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International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science

International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS)

  •                              ISSN No. 2454-6186
  •                                                                       Strengthening Social Sciences for the Future
  • June Issue 2024
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The New Education Policy 2020: Addressing The Challenges Of Education In Modern India

The New Education Policy 2020: Addressing The Challenges Of Education In Modern India

  • Seema Rani Sethi
  • May 12, 2023

Seema Rani Sethi Lecturer in Political Science, Nilgiri College, Nilgiri, Balasore

DOI: https://doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2023.7475

  Received: 10 March 2023; Revised: 05 April 2023; Accepted: 12 April 2023; Published: 11 May 2023

The National Educational Policy (NEP-2020) of India is the first education policy of the twenty-first century. Its challenge and goal are to make India a developed nation by advancing the UN Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 4’s objectives to “ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all” by 2030. With fair access to high-quality education for everyone, regardless of social or economic background, India believes that this new national education strategy, which will be implemented in 2020, may reach this aim by at least 2040. The new policy, NEP-2020, is anticipated to be an extensive revamp with less content but more problem-solving abilities, inventiveness, and multidisciplinary and holistic thinking for unity and integrity. Based on an overview of NEP-2020, we have identified and analysed potential generic methods for NEP-2020 implementation to achieve its goals using focus group talks. We have also evaluated the strengths and shortcomings of the policy in the higher education and research section. Along with enhancing educational quality, the new education strategy seeks to widen the purview of education in India. This study aims to identify weaknesses in the current educational system and recommend solutions.

Keywords: National Education Policy, Implementation, Challenges, India

INTRODUCTION

The National Education Policy 2020 was approved by the Federal Cabinet, which is led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, on July 29, 2020. The policy is based on the Draft National Education Policy 2019, which Dr. K. Kasturirangan’s Committee for Draft National Education Policy submitted to the Ministry of Human Resource Development on December 15, 2018. In January 2015, a group under the direction of former Cabinet Secretary T. S. R. Subramanian started the consultation process for the New Education Policy. A group led by former Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) director Krishnaswamy Kasturirangan submitted the draught NEP in 2019 based on the committee’s report from June 2017. Following that, the Draft New Education Policy (DNEP) 2019 was created by the Ministry of Human Resource Development and was the focus of extensive public discussions. The Draft NEP was lengthy at 484 pages. The Ministry went through an exhaustive consultation process to create the draught policy: “Over two lakh suggestions from 2.5 lakh gram panchayats, 6,600 blocks, 6,000 Urban Local Bodies (ULBs), 676 districts were received.” The vision of the National Education Policy is: “National Education Policy 2020 envisions an India-centric education system that contributes directly to transforming our nation sustainably into an equitable and vibrant knowledge society by providing high-quality education to all.”

In order to actively contribute to the transformation of the country into a fair, sustainable, and vibrant knowledge society, the National Education Policy 2020 intends to develop an education system that is specifically centred on India by taking into account its tradition, culture, values, and ethos. The foundation and design of the entire Indian educational system was inspired by the country’s rich and extensive historical past and the contributions made by numerous academics to the world in a variety of fields, including mathematics, astronomy, metallurgy, medical science and surgery, civil engineering and architecture, shipbuilding and navigation, yoga, fine arts, chess, etc. The current NEP 2020 proposal intends to provide every aspirant with a transdisciplinary and interdisciplinary liberal education in order to raise the gross enrolment ratio (GER) to 50% by 2035. NEP 2020 states that there are several educational phases. The foundation stage aims to provide children between the ages of 3 and 8 with elementary education while promoting cognitive, mental, and emotional development through play-based and activity-based learning. The preparation stage aims to teach kids between the ages of 9 and 11 through activity- and discovery-based learning by introducing several subjects in a structured classroom environment and using textbooks to facilitate deeper understandings. The goal of middle school education is to introduce students to more abstract ideas in a variety of areas utilising a liberal education approach that emphasises experiential learning. Every year, there will be two class-level exams (semester-based system). To prepare students for the next level of specialised undergraduate programmes, secondary school education places a strong emphasis on trans disciplinary topics with numerous departure alternatives. This phase’s course pedagogy will be more in-depth and accommodating of student choices.

While providing the subject groups, consideration will be given to life goals. Standard board exams will be held after the 10th and 12th standards, and the semester system will be used at this point with 5 to 6 topics every semester. A certificate after a year, a diploma after two years, a bachelor’s degree after three years, and an honours degree after four years, with possibilities for a major, a minor, and research projects, are the four alternative exits from the undergraduate higher education stage.

The master’s degree is now described as (i) a one-year programme for students with a four-year honours bachelor’s degree, (ii) a two-year programme for students with a three-year bachelor’s degree, and (iii) a five-year integrated degree programme for students who have passed the 12th grade. The master’s degree will have a research emphasis to boost students’ professional domain competency, particularly in the last year of high-quality research, to prepare them for the following research degree. The research scholars at the research degree stage can pursue high-quality research leading to a Ph.D. in any core, multidisciplinary, or interdisciplinary area for a minimum period of 3 years for full-time and 4 years for part-time, respectively, even though research is an essential component of the final year undergraduate and postgraduate stages. They should take at least eight credits of coursework in teaching, education, and pedagogy relating to their chosen Ph.D. subject during their doctoral programme. There will not be any MPhil programmes available as research degrees. The NEP 2020 also suggests lifelong learning and research prevent the obsolesce of human beings in society regarding knowledge, skills, and experience leading to a self-assured, comfortable living. This is because lifelong learning is necessary for every human being in society. Education and research produce different maturities for happiness and enlightenment at any stage of life (Aithal, P.S. & Aithal; S., 2020).

To find out various issues which is important for implementation NEP 2020  is the main research question for this paper apart from that Researcher also looks upon strength of NEP.

THIS NEP 2020 IS A WELL-FURNISHED DOCUMENT, BUT THERE ARE SOME IMPLEMENTATION ISSUES WHICH IS ESSENTIAL TO POINT OUT.

After a 34-year gap and a year of stakeholder engagements, the New Education Policy (NEP), 2020, is a move in the right direction for Indian education. Although replacing the current educational structure of 10+2+3+2 with 5+3+3+4 and offering numerous entry and departure options are all novel and ambitious steps, so are adjustments to the 10+2+3+2 educational model. However, several things could be improved with their curriculum, procedure, and other aspects. The real issue is in putting it into practice because many prior policies could not change anything despite their best efforts. Most higher education institutions in India continue to produce a large percentage of unemployed youth.

Moreover, adding value through their degrees does not aid in their productivity. A competency-based credit system and liberal education focused on STEAM were purported to be the policy. Our nation is very large and has a wide range of regional, social, economic, cultural, and geographic diversity. Hence, creating an inclusive system where each student has access to the same resources and instruction is challenging. The NEP will therefore be difficult to execute in this situation. The policy’s focus is more on developing skills than it is on creating informed, enlightened citizens. Teaching begins in class eight at a young age. A distinct shift from the previous emphasis on exposing young minds to general education until Class 10, the emphasis on vocational education is uneven and disproportionate. Society does need skilled individuals, but they also need to be well-educated. The contrast between education and skill reinforces the division between manual and mental labour. The policy also highlights the importance of the forces of the market. Ignoring Social Justice Issues: In India, the disadvantage begins at birth, which is an issue.

Caste has historically been a factor in many governmental decisions, so eliminating or omitting it from the discussion contradicts caste’s reality. At this point, affirmative action is caste-based, and for a good reason. The merit standard is introduced in this document, especially for underrepresented categories. As a result, the current policy completely changes the focus on what is purported to be a question of rights under the disadvantage of birth. While the Mandal Commission’s recommendations caused tremendous unrest, sparking numerous conversations, debates, movements, and counter-movements across India, the NEP has not sparked a similar response from underrepresented caste groups. Adopting a foreign educational model while disregarding the Indian System: The suggestion in the current paper to create the 5 + 3 + 3 + 4 system includes a return to a four-year degree programme. Pushing for the four-year degree programme is done so that Indian graduates may compete with American pupils. If American institutions opened campuses in India, three-year grads would not be allowed to enrol because it would cause issues for them at home. Otherwise, a four-year graduation programme was never brought up in India. A more fundamental question might be whether foreign universities should be established on Indian territory during a political era of Atmanir Bhart (self-reliance) and ultra nationalism. The policy’s emphasis on rationalization and indigenization of education and the economy’s globalisation and corporatization result in an unavoidable conflict.

Making the surroundings cosy will make pupils more reliant on their native tongue and less motivated to study English. People from the same community may speak their mother tongue, but it is not permitted internationally. The combination of Indian needs and multinational style in this approach is uncomfortable. The mother tongue differs from the local language in a tribally populated area. Hence, it requires local educators, but finding them everywhere cannot be easy (Jami, A. M. & Keturah. L. 2022). In rural India, most schools offer a minimal range of topic options, and the teaching and learning process is standard. So, they could not arrive at the new location indicated in this policy. The policy suggested a one-year social internship, which is challenging for several professional degrees.

It is evident from the study mentioned above that for human development and long-term social progress. The education system needs to be systematically improved. Reforms to the educational system that consider diverse triumphs in industrialised nations and tailor them to meet local demands are necessary for a nation to have a prosperous society and educational system. India is a rapidly developing nation with 130 crores of people. The nation can grow and surpass other developing nations by devising and implementing a suitable education policy. In this regard, the current National Education Policy 2020 is a comprehensive model of NPE 2019, combining numerous innovations to provide liberal yet specialised and tailored both school and college education by incorporating research components at school and college levels. In the discussion above, the writers attempt to give a realistic viewpoint suitable for current policy. Of course, this policy has many positive aspects, but for NEP to function well, three significant issues must be resolved.

  • Aithal, S. & Aithal, S. (2020) Implementation Strategies of Higher Education Part of National Education Policy 2020 of India towards Achieving its Objectives. International Journal of Management, Technology, and Social Sciences, 5(2), 283-325.
  • Haragopal, G. (2020). NEP 2020: A Political Economy Perspective. Social Change, 50(4), 589–593. https://doi.org/10.1177/0049085720965514
  • Jami, A. M. & Keturah. L. (2022) Scope and Challenges of Introducing Mother Tongue Language as a medium of instruction upto preparatory stage (NEP 2020) in reference to Global Journal of Applied Engineering in Computer Science and Mathematics, 1 (Apr) 61-64.
  • Government of India (2020) New Education Policy,2020, Government of India, MHRD. Available from: https:/ /www .gov.in/nep.new on 10/08/2020
  • Chitwan, (2020): Critical Review and Reflection on draft of NEP 2019. Educational Resurgence Journal, 2(3), 91-101.
  • Shah, E. ., Kikani , R. ., & Verma, K. . (2022). Crystallized Mode of a New Horizon: Nep 2020, A Review. Faculty of Natural and Applied Sciences Journal of Mathematics, and Science Education, 3(2), 44–48.
  • Gupta, R. K. (2020). NEP 2020: Reflections on Roadmap for Inclusion of the Disabled in Higher Education Institutions. Journal of Disability Management and Rehabilitation, 144-
  • Kumar, A. (2021). New education policy (NEP) 2020: A roadmap for India 2.0. In W. B. James, Cobanoglu, & M. Cavusoglu (Eds.), Advances in global education and research (Vol. 4, pp. 1–8).

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  • The State of the American Middle Class

Who is in it and key trends from 1970 to 2023

Table of contents.

  • Acknowledgments

This report examines key changes in the economic status of the American middle class from 1970 to 2023 and its demographic attributes in 2022. The historical analysis is based on U.S. Census Bureau data from the Annual Social and Economic Supplements (ASEC) of the Current Population Survey (CPS). The demographic analysis is based on data from the American Community Survey (ACS). The data is sourced from IPUMS CPS and IPUMS USA , respectively.  

The CPS, a survey of about 60,000 households, is the U.S. government’s official source for monthly estimates of unemployment . The CPS ASEC, conducted in March each year, is the official source of U.S. government estimates of income and poverty . Our analysis of CPS data starts with the 1971 CPS ASEC, which records the incomes of households in 1970. It is also the first year for which data on race and ethnicity is available. The latest available CPS ASEC file is for 2023, which reports on household incomes in 2022.

The public-use version of the ACS is a 1% sample of the U.S. population, or more than 3 million people. This allows for a detailed study of the demographic characteristics of the middle class, including its status in U.S. metropolitan areas. But ACS data is available only from 2005 onward and is less suitable for long-term historical analyses. The latest available ACS data is for 2022.

Middle-income households are defined as those with an income that is two-thirds to double that of the U.S. median household income, after incomes have been adjusted for household size. Lower-income households have incomes less than two-thirds of the median, and upper-income households have incomes that are more than double the median. When using American Community Survey (ACS) data, incomes are also adjusted for cost of living in the areas in which households are located.

Estimates of household income are scaled to reflect a household size of three and expressed in 2023 dollars. In the Current Population Survey (CPS), household income refers to the calendar year prior to the survey year. Thus, the income data in the report refers to the 1970-2022 period, and the share of Americans in each income tier from the CPS refers to the 1971-2023 period.

The demographic attributes of Americans living in lower-, middle- or upper-income tiers are derived from ACS data. Except as noted, estimates pertain to the U.S. household population, excluding people living in group quarters.

The terms middle class and middle income are used interchangeably in this report.

White, Black, Asian, American Indian or Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander include people who identified with a single major racial group and who are not Hispanic. Multiracial includes people who identified with more than one major racial group and are not Hispanic. Hispanics are of any race.

U.S. born refers to individuals who are U.S. citizens at birth, including people born in the 50 U.S. states, the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories, as well as those born elsewhere to at least one parent who is a U.S. citizen. The terms foreign born and immigrant are used interchangeably in this report. They refer to people who are not U.S. citizens at birth.

Occupations describe the broad kinds of work people do on their job. For example, health care occupations include doctors, nurses, pharmacists and others who are directly engaged in the provision of health care. Industries describe the broad type of products companies produce. Each industry encompasses a variety of occupations. For example, the health care and social assistance industry provides services that are produced by a combination of doctors, managers, technology and administrative staff, food preparation workers, and workers in other occupations.

The share of Americans who are in the middle class is smaller than it used to be. In 1971, 61% of Americans lived in middle-class households. By 2023, the share had fallen to 51%, according to a new Pew Research Center analysis of government data.

A bar chart showing that Share of Americans in the middle class has fallen since 1971

As a result, Americans are more apart than before financially. From 1971 to 2023, the share of Americans who live in lower-income households increased from 27% to 30%, and the share in upper-income households increased from 11% to 19%.

Notably, the increase in the share who are upper income was greater than the increase in the share who are lower income. In that sense, these changes are also a sign of economic progress overall.

But the middle class has fallen behind on two key counts. The growth in income for the middle class since 1970 has not kept pace with the growth in income for the upper-income tier. And the share of total U.S. household income held by the middle class has plunged.

Moreover, many groups still lag in their presence in the middle- and upper-income tiers. For instance, American Indians or Alaska Natives, Black and Hispanic Americans, and people who are not married are more likely than average to be in the lower-income tier. Several metro areas in the U.S. Southwest also have high shares of residents who are in the lower-income tier, after adjusting for differences in cost of living across areas.

  • Change in income
  • Share of total U.S. household income
  • Race and ethnicity
  • Marital status
  • Veteran status
  • Place of birth
  • Employment status
  • Metropolitan area of residence

Our report focuses on the current state of the American middle class. First, we examine changes in the financial well-being of the middle class and other income tiers since 1970. This is based on data from the Annual Social and Economic Supplements (ASEC) of the Current Population Survey (CPS), conducted from 1971 to 2023.

Then, we report on the attributes of people who were more or less likely to be middle class in 2022. Our focus is on their race and ethnicity , age , gender, marital and veteran status , place of birth , ancestry , education , occupation , industry , and metropolitan area of residence . These estimates are derived from American Community Survey (ACS) data and differ slightly from the CPS-based estimates. In part, that is because incomes can be adjusted for the local area cost of living only with the ACS data. (Refer to the methodology for details on these two data sources.)

This analysis and an accompanying report on the Asian American middle class are part of a series on the status of America’s racial and ethnic groups in the U.S. middle class and other income tiers. Forthcoming analyses will focus on White, Black, Hispanic, American Indian or Alaska Native, Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander and multiracial Americans, including subgroups within these populations. These reports are, in part, updates of previous work by the Center . But they offer much greater detail on the demographic attributes of the American middle class.

Following are some key facts about the state of the American middle class:

In our analysis, “middle-income” Americans are those living in households with an annual income that is two-thirds to double the national median household income. The income it takes to be middle income varies by household size, with smaller households requiring less to support the same lifestyle as larger households. It also varies by the local cost of living, with households in a more expensive area, such as Honolulu, needing a higher income than those in a less expensive area, such as Wichita, Kansas.

We don’t always know the area in which a household is located. In our two data sources – the Current Population Survey, Annual Social and Economic Supplement (CPS ASEC) and the American Community Survey (ACS) – only the latter provides that information, specifically the metropolitan area of a household. Thus, we aren’t able to adjust for the local cost of living when using the CPS to track changes in the status of the middle class over time. But we do adjust for the metropolitan area cost of living when using the ACS to determine the demographic attributes of the middle class in 2022.

In the 2023 CPS ASEC data , which reports income for 2022, middle-income households with three people have incomes ranging from about $61,000 to $183,000 annually. “Lower-income” households have incomes less than $61,000, and “upper-income” households have incomes greater than $183,000.

In the 2022 ACS data , middle-income households with three people have incomes ranging from about $62,000 to $187,000 annually, with incomes also adjusted for the local area cost of living. (Incomes are expressed in 2023 dollars.)

The boundaries of the income tiers also vary across years as the national median income changes.

The terms “middle income” and “middle class” are used interchangeably in this report for the sake of exposition. But being middle class can refer to more than just income , be it education level, type of profession, economic security, home ownership or social and political values. Class also could simply be a matter of self-identification .

Households in all income tiers had much higher incomes in 2022 than in 1970, after adjusting for inflation. But the gains for middle- and lower-income households were less than the gains for upper-income households .

A bar chart showing that Incomes of upper-income U.S. households increased the most of any income tier from 1970 to 2022

The median income of middle-class households increased from about $66,400 in 1970 to $106,100 in 2022, or 60%. Over this period, the median income of upper-income households increased 78%, from about $144,100 to $256,900. (Incomes are scaled to a three-person household and expressed in 2023 dollars.)

The median income of lower-income households grew more slowly than that of other households, increasing from about $22,800 in 1970 to $35,300 in 2022, or 55%.

Consequently, there is now a larger gap between the incomes of upper-income households and other households. In 2022, the median income of upper-income households was 7.3 times that of lower-income households, up from 6.3 in 1970. It was 2.4 times the median income of middle-income households in 2022, up from 2.2 in 1970.

The share of total U.S. household income held by the middle class has fallen almost without fail in each decade since 1970 . In that year, middle-income households accounted for 62% of the aggregate income of all U.S. households, about the same as the share of people who lived in middle-class households.

A line chart showing that Share of total U.S. household income held by the middle class has plunged since 1970

By 2022, the middle-class share in overall household income had fallen to 43%, less than the share of the population in middle-class households (51%). Not only do a smaller share of people live in the middle class today, the incomes of middle-class households have also not risen as quickly as the incomes of upper-income households.  

Over the same period, the share of total U.S. household income held by upper-income households increased from 29% in 1970 to 48% in 2022. In part, this is because of the increase in the share of people who are in the upper-income tier.

The share of overall income held by lower-income households edged down from 10% in 1970 to 8% in 2022. This happened even though the share of people living in lower-income households increased over this period.

The share of people in the U.S. middle class varied from 46% to 55% across racial and ethnic groups in 2022. Black and Hispanic Americans, Native Hawaiians or Pacific Islanders, and American Indians or Alaska Natives were more likely than others to be in lower-income households .

A bar chart showing Black, Hispanic, Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander and American Indian/Alaska Native people are more likely than others to live in lower-income U.S. households

In 2022, 39% to 47% of Americans in these four groups lived in lower-income households. In contrast, only 24% of White and Asian Americans and 31% of multiracial Americans were in the lower-income tier.

At the other end of the economic spectrum, 27% of Asian and 21% of White Americans lived in upper-income households in 2022, compared with about 10% or less of Black and Hispanic Americans, Native Hawaiians or Pacific Islanders, and American Indians or Alaska Natives.

Not surprisingly, lower-income status is correlated with the likelihood of living in poverty. According to the Census Bureau , the poverty rate among Black (17.1%) and Hispanic (16.9%) Americans and American Indians or Alaska Natives (25%) was greater than the rate among White and Asian Americans (8.6% for each). (The Census Bureau did not report the poverty rate for Native Hawaiians or Pacific Islanders.)

A bar chart showing Nearly 4 in 10 U.S. children lived in lower-income households in 2022, about half in the middle class

Children and adults 65 and older were more likely to live in lower-income households in 2022. Adults in the peak of their working years – ages 30 to 64 – were more likely to be upper income. In 2022, 38% of children (including teens) and 35% of adults 65 and older were lower income, compared with 26% of adults ages 30 to 44 and 23% of adults 45 to 64.

The share of people living in upper-income households ranged from 13% among children and young adults (up to age 29) to 24% among those 45 to 64. In each age group, about half or a little more were middle class in 2022.

Men were slightly more likely than women to live in middle-income households in 2022 , 53% vs. 51%. Their share in upper-income households (18%) was also somewhat greater than the share of women (16%) in upper-income households.

A bar chart showing that Men, veterans and married Americans were more likely than their counterparts to live in middle- or upper-income households in 2022

Marriage appears to boost the economic status of Americans. Among those who were married in 2022, eight-in-ten lived either in middle-income households (56%) or upper-income households (24%). In contrast, only about six-in-ten of those who were separated, divorced, widowed or never married were either middle class or upper income, while 37% lived in lower-income households.

Veterans were more likely than nonveterans to be middle income in 2022, 57% vs. 53%. Conversely, a higher share of nonveterans (29%) than veterans (24%) lived in lower-income households.

A bar chart showing that Immigrants were more likely than the U.S. born to be lower income in 2022; people born in Asia, Europe or Oceania were most likely to be upper income

Immigrants – about 14% of the U.S. population in 2022 – were less likely than the U.S. born to be in the middle class and more likely to live in lower-income households. In 2022, more than a third of immigrants (36%) lived in lower-income households, compared with 29% of the U.S. born. Immigrants also trailed the U.S. born in the shares who were in the middle class, 48% vs. 53%.

There are large gaps in the economic status of American residents by their region of birth. Among people born in Asia, Europe or Oceania, 25% lived in upper-income households in 2022. People from these regions represented 7% of the U.S. population.

By comparison, only 14% of people born in Africa or South America and 6% of those born in Central America and the Caribbean were in the upper-income tier in 2022. Together they accounted for 8% of the U.S. population.

The likelihood of being in the middle class or the upper-income tier varies considerably with the ancestry of Americans. In 2022, Americans reporting South Asian ancestry were about as likely to be upper income (38%) as they were to be middle income (42%). Only 20% of Americans of South Asian origin lived in lower-income households. South Asians accounted for about 2% of the U.S. population of known origin groups in 2022.

A bar chart showing that Americans of South Asian origin are the most likely to be upper income; Hispanic origins are the least likely

At least with respect to the share who were lower income, this was about matched by those with Soviet, Eastern European, other Asian or Western European origins. These groups represented the majority (54%) of the population of Americans whose ancestry was known in 2022.

On the other hand, only 7% of Americans with Central and South American or other Hispanic ancestry were in the upper-income tier, and 44% were lower income. The economic statuses of Americans with Caribbean, sub-Saharan African or North American ancestry were not very different from this.

Education matters for moving into the middle class and beyond, and so do jobs. Among Americans ages 25 and older in 2022, 52% of those with a bachelor’s degree or higher level of education lived in middle-class households and another 35% lived in upper-income households.

A bar chart showing that The share of Americans in the middle- or upper-income tier rises sharply with education and employment

In sharp contrast, 42% of Americans who did not graduate from high school were in the middle class, and only 5% were in the upper-income tier. Further, only 12% of college graduates were lower income, compared with 54% of those who did not complete high school.

Not surprisingly, having a job is strongly linked to movement from the lower-income tier to the middle- and upper-income tiers. Among employed American workers ages 16 and older, 58% were in the middle-income tier in 2022 and 23% were in the upper-income tier. Only 19% of employed workers were lower income, compared with 49% of unemployed Americans.

A bar chart showing that More than a third of U.S. workers in technology, management, and business and finance occupations were in the upper-income tier in 2022

In some occupations, about nine-in-ten U.S. workers are either in the middle class or in the upper-income tier, but in some other occupations almost four-in-ten workers are lower income. More than a third (36% to 39%) of workers in computer, science and engineering, management, and business and finance occupations lived in upper-income households in 2022. About half or more were in the middle class.

But many workers – about one-third or more – in construction, transportation, food preparation and serving, and personal care and other services were in the lower-income tier in 2022.

About six-in-ten workers or more in education; protective and building maintenance services; office and administrative support; the armed forces; and maintenance, repair and production were in the middle class.

A bar chart showing that About a third of U.S. workers in the information, financial and professional services sectors were in the upper-income tier in 2022

Depending on the industrial sector, anywhere from half to two-thirds of U.S. workers were in the middle class, and the share who are upper income or lower income varied greatly.

About a third of workers in the finance, insurance and real estate, information, and professional services sectors were in the upper-income tier in 2022. Nearly nine-in-ten workers (87%) in public administration – largely filling legislative functions and providing federal, state or local government services – were either in the middle class or the upper-income tier.

But nearly four-in-ten workers (38%) in accommodation and food services were lower income in 2022, along with three-in-ten workers in the retail trade and other services sectors.

The share of Americans who are in the middle class or in the upper- or lower-income tier differs across U.S. metropolitan areas. But a pattern emerges when it comes to which metro areas have the highest shares of people living in lower-, middle- or upper-income households. (We first adjust household incomes for differences in the cost of living across areas.)

A bar chart showing that The 10 U.S. metropolitan areas with the largest shares of residents in the middle class in 2022

The 10 metropolitan areas with the greatest shares of middle-income residents are small to midsize in population and are located mostly in the northern half of the U.S. About six-in-ten residents in these metro areas were in the middle class.

Several of these areas are in the so-called Rust Belt , namely, Wausau and Oshkosh-Neenah, both in Wisconsin; Grand Rapids-Wyoming, Michigan; and Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Two others – Dover and Olympia-Tumwater – include state capitals (Delaware and Washington, respectively).

In four of these areas – Bismarck, North Dakota, Ogden-Clearfield, Utah, Lancaster and Wausau – the share of residents in the upper-income tier ranged from 18% to 20%, about on par with the share nationally.

A bar chart showing that The 10 U.S. metropolitan areas with the largest shares of residents in the upper-income tier in 2022

The 10 U.S. metropolitan areas with the highest shares of residents in the upper-income tier are mostly large, coastal communities. Topping the list is San Jose-Sunnyvale-Santa Clara, California, a technology-driven economy, in which 40% of the population lived in upper-income households in 2022. Other tech-focused areas on this list include San Francisco-Oakland-Hayward; Seattle-Tacoma-Bellevue; and Raleigh, North Carolina.

Bridgeport-Stamford-Norwalk, Connecticut, is a financial hub. Several areas, including Washington, D.C.-Arlington-Alexandria and Boston-Cambridge-Newton, are home to major universities, leading research facilities and the government sector.

Notably, many of these metro areas also have sizable lower-income populations. For instance, about a quarter of the populations in Bridgeport-Stamford-Norwalk; Trenton, New Jersey; Boston-Cambridge-Newton; and Santa Cruz-Watsonville, California, were in the lower-income tier in 2022.

A bar chart showing that The 10 U.S. metropolitan areas with the largest shares of residents in the lower-income tier in 2022

Most of the 10 U.S. metropolitan areas with the highest shares of residents in the lower-income tier are in the Southwest, either on the southern border of Texas or in California’s Central Valley. The shares of people living in lower-income residents were largely similar across these areas, ranging from about 45% to 50%.

About 40% to 50% of residents in these metro areas were in the middle class, and only about one-in-ten or fewer lived in upper-income households.

Compared with the nation overall, the lower-income metro areas in Texas and California have disproportionately large Hispanic populations. The two metro areas in Louisiana – Monroe and Shreveport-Bossier City – have disproportionately large Black populations.

Note: For details on how this analysis was conducted,  refer to the methodology .

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  1. (PDF) The Study of New Education Policy 2020

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  2. National Education Policy 2020 announced: All you need to know

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  3. (PDF) The New Education Policy 2020, Digitalization and Quality of Life

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  4. New Education Policy 2020 Highlights: School and higher education to

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  5. The New 'National Educational Policy' (NEP) 2020

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  6. (PDF) National Education Policy 2020 and Its Comparative Analysis with RTE

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  1. A Comprehensive Analysis of The New Education Policy 2020 in India: Implications, Challenges, and Opportunities for Transforming the Education System

    This research work provides a comprehensive analysis of the New Education Policy 2020 in India, focusing on its implications, challenges, and opportunities for transforming the education system.

  2. Full article: National Education Policy: How does it Affect Higher

    The new National Education Policy (NEP) announced by the government has come after a 34 years of waiting. The NEP is timely and futuristic in its approach and has the potential to transform the Indian educational system into a "new normal". The emphasis in NEP on promoting critical thinking, encouraging competency and making learning ...

  3. India's new National Education Policy: Evidence and challenges

    India's new National Education Policy (NEP) of 2020 (the first major revision since 1986) recognizes the centrality of achieving universal foundational literacy and numeracy. Whether India succeeds in this goal matters intrinsically through its impact on over 200 million children and will also have lessons for other low- and middle-income ...

  4. PDF Critical Analysis of Nep 2020 and Its Implementation

    and suggesting practical solutions to address the gaps and shortcomings in the policy Research Methodology This is a conceptual paper. So the study collected the information from secondary sources i,e . websites, articles etc. Analysis of Data 1. New Education Policy 2020:The National Education Policy (NEP) was approved by the Union Cabinet of

  5. New Education Policy 2020 in India: future rewinds to the past

    India's New Education Policy 2020 (NEP), released in the middle of a pandemic, aimed to provide a direction to the education sector through its multidisciplinary focus and restructuring of the existing system. ... His research interests are in Film Marketing, Brand Equity, Science and Education, South Indian Film Studies, Lobbying and ...

  6. New Education Policy and Higher Education Reforms in India

    The New Education Policy (NEP), 2020, adopted by Government of India, envisages significant and far-reaching reforms in higher education sector in India. In this article, I foreground certain peculiar features of the process of massification of higher education in India, including privatisation and fragmentation.

  7. PDF National Education Policy 2020

    National Education Policy 2020 2 19 Effective Governance and Leadership for Higher Education Institutions 49 PART III. OTHER KEY AREAS OF FOCUS 20 Professional Education 50 21 Adult Education and Life Long Learning 51 22 Promotion of Indian Languages, Arts and Culture 53 23 Technology Use and Integration 56 24 Online and Digital Education: Ensuring Equitable Use of Technology 58

  8. Education Sciences

    The outcome of all these complex issues and critical thinking across stakeholders in social development manifested into policy action called the New Education Policy 2020 (NEP 2020). Therefore, it is critically important to analyze the subject under study as a compact system composed of simultaneous relationships to give a combined effect of ...

  9. PDF A Critical Analysis of the National Education Policy 2020: Implications

    The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 is a landmark document that outlines the vision and direction for the future of education in India. This research paper critically analyses the NEP 2020, examining its implications and identifying the challenges that need to be addressed for its effective implementation.

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    The aim of this research paper is to assess the impact of the New Education Policy 2020 on the Higher education system. some of the goals and targets of the NEP include: (a) Universal Access to Schooling: The NEP aims to achieve 100% gross enrollment ratio (GER) in school education by 2030, up from the current GER of approximately 96%.

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    Structural Modeling. 5.1. Model Building. The dynamics surrounding the links between education, particularly NEP 2020, dig-italization, and quality of life, are quite complex, and extracting information on various qualitative measures of NEP 2020 in the context of QOL is complicated and elaborative.

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    After a 34-year gap and a year of stakeholder engagements, the New Education Policy (NEP), 2020, is a move in the right direction for Indian education. Although replacing the current educational structure of 10+2+3+2 with 5+3+3+4 and offering numerous entry and departure options are all novel and ambitious steps, so are adjustments to the 10+2 ...

  13. PDF National Education Policy 2020 and Higher Education: a Brief Review

    Recently Government of India announced its New Education Policy 2020 (NEP 2020), which intended to transform our nation sustainably into an equitable and vibrant knowledge society, by providing high ... This conceptual research article is based on NEP 2020 focuses on Higher Education (HE). Authors of the article intends to discuss background ...

  14. PDF A Critical Analysis and a Glimpse of New Education Policy -2020

    Abstract. It was a long wait of 34 years for the country to see a New Education Policy 2020. The drafting committee gave its final draft to the union cabinet for its approval and it was accepted and approved on the 29th of July 2020. The new. policy aims to pave the way for transformational reforms in school education and higher education ...

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    In 2022, about 59 percent of 3- to 5-year-olds in the United States were enrolled in school overall,28 including 39 percent enrolled in public schools and 20 percent who were receiving a private education.29 The total enrollment rate was higher for 5-year-olds than for 3- to 4-year-olds (84 vs. 47 percent; fgure 2).

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    The National Education Policy, 2020 (NEP 2020) plays a significant role in creating a comprehensive framework for the transformation of the education sector. The hybrid approach of teaching and learning has the ability to integrate multiple viewpoints within legal education by combining in-person and online interactions, under the guidance of ...

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  23. Analysing the New Educational Policy in the Context of Higher Education

    This article offers a preliminary analysis of the New Education Policy document 2020 (NEP 2020) that was released by the government after considerable delay. Since 2016, the government has been trying to bring out a policy document on education, and NEP 2020 is at the end of several attempts that fell by the wayside.

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