, the reference lists and citations of relevant reviews were manually checked, but this did not yield any further eligible studies.

Data selection and extraction

The data selection and extraction processes consisted of two stages:

During Stage 1, potential eligible studies were screened based on their titles and abstracts against the predefined inclusion and exclusion criteria. Owing to the limited number of results, the screening process was performed manually and repeated one week later to increase accuracy.

Stage 2 involved a comprehensive review of the full texts of the selected studies to confirm their alignment with the inclusion criteria. Relevant data were extracted and organised into spreadsheets using Microsoft Excel.

PRISMA flow diagram of searches of databases and registers only

Consistent with the primary aim of this systematic review, the first outcome measure is the effectiveness of the identified forensic interventions, measured by a reduction in recidivism. While reducing recidivism is the principal goal of forensic interventions, it is often viewed as a proxy measure that may not fully capture the complexity of offending behaviours, particularly in cases of crossover crime [ 46 , 51 ]. To address this limitation, additional relevant measures contributing to reduced recidivism were collected to allow for a preliminary assessment of intervention effectiveness. These additional measures included variables such as a reduction in security levels within institutional settings (i.e., medium to low security) or significant positive changes compared to baseline measurements recorded before and after the intervention.

The second aim of this review was to examine whether the core features of ASD present barriers to the rehabilitation process. To achieve this objective, data concerning the interactions between impairments in social communication and interaction (SCI) and restrictive and repetitive behaviours (RRBs) in relation to interventions within individual studies, as described by clinicians were collected and analysed.

Thirdly, this review aimed to identify additional risk factors described within findings that may influence the effectiveness of the interventions. The aim of the analysis is to provide a more comprehensive understanding of collective risk factors and their interactions with intervention effectiveness assessed through narrative synthesis. In addition, the data collected included the study design, author, and country of origin. When reported, participant demographics, such as age, gender, offence, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status, were reported. The intervention data included the type of intervention used, setting, duration, and frequency, only when available.

Study risk of bias assessment

The Mixed Methods Appraisal Tool (MMAT) [ 52 ] is a comprehensive tool for critically evaluating various research methods. The methodological quality of each study and the potential risk of bias were assessed using the MMAT. The results of this assessment are presented in tabular form (Table  2 , ‘MMAT Quality Appraisal’, appendix).

Synthesis method

A narrative synthesis [ 53 ] was used for this review as a meta-analysis was not appropriate because of the significant heterogeneity between studies. The synthesis process began with a preliminary analysis, in which the data were extracted and presented in tabular form to provide a summary of the findings and to identify potential patterns within the data. A guided conceptual framework was constructed based on the narrative synthesis of the primary data. This framework aimed to assess both the similarities and differences between the included studies while exploring emerging thematic elements.

Study selection

The initial database search returned 2,551 results after removing duplicates, as shown in Fig.  1 of the PRISMA flow diagram, which depicts the flow of information at each stage of the systematic review search. Subsequent screening included an initial assessment of the titles and a subsequent assessment of the abstracts, which led to the exclusion of an additional 2,530 articles. To ensure accuracy, abstract screening was repeated one week later. Subsequent full-text eligibility screening excluded 14 additional studies. The reasons for exclusion included the following: (a) participants under 18 years of age ( n  = 4), (b) lacked differentiation between the ID and ASD populations ( n  = 4), (c) were differentiated but not described in the context of the results ( n  = 2), (d) measurement of interventions for self-harm and suicide among offenders with ASD rather than for offending behaviour ( n  = 1), and (e) removal of commentary papers ( n  = 3). Consequently, the final number of included studies from the initial database search was seven ( n  = 7).

Study characteristics

Among the seven studies identified, three were case reports ( n  = 3), two were qualitative studies ( n  = 2), and two were quantitative case series ( n  = 2). These studies jointly assessed the effectiveness of the various interventions. The total sample size of all the studies was limited to 10; all the participants were men, and demographic information was limited. It is worth noting that despite the use of international terminology in the search criteria, all seven articles described studies conducted exclusively in southern England, United Kingdom (UK). In these studies, all participants, apart from one were held in secure hospital units under the provisions of the Mental Health Act 1983. The most prevalent types of offending behaviours observed were sexual offences ( n  = 4), followed by manslaughter ( n  = 3), and arson ( n  = 3).

Table  1 ‘Summary of Findings’ provides a summary of each study included in the systematic review. The summary includes author information, available participant demographics, offence type, setting, detainment status (i.e., under the mental health act), intervention approach, study findings, intervention effectiveness, measurement used to assess effectiveness, and whether there was evidence to suggest that the core features of ASD impacted the effectiveness of forensic intervention(s). These are separated by impairments in social communication and interaction (SCI) and restrictive and repetitive behaviours (RRBs).

Risk of bias in studies

The methodological quality of the studies was assessed using the MMAT [ 52 ] (Table  2 , ‘MMAT Quality Appraisal’, appendix). Each of the three case reports received a 3-star rating, indicating a moderate risk of bias and meeting 75% of the qualitative MMAT criteria [ 54 , 55 , 56 ].

The two quantitative case series were found to be at a higher risk of bias due to difficulties in distinguishing the treatment groups, recruitment difficulties, lack of a control group, and incomplete outcome data for the ASD group without co-occurring ID. They received a 2-star rating, meeting 50% of the MMAT quantitative criteria [ 58 ].

The second quantitative study [ 57 ], raised concerns about the validity and reliability of outcome measures, which were originally designed for the ID population but applied to the ASD group without co-occurring ID. This study also received a 2-star rating and met 50% of the MMAT’s quantitative criteria.

The remaining qualitative studies received a 3-star rating, meeting 75% of the MMAT criteria. The first evaluated intervention effectiveness from the perspective of the clinicians who delivered the therapeutic program [ 59 ]. The second assessed offenders’ views via self-report, which carry a potential risk of response bias [ 60 ].

Selection bias was observed in studies that combined ID and ASD populations. Overall, it was difficult to establish a causal relationship between the interventions and outcomes.

Notably, not all the studies reviewed explicitly documented obtaining informed consent from participants. The discrepancy in informed consent between studies, particularly in restrictive forensic settings, presents challenges extending beyond ethical considerations. Such discrepancies may compromise the validity of intervention comparisons, introduce biases in participant selection, and undermine the reliability of data.

Interventions

The interventions examined across the reviewed studies were diverse, as presented in Table  3 , titled ‘Summary of Interventions’.

Three studies incorporated both pharmacological and psychological interventions. Specifically, antipsychotics were used to address co-occurring psychosis, contributing to instances of offending behaviour [ 55 ]. Antipsychotics were also used to manage stress-induced psychosis [ 56 ]. In the context of directly treating offending behaviours, two distinct medications were applied in cases of sexual offending, each with different mechanisms of action [ 54 ] (Table  3 ).

Four studies relied exclusively on psychological interventions [ 57 , 58 , 59 , 60 ]. Among these, two studies implemented adapted forms of CBT. Specific details regarding the non-standardised adaptations used in CBT were not provided by the study author, except that individual delivery was necessary due to difficulties encountered within group settings [ 54 , 56 ].

The third study that incorporated CBT included elements similar to those of the Adapted Sex Offender Treatment Program (A-SOTP) [ 58 ]. The effectiveness of the A-SOTP was described in two studies [ 59 , 60 ]. Furthermore, the Equipping Youth to Help One Another (EQUIP) was adapted and piloted for use with individuals with ID and developmental disabilities (DD) who had committed sexual offences [ 57 ]. Supplementary interventions included speech and language therapy to facilitate communication [ 55 ], occupational therapy to address impairments in executive functioning [ 55 , 56 ] and art therapy [ 54 ].

Table  3 visually depicts a summary of the diverse interventions extracted, reviewed, and categorised according to intervention type: pharmacological, psychological, and supplementary intervention approaches. In addition, the table includes the type of offence, studies using intervention, underlying mechanism of action or theory, evidence base supporting intervention, and measurements used to assess effectiveness.

Measurements

Numerous approaches were adopted to measure effectiveness across the studies. Two studies measured effectiveness by reduced recidivism and the need to repeat the intervention. Other studies utilised a range of standardised measurements to evaluate psychological interventions. For example, one study [ 54 ] employed the Behavioural Status Index (BSI) every six months as a measurement tool. In contrast, another [ 56 ] employed the State Trait Anger Expression Inventory (STAXII II) and the Millon Multiaxial Personality Inventory (MMPI), combined with standardised risk assessment, one-year postintervention.

Regarding pharmacological interventions, one case report used a combination of subjective and objective measurements. These included self-reports and the systematic monitoring of inappropriate glancing behaviours over time by staff members [ 54 ]. In another instance, the reduction in verbalised delusions served as a measure of the effectiveness of antipsychotic medication [ 55 , 56 ].

The effectiveness of interventions such as the A-SOTP was assessed differently across the two studies. In one study, effectiveness was evaluated through clinician views [ 59 ], while in the other, effectiveness was determined by the participants’ subjective experiences with the intervention [ 60 ].

In the case of CBT, which shares similarities with A-SOTP, standardised measures were applied both pre- and post-intervention. These measures consisted of sexual attitudes consistent with sexual offending (QACSO), sexual offenders’ self-appraisal scale (SOSAS), the sexual attitudes and knowledge scale (SAKS), and the victim empathy scale-adapted (VES-A) [ 58 ].

The EQIP study, which also focused on sexual offending [ 57 ], assessed effectiveness by examining improvements in baseline scores on standardised tests related to moral reasoning, cognitive distortions, problem-solving abilities, and anger. In addition, a move to a lower security level was considered an indicator of overall effectiveness. Furthermore, in a case study that included speech and language therapy, the clinician’s subjective view of improved communication within the secure unit served as a measure of the intervention’s effectiveness [ 55 ].

Among the seven studies reviewed, only one pertaining to an arson offence considered the intervention(s) effective. In this case, a pharmacological intervention was used to treat co-occurring alcohol-induced psychosis, and the unspecified antipsychotic proved successful in reducing delusions. Furthermore, speech and language therapy aimed at improving communication skills was also deemed to be effective [ 55 ].

However, the remaining six studies, which included a total of nine participants, concluded that the interventions were largely ineffective. One case report addressing sexual offending behaviours used pharmacological interventions. The first involved cyproterone acetate, a testosterone inhibitor, however, the outcome could not be conclusively determined owing to adherence and dosage issues [ 54 ]. In the second, the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) fluoxetine was deemed ineffective, as inappropriate behaviours did not significantly decrease [ 54 ]. It is worth noting that the evidence for both of these drugs has since been described as insufficient to guide clinical practice, with cyproterone acetate considered inadequate [ 61 ], and the evidence for fluoxetine has not been fully determined [ 62 ].

Among the two studies that utilised the A-SOTP and a similar form of CBT for sexual offending, one participant repeated the intervention program six times and subsequently re-offended and a further two participants repeated the yearlong intervention program and reoffended [ 58 ]. These findings are consistent with the results of the study that assessed clinician views [ 59 ]. Even in the case of CBT, as used in two studies, the intervention was deemed ineffective despite adaptations made to accommodate individuals with ASD [ 54 , 56 ].

ASD core features and impact upon intervention effectiveness

The application of a narrative synthesis facilitated the identification and extraction of recurring patterns within the data. These patterns were evident across all the studies, highlighting the considerable challenges posed by impairments in social communication and interaction (SCI) and the presence of restrictive and repetitive behaviours (RRBs) on the effectiveness of interventions, as depicted in Fig.  2 .

Impact of The Core Features of ASD upon Intervention Effectiveness. Note. This describes the core features of ASD, both ‘impairments to SCI’ and ‘presence of RRBs’, and their impact upon intervention effectiveness as extracted from studies

Additional factors impacting intervention effectiveness

In addition to the core features of ASD, this review sought to identify additional risk factors that may influence the effectiveness of the intervention(s). Potential risk factors highlighted by the authors of each study were collected, and through narrative synthesis, several recurring themes emerged from the data. Co-occurring personality disorders and psychosis [ 55 , 56 ], were identified as potential factors impacting intervention effectiveness, as described within the literature. Additionally, events such as childhood adversity, sexual abuse, trauma, and having a dysfunctional family life were described as potential contributors [ 58 ]. Late diagnosis of ASD was theorised to lead to maladaptive coping skills deriving from unmet needs, which were described in three of the studies [ 54 , 55 , 56 ].

An overarching theme identified across the majority of the seven studies was the insufficiency of service provision, staff expertise, and the evidence base.

The present systematic review identified seven studies with ten participants who underwent forensic interventions aimed at reducing offending behaviours in adults with ASD, particularly those without co-occurring ID. The principal aim of this review was to evaluate the effectiveness of these interventions. The secondary aim was to examine whether the core features of ASD have an impact on the effectiveness of these forensic interventions and to identify other variables that may impact the overall effectiveness of interventions.

Regarding the first aim, the evidence suggests that the interventions reviewed were inadequate. However, these findings should be treated with caution not only because of the small sample size but also because of limitations in the generalisability of the findings. Despite an extensive literature search, all the studies were conducted in southern England, UK, and included only male participants. In addition, all participants, with the exception of one individual living in the community, were detained within secure hospital settings under the provisions of the Mental Health Act (1983). This highlights the lack of data from prison and the probation service, which limits the scope of the review. Furthermore, this review highlights a critical lack of research within this domain. Even when the literature was identified, it was often of inadequate quality owing to various design limitations. The significant heterogeneity between studies, each utilising distinct intervention methods and tools for measuring intervention effectiveness, illustrates a notable lack of standardisation in both clinical and research methodologies within this field. This lack of consistency aligns with broader research on mental health in individuals with ASD [ 45 , 46 ]. Nonetheless, the forensic domain faces additional challenges, such as the lack of randomised control trials, which means that the effectiveness of interventions is difficult to fully determine. These challenges are exacerbated by unavoidable confounding variables, the risk of bias, and the ethical implications of a no-treatment group [ 66 ], all of which contribute to the lack of evidence.

The secondary aim was to examine the potential impact of the core features of ASD on the effectiveness of interventions designed to reduce recidivism. The data patterns identified through narrative synthesis consistently emerged across all studies, highlighting the significant challenges posed by impairments in social communication and interaction (SCI) and the presence of restrictive and repetitive behaviours (RRBs). These challenges highlight the general inappropriateness of forensic interventions within this population.

The third and final aim was to identify factors, beyond the core features of ASD, that may influence the effectiveness of interventions. Throughout the studies, a recurring theme emerged, highlighting significant systemic factors impacting intervention effectiveness. These include issues such as a shortage of government funding leading to inadequate service provision, the question of whether ASD and ID services should be combined, and the substantial unmet needs throughout the lifespan of individuals with ASD, all of which affect the success of forensic interventions. While the core features of ASD are significant, they may not be the primary cause of intervention failure. Rather, they seem to be contributing factors within a broader and more complex array of variables that collectively impact the overall effectiveness of these forensic interventions.

Implications

The inadequate provision of forensic services carries significant implications, especially when prolonged detainment becomes necessary due to the shortcomings of forensic interventions. Such deficiencies may subject individuals with ASD to non-evidence-based interventions, often repeatedly [ 56 , 58 ]. This then increases the likelihood of these individuals being labelled as ‘unrehabilitated,’ potentially leading to extended periods of detainment. Consequently, this creates a counterproductive cycle that not only exacerbates the economic burden but also raises serious concerns about human rights and the potential legal consequences of prolonged confinement.

These issues underscore fundamental questions about the fairness and adequacy of the legal system. Therefore, addressing these knowledge gaps and the lack of evidence-based approaches are crucial to ensuring a more equitable criminal justice system for individuals with ASD.

Future research

This review identifies several key areas for future research in this field. Developing evidence-based interventions tailored to the unique needs of individuals with ASD is crucial. Establishing a consensus on the measurements used for assessing the effectiveness of these interventions, as well as a clear definition of what constitutes effectiveness, would significantly enhance research quality.

Moreover, due to the bias towards studies conducted in southern England, the consistency of interventions for treating offending behaviours in adults with ASD in England remains unclear, especially considering the persistent regional health disparities between the North and South of England [ 67 , 68 ].

Data availability

No datasets were generated or analysed during the current study.

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Salter, J., Blainey, S. The effectiveness of interventions for offending behaviours in adults with autism spectrum disorders (ASD): a systematic PRISMA review. BMC Psychol 12 , 316 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-024-01770-1

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EDITORIAL article

Editorial: the impact of internal and external influences on memory and their relevance to legal decisions.

• 1 Department of Education, Psychology, Communication, University of Bari Aldo Moro, Bari, Italy
• 2 Faculty of Law and Criminology, Leuven Institute of Criminology, Katholieke Universiteit (KU) Leuven, Leuven, Belgium
• 3 Faculty of Psychology and Neuroscience, Maastricht University, Maastricht, Netherlands

Editorial on the Research Topic The impact of internal and external influences on memory and their relevance to legal decisions

Introduction

Cases of wrongful convictions based on unreliable testimonies, as shown by data from Innocence Projects of different countries (i.e., projects aiming to assure a fair process to people wrongfully convicted), show the deleterious effects of inaccurate memories in the legal context. Both external and internal influences can make memories inaccurate. For example, an abundance of research has shown that exposure to misleading and suggestive information can undermine memory for the original event even resulting into formation of false memories (for a review, Pickrell et al., 2016 ). Similarly, studies on deception have also found undermining effects in terms of both forgetting and false memories for the event (for a review, Battista and Otgaar, 2022 ). In the current Research Topic, we provide a unique assemblage of empirical and theoretical papers on these different influences on memory and the impact of memory studies in the courtroom. Specifically, in this Research Topic, papers on emotions and memory, traumatic memories, memory conformity, the misinformation effect, lying and memory, and developmental trends in false memories are presented.

Articles on external influences

Specifically, Marr et al. wrote a critical view on how acute stress can influence the retrieval of events. Their article is a reply to Pezdek and Reisberg's (2022) manuscript on whether or not stress can improve memory retrieval. The authors reviewed the literature on acute stress and memory, concluding that evidence on the link between them is mixed thereby arguing that the relationship between stress and memory depends on several moderators.

Davis et al. also wrote a review on the role of stress on memory but accounting for how stress affects attention which, in turn, can impact the encoding and retrieval of emotional events. In their review, they challenged common claims regarding tunnel memory, the effects of attention narrowing under stress, and the accuracy of memory for emotionally intense events, discussing potential biases in the acceptance of these claims by legal professionals. Finally, they reflected on the role of emotion in the interpretation and memory of sexual consent as well as the potential of trauma-informed interviewing strategies to induce memory distortions.

Dodier et al. provided a new framework to understand the phenomenon of recovered memories. They proposed that recovered memories can be seen as a form of involuntary autobiographical memories whose retrieval is triggered by internal (e.g., age and internal cues) or external cues (e.g., suggestion in therapy, suggestion during interview, and contextual cue). Using this framework, they proposed a new way to evaluate the validity of recovered memories in legal context and provided guidelines for practitioners to correctly apply this novel approach.

Kękuś et al. demonstrated that the classical memory conformity effect occurs also in online situations (i.e., MORI-v) and the effect is comparable to the effects obtained from in-person studies. They also showed the role of individual traits, such as susceptibility to social influence, need for closure, and self-esteem, on the memory conformity effect.

In two studies, Cullen et al. examined the influence of different types of misinformation (i.e., pro-prosecution, pro-defense, or contradictory) on juror decision-making and memory. Specifically, they tested the effects of congruent misinformation on jurors' evaluation of the credibility and verdict for a fictitious trial record of an alleged sexual assault as well as for the recall of the case.

Shah and Knott presented an experiment aiming to test the influence of retention interval and arousal for negative events on the exposure to gist or verbatim misleading information. They demonstrated that the misinformation effect is strong enough to persist over time for negative highly arousing event. According to the authors, these results further suggest the urge to avoid suggestive interviews, especially when arousing events are at stake.

O'Donnell et al. explored two possible aspects affecting the effects of misinformation on memory: The misinformation repetition and the source of misinformation. In two experiments, they readapted Foster et al.'s (2012) procedure and consistently detected in both studies that repetition did affect people's proneness to report misinformation in their recall for the original event, while source of misinformation did not.

Deering et al. further tested the misinformation effect by combining the misinformation procedure with a procedure used in line-up identification studies. They demonstrated that the viewing angle congruency between the perpetrator seen in the encoding phase and the one seen in the misinformation phase did not affect the identification accuracy. The authors concluded that the congruency between encoded and misleading information does not determine either an increase or decrease in the misinformation effect.

Jones et al. extended research on the identification of a culprit in line-up situations by taking into account the phenotypic bias (e.g., tendency to associate people with more Afrocentric -as opposed to Eurocentric- features with criminality). In their study, phenotypic bias did not undermine the correct recognition of the culprit when the culprit had more Afrocentric, rather than Eurocentric, features. Instead, participants were more able to identify the culprit when the phenotype was incongruent between the culprit and the line-up fillers, suggesting that practitioners (i.e., police) need to keep in mind the importance of matching facial phenotype between suspects and fillers when they arrange line-ups.

Articles on internal influences

Dianiska and Meissner investigated the effect of lying on memory accuracy and consistency. In addition, they examined whether the type of interview (i.e., Structure Interview, Reverse Order Interview) influences these two memory outcomes. Overall, lying made people's recall of the original event less accurate along with making people less consistent across interviews. Moreover, interviewing people with a Reverse Order technique reduced inconsistencies, in terms of omissions.

Articles on internal and external influences

Rosendaul et al. summarized studies on the two lines of research of the normative developmental position and the reverse developmental position. By reviewing internal (e.g., source misattributions, inferential reasoning) and external (e.g., valence, suggestion) influences that affect people's proneness to false memories, the authors argued there are no conclusive findings on how age determines memory accuracy, as such both children and adults can be reliable sources of information during legal proceedings.

Relatedly, Otgaar et al. provided an overview of studies on the role of suggesting non-occurrence and non-experience (i.e., external influences) and on the effect of deception (i.e., internal influence) on forgetting and false memories. According to this research, the authors map the outcomes associated to both influences underlining that, although differently, both types of influences can lead to similar mnemonic effects. Cognitive dissonance is put forward as the mechanism behind and operating both at an interpersonal or intrapersonal level.

Conclusions

The articles collected in this Research Topic show the wide researchers' interest in both internal and external influences, with a higher inclination to study external influences than internal ones. This could be due to several reasons. For one thing, while it is easier to explore external influences compared to internal ones, there is a clear necessity for fresh insights in these areas. Hence, there is a call to replicate previous findings in different contexts or through methodological adaptations to uncover novel insights. In addition, the few studies on internal influences and memory invite future investigation in this regard.

To conclude, the studies in this Research Topic provide legal practitioners with practical information on how to avoid detrimental effects on memory and legal decisions. We firmly think that the current Research Topic can inspire future studies, contributing to disseminate knowledge among legal professionals.

Author contributions

FB: Conceptualization, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. IM: Writing – review & editing. HO: Writing – review & editing. AC: Writing – review & editing.

The author(s) declare that no financial support was received for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher's note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Battista, F., and Otgaar, H. (2022). Research on the effects of lying on memory: a scientometric analysis and a call for new studies. Front. Psychol. 13:837265. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2022.837265

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Pickrell, J. E., McDonald, D. L., Bernstein, D. M., and Loftus, E. F. (2016). “Misinformation effect,” in Cognitive Illusions . New York, NY: Psychology Press, 406–423.

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Keywords: internal influences, external influences, forgetting, amnesia, memory distortions, false memories

Citation: Battista F, Mangiulli I, Otgaar H and Curci A (2024) Editorial: The impact of internal and external influences on memory and their relevance to legal decisions. Front. Psychol. 15:1408797. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1408797

Received: 28 March 2024; Accepted: 20 May 2024; Published: 29 May 2024.

Edited and reviewed by: Jamal K. Mansour , University of Lethbridge, Canada

Copyright © 2024 Battista, Mangiulli, Otgaar and Curci. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Fabiana Battista, fabiana.battista@uniba.it

† ORCID: Fabiana Battista orcid.org/0000-0003-4086-739X Ivan Mangiulli orcid.org/0000-0002-5409-7325 Henry Otgaar orcid.org/0000-0002-2782-2181 Antonietta Curci orcid.org/0000-0002-0932-7152

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.