At the same time, such a situation always leads to the thorough attention to the phenomenon of education, in particular higher education. Great expectations and hopes cause significant demands and fundamental tasks that the society puts forward to the academic community. Satisfaction of these requirements and the solution of such tasks is probably not possible without self-analysis and self-reflection, without identifying those problems that inhibit the development of education itself, decrease its functionality, and discredit its status as the spiritual basis of social life. Therefore, we will further try to formulate our vision of current issues and current challenges in higher education.
By Maggie Astor
Maybe it seems as though we have been here before. But this rerun of the 2020 election is happening in a vastly changed world, with urgent stakes for matters both domestic and international. We have learned more about President Biden and former President Donald J. Trump over the last four years, too.
Here is what both men have done and want to do on some of the most pressing issues, starting with abortion , democracy , the economy , immigration , Israel and Gaza and Social Security and Medicare .
“Give me a Democratic House of Representatives and a bigger Democratic Senate, and we will pass a new law to restore and protect Roe v. Wade ,” Mr. Biden said in January .
The congressional caveat is essential. He needs not just bare Democratic majorities but also 50 senators willing to get rid of the filibuster, which requires 60 votes to pass most legislation.
In the absence of such majorities, Mr. Biden’s cabinet has taken some administrative actions to try to limit the effects of state abortion bans.
His Department of Health and Human Services told hospitals in 2022 that, under its interpretation, a law already on the books pertaining to emergency rooms, the Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act , obligates doctors to perform an abortion if they believe it is needed to stabilize a patient. That guidance is subject to legal challenges on which the Supreme Court has declined to rule yet .
In April, the same department announced a rule to shield many abortion patients’ medical records from investigators and prosecutors.
“It’s irrelevant whether I’m comfortable or not,” he said. “It’s totally irrelevant, because the states are going to make those decisions.”
Mr. Trump appointed Justices Neil M. Gorsuch, Brett M. Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court. Without them, Roe v. Wade would still be law.
He has boasted about that fact on multiple occasions, saying he accomplished what no Republican president before him could and, as recently as April, calling himself “proudly the person responsible” for the overturning of Roe.
“After 50 years of failure, with nobody coming even close, I was able to kill Roe v. Wade , much to the ‘shock’ of everyone, and for the first time put the pro life movement in a strong negotiating position,” he wrote on social media last year, adding, “Without me there would be no 6 weeks, 10 weeks, 15 weeks, or whatever is finally agreed to.”
He has long made contradictory statements on the matter, at times suggesting he might support some version of a federal ban. And in the Time magazine interview published in April, he deflected when asked whether he would veto a bill that defined life as beginning at fertilization.
His campaign did not give a yes-or-no answer when asked if he would support enforcing the Comstock Act , an 1873 law that prohibits mailing materials used in abortions, and that some Trump allies want him to use to restrict abortion nationally without a formal ban. “President Trump has long been consistent in supporting the rights of states to make decisions on abortion,” a spokeswoman said.
He has framed his caution around abortion as a political matter because “you have to win elections.”
“I’m a practicing Catholic. I’m not big on abortion,” he said at a fund-raiser last year, while adding, “Roe v. Wade got it right.”
He used to support abortion rights; in 1999, he called himself “very pro-choice.” But when he ran for president in 2016, he recast himself as an anti-abortion stalwart to court conservative Christians, and that is how he governed.
The fertility treatment can be threatened by anti-abortion measures that treat embryos as people with legal rights, since it usually involves creating multiple embryos and destroying or indefinitely freezing unused ones. The matter gained urgency after the Alabama Supreme Court ruled in February that frozen embryos were children, upending I.V.F. in the state. Mr. Biden condemned the ruling.
The Alabama Legislature subsequently passed a law that gave I.V.F. clinics immunity but did not address embryos’ legal status.
Mr. Biden and his administration have defended mifepristone . His solicitor general successfully urged the Supreme Court to reject a lawsuit that had sought to limit access to mifepristone sharply. The court unanimously upheld access in June based on the plaintiffs’ standing; anti-abortion activists have signaled that they may try again with different plaintiffs.
“I continue to stand by F.D.A.’s evidence-based approval of mifepristone,” Mr. Biden said in a statement last year, adding that the lawsuit threatened the “F.D.A.’s medical judgment and put women’s health at risk.”
He also supported the F.D.A.’s more recent decision that allows retail pharmacies to become certified to dispense mifepristone; previously, only doctors, clinics and some mail-order pharmacies could do so. He has encouraged pharmacies to seek that certification.
In an effort to blunt the effects of state abortion bans, the Department of Health and Human Services advised pharmacists that they might violate civil rights laws if they refused to dispense drugs like mifepristone, misoprostol and methotrexate that can be used for abortions but also other medical purposes. Texas sued over this, and its lawsuit is pending.
The Justice Department also issued a legal opinion that the Postal Service could deliver abortion drugs to states with bans without violating the Comstock Act , an 1873 law that prohibits mailing materials used in abortions. Abortion opponents have expressed interest in enforcing a strict interpretation of that law.
He appointed the district judge, Matthew Kacsmaryk, whose ruling last year voided the F.D.A.’s approval of the drug . An appeals court panel that was composed mainly of Trump appointees allowed mifepristone to stay on the market but upheld other parts of Judge Kacsmaryk’s ruling that made the drug harder to obtain. In June, the Supreme Court unanimously rejected the challenge to mifepristone based on the plaintiffs’ standing; anti-abortion activists have signaled that they may try again with different plaintiffs.
Mr. Trump’s campaign did not respond to requests to comment on the Supreme Court ruling or to say whether he would support rescinding F.D.A. approval for abortion pills.
Versions of the global rule blocking certain foreign aid, called the Mexico City policy, have been enacted by every Republican president, and rescinded by every Democratic one, since the 1980s.
Mr. Biden revoked both the global rule and the domestic one that Mr. Trump enacted.
In 2019, Mr. Biden said that he opposed the Hyde Amendment , which bans Medicaid funding for most abortions. That was a change in his longtime stance on the matter, but he has not made a major push for its repeal.
Republican presidents have routinely done that, but Mr. Trump went further: He extended the policy to block the organizations from receiving not only family-planning funding but also broader health aid, including money for clean water, nutrition programs and H.I.V., malaria and tuberculosis prevention.
He also placed similar restrictions on Title X funding for domestic organizations for the first time since the Reagan administration.
Mr. Trump supported an unsuccessful Senate effort to make permanent the Hyde Amendment , which bans Medicaid funding for most abortions.
“For a long time, we’ve told ourselves that American democracy is guaranteed, but it’s not — we have to defend it, protect it, stand up for it, each and every one of us,” he said in Philadelphia in 2022, in one of at least four major speeches he has given on democracy. He urged Americans to “unite behind the single purpose of defending our democracy regardless of your ideology.”
Mr. Biden signed reforms to the Electoral Count Act meant to prevent a repeat of Mr. Trump’s attempt to exploit the Jan. 6 proceedings to overturn his loss. The legislation — which addressed formal election certification procedures, not the storming of the Capitol — established that the vice president’s role is ceremonial and increased the number of lawmakers required to object to counting a state’s electoral votes.
“I think we’re going to win,” he said in an April interview with Time . “And if we don’t win, you know, it depends. It always depends on the fairness of an election.”
He refused to accept his defeat in 2020, after which he and his allies attempted an extraordinary scheme to subvert voters’ will : They pressured legislators to declare him the winner of states he had lost; organized slates of fake Electoral College electors; pushed Vice President Mike Pence to refuse to certify the results; and agitated his supporters, who threatened election officials and stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.
Two of the four criminal indictments against him, one federal and one in Georgia , are related to those actions.
He has continued to promote the same lies since then. In 2022, he suggested the “termination” of the Constitution in order to overturn or rerun the election.
He has also described people charged in connection with the Jan. 6 attack as “patriots” and “hostages,” and suggested that he would immediately pardon them if elected again.
Mr. Trump has been pushing his supporters for a turnout this fall that is “too big to rig,” pre-emptively sowing doubt about the validity of the election, as he did in 2016 and 2020 .
The first bill he supported, the For the People Act, would have set a floor for voting access in federal elections, meaning states could enact more inclusive procedures but not less. It would have effectively nullified ID requirements by letting voters sign affidavits instead, allowed all voters to register online and on Election Day, automatically registered people who visited agencies like the D.M.V., and restored voting rights to felons who completed their sentences.
It would also have limited gerrymandering by requiring independent commissions for House redistricting; required political action committees to report foreign contacts; more strictly regulated campaign finance, including by eliminating much of the donor anonymity allowed by the Supreme Court’s Citizens United ruling; and provided public funding to candidates who rejected private donations over $1,000.
After Republicans filibustered the For the People Act, Mr. Biden supported a narrower version called the Freedom to Vote Act , as well as the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act , which would have restored sections of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 that the Supreme Court has struck down or weakened. Republicans also filibustered those .
His words have fueled a decline in public confidence in the well-documented integrity of the electoral system that many Republican state legislators have used to justify new restrictions on voting . Mr. Trump has largely endorsed those restrictions and has often called for a national voter identification requirement, a common Republican proposal.
He has also called for single-day elections — meaning eliminating early voting — conducted exclusively with paper ballots. But more recently, facing evidence that discouraging early and mail voting could hurt Republican turnout , he told supporters on social media that “absentee voting, early voting and Election Day voting are all good options.”
As president, he established a commission to investigate voter fraud after falsely claiming that undocumented immigrants and votes cast in the names of dead people had caused him to lose the popular vote in 2016. The commission found no evidence of widespread fraud, and Mr. Trump disbanded it .
He also rescinded a Trump executive order that had sought to strip civil-service protections from career federal employees, which would have let the president fire them at will. In April, his administration finalized a rule intended to make it harder for Mr. Trump to strip those protections if he is elected again, though Mr. Trump could simply change that rule .
Mr. Biden has endorsed the Justice Department’s assessment that presidents can order “limited” military actions without congressional approval , a change from his position during an earlier presidential run in 2007. He has ordered airstrikes against Iranian-backed militias that way.
In at least one other respect, he has also used an expansive interpretation of executive power: invoking emergency power to try to cancel more than $400 billion in student debt , an effort that the Supreme Court struck down in 2023 .
He also said he would consider firing a U.S. attorney who declined to prosecute someone whom Mr. Trump wanted prosecuted, telling Time magazine , “It would depend on the situation.”
In his first term, Mr. Trump issued an executive order that sought to strip civil-service protections from many career federal employees, which would have let him fire them at will and purge federal agencies of people he disagreed with. He and his allies have been planning a sweeping expansion of presidential power if he is re-elected.
At least twice , he authorized military force without congressional approval , something Mr. Biden has also done, in keeping with an assessment from the Justice Department.
Mr. Trump also used an emergency declaration to spend more money on border wall construction than Congress had appropriated, then twice vetoed bills passed by Congress to end the emergency. Conversely, he wants the ability to refuse to spend money that Congress has appropriated, something lawmakers banned decades ago.
Fox News’s Sean Hannity asked him in December whether he would pledge not to abuse presidential power. Mr. Trump refused , saying: “This guy, he says, ‘You’re not going to be a dictator , are you?’ I said, ‘No, no, no — other than Day 1 .’ We’re closing the border, and we’re drilling, drilling, drilling. After that, I’m not a dictator.”
The pandemic kicked off rising prices around the world, as supply-chain problems escalated. Government stimulus in the United States — Mr. Trump approved more than $3 trillion in 2020 and Mr. Biden $1.9 trillion in 2021 — helped fuel demand. Other global factors, like the war in Ukraine, also played a role.
Republicans have blamed Mr. Biden’s spending, and economists have criticized the size and timing of his relief plan, which may have spurred consumer spending as global supply-chain problems persisted. But economists have also credited his rescue package with preventing the U.S. economy from sliding into recession.
The Federal Reserve, which operates independently of the White House, responded to inflation by increasing interest rates — a move that makes it more expensive to take out a mortgage or a business loan, creating a chain reaction that cools the economy.
Since 2022, inflation has slowed while the job market and consumer spending have remained robust , pointing to a potential “soft landing” in which policies return inflation to normal without creating a recession.
But the remnants of rapid inflation have been more stubborn than expected , and many Americans have registered their discontent with the prices of food and consumer goods.
He has argued without evidence that the United States would not have had high inflation if he had remained in office, though most nations did. He has indicated that he would not have spent the money Mr. Biden did in 2021 but has said little about how he would have handled other driving factors.
The agenda he has described for his second term does not appear likely to reduce inflation, and it includes policies like sweeping tariffs and deportations that could make it worse . He has also criticized high interest rates , the Federal Reserve’s primary tool to control inflation.
One of the first bills Mr. Biden signed was the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan , a stimulus package that included direct payments to most Americans, unemployment benefits, child care subsidies and funding for local governments.
He later signed a $1 trillion bipartisan infrastructure deal and a $280 billion bipartisan industrial policy bill called the CHIPS and Science Act. He also championed the Inflation Reduction Act , which included hundreds of billions of dollars in clean-energy tax credits and health insurance subsidies. All of the new spending measures were aimed at driving job creation , which several studies and government employment statistics indicate they did.
Spending increased more significantly during the pandemic, with stimulus and other relief bills totaling over $3 trillion by the time Mr. Trump left office. Those bills sent two rounds of direct payments to Americans, created the Paycheck Protection Program to keep companies afloat, expanded unemployment benefits and provided funding for hospitals, vaccines and local governments.
In a recent budget proposal , Mr. Biden called for increasing the 15 percent minimum to 21 percent . Separately, he called for partly reversing the reduction that Mr. Trump had signed to the regular corporate tax rate, which brought that rate to 21 percent from 35 percent. Here are other measures he wants to take:
Establish a minimum tax of 25 percent for people with assets of more than $100 million
Increase taxes on foreign profits and fuel for private jets
Extend Trump-era tax cuts for households making less than $400,000 a year
Widen eligibility for the earned-income tax credit
Create a $10,000 tax credit for first-time home buyers
Restore an expansion of the child tax credit that successfully reduced child poverty before it expired
Through the Inflation Reduction Act, which was also how he set the minimum corporate tax, Mr. Biden gave the I.R.S. more money to crack down on tax evasion.
The package also temporarily reduced tax rates for individuals , including the wealthiest Americans . Mr. Trump wants Congress to extend those cuts, which expire in 2025; he has also promised “additional cuts” but has not given details.
Though Mr. Trump’s tax package substantially cut taxes overall, in one respect that law went in the other direction: It capped a deduction that let people save on their federal taxes based on how much they paid in state and local taxes. That cap mainly affected high earners in high-tax states like California and New York.
Mr. Trump said in June that, if elected again, he would seek to eliminate taxes on tips.
Unemployment steadily declined over his first year. It fell below 4 percent in December 2021 and has stayed almost entirely below that mark for the more than two years since, fluctuating between 3.4 percent and 4 percent . Job growth has exceeded economists’ expectations.
Other indicators, including growth in gross domestic product, have also been strong, and the stock market reached record highs in the spring.
But during most of his term, the unemployment rate was low . It declined to 3.5 percent just before the pandemic, from 4.7 percent when he took office, a continuation of a trend that began under President Barack Obama.
For much of that time, the unemployment rate for Black people also fell, which Mr. Trump likes to emphasize. It dropped to a historical low of 5.3 percent in August and September 2019, from 7.5 percent in January 2017, another continuation of an Obama-era trend. However, it began to increase in the fall of 2019 and had returned to above 6 percent before the pandemic.
For the first three years of Mr. Trump’s presidency, the gross domestic product increased, and the stock market grew for much of that time as well.
The deficit is more complicated: It is lower now than when Mr. Biden arrived, but that is largely a result of pandemic programs’ expiring. Setting aside the pandemic anomalies, the deficit is higher now ($1.7 trillion) than it was 2019 ($980 billion).
Initial projections from the Congressional Budget Office suggested that the Inflation Reduction Act would decrease the deficit over a decade, but use of its tax credits and subsidies appears to be higher than expected, and it could end up increasing the deficit.
The deficit also increased by historically unusual amounts even before the pandemic, rising by $310 billion between 2017 and 2019, when it hit $980 billion. It then skyrocketed by $2.15 trillion in 2020.
He did not roll back Mr. Trump’s tariffs on Chinese products, and in April he announced that he would expand them, tripling some tariffs on Chinese steel and aluminum. In May, he went further, increasing tariffs on electric vehicles, solar cells, semiconductors and advanced batteries, and officially endorsing the Trump-era tariffs that he had criticized in 2020.
He scaled back the Trump administration’s tariffs on European steel and aluminum, but he has not eliminated them.
The Inflation Reduction Act created incentives for companies to keep their operations in the United States.
He set tariffs in 2018 on washing machines and solar-energy equipment , and later on steel and aluminum . The trade war with China began later that year when he imposed an escalating series of tariffs . China responded in kind . Other countries imposed their own retaliatory tariffs . And American consumers bore the brunt of the costs .
Mr. Trump signed an initial trade deal with China in 2020, but the agreement preserved most of the tariffs. He has suggested that he would go significantly further in a second term, including by imposing tariffs of 60 percent or more on Chinese products and 10 percent on other imports. At a campaign rally in March, he said he supported a 100 percent tariff on cars made by Chinese companies in Mexico, and then in May he one-upped himself to 200 percent.
His other major trade policy was a renegotiation of the North American Free Trade Agreement , or NAFTA, which critics said had encouraged the outsourcing of jobs and manufacturing to Mexico. The new version , the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, contains more protections for workers and provisions aimed primarily at encouraging auto manufacturing in the United States.
The Federal Trade Commission issued a ban on most noncompete clauses . The Labor Department has called for employers to pay overtime starting next year to people earning up to $58,656 annually, up from the current threshold of $35,568.
Mr. Biden also appointed an aggressive antitrust team and signed an executive order that called on federal agencies to help increase economic competition by scrutinizing big tech, agriculture and pharmaceutical corporations. But courts have blocked some of his efforts, including challenges to acquisitions by Microsoft and Meta . Other lawsuits are in progress: His administration is suing Apple and challenging a merger of two supermarket companies.
One of its most significant steps was weakening the Volcker Rule , which had blocked banks from making risky bets with customers’ money if the customers had not requested the bets. The loosened rule lets banks invest in certain funds that make such bets.
Under a leader appointed by Mr. Trump, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau rescinded restrictions on payday loans . The Department of Housing and Urban Development also weakened a housing anti-discrimination rule so severely that banks took the unusual step of opposing a deregulatory move.
Illegal immigration.
But he has since pursued stricter policies, partly because border crossings have surged to record levels, making immigration a major issue in the election, and partly because of court rulings.
He endorsed a bipartisan proposal that would have closed the border if crossings reached an average of more than 5,000 migrants a day over a week, and would also have hired thousands of new border security agents and asylum officers. The deal died in Congress after Mr. Trump came out against it.
Mr. Biden resumed construction of some sections of the border wall , saying that he didn’t believe it worked but that he had no choice because Congress had appropriated money for it. His administration waived environmental laws to expedite construction.
This year, he resumed deportation flights that carry migrants hundreds of miles from the border.
He has continued to push to preserve the DACA program , which stands for Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, though judges have ruled against it, including last September . In February, he deferred deportation of Palestinians who are in the United States illegally, using executive authority to shield people whose homelands are in crisis.
In June, he also announced sweeping new protections for undocumented immigrants who are married to American citizens. Those protections will shield hundreds of thousands of people from deportation and give them a path to citizenship. Separately, he made many DACA recipients eligible for employee-sponsored work visas, which could eventually open the door to permanent residency.
He plans to round up undocumented immigrants and detain them in camps while they await deportation, rely on a form of expulsion that doesn’t involve due process hearings, and deputize local police officers and National Guard troops from Republican-led states to carry out immigration raids .
Mr. Trump said to Time magazine in April that he would aim to deport as many as 15 million to 20 million people if re-elected — numbers that are equivalent to the population of New York State at the high end.
In the same interview, he said he might deploy the military against migrants both along the border and in nonborder states, claiming that a law that forbids the use of the military for domestic law enforcement would not apply because people who are in the U.S. illegally “aren’t civilians.”
He also wants to revoke birthright citizenship for children of undocumented immigrants, which overwhelming legal consensus holds to be guaranteed under the 14th Amendment.
All of this would be an escalation from his first term, during which he separated thousands of migrant children from their parents and held them in crowded, unsanitary facilities; suggested a border wall with spikes and a moat; and urged officials to shoot migrants in the legs. During a CNN event last year, he did not rule out reinstating family separation.
Mr. Trump diverted money from the military budget to build a border wall without congressional approval. While a wall was his signature promise in 2016, his administration built under 500 miles of barriers along the nearly 2,000-mile southern border during his first term.
He has repeatedly dehumanized migrants , including saying on multiple occasions that they are “poisoning the blood” of the country — language that echoes Hitler — and calling some of them “animals” and “not people, in my opinion.”
Throughout his administration, Mr. Biden has kept several of Mr. Trump’s immigration policies in place , though he ended a rule that had forced asylum seekers to remain in Mexico while awaiting hearings.
He initially retained Mr. Trump’s Title 42 policy, which enabled rapid expulsion of asylum seekers on public health grounds — though he did allow more than a million into the country while the policy was in place. He later sought to end it but was blocked ; then it ultimately expired in 2023.
After denouncing Mr. Trump’s asylum restrictions as a candidate, Mr. Biden reinstated a version of one requiring most people seeking asylum to apply in another country first and stating that people who enter illegally are presumed to be ineligible for asylum. (A judge then blocked it .) He also proposed an additional rule to speed up asylum screenings and removals in some cases.
A bipartisan border-security deal this year, which Mr. Biden supported but Mr. Trump torpedoed, would have made it harder to claim asylum while also including a right to counsel for certain applicants, including unaccompanied children 13 and under.
In 2018, he suspended asylum rights for people who entered the country illegally, a policy that was blocked by a federal judge.
His administration used the pandemic to lay the legal groundwork for denying asylum seekers entry into the United States, something he had expressed interest in but been unable to do beforehand. The emergency public health measure he invoked, Title 42, allowed the government to quickly expel migrants who crossed the border.
He wants to reinstate Title 42 if elected again, this time based on claims that migrants carry diseases like tuberculosis rather than the coronavirus.
The bipartisan border-security deal he endorsed this year — which Congress also did not pass — would have made more limited changes, including adding 250,000 family- and employment-based visas over five years and ensuring green-card eligibility for the children of immigrants on H-1B visas for highly skilled workers. It also would have enacted measures to reduce illegal border crossings.
Through executive action, he has made migrants from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela eligible for a temporary legal entry program for people whose home countries are in turmoil. He has also admitted hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians under a similar program .
In 2019, he began denying permanent residency to immigrants deemed likely to require public assistance, a rule that disproportionately affected people from Latin America, Africa and parts of Asia. He also significantly limited H-1B visas for skilled workers, but while privately courting business leaders in June, he talked up the importance of high-skilled immigration.
If elected again, he has called for revoking the status of people — including Afghan refugees — who have been allowed into the country for humanitarian reasons, as well as revoking the student visas of people whom he called “radical anti-American and antisemitic foreigners.”
In June, he called for automatically giving green cards to foreign students who graduated from a U.S. college. But his campaign quickly walked that back, saying that only the “most skilled graduates” would be included and that their political ideologies would be vetted.
He said at rallies in October that he would put in place “strong ideological screening” for visa applicants, barring anyone who was “communist, Marxist or fascist,” who sympathized with “radical Islamic terrorists and extremists,” who wanted “to abolish the state of Israel” or who did not “like our religion.” (The U.S. has no state religion, and the First Amendment doesn’t allow one.)
His campaign also said he would expand a program from his first term to strip citizenship from naturalized immigrants whom he determined to be “criminals, terrorists and immigration cheats.”
Israel and gaza, war in gaza.
As the war has dragged on — killing tens of thousands of Gazans and putting the territory on the brink of famine — he has become increasingly critical of the Israeli government, urging it to reduce civilian casualties. But the United States has continued to supply weapons to Israel.
Mr. Biden paused a shipment of 3,500 bombs in the spring , as Israel began its military offensive in Rafah, the southern city to which more than a million Gazans had fled. But he advanced a different arms sale shortly after that.
While he had warned that Israel would cross a “red line” if it invaded Rafah, he later said an Israeli airstrike that killed dozens of civilians in Rafah did not cross that red line .
In March, he endorsed a temporary cease-fire , and his administration allowed a U.N. Security Council resolution calling for a cease-fire to pass by abstaining from voting. (It had vetoed three similar resolutions .) In May, he called for a permanent cease-fire .
He also ordered the U.S. military to build a port to deliver aid to Gaza , a few days after it began airdropping food in March. The port effort has been beset by problems and appears likely to end operations early .
After Israel killed seven aid workers from World Central Kitchen, he told Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that future U.S. aid could depend on whether Israel took steps “to address civilian harm, humanitarian suffering and the safety of aid workers.” Israel then said it would allow more food and supplies into Gaza, but aid workers say much more is needed.
In March, he urged Israel to “finish up” the war quickly because it was losing support, but he also expressed his continued support of the country’s invasion and bombardment of Gaza. In an interview with a conservative Israeli news outlet, he said that he “would act very much the same way” and that “you would have to be crazy not to.”
He suggested that Israel had hurt its cause , in terms of international public opinion, by releasing images of the damage in Gaza. “These photos and shots — I mean, moving shots of bombs being dropped into buildings in Gaza, and I said, ‘Oh, that’s a terrible portrait,’” he said. Of releasing such footage, he added, “Go and do what you have to do, but you don’t do that.”
He reiterated that view to Time magazine in April, saying , “I think that Israel has done one thing very badly: public relations.”
However, in April, the United States vetoed a U.N. Security Council resolution that would have recommended recognizing a Palestinian state as a full U.N. member. Mr. Biden’s U.N. ambassador said the veto was because Hamas controlled “a significant portion of what is supposed to be” the Palestinians’ state.
The Biden administration said in February that new Israeli settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem were “inconsistent with international law,” reversing a Trump-era policy . But at the same time, it defended Israel’s existing occupation of those territories before the International Court of Justice .
Mr. Biden also used an executive order to impose sanctions on four Israeli settlers accused of attacking civilians in the West Bank. The order — which went further than a previous visa ban from the State Department — said that “extremist settler violence” threatened “the foreign policy objectives of the United States, including the viability of a two-state solution.”
The plan, which was never adopted, strongly favored Israeli priorities . It was developed without substantive Palestinian input and would not have created a fully autonomous Palestinian state. It called for making Jerusalem the unified capital of Israel, relegating the Palestinian capital to the outskirts of the city and letting Israel keep its West Bank settlements and control of the Jordan Valley.
More recently, Mr. Trump told Time magazine : “There was a time when I thought two-state could work. Now I think two-state is going to be very, very tough.”
Mr. Trump moved the United States embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv , a decision that threw a wrench into the possibility of peace talks and caused some Palestinian leaders to describe a two-state solution as dead.
He also ended decades of U.S. opposition to Israeli settlements, which significantly expanded during his administration, and he cut aid for Palestinians .
He urged Israel to view its defense as a victory and not retaliate further; it did retaliate, but opted for a limited strike that avoided further escalation.
But earlier in his term, he had recognized Israeli authority over the Golan Heights , a disputed area between Israel and Syria. That change in longstanding U.S. policy set the country apart from Israel’s Arab neighbors and the United Nations, and was seen as a political gift to Mr. Netanyahu.
He also ended the Iran nuclear deal reached by President Barack Obama and foreign leaders, under which Iran agreed to limit its nuclear program in exchange for the lifting of sanctions. His withdrawal and reinstatement of sanctions pleased Israel, which opposed the deal.
This April, after Iran launched a retaliatory strike on Israel, Mr. Trump told Time magazine that he would support Israel in the event of Iranian attacks.
In April, a White House spokesman condemned protesters at Columbia University after some of the demonstrations took a dark turn . “Calls for violence and physical intimidation targeting Jewish students and the Jewish community are blatantly antisemitic,” the spokesman, Andrew Bates, said. Mr. Biden later said he rejected both antisemitism and “those who don’t understand what’s going on with the Palestinians.”
After police crackdowns on several campuses, he said : “Dissent is essential to democracy, but dissent must never lead to disorder.”
He said he did not support calling in the National Guard , as some Republicans had urged.
“To every college president, I say remove the encampments immediately,” he said in early May. “Vanquish the radicals, and take back our campuses for all of the normal students.”
He has said that the 2017 white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Va. — where a woman was killed by a neo-Nazi and many others were injured — was “a little peanut” compared with the campus protests . And he mused about whether punishment for the Columbia protesters would be “anything comparable” to how those who stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, were punished.
His administration released the United States’ first strategy for combating antisemitism last year, after several years in which reports of antisemitic incidents increased — a trend that began when Mr. Trump was in office and that has continued under Mr. Biden . The plan’s recommendations include making it easier to report hate crimes, holding anti-bias workshops geared toward workplaces and hiring, and strengthening Holocaust education.
The Biden administration also opened investigations into possible discrimination against both Jewish and Muslim college students.
He issued an executive order in 2019 that effectively defined Judaism as a race or nationality, in addition to a religion, in order to apply protections under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act.
But he has also repeatedly made antisemitic remarks and associated with antisemites . In 2017, he said there were “fine people on both sides” of a white supremacist and neo-Nazi rally in Charlottesville, Va.
And he has repeatedly described Jews who voted for Democrats as “disloyal” or self-hating, language that critics say invokes an antisemitic trope about Jews having a “dual loyalty,” with a greater devotion to Israel than to their own countries.
In 2022, he lamented that “our wonderful evangelicals” appreciated his support for Israel more than American Jews did. And in 2023, he shared an image saying that “liberal Jews” had “voted to destroy America & Israel.”
Disagreements between the two have come to a head over Israel’s actions in Gaza. In March, Mr. Biden praised a speech in which the Senate majority leader, Chuck Schumer, Democrat of New York, denounced Mr. Netanyahu. And in May, he said there was “every reason for people to draw” the conclusion that Mr. Netanyahu was prolonging the war in order to hold on to office. But he also said he did not believe that Mr. Netanyahu was “playing politics” with the war.
Mr. Biden has been careful with his criticism of Mr. Netanyahu, and reluctant to take actions that would concretely affect Mr. Netanyahu’s government or the war.
But ever since Mr. Trump lost the 2020 election, he has been less friendly toward Mr. Netanyahu — seemingly for a personal reason : Mr. Netanyahu congratulated Mr. Biden on his victory . After the Hamas-led attack on Israel, Mr. Trump criticized Mr. Netanyahu as having been unprepared . He quickly backtracked on those remarks.
But while he has taken a number of steps to keep Medicare solvent at its current benefit levels, he has not done the same for Social Security. Projections fluctuate based on economic conditions, but estimates from this spring indicate that if policies continue unchanged, Social Security and its associated disability insurance program will run out of money to cover full benefits in 2035.
The Inflation Reduction Act, one of Mr. Biden’s signature legislative accomplishments, allowed Medicare for the first time to negotiate drug prices directly with pharmaceutical companies — a policy that could both lower prices for consumers and save the program money . The law also included a requirement that drug companies make payments to Medicare if they increase their prices faster than inflation, and reduced the amount that beneficiaries have to pay out of pocket for expensive medications.
Mr. Biden has called for putting the money saved by those policies into Medicare’s hospital trust fund to extend the program’s full solvency beyond the current projection of 2036. He has also proposed increasing Medicare taxes for people earning more than $400,000 a year.
During the 2020 campaign, he proposed expanding Medicare benefits by lowering the eligibility age to 60 from 65, but he has not made a major push to do that in office.
His campaign pledge to raise taxes on people earning more than $400,000 to fund Social Security and increase benefits for low-income recipients also has not been realized , though he reiterated it this spring. One possible way to do that would be to raise or lift a cap on how much income is subject to Social Security taxes, which would mean wealthy people would pay more.
During his time in the Senate, Mr. Biden expressed openness to cuts that he now opposes , including raising the retirement age and reducing benefits.
His team suggested that the economy would be stronger under Mr. Trump, and that could strengthen the programs in the long term. But a stronger economy alone is unlikely to make them solvent.
His campaign quickly sought to clarify ambiguous remarks he made in March, when he told CNBC that he might be open to cuts . “There is a lot you can do in terms of entitlements, in terms of cutting and in terms of also the theft and the bad management of entitlements,” he said in the interview, but his campaign said afterward that he had been talking about cutting “waste,” not benefits.
In 2023, he said Republicans should not “cut a single penny from Medicare or Social Security to help pay for Joe Biden’s reckless spending spree,” though the programs’ funding gap predates the Biden administration.
In 2020, he suggested that he would “at some point” be open to cuts, then backtracked . As president, he proposed cutting the Social Security budget in part by more aggressively combating fraud.
Projections fluctuate based on economic conditions, but estimates from this spring indicate that if policies continue unchanged, Social Security will run out of money to cover full benefits by 2035, and part of Medicare by 2036.
Earlier in his career, Mr. Trump called Social Security a “Ponzi scheme” and said it should be privatized. He dropped that position during his first presidential campaign, as well as his previous support for raising the retirement age to 70. The current retirement age for anyone born in 1960 or later is 67.
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Schools across the country were already facing major equity challenges before the pandemic, but the disruptions it caused exacerbated them.
After students came back to school buildings after more than a year of hybrid schooling, districts were dealing with discipline challenges and re-segregating schools. In a national EdWeek Research Center survey from October, 65 percent of the 824 teachers, and school and district leaders surveyed said they were more concerned now than before the pandemic about closing academic opportunity gaps that impact learning for students of different races, socioeconomic levels, disability categories, and English-learner statuses.
But educators trying to prioritize equity have an uphill battle to overcome these challenges, especially in the face of legislation and school policies attempting to fight equity initiatives across the country.
The pandemic and the 2020 murder of George Floyd drove many districts to recognize longstanding racial disparities in academics, discipline, and access to resources and commit to addressing them. But in 2021, a backlash to such equity initiatives accelerated, and has now resulted in 18 states passing laws restricting lessons on race and racism, and many also passing laws restricting the rights and well-being of LGBTQ students.
This slew of Republican-driven legislation presents a new hurdle for districts looking to address racial and other inequities in public schools.
During an Education Week K-12 Essentials forum last week, journalists, educators, and researchers talked about these challenges, and possible solutions to improving equity in education.
Takeru Nagayoshi, who was the Massachusetts teacher of the year in 2020, and one of the speakers at the forum, said he never felt represented as a gay, Asian kid in public school until he read about the Stonewall Riots, the Civil Rights Movement, and the full history of marginalized groups working together to change systems of oppression.
“Those are the learning experiences that inspired me to be a teacher and to commit to a life of making our country better for everyone,” he said.
“Our students really benefit the most when they learn about themselves and the world that they’re in. They’re in a safe space with teachers who provide them with an honest education and accurate history.”
Here are some takeaways from the discussion:
Almost 70 years after the Supreme Court ruled in Brown v. Board of Education that racial segregation in public schools was unconstitutional, most students attend schools where they see a majority of other students of their racial demographics .
Black students, who accounted for 15 percent of public school enrollment in 2019, attended schools where Black students made up an average of 47 percent of enrollment, according to a UCLA report.
They attended schools with a combined Black and Latinx enrollment averaging 67 percent, while Latinx students attended schools with a combined Black and Latinx enrollment averaging 66 percent.
Overall, the proportion of schools where the majority of students are not white increased from 14.8 percent of schools in 2003 to 18.2 percent in 2016.
“Predominantly minority schools [get] fewer resources, and that’s one problem, but there’s another problem too, and it’s a sort of a problem for democracy,” said John Borkowski, education lawyer at Husch Blackwell.
“I think it’s much better for a multi-racial, multi-ethnic democracy, when people have opportunities to interact with one another, to learn together, you know, and you see all of the problems we’ve had in recent years with the rising of white supremacy, and white supremacist groups.”
In the absence of national data on school discipline, anecdotal evidence and expert interviews suggest that suspensions—both in and out of school—and expulsions, declined when students went remote.
In 2021, the number of incidents increased again when most students were back in school buildings, but were still lower than pre-pandemic levels , according to research by Richard Welsh, an associate professor of education and public policy at Vanderbilt’s Peabody College of Education.
But forum attendees, who were mostly district and school leaders as well as teachers, disagreed, with 66 percent saying that the pandemic made school incidents warranting discipline worse. That’s likely because of heightened student trauma from the pandemic. Eighty-three percent of forum attendees who responded to a spot survey said they had noticed an increase in behavioral issues since resuming in-person school.
One reason Welsh thought discipline incidents did not yet surpass pre-pandemic levels despite heightened student trauma is the adoption of restorative justice practices, which focus on conflict resolution, understanding the causes of students’ disruptive behavior, and addressing the reason behind it instead of handing out punishments.
Kansas City Public Schools is one example of a district that has had improvement with restorative justice, with about two thirds of the district’s 35 schools seeing a decrease in suspensions and expulsions in 2021 compared with 2019.
Forum attendees echoed the need for or success of restorative justice, with 36 percent of those who answered a poll within the forum saying restorative justice works in their district or school, and 27 percent saying they wished their district would implement some of its tenets.
However, 12 percent of poll respondents also said that restorative justice had not worked for them. Racial disparities in school discipline also still persist, despite restorative justice being implemented, which indicates that those practices might not be ideal for addressing the over-disciplining of Black, Latinx, and other historically marginalized students.
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During an Education Week K-12 Essentials forum last week, journalists, educators, and researchers talked about these challenges, and possible solutions to improving equity in education.