how to structure a 30 marker politics essay

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how to structure a 30 marker politics essay

How to Answer a 30 Mark Politics Essay Question

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How to answer a source question Edexcel UK politics, papers 1 and 2

Examiners' advice edexcel.

Some did not discuss the source content sufficiently which is not ideal, as the source content needs to be the basis of the answer.

• Students should be more explicit in their use of the source so examiners can be sure that they are basing their answer on the source.

• Better responses cited the source regularly, making effective use of quotes to guide the direction of the discussion.

• At the lower end of the scale were students who did little more than use the source as a comprehension exercise, explaining both sides of the arguments.

Some students simply agreed with one side in the contested source debate and failed to provide evaluation to reject the opposing view.

• Candidates were unable to offer a clear line of argument throughout, instead just summarising both sides of the argument, and suffered accordingly with their A03 marks.

• So the key weakness here (and across all 30-mark answers) was a failure to commit to one side and say why that side was the stronger.

• Where candidates did try to contrast arguments from the source, quite often they were unrelated arguments, so the comparison was hard to assess.

Better responses compared the opposing arguments directly, rather than in separate halves of the essay.

• The best answers were able to consider opposing arguments in conjunction with one another before reaching a judgement as to which was the stronger argument.

• These responses also made evaluative judgements throughout their essay with sustained evaluation throughout, so their concluding paragraph flowed from what had been argued throughout, but this was rare.

The source provided in the exam question must be at the heart of your answer — it is not just a prompt. Some students see the topic in the source and ignore the specific content. For example, if the source is on referendums, the student may decide to write a pre-planned essay on the subject, with little or no reference to the source. Even if this essay is excellent, such an approach will be disastrous in terms of receiving marks.

With two highlighter pens, pick out the arguments for and against the view suggested in the question. Then decide which argument you find most convincing. If you are not sure, pick the one you think will be the easiest to justify. Next, see if you can connect the arguments for and against in a logical way in your plan. It is unwise to start writing your answer without doing this.

Source questions can be frustrating, as you need to expand and explain the arguments in the source, rather than adding from your own knowledge. For example, in an essay on referendums, if the source does not mention the issue of public understanding/lack of education but you think this is a major drawback, you should not introduce this issue unless you can link it to a point in the source (for example, by using it to contradict a point on how referendums widen participation), or your point will get little or no credit.

Note that all questions include the line ‘only using the information presented’. Using short quotes from the source will help you stay focused on it, so make sure there are some in each paragraph. If you are studying A-level history, you will be used to source analysis and can use some of the same evaluative skills. However, you do not need to examine provenance, origin or purpose.

Awareness of assessment objectives (AOs)

This is your starting point: if you do not have good knowledge and understanding , then it is difficult to move on to receive a high mark in the other AOs. You need to make sure you have learnt the facts and figures: the key arguments, with supporting examples such as election result statistics, how a particular voting system works, or party policies.

Analysis — this is where you explain and develop your points and add examples. What is the significance of something? What does it show? In a source question, what is the writer suggesting?

Evaluation (reaching a judgement) is arguably the most difficult area, particularly when you first start to study politics. AO3 is all about weighing up arguments, deciding and clearly stating which argument you find most convincing and why (don’t expect the examiner to ‘read between the lines’). If you don’t have a strong view, pretend that you do! To get a high mark for AO3 you need to think about essay structure. If you write the first half of your essay arguing for the claim in the question and the second half arguing against it, and then tell the examiner in the conclusion which side you agree with, there will only be AO3 in the conclusion. This is not enough: you need to show it in every paragraph, and that means having a debate within each section of your essay.

Essay structure and planning

Here is an example of an exam-style question:

Evaluate the view that first-past-the-post is no longer fit for purpose. 30

· First, write your plan: four arguments in favour of first-past-the-post (FPTP) and four against.

· Next, see if you can match each for argument to an against argument in a logical way. Now you have four paragraphs to write. Once you add your introduction and conclusion that makes six paragraphs.

· Start each paragraph with the argument you find less convincing. Then around halfway through, challenge this argument with the stronger view, using wording such as However, this view is limited because… Finish each paragraph by stating which point is the strongest, e.g. The argument that FPTP is unrepresentative because it favours larger parties is clearly more convincing, because election statistics show how smaller parties with a geographically spread vote always receive a much lower percentage of seats than votes.

· This essay structure can be used for both source and essay questions.

Introductions and conclusions

In your introduction, define any terms — this will help you focus your mind and make sure you understand the question. If you realise that you don’t really understand the term, it may be wise to change to the other option. You should put your line of argument into the introduction to show your AO3 skills. Instead of explaining that there are arguments for and against the view in the question, simply state your view. In your conclusion, return to your line of argument. There should be no surprises here — the examiner should be able to guess what is coming.

Synopticity

Don’t get worried about synopticity — it just means that you need to refer to Paper 1 topics in Paper 2 UK politics answers (not in the political ideas question). So in an essay comparing the Lords and the Commons, you can discuss the democratic deficit and lack of legitimacy of the peers (Paper 1 democracy), or the significance of FPTP (Paper 1 elections) on the make-up of the Commons. You must stay focused on the question and avoid being sidetracked by synopticity. It is not necessary to state In Paper 1 or A synoptic point is… . When revising, make a list that links Paper 1 and Paper 2 topics.

Using examples

You need to be as up to date as possible with your examples. Inevitably, your textbook will not be completely current. This shows the great importance of keeping up with current affairs. For example, in a question on the significance of opinion polls, writing about the accuracy of the exit poll in the 2019 general election could significantly improve the quality of your essay. Examples should be relevant and explained, but not too long.

Be aware of spending too long on the source question — do not use up more than 45 minutes of exam time on it, as it is not worth more marks than the second question. However, that does not mean that you should not write a plan, as this is always something worth doing.

Practice Question

Using the source, evaluate the view that the outcomes of general elections are stable and predictable.

1(a) The source below considers the factors which deliver success for political parties in general elections it reflects on whether the outcomes of general elections are predictable or whether the electorate can spring surprises, making the results more unpredictable.

Some people claim that success in a general election for a political party depends on stable and predictable farces. Few seats change hands in a general election and voting patterns are predictable and constant. In studies of voting behaviour factors such as an individual’s class and family background combined with the area in which they live all merge together to provide a clear indication of the way an individual will vote. On this basis, opinion polls accurately indicate the outcome of a general election. When many people are asked, they readily identify with both a specific class and endorse the policies of a major political party. The dice is loaded from the start and outcomes of general elections are all too predictable and fixed.

However, many now doubt the idea of predictability and the assumptions on which it is based. Instead of predictability they infer unpredictability and volatility with an inability to forecast accurately the outcome of how the public will vote. In fact in 2015 111 seats changed hands and in 2017, 70. General elections and success in them is built around capturing ideas and having media support. What the political parties say in new policies and their manifestos matters greatly. Opinion polls, as the general election in 2017 showed, are no longer good indicators of the outcome. If anything, the 201 7 general election illustrated the importance of age and education as indicators of how people vote. The media can make and break a political party.

Riding the wave of media attacks, a political party must have a good leader who can weather any storm and connect with the masses. This is what Blair and Thatcher did and was the basis of their success. Policies and leaders are the crucial factors and, as such, they are the leading indicators for success at the polls.

Student introduction

how to structure a 30 marker politics essay

This introduction directly addresses the sources and sums up the arguments. Tip Use ' This source argues.... According to the source......'

It also shows the direction or view the answer will be taking.ie that elections are more unpredictable. This will earn AO3 marks from the beginning rather than leaving it until the conclusion. Show you are making a judgement- use

'Nevertheless ......Therefore.......

Student Example 2019

However the concept of social factors dictating how people vote is no longer a convincing concept due to the fact that according to the source that new factors are taking over and finding new way to influence voting. This is partly to do with the the idea that the country is going through a period of partisan dealignment giving way for factors such as 'capturing ideas and having media support' as well as '2017 illustrating the importance of age and education' these variable factors which are less stable and predictable. However a limitation of this argument in the source is the fact that 2015 General Election saw 111 seat changes and 2017 had 70. 111 is over 1 sixth of the seats in the House of Commons. This massive change was mainly due to the Scottish National Party acquiring 56 out of 59 seats. This statistic clearly shows the weakness of the argument that voting patterns are predictable and constant, therefore decreasing the validity of the view at hand. This is given further emphasis by the source stating that 2017 showed that opinion polls 'are no longer good indicators'.

This and example of a counter-point paragraph where the student shows that they are using the source effectively by referencing it to illustrate their point. Also, the student is considering the different opinion of social factors (comparative analysis – AO2). to the view they considered in the first paragraph (not shown). Additionally, in the opening sentence they add an AO3 judgement. Tip- use ' However....' to begin counter points. Also remember that counter augments are in agreement with the overall argument of your essay, so you are showing a critical response to the points you consider weak.

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Politics Review

Approaching 30-mark questions on US politics

how to structure a 30 marker politics essay

Social democracy and the third way

Civil liberties and free speech.

EXAM SUCCESS

Sarra Jenkins shows how best to prepare for longer questions

  • Volume 30, 2020/ 2021
  • Exam skills and revision
  • Constitution and federalism
  • Democracy, Elections, Participation. Pressure Groups and Parties
  • US Politics

While Edexcel A-level politics only has three question types (12, 24 and 30 marks), the long US essays need a little more planning and preparation than some of the UK essays. The US questions are often multi-factor, meaning you must not only look at the impact of each named factor, but also compare their impact and importance.

The specification requires you to develop ‘parallels, connections, similarities and differences’ in your analysis (AO2). It is from this that excellent evaluation (AO3) can be developed. To achieve both AO2 and AO3, you must know what the question is asking.

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how to structure a 30 marker politics essay

How to answer the 24 Mark Ideologies Question (Edexcel)

Note: This guidance should not be treated in any way as official Pearson Edexcel guidance.

how to structure a 30 marker politics essay

The 24 Mark Ideologies question on Paper 1 and Paper 2 are a different type of question to the 30 Mark Essay and Source Questions. In the 30 Mark questions you are required to put forward an argument regarding the question and whether you believe the premise of the question to be accurate. However, in the 24 Mark Ideologies question you are not testing whether the ideologies are correct in their thinking about an issue, instead, you are solely considering the extent of agreement between the different strands of the same ideology. However, it is important to note that the assessment objectives are the same:

What are the Assessment Objectives in Edexcel A-Level Politics? – Politics Teaching

What should the overall structure of the 30 Mark Essay Question look like?

The 24 Mark essay should be structured different depending on the type of question that it is. There are two types of question:

  • Holistic Question
  • Thematic Question

The holistic question is one that simply asks whether or not there is more agreement or disagreement within an ideology. These questions will be rare; however, they have been asked before. If the question is holistic, you can answer it using the big four themes:

  • Human Nature

You can look at how much the strands of the ideology agree or disagree about these themes (you do not necessarily need to look at each of them individually and can instead be merged).

The other type of question is a thematic question, these will either be based on the big themes (Economy, Society, Human Nature and States) or the core principles indicated on the first page of the specification for each ideology.

These questions should themselves be approached thematically, with themes selected which are relevant to the question.

As the ideologies are more prescriptive and the exam questions have to be based on the spec, predicting potential questions for ideologies is much easier. This post highlights the most likely ideologies questions for Conservatism, Socialism, Liberalism and Feminism.

What is meant by a thematic approach?

A thematic approach means selecting themes that are relevant to explaining the agreement and disagreements within the theme. For example:

Q. To what extent do Socialists agree on the issue of the economy?

Themes for this might be: a short paragraph on fundamental agreement, socialists’ views towards capitalism and socialist views on common ownership.

Q. To what extent do Liberals agree on the issues of freedom and liberty?

Themes for this might be: Liberal rationales for freedom based on human nature, the potential limits of personal freedom and the role of the state in addressing freedom.

How many paragraphs should I write?

If the ideology has three strands (like Socialism) your essay might best look like this:

Introdution

Short Paragraph on Fundamental Agreement

If the ideology has two strands (like Liberalism):

Introduction

What is the Golden Rule in Ideologies Essays?

The Golden Rule in Politics essays is that no paragraph/section of the essay should ever be about one strand. The problem with this approach is that whilst you may score high AO1 marks (as you can show excellent knowledge) you will not be directly analysing the differences/similarities between the strands, which is what is absolutely essential in these questions. Therefore, the following structure, whilst tempting, should be avoided:

Paragraph 1 – Revolutionary Socialists

Paragraph 2 – Social Democrats

Paragraph 3 – Third Way Socialists

What is the importance of the Named Thinkers?

how to structure a 30 marker politics essay

It is essential that you include the Named Thinkers in your essays. There is an important differentiation to be made between Named Thinkers and Key Thinkers . For example, Adam Smith, who authored the Wealth of Nations, is an extremely important contributor to the understanding of classical liberalism. This means you can talk about his theory of the invisible hand of the market and receive good credit under AO1. However, he is not one of the Named Thinkers . There are five Named Thinkers for each ideology, and you have to use at least two or you are limited to Level 2 (9 marks out of 24). It is of course useful if you can use more than two, as you will be awarded AO1 marks if you do. It is very important to note that using the Named Thinkers does not just mean naming them, you need to deploy them in context. You do not need to quote from the thinkers but learning some key short quotes can be helpful.

Where are AO1 Marks being awarded?

AO1 marks are awarded for knowledge and understanding. They are awarded for understanding of the different strands and for the use of the named thinkers. Just as in the 30 Mark questions, the more specific you are able to be and the greater breadth of knowledge you can deploy will result in a higher AO1 mark. In addition, the use of political terminology is important within AO1.

Note, there is no requirement to bring in other ideologies and doing so is unlikely to see marks awarded.

Where are AO2 Marks being awarded?

The AO2 marks are rewarded for the analysis of similarity and difference between the strands of the ideology. This will build upon the knowledge developed.

Where are the AO3 Marks being awarded?

AO3 marks are being awarded for the judgement being made on whether or not there is agreement or disagreement between the themes. Just like in the 30 Mark Essay and 30 Mark Source questions, AO3 should not be saved simply for the conclusion, you should also be making judgements at the end of each section and setting out your argument in the introduction.

In addition, you should remember the question stem is ‘To what extent ‘. The strands will not just agree or disagree, there will be an extent to which they do so, and you must try to consider this.

What other important lessons have been learned from previous exam series?

  • It is really important to make sure the Named Thinkers are being used to support the analysis of the strands, the Named Thinkers should not be the driving force of the essay itself.
  • It is important to ensure you consider the extent of both agreement and disagreement. There may be occasions where there is limited agreement or disagreement, but you still need to consider it where it exists and achieve some balance between them. To ensure you do this, it can be good to do a short paragraph on fundamental agreements before your main paragraphs.
  • You must focus on the relevance of the theme you have selected to answer the question. You cannot just fall into a generic description of different themes.
  • Current political examples are useful to use to illustrate the ideology in action and is rewardable as AO1. For example, Liz Truss and Kwasi Kwarteng’s economic policies are a good example of a Neo-Liberal economic policy. However, this is not a study of political parties so this should only be done where appropriate (where it illustrates a point of the ideology) and should not over-focused on.

Exemplar Answer

Q. To what extent do Socialists agree on the issue of Workers’ Control? (24 Marks)

Workers’ control refers to the management of the means of production by workers, rather than by the middle-class. This can either be directly through collective ownership or indirectly through public control. Whilst all socialists advocate for the rights of working people, it does not necessarily follow that they all advocate for workers’ control of industry. In order to answer this question, the following need to be considered: the role of class in the theory and how industry should finally be organised. Ultimately, socialists do not widely agree on the theory of the importance Workers’ Control. Whilst there is some commonality between revolutionary socialists and democratic socialists, social democrats depart from the theory whilst Third Way socialists reject it entirely.

Differing beliefs in class heavily impact ideological views towards workers’ control. The strands of socialism that advocate giving more control to workers are those that see class as the most significant dividing line in society.  Revolutionary socialists like Marx and Engels believed that societies were all defined by class conflict. In each historical era there was a dialectic struggle and at the time of Das Kapital (1867) the struggle was between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. Marx and Engels believed that the wealth of the bourgeoisie was accumulated through the exploitation of the labour of the proletariat. As such, revolutionary socialists advocate the replacement of capitalism with a system where the workers will be properly rewarded for their labour and that is run for the benefit of the workers. They believed this could only be achieved by direct workers’ control of the means of production. Democratic Socialists like Beatrice Webb have commonality with this view, also recognising that capitalism was the main cause of ‘crippling poverty and demeaning inequality’. They therefore advocated for workers control of industry to ensure workers received the ‘full fruits of their labour’. Conversely, social democrats are less clear that the traditional class struggle is as important as Marx suggested. As part of the post-war social democratic consensus, successive governments believed the key to the supporting workers was not control of industry, but public spending. Anthony Crosland, for example, was a key proponent in the emergence of comprehensive schools to allow social mobility. Further to this, Third Way socialists reject the concept of class as a dividing line believing there has been embourgeoisement since the 1980s through policies like the Right to Buy. Whilst they accept there is inequality, they do not believe this is part of a dialectic class struggle. Therefore, there is significant disagreement on the ideological basis for workers’ control, with revolutionary and democratic socialists believe class struggle justifies it whilst social democrats and third way socialists reject this view.

There are consequently also clear differences in how differing strands of socialism believe industry should be organised. Revolutionary socialists believe that workers had to take control of the means of production directly and, if necessary, through revolution. Marx believed that there should be a dictatorship of the proletariat after which there should be collective ownership, whilst slightly differently, Luxembourg believed that the dictatorship of the proletariat was folly and would simply lead to dictatorship of the party. Therefore, she advocated a spontaneous revolution after class consciousness had been achieved and therefore socialism would win a democratic mandate. Whilst democratic socialists share the goal of workers control, their methods are different. They believe that it should be achieved through nationalisation of industry. Famously, Beatrice Webb was a key author of the 1918 Labour constitution which included Clause IV which said workers should have “common ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange”. This can be seen in the program of Clement Attlee to nationalise key industries like coal, rail, and electricity between 1945 and 1951. Whilst democratic socialists believe there may be a place for limited public ownership, they believe that free enterprise can help workers. For example, Harold MacMillan’s middle way saw low unemployment and a rise in real wages leading to his statement in 1957 that “you’ve never had it so good”. The rise in tax revenue could be used to fund social programs like increased pensions for workers. Contrarily to all strands, third way socialists reject workers control entirely. They believe that a free market neo-liberal economy is the only way that wealth can be achieved which can then be used to support social justice projects. Famously, Peter Mandelson said “we don’t mind people being filthy rich as long as they pay their taxes”. This greater tax yield could be used to fund huge projects to increase equality of opportunity for workers. Under New Labour this included the largest school and hospital building program in history. The fact that New Labour oversaw the removal of Clause IV in 1995 is a clear indicator of the ideological shift that Third Way socialists follow. In summation, there are significant disagreements between how industry should be organised. Revolutionary socialists and democratic socialists believe that workers should have control of industry, either directly or indirectly. However, Third Way socialists reject this entirely, believing workers’ control limits economic growth. Therefore, whilst some strands have agreement, overall, there is limited agreement on how industry should be organised.

In conclusion, it is clear that socialists do not agree on worker’s control to a significant extent because they disagree on both the justification for it and how industry should in fact be organised. Whilst there is clear agreement between revolutionary socialists and democratic socialists on the class struggle as a justification for workers’ control, both social democrats and Third Way socialists question the importance of class struggle in society. Further, whilst revolutionary socialists and democratic socialists agree industry should be organised with Worker’s in control, either directly or indirectly, Third Way socialists reject this entirely, believing it stunts innovation and economic growth – thereby harming working people. Therefore, it cannot be said there is significant agreement amongst socialists on workers’ control.

What is good about this response?

  • It follows the Golden Rule for Ideologies questions that every paragraph compares the different strands of the ideology.
  • Good knowledge is shown of all strands with consideration of differences and agreement.
  • The Key Thinkers are used at not just named.
  • It develops thematic points which address the question.
  • It clearly considers the extent or agreement and disagreement within the themes relevant to the question.
  • Note – It is normally a good idea to do a short paragraph on fundamental agreements before the thematic paragraphs, however, this was not necessary for this answer as the fundamental agreements were very limited.

If you have any questions, please feel free to ask them in the comments below.

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2 responses to “how to answer the 24 mark ideologies question (edexcel)”.

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Can you do more ideology models/revision ?

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I’ve got a couple more I’ll upload soon.

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A-Level Edexcel politics 30 mark sources essay model answers

A-Level Edexcel politics 30 mark sources essay model answers

Subject: Government and politics

Age range: 16+

Resource type: Worksheet/Activity

benmanley123

Last updated

9 February 2023

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Session 9A: Percolator: Theory and Praxis of Liberatory Justice in Public Service Organizations: Rewards, Challenges, and the Way Forward
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08:30 important intermediate mechanisms in the causal linkage between PBF and student success. A few studies have examined PBF-driven shifts in spending patterns in public institutions, finding only marginal to null average treatment effects on financial priorities of public four-year institutions (Rabovsky, 2012; Kelchen & Stedrak, 2016; Hu et al., 2022). However, changes in institutional processes often take time and financial priorities of incentivized institutions may evolve over time as institutions learn and adapt to their changing state funding environments (Heinrich & Marschke, 2010; Mizrahi, 2020). This study examines the dynamic shifts in institutional spending in public four-year institutions subject to PBF policies and by minority-serving institution (MSI) status. The study leverages institution-level data from IPEDS and a comprehensive state-level PBF dataset and employs event study analysis. Understanding the dynamic changes in institutional spending over multiple periods may provide information on why PBF policies continue to yield limited improvements in college completion outcomes. Evidence on the dynamic shifts in institutional spending may also enable states to better design and implement performance incentives that induce desirable institutional changes and improve student outcomes ultimately. 

       

 

 

 

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Our analysis employs multivariate regression and other methods, considering variables for major threat categories, consequences of terrorist attacks, and terrorist funding potential through irregular trade. Additional control variables include political, power, and demographic factors. This approach provides a more comprehensive assessment of terrorism risks and funding allocation efficiency.

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The latter has become especially salient in public administration, with social equity being elevated as a core public service value and the demonstrated performance benefits of a(n) (effectively managed) diverse workforce. More historically, public organizations have sought to be demographically representative institutions, with recognizable implications for responsiveness among street-level bureaucrats, especially in arenas with administrative discretion (Keiser et al., 2002).

The objective of this paper is to address these policy-salient concerns by examining what qualities of public sector jobs are most attractive across age groups, as well as race and gender. To do so, we utilize a large-scale pre-registered conjoint experiment that allows us to make valid inferences on the impact of our independent variables on job attractiveness.

Our contributions are two-fold: first, we compare the simultaneous effects of a range of variables on job attractiveness whereas previous work has examined them in isolation; and secondly, we devote specific attention to comparing differences in the needs and work values of individuals across age groups. The findings highlight what matters the most in how job seekers self-select into differing organizational/policy domains, professional contexts, as well as job characteristics. The paper ends with a discussion of the findings and future work to advance this area of research.

08:45 and

This study focuses on one such stressed organizational context -child welfare services- and uses the job demands-resource model to unpack the reform needed to motivate and engage child welfare caseworkers. By doing so, it builds on the literature of how work engagement in public sector contexts, especially highly stressed ones, may be differently affected by clusters of job demands and resources. Using an explanatory sequential mixed method approach, the study first identifies the clusters of job demands and job resources that are antecedents of high satisfaction and overall work commitment in child welfare caseworkers. This is done by analyzing secondary survey data from the second cohort of the National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-Being(NSCAW II).

This analysis is followed by in-depth interviews with current child welfare caseworkers to understand the relative importance of the identified job demand and resource clusters. Additionally, the interviews will add richness to the study by unpacking the personal experiences of caseworkers in the post-pandemic public sector human service work environment. The study, therefore, will provide useful insights to better inform the design and implementation of human resource policy reforms in the public sector.

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In this paper, we develop a model for understanding where organizations fall on the continuum of preventing exclusion to promoting inclusion in their DEIA work. Preventing exclusion is associated with legal compliance, internal processes, and diversity inputs while promoting inclusion is associated with creating equitable environments where individuals feel a sense of belonging.

We test this model using survey data from veteran serving organizations (VSOs) participating in 18 AmericaServes networks across the United States (n=1,000) and individual surveys of veterans utilizing services (n=2,731). We propose that how organizations define and do DEIA work has profound impacts for whether historically marginalized groups access and utilize services. We conclude with guidance for organizations to develop and implement substantive and systematic DEIA work.

This work is funded by USAA and done in partnership with the D’Aniello Institute for Veteran and Military Families.

09:15

Specifically, this study explores the impact of organizational inclusion and justice on the behavioral pathways that employees strategically choose in response to harassment experiences and their willingness to report such incidents. The findings reveal diverse effects on behavioral choices: Enhanced justice significantly predicts both the willingness to report incidents and turnover intention, though it is not significantly associated with changes in assignment or transfer. Inclusion, conversely, exhibits nuanced effects across behavioral strategies, significantly predicting the willingness to report but demonstrating positive associations with turnover intention and transfer.

Qualitative data further confirm that organizational inclusion and justice play a crucial role in reshaping policies to protect victims, although mixed perspectives exist among employees regarding their behavioral choices when addressing harassment experiences. The study highlights the substantial impact of organizational inclusion and justice as proactive measures in curbing misconduct within highly bureaucratic settings. However, it underscores the necessity for delicate management strategies to ensure effectiveness in addressing workplace harassment.

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To address the gaps, we employ a quasi-experimental method, regression discontinuity (RD) design, based on school performance data and ratings from New York City public schools from 2007 to 2013. We find that performance signals affect overall turnover, but only at the lower end of performance ratings. Compared with schools earning a C grade, schools earning a D grade have higher levels of teacher turnover. Moreover, teachers from different racial groups respond to low-performance signals differently. Compared to their counterparts in schools that earned a C, white teachers in D schools are more likely to transfer to higher-rated schools. In contrast, Black teachers in D schools are more likely to exit NYC schools to join other districts or leave the profession entirely. This study deepens our understanding of employee turnover under performance regimes and shows an unintended effect of performance management: performance regimes drive minority teachers away and worsen the lack of representation.

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This case study analyzes interviews with 23 CoC representatives, a survey of 114 CoCs (33% response rate), and HUD performance data. We find limited evidence that funding levels are associated with reported measures of performance. Broadly, our data show that governance complexities and environmental constraints violate many of the principal-agent assumptions embodied within performance management doctrine. At the same time, interviews suggest that some CoCs use HUD reporting requirements for varied purposes, including catalytic and discursive capacities (Musso and Weare, 2019; Moynihan, 2008; Nathan 2008). Overall, CoCs are building performance management systems capacities, but still face challenges regarding sustainable organizational culture. Impediments to performance include both internal organizational factors and external factors such as lack of housing, limited funding, and regulatory restrictions. Overall, the evidence supports a more cooperative and discursive model for capacity building rather than a top-down view of performance management governance in networked grant-in-aid systems.

09:12 and

Our paper contributes to the collaborative performance literature. We argue that to understand shared data use during the implementation phase, we need to examine groups’ engagement with performance practices during the earlier planning and coordination phases using a temporal view. We also submit that the three mechanisms constitute broader theoretical streams that call for theorizing about specific causal pathways within them. We identify and examine three lower-level mechanisms that can help explain collective data use: ambiguity reduction, formality-informality complementarity, and identity creation.

To develop and illustrate our arguments, we employ a mechanism-based case study. This approach relies on the use of explanatory narratives, and it is particularly appropriate if the unit of the analysis is a social, interactive process. As our case, we selected the Citizen Security Plan in Jamaica (2020-2023). The Plan is an initiative that aims to combine addressing crime and safety issues with efforts of community development. It was selected because it requires government to collaborate; it relies on the use of goals and data; and it allowed us to observe changes across project phases.

08:30 and

This study conducts a nationwide survey of 50,000+ faculty at public postsecondary education institutions to assess what factors impact their awareness of student homelessness. We will conduct exploratory factor analysis to investigate a myriad of personal backgrounds, professional experience, university engagement, and campus resource item variables. We hypothesize that faculty with personal experience with homelessness, those in human service and social work fields, and those who frequently engage with their university resources are more likely to have increased awareness of student homelessness. Data collection was completed in December 2023.

08:45

To accomplish this, I will employ a two-way fixed-effect model using data sourced from the U.S. Census Bureau, Georgia Department of Education, Governor’s Office of Student Achievement, and National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). The dataset spans the school years from 2011 to 2019, with dependent variables of financial outcomes (total expenditure, instructional expenditure, fixed cost) and student outcomes (Georgia Milestones scores, graduation rate, school safety index).

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To study this, we investigate disaster resilience planning in a rural county in the Southeast of the US exposed to several natural disasters, including tornadoes, ice storms, and strong winds. The county is characterized as having a high level of social vulnerability compared to the rest of the US (US Federal Emergency Management Administration, 2023). The empirical base includes data from observations of local government public meetings, content analysis of relevant planning documents, and interviews with collaborative partners. The data are analyzed using social network analysis methods, including descriptive and inferential techniques. The findings have implications for public management theory and practice in resilience planning.

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Ordinal representation pertains to altering the order of representation among bureaucrats when cardinal representation cannot be improved. For instance, in an organization with four bureaucrats where two are female and two are male regarding gender representation, cardinal representation cannot be enhanced. To address the question of whether ordinal representation holds significance in coproduction, this study examines the ordinal effects of gender representation on individuals’ decisions to coproduce.

By employing two distinct policy areas—recycling and emergency preparedness—the study randomizes the order of female officials in a setting with two males and two females, where gender representation cannot be enhanced in a cardinal manner. Both experiments failed to consistently identify evidence of the ordinal effects resulting from placing females in different orders on citizens’ overall willingness to coproduce. However, the results revealed a pattern indicating that the gender of the chief leader influences an increase in the willingness of others of the same gender—and simultaneously decreases the willingness of their gender counterparts—to participate in coproduction.

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This paper addresses the widening academic gap and examines the role of public education in fostering academic equity. This study responds to the call for a more holistic understanding of what perpetuates academically successful youth from historically inequitable backgrounds by linking the individual with their greater environment (McCoy & Bowen, 2015). Specifically, we ask, “what individual and institutional factors promote equitable access to higher education across marginalized student identities?” We propose a two-level, intersectional public education equity framework.

The framework is tested using data from surveys conducted among 1,400+ high school seniors and 50 guidance counselors in ten public high schools in the United States. The findings reveal misalignments between schools and individuals regarding perceptions of protective factors for social equity, indicating significant variations in the factors believed to impact access to higher education. Additionally, the study identifies certain risk factors for academic inequity, such as homelessness, first-generation status, lack of school resources, and financial constraints, which can be mitigated through protective factors such as societal expectations, family support, mentorship programs, and peer norming.

08:45

Research on place-based incentives has primarily focused on single incentive programs, concentrating on property values or job creation as desired outcomes. Few studies have compared multiple place-based investments or evaluated the combination of investments and resulting changes in equitable access to capital for neighborhood residents. This paper contributes to existing research by analyzing several programs—Community Development Block Grant (CDBG), Neighborhood Opportunity Fund (NOF), New Market Tax Credit (NMTC), Property Tax Abatement (PTA), Small Business Improvement Fund (SBIF), and Tax Increment Financing (TIF)—and how the related investments alter the racial composition of neighborhoods as a result of home loan approvals. In doing so, this paper offers a better understanding of and policy prescriptions for enhancing social equity when redeveloping and revitalizing local communities in need.

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We explore these tensions by drawing on quality rating data from England's Care Quality Commission to compare service quality across health and social care organizations that are government-run, CICs "spun-out" of the state, or privately-founded CICs. Specifically, we use ordered logit regression models to compare over 2,000 quality ratings of these three types of providers across five dimensions: safe, effective, caring, responsive, well-led, plus an overall rating. We draw on a 'publicness' theoretical framework to explore whether and to what extent public or private ownership, as well as the loss of public ownership through the ‘spin-out’ of public services into independent social enterprises, impacts quality. Our initial results show that overall, both types of social enterprise CICs performed better than government-run services, whilst non-spin-out CICs performed best on caring and responsive and spin-out CICs performed best on safe and effective dimensions.

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Understanding this is important, first, because officials often have a more comprehensive view of local financial health than objective financial indicators can capture alone. Compared to information contained in financial statements, commonly used for indicators, local practitioners possess broader relevant data and a nuanced understanding of what it means in the local context. Second, local government officials, i.e. individuals positioned within a network of government and community actors, ultimately make local investment, policy, and programmatic decisions. As such, when it comes to understanding policy outputs, their perceptions of their municipality’s financial condition arguably matter more than objective measures.

Drawing from open system theory and the literature on perceived organizational outcomes, this research aims to explore whether public managers holding positions in different city departments have systematically different views on financial health. This research examines survey data from city officials in 273 Kansas cities with populations over 500. The survey, conducted between September 2023 and January 2024, targeted professionals in five positions—City Administrator and Directors of Public Works, Planning and Finance. Through descriptive and empirical analysis, this research illuminates how perceived local financial conditions in influence the decisions and fiscal responses across different organizations.

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Building upon previous works on policy designs of net energy metering, which have gained less attention despite its prevalence, we explore different tariff designs and create indexes encompassing various NEM tariffs. Using panel data (about 200 investor-owned utilities in 50 states from 2013 to 2021), we evaluate how different tariff designs have affected the penetration of distributed solar. By studying the correlation between policy designs and the adoption of DERs, our study contributes to policy design literature, understanding how various policy designs affect policy outcomes and how to design policies for other distributed resources.

10:30 and

Strategic management is often touted as an approach for integrating strategy formulation and implementation in response to environmental challenges. As one of the popular approaches used by the public sector, strategic management is often touted as a means for effective public service delivery. However, it is unclear whether current strategic management approaches are up to the task of addressing climate-related threats to the sustainability of public services at the local level where problems are fundamentally transboundary and require coordination across typical silos. We address this gap by asking: What manager-led processes drive resource-constrained cities to adapt their capabilities to the accelerating impacts of climate change? Using a novel mixed methods approach combining survey, text analysis of planning documents, and interviews, we examine how resource-constrained cities in Indiana integrate their capabilities and planning in response to climate change in the context of GSI.

10:45
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While regulatory competition suggests a state would relax its enforcement on an entity when its corporate siblings (entities that belong to the same company) in other states have been penalized for violations, regulatory learning theory, predicts otherwise. When an entity’s corporate siblings become violators, it tarnishes the reputation of the whole company and indicates possible wrongdoing of the focal entity itself, prompting regulators to increase scrutiny on the focal entity.

We test the two competing theories using a facility-level panel dataset of Clean Air Act enforcement actions. Preliminary results show a mixed pattern. While regulators increase enforcement on a facility when its same-industry siblings located in the same state become high priority violators (regulatory learning dominates), they relax enforcement on the focal facility if the same-industry violator siblings are in competitor states (regulatory competition dominates).

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Public Administration scholars must pay attention to this restructuring and its impacts to agency adjudication practices. This working systematic review of the Federal Administrative Judiciary will analyze distinct approaches employed by legal and public administration scholars to explore the conceptual and very practical tension between judicial independence and bureaucratic discretion. As the first systematic review regarding this topic, I expect to chronicle the development of these positions within the federal government by exploring institutional collaboration and influences. And finally, I hope to identify topics that may bolster comprehension of administrative adjudication in the USA.

This presentation is relevant to the overall theme of “Bringing Theory to Practice”. As a heavily applied social science, public administration scholars focusing in management must attend to the legal discourse, particularly regarding judicialized employees. ALJs are in such a position within an agency to provide a unique bridge between public administration and the legal discipline. With the ongoing restructuring of their position, there are ample opportunities for practice to also inform theoretical innovation.

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The aim of our review is twofold. First, given the potential of relational contracting as an alternative to traditional contracting in complex situations, we aim to examine how relational approaches may or may not be a viable alternative to traditional transactional approaches. Second, we aim to contribute to the existing literature by developing an integrative framework of relational contracting as a way of managing buyer-supplier relationships in public procurement. Using ASReview Lab, an open-source machine learning software, we identify, collect, and assess relevant articles on this topic. Based on the findings, we develop an integrative framework of relational contracting in public procurement and present a research agenda to tackle theoretical and empirical lacunas in research into relational contracting.

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While previous literature discusses how politics and power structure shape global public policy and governance transformation, there is a notable gap in understanding grassroots-based practices that explore innovative narratives, actors, and strategies to establish a community of practices for poverty reduction in the global south. To address this research gap, we outline a processual, multilevel, network-centric perspective by investigating two community-based poverty reduction cases in Africa and China.

Our findings reveal that development narratives, actors’ networks, and pragmatically evolutionary practices constitute the three key pillars for building a community of practice focused on poverty reduction in the global south. The paper contributes to the literatures on the role of action research in poverty reduction in the global south, aligning with the first priority of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Meanwhile, it highlights the significance of knowledge network in the formulation and implementation of public policies. The study also bridges the knowledge gap between development theory and practical applications in poverty reduction in the global south.

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Our mixed method study takes place in the Puget Sound Basin of Washington state, where we gather data on stakeholder perceptions from approximately 48 CGRs working on ecosystem recovery. We use an exploratory sequential design, starting with interviews to generate a list of indicators with which stakeholders evaluate usefulness of scientific information. We then draw on this list to develop a survey sent to approximately 800 stakeholders. Our initial data show that scientific information is considered most useful when it comes from a reputable source and is produced transparently. Unexpectedly, less valuable indicators of usability included peer-review and co-production with information users. Our study contributes to CGR theory on knowledge management, identifying qualities that may enhance likelihood that information influences joint decisions. It also offers policy implications for information producers, suggesting ways to enhance information’s usability for practitioners in ecosystem recovery.

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Our quantitative study investigates the link between learning organization and job satisfaction and the mediating role of psychological safety in a policing context. We use the dimensions of learning organization questionnaire (DLOQ) developed by Watkins and Marsick (1997), Edmonson’s (1999) instrument for measuring psychological safety and the short index of job satisfaction (Sinval & Marôco, 2020). The participants in our study are experienced German police officers selected for future leadership positions.

11:00

Seeking to identify effective and efficient outreach methods, in 2023 the Northeast Ohio Regional Sewer District conducted a field experiment involving 56,000 households in the Cleveland, Ohio metropolitan area. Using a conjoint design, the experiment randomly assigned households to a control condition or one of up to 56 combinations of treatments. Treatments included black and white postcards, color postcards, letters from the utility, letters from a community organization, English-only messages, bilingual messages, and multiple mailings. Some mailings framed assistance in terms of dollar value, while others expressed benefits as percentage discounts.

Results indicate that direct mail significantly increased CAP inquiries, and that a single, simple black-and-white postcard was the most cost-effective medium. Surprisingly, messaging variables did not drive significantly different response rates. The study is a model of university-government collaboration, and its findings provide unprecedented evidence about direct mail as a means of reducing learning burdens for public assistance programs.

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To understand data and data skills in city governments, this research proposal uses survey results from local government chief administrators in the census west region of the United States. The findings of this exploratory research suggest that 1) a data-skills gap exists in local government, 2) data skill expertise contributes indirectly to a chief administrator’s satisfaction in their organization’s overall data skills, and 3) data capture, curation, and analysis skills have smaller skill gaps compared to data communication and application skills. The findings provide important insight into the data skill needs of local governments and help identify important research questions for local governments and the acquisition of data skills.

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To answer this question, we employ a conjoint experiment on high-level directors in local government to determine their interest in applying to management positions given different job characteristics. Our conjoint survey experiment asks respondents to make four discrete choices between paired job descriptions. These job descriptions vary in characteristics of the work of city managers including the flexibility of the schedule, after-hours commitments, paid time off, perceived stability of the position, and requirements for public engagement. The data is then analyzed considering the respondent characteristics, position, mentorship, and family life considerations to more comprehensively explore the propensity of women to seek out next-level managerial roles based on these job requirements. This paper disentangles the question of whether women would be more interested in applying to city management roles if the position was designed differently. This study offers local governments recommendations for rethinking the nature of the city manager role.

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Our findings indicate that self-motivation emerges as a significant factor positively influencing innovative behavior among national civil servants. Individuals who exhibit a strong internal drive and intrinsic motivation are more likely to engage in innovative practices, contributing to a culture of creativity within the public sector. Peer trust also emerges as a noteworthy factor associated with enhanced innovative behavior.

Surprisingly, institutional support, often considered as a key determinant in fostering innovation, was not found to have a significant impact on innovative behavior in our study. Similarly, the presence of competition among organizations within the public sector was not found to significantly influence innovative behavior among national civil servants. This nuanced finding invites a deeper exploration of the nature of competition and its implications for fostering innovation within the unique dynamics of national civil service environments.

The implications of these findings are substantial for public sector leaders and policymakers:.recognizing the importance of cultivating self-motivation and fostering peer trust can serve as a strategic approach to promote innovative behavior among civil servants.

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We argue that team leadership assignments are gendered in ways that will disadvantage women. Whereas men are likely to be given leadership assignments that are conducive to continuing career progress within their organizations, women are likely to be given leadership assignments that hamper their progress. One reason for this is *structural*: Women and men begin their careers in different types of teams, and consequently accumulate early-career experiences that delimit their future leadership opportunities in divergent ways. A second reason is *aspirational*: Women who are candidates for open leadership positions will be inclined to doubt their qualifications, to be skeptical of their leadership capabilities, and to experience anxiety about assuming formal team-level leadership responsibilities. And a third reason is *stereotypical*: Organizational stakeholders who have input into promotion decisions will harbor differing expectations about women's and men's leadership potential, expectations that will tend to be more negative when it comes to women's leadership capacities.

We test these expectations using longitudinal, individual-level personnel data on United States federal employees.

10:15

However, in contrast to employees, politicians can be conceived as organizational outsiders. Instead, we therefore argue that political considerations affect how politicians assess and value performance measures. Specifically, we hypothesize that (a) politicians will perceive performance information featuring high and low performance signals differently, but also that (b) political ideology in terms of being aligned/opposed to the measured public services and (c) being affiliated/in opposition to the ruling political coalition will affect their perceptions.

To test these hypotheses, we conducted a pre-registered survey experiment among political candidates for Danish regional councils charged primarily with governing health care services (n=885). Respondents were randomly exposed to either no information or true performance information (high/low) about their own region’s health care system. They were then asked to evaluate the validity, legitimacy, and usefulness of the information, and whether they wanted to receive additional information. The results have potentially important practical implications concerning when political decision-makers are willing to trust and use performance information and policy evidence.

10:30

The model captures three dimensions at which legitimacy can be created or undermined: the political articulation of public interests (input), the administrative implementation process (throughput), and the results achieved for citizens (output). A comprehensive review of the literature will be structured along the ITO model. Initial findings suggest that results for 1) input and 2) output are mixed, while they are most promising regarding 3) throughput legitimacy.

First, while performance systems can increase political control, they are modest regarding strengthening minority interests. The management literature laments that a stronger results focus has not been accompanied by more resource autonomy, but such an increase in control is not a problem from a legitimacy perspective. At the same time, though performance systems can be pluralist in nature, evidence suggests they often reinforce existing power differentials.

Second, research documents that performance systems improve outcomes, but gains may not be necessarily equitable. Third, they can enhance the evidence base for decision making, and bias here is less of an issue from a democratic perspective if it reflects political values. Performance systems create process legitimacy if they capture citizen feedback, structure interactions between government and civil society, and increase citizen trust.

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In this paper, we revisit the relationship between politics and administration, emphasizing how politics can influence agency performance even in the most professional and high performing agencies.

We describe the mechanisms by which political alignment or misalignment influence performance. We detail how presidents work to 1) change outputs by directly influencing agency capacity (e.g., budget and personnel levels) and 2) change outputs without directly targeting capacity by using the tools of the administrative presidency to let capacity idle, reorient capacity, or diminish capacity indirectly.

We test these relationships using newly created measures of agency performance for 139 U.S. federal agencies during the 2000-2022 period. The new measures combine dozens of subjective and objective measures of performance that vary across agencies and time. We conclude with the implications of our findings for future research focusing on the intersection of both politics and management.

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IMAGES

  1. 30 marker essay plan on left realism.docx

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  4. A Level Politics 30 Mark Essays (Component 1 and 2)

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COMMENTS

  1. How to answer the 30 Mark Source Question (Edexcel)

    Stage 4 - Add some depth to your plans. Just as you would for the 30 Mark Essay question, look to spend some time adding some depth to your plans. Key points, facts, figures, quotes - anything that will help you to develop that argument when it comes. Stage 5 - Make sure you know what your argument will be.

  2. A Level Politics 30 Mark Essays (Component 1 and 2)

    In this video I look at how to approach a 30 Mark A Level Politics essay as you'll have to answer in both component 1 and component 2 in EDEXCEL A Level Poli...

  3. How to Structure the Perfect A Level Politics Essay

    Start Your Layout. The general layout of your politics essay should be as followed: Introduction: give definitions, the general outline of your argument, and the side you support. Main Body Paragraphs: Point (AO1) Evidence (AO1/AO2) Explain (AO2) Link (AO3) Conclusion: bring the argument back around and firmly state your opinion on the debate.

  4. How should I approach a 30 mark essay question?

    I have underlined key words of the question which is a great way to keep focused to the question. The question wants you to focus on the concept of Gridlock and that it is 'inevitable consequence'. Now to start thinking about points. A great way to structure 30 mark essays to show you have acknowledged the whole arguement is to follow a simple:

  5. How to Answer a 30 Mark A Level Politics Essay Question

    How to Answer a Source Question - Edexcel Politics A Level. How to Answer the Edexcel 12 Mark Global A Level Politics Question. How do you write a 30-mark Edexcel politics essay? I get this question all the time. Here I go through my key tips, from writing introductions, embedding judgements, explaining analysis and conclusions. Take notes as ...

  6. How to Answer a 30 Mark Politics Essay Question

    I have updated my popular video looking at the Edexcel 30 mark questions and uploaded it to my new Youtube channel! (Aqa students, this will also apply to the standalone 25 marker). Please remember to subscribe to my channel and like the video - over the summer I am planning to add much more content. Let me know in the comments what I should cover.

  7. How To Write A* Essays In A Level Politics (With Lots Of ...

    Sign up to the 4 Hour Edexcel A Level Politics Essay Writing and Exam Technique Course I'm Running On Friday 17th February from 10am-3pm - https://www.politi...

  8. A-level Politics: How to structure a source-based 30-mark question

    This A-level Politics video provides a step-by-step approach to answering a 30-mark source-based exam question.

  9. Essay Structure

    How do you write a 30-mark Edexcel politics essay? I get this question all the time. Here I go through my key tips, from writing introductions, embedding judgements, explaining analysis and conclusions. Take notes as you go through this video.

  10. The Politics Shed

    Here is an example of an exam-style question: Evaluate the view that first-past-the-post is no longer fit for purpose. 30. · First, write your plan: four arguments in favour of first-past-the-post (FPTP) and four against. · Next, see if you can match each for argument to an against argument in a logical way.

  11. How to write a 30 marker A-level Politics essay

    Write your introduction. Define the keyword, outline your points for the essay and write a judgement which will follow throughout the essay. The aim should be that the introduction is able to serve as a sort of essay plan on its own. 6. Go into the main body of the essay.

  12. A Level Politics Model Essays

    A Level Politics Model Essays: see how a top-level answer is written. Model Essays are a powerful resource to help see a Level 5 answer in practice. Model Essays from Study Politics have been marked at an A* before, so you can see how to structure an essay and the different elements that go into it. Join Now. Try Demo.

  13. How to answer a 30-mark source question

    Global Politics Political ideas Essay Structure Revision Hub Courses/Webinars Subscribe Services Tuition Teacher's Workshops. About About me Testimonials Contact 0. 0. Search ... How to answer a 30-mark source question £0.00

  14. Approaching 30-mark questions on US politics

    Approaching 30-mark questions on US politics. Sarra Jenkins shows how best to prepare for longer questions. Democracy, Elections, Participation. Pressure Groups and Parties. While Edexcel A-level politics only has three question types (12, 24 and 30 marks), the long US essays need a little more planning and preparation than some of the UK essays.

  15. How would I structure and answer a 30 marks essay question ...

    Firstly, it is important to have a clear and logical structure that can be applied to any 30 mark question on this course. The structure I would recommend should include an introduction, 3 points on either side of the argument (presented as a paragraph each) and a conclusion.

  16. Politics Essay Structure 30 mark Flashcards

    Core structure of Pol papers. Click the card to flip 👆. Definition. 1 / 8. - 2 hour paper. - 84 marks each. - 33.5% of A-Level. Click the card to flip 👆.

  17. How to write an Edexcel A-Level politics 30 mark essay answer

    A video outlining the Assessment Objectives that markers will use to assess Government and Politics A-Level answers and how you can best structure your answe...

  18. How to answer the 24 Mark Ideologies Question (Edexcel)

    What should the overall structure of the 30 Mark Essay Question look like? The 24 Mark essay should be structured different depending on the type of question that it is. There are two types of question: ... The Golden Rule in Politics essays is that no paragraph/section of the essay should ever be about one strand. The problem with this ...

  19. Edexcel A-Level Politics

    Original post by z0351. hey, im in year 13 - for 30markers i do it thematically (i think thats what its called lol) so I do intro, point 1, counter 1, point 2, counter 2, point 3, counter 3, conclusion (so 6paragraphs plus intro and conc)- and i tend to get close to full marks most times. In each point i try to include 2examples atleast and ...

  20. Edexcel A Level Politics

    14. source questions are not easy, but try and have an argument and counter from the source on each of your points, embed quotes. if you find it hard to expand on your arguments then use an example. a good formula is to do a quote, explain the point in the quote, prove this with an example and relate it back to the point. repeat for the counter.

  21. How to structure a 30 mark A-level essay

    16. You need your introduction, main discussion and conclusion. You need to decide the stance you're going to take, eg. if you feel young people are/aren't disengaged with politics and how much. Your argument in your "main discussion" needs to be balanced, considering all sides of the argument, with statistics/evidence/sources to back your ...

  22. Free Course

    How to write 30 Mark A Level Politics Essays (Free) Sale Price:£0.00 Original Price:£5.00. sale. How to write an Edexcel 30-mark A Level Politics essay. Once you have registered you can use the password you receive by email after clicking on this link. Add To Cart. Learn how to write 30 mark essays, tips and exemplars. Free for all students.

  23. A-Level Edexcel politics 30 mark sources essay model answers

    Age range: 16+. Resource type: Worksheet/Activity. File previews. docx, 19.6 KB. docx, 21.42 KB. docx, 20.31 KB. docx, 22.46 KB. 4 source based essay answers which have been written by students and anonymised. These essays were standardised and then marked with a range of marks and levels awarded.

  24. Program for Saturday, June 29th

    Modern political science research has focused more on the politics side of the politics-administration dichotomy, exploring how political choices influence the policy direction of agencies, rather than agency performance per se. Public administration research, by contrast, more often examines how organizational characteristics (individual-level ...

  25. PDF "It's in the Air": Antisemitism and Anti-Israeli Bias at Stanford, and

    to these patterns of intimidation were well to the left of center in relation to the Israeli political spectrum. They were critical of the current government and many of its policies and actions.