The literature illustrates an interest in the difference between the practice of project managing and strategizing as the two practices are difficult to combine owing to their different focus.
In the theoretical articles, Clegg et al. (2018) set out to provide an agenda for further practice-based research in project portfolio management. Biesenthal et al . (2018) suggest a value in studying the institutional differences in megaproject and doing this by “taking a cue” from the strategy-as-practice approach. Flood and Issa (2010) suggest that the research practitioner should use strategizing as a step in developing an empirical model. Finally, the use of sensemaking, to create scenarios and narratives as a mean of strategizing, is addressed by ( Wright, 2005 ). He stresses that practitioners working at the periphery of the firm (project manager) tend to construct their strategy by induction rather than the rational strategists at the center of the firm.
This is an indication of how the project can shape the strategizing process of project managers. Several of the empirical articles also discuss the role of the firm. Sage et al. (2012) note in their study (on lean construction strategizing) that concepts are continuously translated and transformed during their journey through different contextual settings – and so are people. A group of practitioners working mainly in the firm will thus be working under the influence of the organizational context of the firm, while the practitioners working in projects will be working under the institutional influence of both the firm and the project.
Also, Löwsted et al. (2018) and Koch et al. (2015) discuss how “project actualities” and “nature of the situated practices which surround” operational strategizing afford project actors’ legitimacy and shape practices. Their findings suggest that the traditional PM focusses on principles of project fulfillment, and a narrow focus on how the project performs according to these, is insufficient and can benefit from a more nuanced perspective of the contextual factors that influence project practices. This is also noted by Vit (2011 ) who suggests that technical rationality is overridden in certain contexts. Davies et al. (2016) illustrate how specific dynamic capabilities, including strategic behaviors and collaborative processes, that are required to deliver complex projects, are based on the ability to balance routine and innovative action in changing and uncertain project environments.
The SAP perspective may thus also offer some insights into the opportunities for building construction project teams. In SAP, practitioners are those involved in doing strategy. The strategy practitioner may refer to an individual or a group of individuals ( Jarzabkowski and Spee, 2009 ). This group of practitioners will often be joined in communities of actors or project teams. As Baiden et al. (2006) argue, a failure to collaborate effectively in the project teams has been seen as a major cause behind the productivity issue, stressing the need for effective PM.
In the construction industry, a belief in clearly planned and defined project roles and responsibilities as a basis for PM exists. This is, however, contrary to Whittington et al. ’s (2006) claim that strategizing and organizing run together as a smooth simultaneous activity.
The industry needs to ask itself if the deterministic PM approach focusing on stability could cause a loss of opportunity to develop practices toward better productivity. One way to address this issue may be with the introduction of new organization forms in guise of, e.g. integrated project delivery or strategic partnerships ( Gottlieb et al. , 2018 ).
Another approach is that of knotworking, a new form of collaboration which shows promising results ( Buhl et al . 2017 ). Results, which offer a more fluid, approach to the matter. Finally, a developing practice, which may link PM and strategizing, is the use of facilitation for changing existing routines to develop practices ( Klitgaard et al ., 2017 )
In this paper, we investigated the link between strategizing practices and project management practices. This literature study shows that the role of SAP in the construction industry is an area of increasing interest and that the literature is sensitive to the practioners’ double obligation; toward their firm and toward the project in which they are involved.
The dominant logic concept suggests that awareness of the primary perspective on practice is necessary. It seems that as long as the determinisitic approach toward PM is so dominant in the industry, it may hinder strategizing practices. Strategizing and project management practice are clearly distinct practices although there is a clear co-dependency between them. We argue that a focus on both may offer insights into how the construction industry could improve its productivity by developing more robust management practices.
This literature study is based on a limited number of articles so further studies are necessary.
Baiden, Price, and Dainty, 2006 Baiden , B. K. , Price , A. D. F. and Dainty , A. R. J. ( 2006 ), “ The extent of team integration within construction projects ”, International Journal of Project Management , Vol. 24 , No. 1 , pp. 13 – 23 .
Bettis, and Prahalad, 1995 Bettis , R. A. and Prahalad , C. K. ( 1995 ), “ The Dominant Logic: Retrospective and Extension ”, Strategic Management Journal , Vol. 16 , No. 1 , pp. 5 – 14 .
Bhattacharya, Momaya, and Iyer, 2012 Bhattacharya , S. , Momaya , K. S. and Iyer , K. C. ( 2012 ), “ Strategic Change for Growth: A Case of Construction Company in India ”, Global Journal of Flexible Systems Management . Vol. 13 , No 4 , pp. 195 – 205 .
Biesenthal, Clegg, Mahalingam, Sankaran, 2018 Biesenthal , C. , Clegg , S. , Mahalingam , A. , Sankaran , S. , ( 2018 ), “ Applying institutional theories to managing megaprojects ”, International Journal of Project Management , Vol. 36 , No. 1 , pp. 43 – 54 .
Buhl, Andersen, and Kerosuo, 2017 Buhl , H. , Andersen , M. , and Kerosuo , H. ( 2017 ), “A Knot – breaking the inertia in construction?”, In Buser , M. , Lindahl , G. and Räisänen , C. (Ed), “9th Nordic Conference on Construction Economics and Organization, 13-14 June, Chalmers University of Technology.
Clegg, Killen, Biesenthal, and Sankaran, 2018 Clegg , S. , Killen , C. P. , Biesenthal , C. and Sankaran , S. , ( 2018 ), “ Practices, projects and portfolios: Current research trends and new directions ”, International Journal of Project Management , Vol. 36 , No. 5 , pp. 762 – 772 .
Comi, and Whyte, 2018 Comi , A. and Whyte , J. ( 2018 ) “ Future Making and Visual Artefacts: An Ethnographic Study of a Design Project ”, Organization Studies , Vol. 39 , No. 8 , pp. 1,055 – 1,083 .
Davies, Dogdson, and Gann, 2016 Davies , A. , Dogdson , M. and Gann , D. ( 2016 ) “ Dynamic capabilities in complex projects: The case of London Heathrow Terminal 5 ”, Project Management Journal , Vol. 47 , No. 2 , pp. 26 – 47 .
Flood, and Issa, 2010 Flood , I. and Issa , R. R. A. ( 2010 ), “ Empirical Modeling Methodologies for Construction ”, Journal of Construction Engineering & Management , Vol. 136 , No. 1 , pp. 36 – 48 .
Floricel, and Miller, 2001 Floricel , S. and Miller , R. ( 2001 ), “ Strategizing for anticipated risks and turbulence in large-scale engineering projects ”, International Journal of Project Management , Vol. 19 , No. 8 , pp. 445 – 455 .
Gottlieb, Frederiksen, Koch, and Thuesen, 2018 Gottlieb , S. C. , Frederiksen , N. , Koch , C. and Thuesen , C. ( 2018 ), Institutional Logics and Hybrid Organizing in Public-Private Partnerships . In: Gorse , C. and Neilson , C. J. (Eds.), Proceedings 34th Annual ARCOM Conference, 3-5 September 2018, Queen’s University, Belfast, UK. Association of Researchers in Construction Management, pp. 383 – 392 .
Gustavsson, and Gohary, 2012 Gustavsson , T. K. and Gohary , H. ( 2012 ), “ Boundary action in construction projects: new collaborative project practices ”, International Journal of Managing Projects in Business , Vol. 5 , No. 3 , pp. 364 – 376 .
Jarzabkowski, and Spee, 2009 Jarzabkowski , P. and Spee , A. P. ( 2009 ) “ Strategy-as-practice: A review and future directions for the field ”, International Journal of Management Reviews , Vol. 11 , No. 1 , pp. 69 – 95 .
Johnson, Langley, Melin, and Whittington, 2007 Johnson , G. , Langley , A. , Melin , L. and Whittington , R. ( 2007 ), Strategy as Practice – Research Directions and Resources , Cambridge University Press .
Ju, and Rowlinson, 2014 Ju , C. and Rowlinson , S. ( 2014 ) “ Institutional determinants of construction safety management strategies of contractors in Hong Kong ”, Construction Management & Economics . Vol. 32 ( 7/8 ), pp. 725 – 736 .
Klitgaard, Beck, Andersen, Jeppesen, Nissen, and Buhl, 2017 Klitgaard , A. , Beck , F. , Andersen , M. , Jeppesen , R. D. , Nissen , S. B. , and Buhl , H. ( 2017 ). “Towards the use of knotworking for increasing innovation in construction projects In: Chan , P. W. (Ed.) and Neilson , C. J. (Ed.), Proceedings 33rd Annual ARCOM Conference, 4-6 September 2017, Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge, UK. Association of Researchers in Construction Management, 420 – 429 .
Koch, Sage, Dainty, and Simonsen, 2015 Koch , C. , Sage , D. , Dainty , A. , and Simonsen , R. ( 2015 ). Understanding operations strategizing in project-based organisations: middle managers’ interaction and strategy praxis . Engineering Project Organization Journal , Vol. 5 ( 2-3 ), 106 – 117 .
Kreiner, 1996 Kreiner , K. ( 1996 ) “ In search of relevance: Project management in drifting environments ”, Scandinavian Journal of Mangement , Vol. 11 , No. 4 , pp. 335 – 346 .
Ling, and Lee, 2012 Ling , F. Y. Y. and Lee , S. Y. ( 2012 ) “ Careers development in construction firms: application of Sun Tzu’s Art of War principles ”, Engineering Construction & Architectural Management , Vol. 19 , No. 2 , pp. 173 – 191 .
Löwstedt, Räisänen, and Leiringer, 2018 Löwstedt , M. , Räisänen , C. and Leiringer , R. ( 2018 ). “ Doing strategy in project-based organizations: Actors and patterns of action ”, International Journal of Project Management , Vol. 36 , No. 6 , pp. 889 – 898 .
Padalkar, and Gopinath, 2016 Padalkar , M. and Gopinath , S. ( 2016 ), “ Six decades of project management research: Thematic trends and future opportunities ”, International Journal of Project Management . Vol. 34 , No. 7 , pp. 1,305 – 1,321 .
Sage, Dainty, and Brookes, 2012 Sage , D. , Dainty , A. and Brookes , N. ( 2012 ) “ A ‘Strategy-as-Practice’” exploration of lean construction strategizing. ”, Building Research & Information . Vol. No. 2 , pp. 221 – 230 .
Söderholm, 2008 Söderholm , A. ( 2008 ). “ Project management of unexpected events ”. International Journal of Project Management , Vol. 26 , No 1 , pp. 80 – 86 .
Vit, 2011 Vit , G. B. ( 2011 ), “ Competing logics: Project failure in Gaspesia ”, European Management Journal . Vol. 29 , No. 3 , pp. 234 – 244 .
Whittington, Molloy, Mayer, and Smith, 2006 Whittington , R. , Molloy , E. , Mayer , M. and Smith , A. ( 2006 ), “ Practices of Strategising/Organising-broadening Strategy Work and Skills ”, Long Range Planning , Vol. 39 , No. 6 , pp. 615 – 629 .
Whyte, Ewenstein, Hales, and Tidd Whyte , J. , Ewenstein , B. , Hales , M. and Tidd , J. , “ Visualizing Knowledge in Project-Based Work ”, Long Range Planning , Vol. 41 , No. 1 , pp. 74 – 92 .
Wright, 2005 Wright , A. ( 2005 ), “ The role of scenarios as prospective sensemaking devices ”, Management Decision , Vol. 43 , No. 1 , pp. 86 – 101 .
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A systematic review of the evolution of the concept of resilience in the construction industry.
2. methodology, 2.1. search strategy, 2.2. selection, 2.3. extraction, 2.4. assessment, 3.1. the subject of resilience, 3.1.1. specific class, 3.1.2. general class, 3.1.3. temporal distribution of resilience subjects, 3.2. the impact factors, 3.2.1. natural and environmental factors, 3.2.2. human and external factors, 3.2.3. temporal distribution of impact factors, 3.3. capabilities of the subject, 3.3.1. management and operations, 3.3.2. performance and development, 3.3.3. temporal distribution of subject capabilities, 4. discussion, 4.1. the evolution and ambiguity of the early concept of resilience, 4.2. complexity of impact types and functional failures, 4.3. redefining the concept of resilience in a vuca environment, 4.4. future directions and suggestions, 5. conclusions, data availability statement, acknowledgments, conflicts of interest.
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Database | Search Strings | Number |
---|---|---|
Scopus | (TITLE-ABS-KEY(“construction industry” OR “civil engineering” OR “construction engineering” OR “architecture engineering” OR “construction sector” OR “building industry” OR “construction project”) AND TITLE-ABS-KEY(“resilience” OR “adaptive capacity” OR “robustness” OR “recoverability” OR “durability”) AND TITLE (“resilience” OR “resilient”)) | 451 |
Web of Science | (TS = (“construction industry” OR “civil engineering” OR “construction engineering” OR “architecture engineering” OR “construction sector” OR “building industry” OR “construction project”) AND TS = (“resilience” OR “adaptive capacity” OR “robustness” OR “recoverability” OR “durability”) AND TI = (“resilience” OR “resilient”) ) | 763 |
Main Categories | Subcategories | Number of Samples | Total |
---|---|---|---|
Specific Class | Specific Construction Projects | 3 | |
Concrete Facilities and Systems | 4 | 18 | |
Definite Geographic Locations | 4 | ||
Specific Infrastructure Systems | 7 | ||
General Class | Industries and Fields | 18 | |
Concepts and Methods | 4 | 52 | |
Extensive Networks and Systems | 19 | ||
Social and Community Impact | 11 |
Main Categories | Subcategories | Number of Samples | Total |
---|---|---|---|
Natural and environmental factors | Geological events | 16 | |
Climate and weather events | 8 | 27 | |
Biological events | 3 | ||
Human and external factors | Economic and supply chain risks | 3 | |
Job and workplace-related risks | 6 | 49 | |
Security and safety risks | 10 | ||
System and infrastructure risks | 11 | ||
Uncertainties | 19 |
Main Categories | Subcategories | Number of Samples | Total |
---|---|---|---|
Management and Operations | Safety and Risk Management | 32 | 60 |
Operational Management | 21 | ||
Human and Community Management | 5 | ||
Resource and Inventory Management | 2 | ||
Performance and Development | Structural and System Performance | 7 | |
Network Performance | 2 | 17 | |
Sustainability and Environmental Management | 6 | ||
Quality and Improvement Management | 2 |
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Li, J.; Yu, H.; Deng, X. A Systematic Review of the Evolution of the Concept of Resilience in the Construction Industry. Buildings 2024 , 14 , 2643. https://doi.org/10.3390/buildings14092643
Li J, Yu H, Deng X. A Systematic Review of the Evolution of the Concept of Resilience in the Construction Industry. Buildings . 2024; 14(9):2643. https://doi.org/10.3390/buildings14092643
Li, Jinjing, Haizhe Yu, and Xiaopeng Deng. 2024. "A Systematic Review of the Evolution of the Concept of Resilience in the Construction Industry" Buildings 14, no. 9: 2643. https://doi.org/10.3390/buildings14092643
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Governments around the world are heavily investing in building new transit infrastructures and expanding existing ones. The construction of these projects does not happen overnight and can lead to extended long-term disruptions in the transit network, which can have undesirable impacts. Research regarding such disruptive periods, or transitional periods, seems to be thematically and geographically dispersed in the literature. Similarly, a consolidated understanding of the impacts of long-term transit service disruptions due to other causes, such as labor strikes and transit system failures, on travelers’ behavior seems missing from the literature. Using a systematic review method, this study aims at providing a comprehensive review of the academic literature that focused on analyzing the impacts of the aforementioned issues on transit users’ travel behavior and perceptions, while understanding the mitigation strategies applied to address these effects. Given the wide array of disruption types, durations, spatial coverage, and the modes affected, the review indicates a dearth of knowledge regarding their impacts along with a very limited understanding of the relative benefits of mitigation strategies. The most common impacts are mode changes. Some evidence, which is rather limited, shows that transit users did return to their previous travel behavior after the end of long-term service disruptions. The study offers a better understanding of the relative impacts of transit systems’ long-term disruptions and transitional periods, while highlighting important gaps in the current literature.
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Governments around the world are heavily investing in building new transit infrastructure or upgrading or expanding existing ones [ 1 , 2 ]. This is in order to draw higher levels of transit ridership, while decreasing the attractiveness of non-sustainable modes of transport (such as private car use). Achieving these goals would help societies in reaching their emerging climate goals by reducing the emissions from the transport sector. The construction of these new transit projects does not happen overnight and can take from a few weeks to several months or even years, which can lead to extended long-term disruptions in the transit network. These long-term disruptions, or transitional periods, can have undesirable impacts on people’s travel behavior, and they could also increase traffic congestion as well as decrease air quality in the short and long terms. The impacts of these transitional periods, in general, seem thematically and geographically dispersed. Similarly, a consolidated understanding of the impacts of long-term disruptions due to other causes, such as labor strikes and transit system failures, on travelers’ behavior seems to be missing from the literature. Albeit different in their origins and characteristics, both transitional periods and long-term disruptions share several attributes, especially in terms of their effects on travel behavior as well as travelers’ needs and perceptions. They both impact travelers for an extended period, which can lead to them developing new habits and attitudes to adapt to such changes. Therefore, both transitional periods and long-term disruptions that resulted from transit system construction and repairs, infrastructure failure, and labor strikes were included in this study.
In this study, the term “transitional periods” refers to any planned changes in the transit system that alter the service’s structure and quality and require an extended period of disruption of regular service operations to implement, such as the construction of new transit infrastructure or the substantial upgrade of such infrastructure. After these periods, users expect to have improved transit service quality or options (Fig. 1 ), which may have an impact on their travel behavior and perception. It should be noted that not all infrastructure-related disruptions should be considered transitional periods, as some projects may not improve service afterwards. For example, maintenance-related projects can lead to similar levels of service.
Conceptual framework
The term “long-term disruptions” was used to refer to any long-term transit system disruptions in which transit returns to its initial service configuration after the disruption, with no to minor changes to the service. For both types of disruptions, transit agencies and cities implement a wide array of mitigation strategies. Therefore, this study aims at achieving the following three goals: comprehending the current state of knowledge in the academic literature regarding the impacts of long-term transit system disruptions and transitional periods on travel behavior, travelers’ perceptions and travel needs; understanding the applied mitigation strategies and technologies used to address any undesirable impacts of these disruptions; and synthesizing the findings to identify areas of overlap between studies and prominent gaps in the current state of knowledge. Exploring these issues together informs transit planners and practitioners of lessons learned across studies regarding similarities and differences in terms of impacts, thereby guiding their future practice.
A considerable number of academic studies explored the factors affecting travel behavior and ridership at the city, route, and stop level during regular operational periods of the transit service. Several studies provided a systematic literature review of these factors’ impacts on travel behavior and ridership [ 3 , 4 ]. Nevertheless, there are numerous types of disruptions that can affect the normal operations of the transit network. There are also various classifications for these disruptions. Some studies differentiated between them in terms of whether they are planned or unplanned [ 5 , 6 , 7 ], while another categorization can be in terms of duration (long-term or short-term disruption) as was discussed by Kattan, de Barros [ 8 ].
Disruptions can also be divided based on the transport mode or system they affect (like rail transit or road disruptions) or in terms of magnitude—whether these disruptions resulted in closures of the affected transit stations or only caused the redirection of the stations’ lines, for example [ 9 ]. Furthermore, Zhu and Levinson [ 10 ] categorized transport network disruptions based on their causes; this included transit strikes, bridge closures, earthquakes and special events. A considerable number of researchers investigated the impacts of short-term transit system disruptions that last from a few minutes to hours on travel behavior and transit users’ perceptions [ 11 ]. For example, Saxena, Hossein Rashidi [ 12 ] compared how travelers weigh trip attributes differently in the case of either canceled or delayed transit service when choosing a mode of transport. Other studies focused on understanding the impacts of long-term disruptions of the transport network [ 6 , 8 , 10 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 ].
In regard to review papers that focused on transport network disruptions, Shalaby, Li [ 18 ] conducted a systematic review to identify and analyze journal articles that focused on management strategies for short-term rail transit disruptions and modeling approaches. Zhang, Lo [ 19 ] provided a similar review of the academic literature concerning metro system disruption management and substitute bus service, whilst Zhu and Levinson [ 10 ] discussed theoretical and empirical studies that focus on traffic and behavioral impacts of transport network disruptions. To the best of the authors’ knowledge, none of the previous research efforts provided an in-depth systematic review of the contemporary academic literature concerning the impacts of long-term transit system disruptions and transitional periods on travel behavior, travelers’ perceptions and travel needs. To address this gap, this paper focuses on developing a comprehensive systematic review of the literature regarding the topic.
A comprehensive systematic review of the academic literature was carried out. Systematic literature reviews are a powerful approach to identify and analyze all relevant research on a given topic within certain parameters. The research process followed PRISMA (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses) guidelines for systematic reviews [ 20 ]. It was initiated by conducting a scan of a few relevant articles to establish the keyword search syntax that would then be used to conduct an article search on three notable research databases. These databases were the Transport Research International Documentation (TRID), the Web of Science Core Collection and Scopus. TRID is a comprehensive database that includes more than one million records of transport research [ 21 ]. Following this initial review, four different combinations of keyword search syntaxes were generated based, mainly, on the different categories of long-term transit system disruptions within the scope. More specifically, the four themes of the search queries were as follows: construction and maintenance, general disruptions and closures, labor disputes and strikes, and a more general search related to transport system upgrades or improvements (Table 1 ). It should be noted that the database search queries pertaining to the fourth keyword category were developed and carried out at a later stage to further expand the limited pool of relevant articles found.
Using EndNote, research records for all the documents, which included the abstracts, were organized and some duplicate records were removed. Afterwards, the entire list of records was uploaded to the Rayyan web application [ 22 ] where the remaining duplicates were removed and the record screening process was initialized. Rayyan provided a platform for a collaborative work environment for both authors to screen articles, add notes, label articles, and conduct keyword searches. The screening was mainly done by the first author, while checking the undecided articles was done by both authors. To establish clear guidelines to elucidate the process of determining which documents are relevant, inclusion and exclusion criteria were formulated and subsequently followed to filter out the out-of-scope documents (Table 2 ).
The criteria that guided the selection process included that all papers must be in English and must be full peer-reviewed journal articles published no earlier than in 2011. They must also be mainly concerned with the effects of long-term transit system disruptions. There is no clear distinction between short- and long-term disruptions in the literature. Some researchers generally classified short-term disruptions by lasting up to two or three days [ 23 ]. Therefore, and to increase the number of included studies in this literature review, we considered the threshold of 2 days or more for identifying long-term transit service disruption. Moreover, research articles investigating disruptions due to highway construction or road maintenance works or that study long-term disruptions of other transport modes, such as air travel and ferries, were beyond the scope of this review and, as a result, were excluded. Additionally, efforts that investigated the effects of natural disasters, epidemics, and pandemics such as the COVID-19 pandemic were removed from the analysis, as these types of events are not only impacting the transit system, but also impacting all transportation modes and people’s willingness to make trips to different destinations.
Based on the criteria presented, the number of records that had their titles and/or abstracts manually reviewed by the authors and were subsequently excluded was 6,588, while the number of records deemed preliminarily relevant and were then pursued for full text retrieval were 47 articles. The review of the articles was based on reviewing the papers’ titles first, if the paper title is not clear or suspected of inclusion, the abstract was then reviewed. Afterwards, a swift review of the full text was carried out for these 47 articles. As a result, 30 articles were excluded, and 17 were included (end of Phase 1). Phase 2, the final phase of this process, comprised scanning the reference lists of the 17 acquired articles for any new articles, while applying the same inclusion and exclusion criteria. This step led to the procurement of 5 additional articles that required a full-text review. Only 2 were deemed relevant and were included in the finalized list of articles for the systematic review (19 in total). This process is illustrated in Fig. 2 , which was adapted from Page, McKenzie [ 20 ]. Articles that made it to the finalized list were categorized based on the type of disruption that they each discuss. Subsequent to this categorization, a full review of the 19 articles was performed, and the relevant information regarding the different aspects of each paper, such as the issues addressed; the data used; the utilized research methods; and the key findings, was extracted and organized. This was followed by conducting a qualitative analysis of the papers by analyzing the information on individual, categorical, and general scales as well as synthesizing and comparing the findings and other significant features of the articles.
Flow diagram of the systematic review process conducted
In total, 19 articles were found to focus on long-term transit system disruptions and transitional periods. Even though this may seem like an inconsiderable number of articles for a systematic review, other systematic reviews in the field had similar numbers [ 24 , 25 , 26 ]. Of these 19, three focused generally on long-term disruptions. Seven papers discussed construction-related transit disruptions, and nine papers explored the effects of transit labor disputes and strikes. Appendices 1, 2, and 3 depict the results of this systematic review. In the appendices, studies that have modeled the impact of a mitigation strategy or controlled for it in the model, or have critically discussed the effects of a mitigation strategy were highlighted.
As can be seen in Appendix 1, only three articles focused on general long-term transit service disruptions or included sections that focused on them. One paper used semi-structured interviews to understand the factors influencing the mode shift to car among transit users in the case of a transit service disruption. In this study, long-term disruptions referred to the hypothetical absence of transit for 10 years [ 27 ]. Pnevmatikou, Karlaftis [ 17 ] investigated the impact of a 5-month partial closure of a metro line in Athens, Greece. Lastly, Yap, Nijënstein [ 28 ] analyzed the impacts of four tram line disruptions in The Hague, the Netherlands. These analyzed disruptions lasted 5 and 20 days.
Nguyen-Phuoc, Currie [ 27 ] used a discourse analysis approach to analyze data collected from semi-structured interview responses of 30 transit users in Melbourne. Most of the participants were from an academic institution (i.e., Monash University). Interviews were coupled with brief questionnaires to collect participants’ socioeconomic information (age, income, occupation, car ownership and driving license) and current travel behavior (i.e., last transit trip). In contrast, Pnevmatikou, Karlaftis [ 17 ] adopted nested logit (NL) and multinomial logit (MNL) models to analyze revealed preference (RP) and stated preference (SP) data. The RP survey (1038 responses) examined the impact of a 5-month metro line closure on transport mode choice, which was conducted immediately after the line’s reopening. The SP survey of transit users was web-based and was collected to understand stated preferences towards travel patterns during hypothetical metro closures. In contrast to the previous two studies, Yap, Nijënstein [ 28 ] utilized smart card data obtained from an automated fare collection (AFC) system during disruptions to compare between predicted and realized transit ridership.
Nguyen-Phuoc, Currie [ 27 ] found that in the long term, only context-specific factors (travel distance, travel time, travel cost, trip destination and flexibility of alternative mode) have an influence on transport mode shift. The postulated reasons were that participants did not perceive any alteration to the individual-specific factors in the future and that the authors focused on the unavailability of transit for an extremely long period (i.e., next ten years). The study indicated that the prolonged absence of transit services is expected to have an impact on land use and individuals in terms of changing their residential or workplace locations, or both. Participants did not consider trip cancellations during the long-term unavailability of the transit service.
Pnevmatikou, Karlaftis [ 17 ] showed that a metro user’s income was an important element in their decision-making process regarding whether to shift to buses or cars during metro service disruptions. Low-income metro users, regardless of car ownership, prefer using buses during metro disruptions. Additionally, during the disruptions, using a car for travel was negatively correlated with having a flexible work schedule. Yap, Nijënstein [ 28 ] indicated that in-vehicle time in the shuttle bus service (i.e., rail replacement buses) was perceived about 1.1 times more negatively compared to the in-vehicle time in the initial tram line, while waiting times for the shuttle bus service were perceived as approximately 1.3 times higher compared to the waiting times for the regular bus and tram services. The paper also indicated that if the prediction model does not account for vehicle capacity, integrating the positive effect of higher bus frequency would only overestimate the level of service provided by the shuttle buses during disruptions.
Very few studies focused on long-term transit service disruptions or included sections that centered around long-term disruptions. One of them used a qualitative approach to develop a conceptual model of mode shift to car among transit users. The other two articles used specific case studies of partial closures of the metro and tram system in Athens and The Hague, respectively. There were no studies exploring system-wide (or a large portion of the system’s) long-term disruptions, nor were there studies that explored long-term disruptions within the North American context. All three studies focused primarily on current transit users’ travel behaviors. Nevertheless, other travelers may respond differently to additional costs imposed by increased traffic congestion. Additionally, since these studies explored only two cases of disruptions, future work is needed to include a wider array of disruptions because transit users’ responses will depend on: available travel options; duration, type, and degree of disruptions; and the used mitigation strategies’ effectiveness. The two quantitative studies investigated the impacts of providing shuttle buses and using an existing parallel transit service to mitigate the impacts of tram and metro closures, respectively. However, the effectiveness of other mitigation strategies is yet to be explored.
As seen in Appendix 2, seven studies explored the impacts of construction-related disruptions. Most of them focused on the impacts of heavy rail systems’ (e.g., metro and rail systems) construction and maintenance, while only two discussed light rail transit (LRT) systems [ 8 , 9 ]. Construction studies are related to the idea of transitional periods, in which people are expected to have improved transit service quality (or options) after these periods. Of the seven papers, 3 focused on the impacts of construction-related transit disruptions on bike-sharing systems usage. The four others investigated the impacts of construction on: travel behavior changes and travelers’ responses to enroute real-time information disseminated through variable message signs (VMS) [ 8 , 13 ], local air quality [ 29 ], and bus performance [ 14 ]. Additionally, only five articles critically discussed or analyzed the impacts of mitigation strategies.
Of the seven studies, five utilized statistical models to investigate construction-related transit disruptions’ effects on travel behavior and air quality. Bike-share system studies used ridership data from fixed docking stations [ 30 ] or from free-floating bike-sharing systems [ 9 ]. Based on bike-share data, these studies explored the impact of metro and LRT closures that lasted from 7 to 25 days in Washington, D.C., USA and Cologne, Germany. They used autoregressive Poisson log-level time series modeling [ 30 ], negative binomial regression [ 9 ] and linear regressions [ 31 ] to analyze ride-share data for periods before, during, and after disruptions, while controlling for a set of variables (weather conditions, season, day, time of day, etc.). One study [ 31 ] did not directly model changes in ridership due to disruptions, but rather used sensitivity analysis to explore the effects of implementing a new $2 single-trip fare (STF) on ridership, which was introduced concurrently with the SafeTrack program’s operations in Washington, D.C. Another study modeled bike-sharing usage from geographical and temporal perspectives [ 9 ].
On the other hand, other papers used participant survey data to understand changes in travel behavior using summary statistics. For example, Kattan, de Barros [ 8 ] used a revealed preference survey (430 responses) collected one year after the West LRT line’s construction in Calgary, Alberta, Canada, had started but before it ended (the construction project’s duration was ~ 3 years). Nevertheless, it did not model travel mode changes but focused on multinomial logit modeling to study travelers’ behavioral responses to VMS information. Zhu, Masud [ 13 ] used descriptive statistics to analyze panel survey data before (318 and 420 responses) and after (74 and 64 responses) two reductions and closures of service. Another study used fixed-effect modeling to understand the impacts of rail transit construction on the air quality index using air quality data from 28 cities in China [ 29 ]. Lastly, Shiqi, Zhengfeng [ 14 ] used fuzzy aggregation and summary statistics to evaluate the bus layout adjustment scheme from passenger and car driver perspectives and investigated passenger volumes at stops.
Usage of bike-sharing systems generally increased during construction-related transit disruptions but at different levels. For example, Younes, Nasri [ 30 ] reported ridership increases on weekdays during disruption. Once the affected metro stations reopened, bike-share ridership returned to its pre-surge levels, suggesting a limited lasting effect of the studied disruptions. They also suggested the likelihood of travelers using bike-share as a first- and last-mile solution rather than as an alternative to transit. Similarly, Schimohr and Scheiner [ 9 ] reported a reversion to the original bike-share ridership levels once the disruption had ceased. On another note, Kaviti, Venigalla [ 31 ] indicated that implementing a new $2 single-trip fare increased the number of first-time bike-share riders by as much as 79% immediately after its introduction. The introduction of this new fare co-existed with metro service closures. Additionally, there was also a statistically significant increase in the daily ridership of registered members and casual users at docks near metro stations impacted by the metro service closures.
In regard to the other four studies, Kattan, de Barros [ 8 ] stated that the total demand for travel in areas affected by the construction did not decrease, neither were trip departure times rescheduled. Travel behavior changes were mainly route switching, followed by mode shifting, and then by destination changing. Zhu, Masud [ 13 ] indicated that transit users changed modes or destinations instead of departure time during the complete closure of metro stations. They also reported that ~ 20% of respondents did not return to using the metro even after the service’s full restoration. However, it is not known whether these mode changes are temporary or permanent. Additionally, they observed that wealthier riders are more likely to drive or switch to for-hire options (e.g., Uber and Lyft). On another note, Sun, Zhang [ 29 ] found that rail construction has a greater impact on improving air quality than urban road reconstruction, while Shiqi, Zhengfeng [ 14 ] suggested that factors attributed to transit service and traffic were degraded when bus routing schemes were implemented during disruptions.
Few studies in the literature focus on long-term disruptions caused by transit construction or maintenance projects. Three of the seven studies focused exclusively on understanding the disruptions’ impacts on bike-share ridership rather than their effects on using active transportation modes and cycling behavior. Only two articles employed traveler surveys to gain a better picture of people’s travel behavior instead of their tendency to use one specific mode (bike-share) during such disruptions. Moreover, none modeled transport mode changes due to transit system construction projects, but they rather used descriptive statistics to provide information regarding, for example, route and mode changes, while indicating limited trip cancellations or changes in trip departure times.
Additionally, very few studies looked into long-term changes in travel behavior or home and work location decisions influenced by long-term disruptions as Nguyen-Phuoc, Currie [ 27 ] discussed. Most studies focused on immediate impacts and accounted for disruptions within limited time frames. Only five studies explored or modeled the impacts of mitigation strategies on travelers’ travel behaviors or perceptions (Appendix 2). Similarly, it was rare to find articles utilizing detailed mitigation strategy data (e.g., shuttle buses and travel information communications) and travelers’ data in combination with disruption data to explore the mitigation strategies’ effectiveness during transit construction projects. Furthermore, none of the studies were concerned with the relative impact of bus rapid transit (BRT) system construction projects; most of them focused on LRT and metro service construction.
Only nine papers focused on labor disputes and strikes (Appendix 3). Four of them discussed the impacts of transit operators’ strikes on air quality [ 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 ]. Three focused on transit service strikes’ effects on traffic conditions, while one article investigated the strikes’ impacts on the usage of bike-sharing systems. The remaining paper explored a strike’s effect on undergraduate students’ travel choices.
Of the nine articles, six utilized statistical models to investigate transit labor disputes’ effects on people’s travel behavior and on air quality. Regarding air quality studies, they used pollutant levels as proxies to investigate people’s shifting from transit to using private vehicles. Using air quality monitoring stations data, most of them used case studies that lasted from 3 days [ 32 ] to 51 days [ 33 , 34 ]. Additionally, two used a 2013 strike that occurred in Ottawa as their case study, and only one used a sample of more than one long-term strike for investigating their impacts on air quality [ 35 ]. The most commonly used data analysis methods included regression, difference-in-difference models [ 34 , 35 ], and summary statistics [ 33 ].
On the other hand, three studies explored transit strikes’ effects on traffic conditions using freeways and highways’ loop detector data [ 36 , 37 , 38 ]. These studies used different indicators to understand changes in traffic conditions such as changes in average delay, traffic flow, mean speed, and travel time. The used methodological approaches include summary statistics and developing regression and generalized linear models [ 36 , 37 ]. Only one study [ 39 ] used statistical modeling to isolate strikes’ impacts on bike-sharing system usage; it analyzed the impact of one strike that lasted 7 days in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA, using interrupted time series models. Additionally, only one study [ 40 ] explored strikes’ impacts on transit users and non-users’ travel behavior using surveys and mobile phone app (called iEpi) data. Using four weeks of data, comprising two weeks during the strike and two weeks of normal operation after the strike ended, they developed descriptive statistics to understand changes in walking distance, trips frequency, and visited locations.
Most of the air quality studies showed substantial increases in fine particulate matter (PM) concentrations during strikes, particularly in busy urban areas. Moreover, some studies indicated large increases in O 3 and CO concentrations. These impacts were mainly attributed to travel behavioral changes; transit users shifted to using private cars. In contrast, two articles reported reductions in NO concentrations during strikes. NO is a gas that is mainly produced by diesel engines, which can be found in public transit buses. Interestingly, one article suggested that PM and O 3 concentrations significantly decreased in the strike’s final 3 weeks. This was attributed to travel behavioral changes; travelers started using more environmentally friendly transport modes as they adapted to the transit service’s absence.
Regarding traffic studies, Anderson [ 37 ] reported an about 47% increase in highway delays during a 35-day strike in Los Angeles, California, USA. More delays were observed along freeways with parallel transit lines that are characterized by heavy ridership. Other researchers made the same spatial observation [ 38 ]. Furthermore, Spyropoulou [ 36 ], using a case study from Athens, Greece, of several strikes lasting between 1 and 5 days, reported similar results. Spyropoulou [ 36 ] stated that strikes increased congestions by increasing traffic flow (up to 30%), reducing mean speed (up to 27%) and increasing travel times (up to 25%).
Strikes also had significant impacts on using active transportation modes. Fuller, Luan [ 39 ] reported a 57% increase in bike-sharing system usage by members and non-members during the 7-day transit operators’ strike. However, bike-share usage quickly returned to previous trends directly after the strike. Additionally, some results suggest that non-members might have used bike-sharing for a slightly longer period. In contrast to previous studies that analyzed the usage of one mode during the strikes (i.e., car or bike-share system), Stanley, Bell [ 40 ] focused on the overall changes in the travel behavior of transit and non-transit users during a longer strike that lasted for more than 30 days. They indicated that transit users visited fewer places and walked more during the 30-day strike.
Traffic studies showed that the impacts on the transport network were not equal; this is usually not captured by studies that used aggregate air quality data from fixed monitoring stations. Most of the studies examined changes in using one mode, namely cars or bike-sharing systems. However, only very few studies explored and modeled overall alterations in travel behavior. Moreover, most of the articles used passive data sources from traffic loop detectors, air quality stations, or a bike-sharing system at the aggregate level; this does not offer insights into individuals’ behavioral changes in terms of route choice, departure time, travel perception and overall experience. In fact, none of the studies relied on using social surveys to investigate the short- and long-term impacts of transit operators’ strikes on users. In other words, none of them explicitly focused on understanding changes in transit users’ perceptions and needs. Instead, studies tried to draw conclusions regarding transit users’ and non-transit users’ travel behavior.
Only one study utilized mobile-phone data to explore changes in travelers’ behaviors in more detail. This calls for more investigation into possibly using such tools in obtaining larger and more representative samples that can be combined with surveys to better understand different aspects of travelers’ decision-making behaviors during transit operators’ strikes. Furthermore, none of the reviewed studies explored the impacts of service strikes and information availability on travelers’ perceptions using data collected from social media platforms such as Twitter, for example. Table 3 shows an aggregated summary of the analyzed papers from the three categories (general causes, construction-related, and labor-related disruptions) and their different aspects including users’ perceptions and travel behaviors that were investigated.
Several mitigation strategies were discussed in the reviewed literature. They generally fall under three broad categories: backup transport services, policy-based measures, and impact assessments (Table 4 ). In the table, articles are also sorted by the disruption type that they are associated with. Of the 19 papers chosen for this review, 10 articles discussed disruption mitigation strategies in some form.
Backup transport services are mitigative actions where some alternative form(s) of transport is provided during disruptions to regular transit services. They can be considered to be a form of policy-based measures; however, a distinction has been made between the two since not all of the policy-based measures discussed in the articles were backup transport services. Several articles discussed the level of backup transport services and their impact. For example, Kattan, de Barros [ 8 ] discussed the benefits of implementing a temporary BRT service, which followed an alignment similar to that of the LRT under construction, as a proactive mitigation measure that encouraged travelers to shift to using transit. Yap, Nijënstein [ 28 ] found that people overestimated the in-vehicle and waiting times associated with using bridging buses compared to their in-vehicle and waiting times using the initial tram service. On another note, Schimohr and Scheiner [ 9 ] indicated that travelers’ proximity to stations with substitute or redirected lines was associated with a decrease in the number of bike-sharing trips, suggesting that people used transit at these locations more than they used the bike-share system during service disruption. Nevertheless, most of the studies that discuss this point agree that bus bridging involves a higher level of inconvenience for users, thereby encouraging them to change modes or destinations.
The second category is policy-based measures. This strategy includes providing and improving communications and the dissemination of information to travelers through delivering consistent updates regarding the disrupted transit services, traffic conditions, available alternative modes of transport, etc. It could also include reduced fares, for using transit or a form of active transportation for example, to promote using sustainable transport modes during the disruption to alleviate the hike in traffic congestion. The reviewed articles discussed or analyzed several policy-related amendments or measures. They include introducing a single-trip fare option to encourage riders to use the bike-sharing system and using improved communications methods to disseminate information; those approaches were studied by Kaviti, Venigalla [ 31 ] and Kattan, de Barros [ 8 ], respectively. In addition, Anderson [ 37 ] reported that an additional transit service was contracted (i.e., the Red Line Special bus service) to duplicate part of a closed metro route; this could also be considered a backup transport service. Similarly, Moylan, Foti [ 38 ] indicated that during the Bay Area Rapid Transit (BART) service shutdown, a local bus agency (i.e., AC Transit) increased frequencies on Transbay bus service routes. However, the benefits of policies like contracting new services or increasing transit services offered by other agencies were not explicitly measured in previous efforts. Regarding the third category, only one paper [ 14 ] focused on evaluating a metro construction project’s disruptive effects on bus performance in the city of Ningbo, China.
The results of this study demonstrate that there is generally a lack of academic research concerning long-term transit service disruptions and transitional periods. Nevertheless, the majority of the identified academic papers are relatively recent and were published during the past five years. This may suggest that this key topic has been gaining more traction in recent years. This showcases this topic’s relevance and the possibility of having more efforts in this area soon. This is in alignment with the increase in worldwide governmental funding opportunities to develop new transit infrastructure to foster economic growth and face climate change. For example, Canada’s federal government revealed a new sizeable funding of $14.9 B for new public transit infrastructure in February 2020 [ 41 ]. Similar efforts dedicated to providing more funding for building and upgrading public transport can be found in Europe, the US and China [ 44 , 45 , 46 ]
According to the number of identified documents, there is a wide agreement and overlap in the reviewed literature regarding the negative impacts such disruptions and transitional periods have on travelers and also regarding the importance of using a range of mitigation strategies. The most common impacts are mode changes. Very few studies indicated other types of changes such as route changes, trip departure time changes, and destination changes. Some evidence, which is rather limited, shows that transit users did return to their previous travel behavior after the end of long-term service disruptions. Nevertheless, it is not clear if these changes are temporary or permanent. Other studies indicated that bike-share systems ridership increased during disruptions. However, these ridership levels returned to their pre-disruption levels after the reopening of the transit service, suggesting a limited lasting effect of long-term disruptions on people’s mode choice to continue using the bike-sharing systems. Providing new backup transit services and rerouting and enhancing parallel services were the most common mitigation approaches widely discussed in the literature to deal with long-term transit disruptions. Previous efforts showed good use of passive data sources from air quality monitoring stations, highway loop detectors, bike-share system counters, and automated fare collection systems to establish evidence of the negative effects of such periods.
Despite these efforts in the literature, travelers’ perceptions and needs during these periods are minimally addressed or analyzed. Additionally, it was rare to find studies that explicitly incorporated or controlled for the expected impacts of the transit projects after their completion. In other words, transitional periods may have more positive outcomes on transit users’ perceptions and travel behaviors after the project is finalized, due to enhanced service quality for instance, compared to other long-term disruptions. Such effects were underexplored in the literature.
The academic literature on long-term disruptions and transitional periods is currently quite divorced from the practice. For example, there is a dearth of studies that seek to derive lessons from past and current practices to help advance the practice of using effective mitigation strategies in different contexts and for different purposes. Additionally, a considerable number of the articles focused solely on understanding the impacts of long-term service disruptions on the usage of one transport mode, such as bike-sharing system usage, or one element, such as air quality or traffic conditions, rather than drawing a complete picture of people’s decision-making process and changes in their travel behaviors and needs. It was also rare to find studies that used a statistical model to better understand travelers’ behaviors during and/or following different types of long-term disruptions and transitional periods.
Most of the studies focused on measuring the short-term impacts of transit service disruptions. This may be related to the fact that most of the analyzed disruptions in the academic literature lasted for a few days or weeks. Nevertheless, articles exploring both short- and long-term impacts of longer transit service disruptions and transitional periods that last for a few months or even years were very limited. In fact, only two studies focused on exploring the impacts of longer disruptions that lasted more than a few months. Using surveys, one study regarding disruptions in Athens explored the immediate impact of a 5-month disruption on travel behaviors, while another study from Calgary explored the 1-year impact of an LRT system construction project, which lasted for about 3 years. Therefore, it is challenging, based on the limited research available, to understand the changes in travel behavior during these prolonged periods and to understand whether these long-term disruptions have an extended or permanent impact on travelers’ behaviors. Potential changes that may not be considered in shorter disruptions include relocation and/or reductions in travel demand because of moving closer to work or school, changing jobs, joining a ride-sharing program, and increasing telecommuting. Some of the key policy recommendations of this research are listed below.
With the need for academic studies that focus on the short- and long-term impacts of different long-term disruptions and transitional periods, cities and transit agencies are encouraged to work with the academic community to test different sets of mitigation strategies in different contexts, scenarios, and at different scales. These studies should also include information about changes in travelers’ behaviors, perceptions, and well-being in order to evaluate the used mitigation strategies and their relative impacts, which would inform future policy making.
With the emergence of more academic studies, as well as non-academic reports, in this area, lessons from the literature and practice should be organized and used in more systematic ways to assist in developing a policy guide to help in managing these disruptions. This will aid in guiding future practices that should aim to maintain higher levels of the transit services’ attractiveness during such periods for both transit and non-transit users. The prospect of providing adequate active transport alternatives that would encourage people to shift to using active transportation modes should also be explored. This could potentially reduce the stress on the public transportation and road networks.
Using agreements with private bus operators, ride-hailing services, bike shops, advocacy groups, and bike-sharing and scooter-sharing companies, cities can help reduce the impact of such periods on travelers. As seen in the literature, offering bike-sharing services and making them cheaper or more accessible by offering more payment options during long-term transit service disruptions can work as a mitigation strategy. This could be coupled with looking beyond the physical availability of alternative modes by testing different pricing scenarios to provide transport alternative(s).
Research suggests that using greener transport options may be adopted more widely by travelers if adequate policies were in place during such disruptions. This would capitalize on the increased flexibility of travelers to try out new transport modes during such periods. This might help in increasing cities’ shares of active transportation if such mode changes could be sustained after the disruption and adopted permanently by travelers. Nevertheless, currently, there is limited evidence that this is the case.
People will not benefit or suffer increases in their monetary and non-monetary costs equally because of any long-term transit system disruptions or transitional periods. Therefore, transit agencies should assess the equity impacts of such extended time periods on different groups of travelers. This will be context-specific and will help in articulating more sensitive policies that match different groups of users’ needs.
Finally, it was reported in the literature that the provision of alternative public transport options with a high transit service level coupled with the efficient dissemination of pre-trip and enroute, real-time travel information (e.g., updates on traffic and on areas affected by the disruption) resulted in an increase in transit use during the disruption. Moreover, evidence of the importance of using social media, graphics, and short videos in communicating information during the COVID-19 pandemic was discussed in the literature [ 47 ]. Learning from these lessons, more understanding of the importance of efficient and timely dissemination of information plans using social media or other platforms is essential. This is to help cities in informing people about expected impacts and options, which can help in alleviating stress on transit segments.
This study aimed to explore the current state of knowledge concerning transit systems’ transitional periods and long-term disruptions and to understand the actively used disruption mitigation strategies and technologies that are implemented to address or alleviate any of their undesirable impacts on travelers. To achieve these goals, a comprehensive systematic review of the academic literature was conducted. In total, 19 peer-reviewed journal articles were identified and analyzed. This systematic review helps identify the major knowledge gaps in the literature. The results of this study demonstrate that there is generally a lack of academic research works concerning long-term transit service disruptions and transitional periods. In fact, travelers’ perceptions, travel behaviors and changing needs during these disruptive periods were minimally addressed or analyzed. Key conclusions and recommendations are discussed below.
Given the range of different types of long-term transit system disruptions (e.g., construction, labor disputes and service failures); various disruption time frames (from a few days to several years); varying spatial coverage (from one line to system level); and different disrupted modes (e.g., bus, metro and tram), much more work can be done to explore the effects of such disruptions on people’s travel behavior and perceptions.
The possible impact of long-term disruptions on travelers in terms of changing modes, routes, trip departure times, frequency of trips, destinations, and work and home locations in addition to increasing telecommuting and trip sharing are widely recognized in the literature. However, studies rarely explored explicitly the factors affecting changes in travel behavior like shifting to different routes or changing the frequency of trips or the factors influencing relocation for transit and non-transit users using statistical models. This can be an important area for future work.
The relative importance and impact of disruption mitigation measures, while understanding how these measures could work together, within the context of long-term disruptions are rarely investigated in the literature. In fact, the current academic literature provides transit agencies with very limited information to assist them. Such knowledge can inform the processes of planning for long-term disruptions to implement more efficient and effective strategies.
Most of the studies were quantitative in nature and provided some relevant findings; however, qualitative studies can provide in-depth insights into the intersection between how, why, who, and what questions that are related to different types of disruptions. For example, it can help in understanding the importance of using different mitigation strategies for different groups of the population and their relation to different types of disruptions. Therefore, future research can focus on using qualitative approaches to elicit information not only from transit and non-transit users, but also from transit agencies and operators to understand their perspectives.
The reviewed literature generally used data from two main sources: from traveler surveys and from passive data sources that are obtained from air quality monitoring stations, bike-share systems, and highway loop detectors. Therefore, using emerging data sources such as cellular phone data and mobile app data can be explored for future studies to give a better understanding of the different long-term disruptions’ impacts. Social media data, farebox system data, and web surveys can be also incorporated in these studies.
Several studies used summary statistics, difference-in-difference approaches, or a dummy variable to isolate the impacts of long-term disruptions on different aspects (e.g., air quality, traffic conditions, and bike-share usage). However, these studies ignore that a long-term disruption entails an extended period of time, which can see different movement patterns within this period as indicated by Chandler and Shymko [ 34 ]. They stated that relying only on short-term results to draw conclusions regarding long-term impacts of long-term disruptions can lead to an overestimation of the negative effects. Therefore, future research could look into different patterns within such time frames.
Similarly, temporal changes in travel behavior after long-term disruptions or transitional periods end are rarely explored in the literature, particularly for longer disruptions that last for more than a few weeks. Some authors indicated that transit ridership can take several weeks to reach pre-disruption levels [ 37 ]. Therefore, exploring changes occurring over time to travelers and, more specifically, transit users’ travel behavior could be a viable future research endeavor.
Previous studies explored the impacts of long-term disruptions and transitional periods on bike-share usage; however, the academic literature is lacking in studies that investigate their impacts on using other active transportation modes, such as walking and cycling. Since these trips, particularly walking trips, are usually underreported in travel surveys, using sensors data from mobile phone apps can be beneficial to understand changes before, during, and after long-term disruptions for different groups of travelers.
It was found that very few articles explored changes in travelers’ perceptions, satisfaction, and needs due to transitional periods in comparison with long-term transit system disruptions triggered by other causes. Transitional periods, which usually lead to different outcomes in terms of improved service quality after ending compared to other long-term disruption periods, were not explicitly explored in the literature. Transitional periods’ ultimate positive outcomes on users’ perceptions and travel behaviors could be a viable focal point for future research efforts.
Incorporating social issues, such as equity concerns, and seeking to derive lessons to help understand the equity impacts of long-term disruptions and transitional periods on different groups of populations are yet to be accomplished. These groups can include Indigenous populations, visible minorities, and people with systemic barriers to using other transportation modes. Additionally, there is a lack of research to both understand and address the sociopolitical, institutional and community capacity dimensions, which is an important aspect during such periods.
Finally, this study aimed to derive lessons from the current academic literature on the effects of transit systems’ long-term disruptions and transitional periods. Exploration of this rather diverse research area will not only inform professionals but will also highlight important gaps in the current literature for researchers. Future research can expand the presented efforts and focus on reviewing transit agency reports and studies and conducting surveys and interviews with transit planners to record their experience and to better understand their perspective of the effects of transit systems’ long-term disruptions and transitional periods. This is to help cities and transit agencies to better anticipate and manage “change”. This will, in turn, help to facilitate and secure the development of their public transport networks while planning and being better prepared for long-term transit system disruptions, thereby aiding them in achieving their overarching sustainability goals.
No datasets were generated or analysed during the current study.
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We would like to thank the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada and Infrastructure Canada (INFC) for partially funding this research.
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Department of Geography & Planning, University of Saskatchewan, 117 Science Place, Saskatoon, SK, S7N 5C8, Canada
Mohamed G. Noureldin & Ehab Diab
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The authors confirm contribution to the paper as follows: study conception and design: Noureldin & Diab; data collection: Noureldin; analysis and interpretation of results: Noureldin & Diab; draft manuscript preparation: Noureldin & Diab. All authors reviewed the results and approved the final version of the manuscript.
Correspondence to Ehab Diab .
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Paper | Disruption & duration | Issues addressed | Data/methods | Main investigated factors in model(s) | Key summary statistics used | Key findings |
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[ ] | Hypothetical absence of transit due to long-term disruption. 10 years | To understand the factors influencing the mode shift to car among transit users in the case of a transit disruption | Semi-structured interview responses of 30 transit users from different age groups and areas of Melbourne | Conceptual model of the factors affecting transit user mode shift in the short and long terms | In the long term, only context-specific factors (travel distance, time, cost, trip destination, and flexibility of alternative mode) have an influence on transport mode shift | |
[ ] | Tram lines closures (4 lines). 5 and 20 days | The impacts of 4 planned transit system disruptions on transit ridership to adjust a parameter set in order to provide more accurate estimation of ridership during planned disruptions | •AFC system data collected during the disruptions were utilized to compare between predicted and realized transit ridership Transit ridership prediction modeling of different time periods | Factors considered in the modeling include generalized costs on origin–destination (OD) pair, in-vehicle travel time, walking time, waiting time, # of transfers, value of time, distance travelled, and demand on OD pair, elasticity, and frequency | Prediction accuracy for predefined scenarios Comparison between the default and proposed parameter sets’ values Comparison between the new parameter set and the default set on predicted ridership reduction, the average generalized travel costs per passenger, and the prediction accuracy for all 4 disruptions investigated | In-vehicle time and waiting time for the shuttle bus service were perceived about 1.1 and 1.3 times more negatively in comparison to the perception of in-vehicle and waiting time of the initial services Passengers do not perceive the benefit behind the higher frequency of shuttle bus services in comparison to that of the replaced tram line’s frequency For different case studies, the new parameter set improves prediction accuracy by 3% to 13% in comparison to predictions based on the default parameter set |
[ ] | Metro service disruptions. 5 months | Investigates changes in travel patterns due to long-term metro service disruption | RP survey (1038 responses) and SP survey (1944 records) data MNL model for RP data, MNL model for SP data, Joint RP-SP MNL, and Joint RP-SP NL | Y = Mode alternatives X = Modes, level of service (door-to-door time, in-vehicle time, out-of-vehicle time, transfer inconvenience, cost), socio-demographics (income, age, gender), trip purpose, and flexible work schedule | The odds of shifting to using buses or cars during metro disruptions are mainly related to income Using a car was negatively correlated with the possibility of having a flexible work schedule during metro disruptions The Joint RP-SP NL model generally performed better than the joint RP-SP MNL model |
Paper | Disruption & duration | Issues addressed | Data/methods | Main investigated factors in model(s) | Key summary statistics used | Key findings |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
[ ] | Construction of LRT line. ~ 3 years | LRT construction impacts on travel behavior, and travelers’ preferences about different sources of traffic information and responses to enroute VMS | RP survey. 430 responses 1 year after construction started and before it ended Summary statistics Multinomial logit model | Y = Route choice in reaction to VMS X = Profession, driving experience, frequency of using affected roads, travel time, trip purpose, time of trip, type of trip information, and delays | Perceived travel times on the affected roads and travelers’ preferred modes before and during construction Preference of use and response to different sources of traffic information | Only 1.5% of trips were cancelled or rescheduled, many travelers shifted to transit 43% of people took routes of their choice, while 27% followed VMS Travel behavioral reactions to VMS are highly influenced by the traveled path, trip travel time, departure time and trip purpose |
[ ] | Construction of rail infrastructure and urban roads. Unspecified long-term periods | To compare the effect of rail construction with the improvement effect of road reconstruction on air quality | Quarterly panel data of 28 cities in China with rail transit from 2013–16 Operational rail length, length of rail built in season, and air quality data Fixed effect models (364 records) | Y = Air quality index, SO , NO , PM and PM X = Rail length in operations, rail length built in season, road area, GDP, and a set of control variables | Correlation between the operational rail length and air quality index Correlation between the length of rail built in season and air quality index | Rail construction has greater impact on improving air quality than urban road reconstruction Rail transit reduces air pollution in the long run. However, it has a negative short-term effect Improvement effect on PM , PM and SO is apparent, but improvement effect on NO is relatively weak |
[ ] | Large LRT construction ~ 14 days | Changes in free-floating bike-sharing system usage during disruptions caused by a light rail construction project | 76,859 trips for 1,110 bikes for periods before, during and after the disruption (35 days) Summary statistics Two negative binomial regression models (spatial and temporal models) | Y = # of trips starting within a grid cell, # of trips within one hour X = Land uses, # of points of interest, distances to selected destinations, socio-demographics, weather variables, weekday, time of day, and periods (semester and construction) | The aggregated number of trips that started during each hour per weekday during the study period The number of trips per day during different weather conditions The number of trips per day to destinations within 300 m of stations affected by the construction | The disruptions and subsequent changes in the transit network that were caused by the construction project had only minor impacts on bike-sharing usage patterns in the short term The average number of total daily trips increased during construction but decreased afterwards to, roughly, its original level |
[ ] | Metro closures. 12 and 16 days in 2016 | Travel behavior changes due to Metro SafeTrack maintenance projects (or surges) | Panel survey data before and after Surge 1 and 2 318 responses before Surge 1, 420 before Surge 2 74 follow-up responses for Surge 1 and 68 for Surge 2 Summary statistics | Stated changes in travel behavior due to metro closure before disruption Comparison between the stated preferences and the actual behavior % of respondents who explored alternative modes of transport during SafeTrack Surge 1 and 2 | Transit users changed modes or destinations instead of changing departure time with complete metro station shutdown Wealthier riders are more likely to drive or switch to for-hire options Many did not choose the option they reported in survey before the disruption. Also, 20% of people did not return to using metro after service was fully restored | |
[ ] | Metro closures. From 7 to 25 days in 2016 | Changes in bike-share ridership due to metro closures as a result of the SafeTrack projects | Bike-share trip data included periods before, during, and after closures (Jan 1st, 2015, to Dec 31st, 2017) Autoregressive Poisson log-level time series model | Y = Daily bike-share activity for stations within 0.8 km of affected stations for Surges 2, 4, and 10 X = Weather, summer, weekends/holidays, 3 lag terms, and surge presence | Daily number of trips during study period Description of ridership for each surge location for periods before, during, and after each surge Kernel density estimation visualization of the top 80% of increases in ridership during surges | Disruptions increased bike-share ridership at the local level, mainly during weekdays. Peak-hour usage largely increased for Surge 10 but not for the other 2 surges (Surge 10 lasted nearly a month and spanned a busier and wider area) After metro reopened, bike-share ridership returned to its original levels |
[ ] | Metro construction. Unspecified period | The impact of metro construction on bus performance, transit users, and car drivers | Quantitative data regarding subway construction, covering 64 bus lines in vicinity of metro line Fuzzy weighted average technique | Transit service level: non-linear coefficient, line length, transfer distance and average waiting time Traffic impact: saturation degree on work-zone section, at intersection, and volumes | Factors attributed to transit service level and traffic impact degree were degraded when bus routing scheme was implemented during construction Bus routing scheme may have increased traffic on some roads but did not hinder daily travel of residents | |
[ ] | Metro closures Several durations | The effects of implementing a new $2 single-trip fare (STF) for bike-share trips on the ridership and revenue, which included studying the influence of metro closures on ridership | Revenue and bike-share ridership data before and after the implementation of STF for a period more than 2 years Summary statistics ANOVA tests Regression analysis | Y = Daily bike-share ridership X = Weather conditions (temperature and precipitation), day of the week, STF, and season | Daily ridership of registered and casual users for one week before closure, during closure, and one week after closure for bike-sharing stations within 0.25 and 0.5-mile (0.4 and 0.8 km) radii of affected metro stations | There was a statistically significant increase in the daily ridership of registered members and casual users at docks located near metro stations that were impacted by metro service closures The concurrency of STF introduction with the SafeTrack maintenance projects might have influenced this increase |
Paper | Disruption & its duration | Issues addressed | Data/methods | Main investigated factors in model(s) | Key summary statistics used | Key findings |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
[ ] | Bus strike. 3 days | Biomonitoring of air genotoxicity during and after a transit strike | Two monitoring sites’ data during and after the strike Summary statistics Regression model | Y = Frequency of micronuclei X = PM concentration, # of buses, weather conditions | Frequency of buses, PM levels, micronuclei levels, and weather conditions | The frequency of micronuclei was significantly higher in the city centre compared to that of the control site, and the highest levels recorded were during the transit strike |
[ ] | Strike affecting all transit services (city bus, subway and trolley services). 7 days | Impact of a public transit strike on bicycle-share usage | Bike-share systems data, January to December of 2016 Interrupted time series and Bayesian structural time series models | Y = Daily bicycle share X = Time period (pre-strike, during strike period, post-strike), weather conditions, other cities’ bicycle-share use | Total number of daily bicycle-share trips (pre-strike, strike, post-strike) in the cities of Philadelphia, Boston, Chicago, and Washington Observed vs predicted data regarding number of bike-share trips | The strike resulted in short-term increased bike-share use for members and non-members. However, usage quickly returned to previous trends after the strike Increase in ridership during strike was about 57%. Results suggest that non-members might have used bike-share for a slightly longer period |
[ ] | Strike affecting bus and train services. 51 days | Changes in the chemical composition and the mass concentration levels of airborne pollutants | Downtown air monitoring station data during and after the strike Summary statistics and condition probability function | CPF plots for the total particle number levels and geometric mean diameter during and after strikes Particle number size distributions, and average mass concentrations of PM | During the strike, ambient particles were dominated by ultrafine particles with diameters as minute as 15 nm throughout the day There was more than a 100% increase in mass concentrations of the particulate matter, elemental carbon, and organic carbon | |
[ ] | Strike affecting bus, bus rapid transit (BRT) and light rail transit (LRT) operations. 51 days | The environmental impact of public transit on 4 air pollutants: PM , sulphur dioxide (SO ), ozone (O ) and nitrogen oxide (NO) | 19 air monitoring stations’ data for weekdays in Ontario for four years Summary statistics Difference-in-difference models | Y = Hourly levels of PM , SO , O and NO X = Pre-strike, strike, pre-strike * Ottawa, strike * Ottawa, weather condition, and fixed-effect control variables X = Pre-strike, strike phase 1, strike phase 2, strike phase 3, pre-strike * Ottawa, strike phases interactions with Ottawa, and fixed-effect control variables | Distribution of the pollutants Kernel Density Function charts for the distribution of the concentration of pollutants Average daily concentrations in Ottawa and the other Ontario-based stations | During the strike, there was a significant increase in PM and O levels, along with a decrease in NO levels, which is a gas produced by diesel engines found in transit buses The PM and O levels significantly decreased in the final 3 weeks of the strike, suggesting that travelers started using environmentally friendly means of transport. Thus, previous studies that only investigated short-term strikes may overestimate the long-term environmental effects of transit |
[ ] | Strike. 35 days | The impacts of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority’s (MTA) strike on traffic congestion | Freeways loop detector data for all major freeways Mathematical model development RD (Regression Discontinuity) model | Y = Average delay in min per mile for detector, share of time detector is occupied and hourly lane traffic flow X = Date, strike, and date & strike interactions | No strike vs. during strike traffic flow and delay Weekly peak hour average delay and changes in hourly traffic flow | Average highway delay increased by 47% during the strike. This increase continues through the strike More delays were observed along freeways with parallel transit lines with heavy ridership |
[ ] | Strike. 4 and 5 days | 2013 Bay Area Rapid Transit (BART) strike impacts on freeway traffic conditions | Freeways loop detectors data for one year Summary statistics Non-parametric modeling to compare travel-time distributions | Traffic conditions (travel times & volume-weighted travel times) during typical conditions and strike days Differences between the observed median baseline and strike traffic volumes as well as travel rates | Insignificant changes to network conditions, but segments parallel to the BART lines saw large delays like those of the worst day of a week For one bottleneck, strikes showed a significant impact on travel times and volumes nearly doubling the median values on the worst day | |
[ ] | Strike. Various durations | Identified the short-term effect of public transit on air pollution | Air monitoring stations’ data and transit strikes data Econometric models | Y = Daily levels of NO, CO and PM X = Strike dummy, weather, and fixed-effect control variables | Changes in pollutant levels due to transit strike | Transit strikes lead to a large and statistically significant decrease in NO concentrations and an increase in CO; however, they have mixed effects on PM concentrations |
[ ] | Strike. + 30 days | The benefit of using mobile phone-based sensor monitoring for analyzing longitudinal behavior | Mobile phone app (iEpi) data of 28 participants, month-long monitoring and demographic surveys Summary statistics | Behavior of participants (dwell time, trip length, walking steps and visit frequency) for transit and non-transit users during and after the strike | The paper demonstrated the benefits of automated data for understanding travel behavior and the impact of strikes Transit users visited fewer places during the strike and walked more | |
[ ] | Mostly metro service strikes. 1, 2, 3, and 5 days | The effect of public transport strikes on traffic conditions | Loop detector data from 8 major arterials Generalized Linear Models (GLMs) | Y = Traffic flow, mean speed, and travel time X = Site, strike type (metro, bus, all), time, day, direction, toll, traffic light, transit, area, road type and saturation level | Changes in hourly traffic flow per lane, mean traffic flow per lane, and mean speed Traffic flow and mean speed changes for two selected sites | Strikes increased congestion by increasing traffic flow, reducing mean speed, and increasing travel times Strike coverage was a major factor in congestion Other related factors were and |
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Noureldin, M.G., Diab, E. Impacts of long-term transit system disruptions and transitional periods on travelers: a systematic review. Discov Cities 1 , 15 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s44327-024-00015-5
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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s44327-024-00015-5
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