gender discrimination essay in nepali

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• Published: 01 November 2022

A qualitative study on gender inequality and gender-based violence in Nepal

• Pranab Dahal 1 ,
• Sunil Kumar Joshi 2 &
• Katarina Swahnberg 1  

BMC Public Health volume  22 , Article number:  2005 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

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Gender inequality and violence are not mutually exclusive phenomena but complex loops affecting each other. Women in Nepal face several inequalities and violence. The causes are diverse, but most of these results are due to socially assigned lower positioning of women. The hierarchies based on power make women face subordination and violence in Nepal. The study aims to explore participants' understanding and experience to identify the status of inequality for women and how violence emerges as one of its consequences. Furthermore, it explores the causes of sex trafficking as an example of an outcome of inequality and violence.

The study formulated separate male and female groups using a purposive sampling method. The study used a multistage focus group discussion, where the same groups met at different intervals. Six focus group discussions, three times each with male and female groups, were conducted in a year. Thirty-six individuals, including sixteen males and twenty females, were involved in the discussions. The study used constructivist grounded theory for the data analysis.

The study participants identify that a power play between men and women reinforce inequality and increases the likelihood of violence for women. The findings suggest that the subjugation of women occurs due to practices based on gender differences, constricted life opportunities, and internalization of constructed differences among women. The study identifies that interpersonal and socio-cultural violence can result due to established differences between men and women. Sex trafficking, as an example of the outcome of inequality and violence, occurs due to the disadvantageous position of women compounded by poverty and illiteracy. The study has developed a concept of power-play which is identified as a cause and consequence of women's subordination and violence. This power play is found operative at various levels with social approval for men to use violence and maintain/produce inequality.

The theoretical concept of power play shows that there are inequitable power relations between men and women. The male-centric socio-cultural norms and practices have endowed men with privilege, power, and an opportunity to exploit women. This lowers the status of women and the power-play help to produce and sustain inequality. The power-play exposes women to violence and manifests itself as one of the worst expressions used by men.

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Violence against women is identified as an attempt by men to maintain power and control over women [ 1 ] and is manifested as a form of structural inequality. This structural inequality is apparent with greater agency among men [ 2 ]. The differences between sexes are exhibited in the attainment of education and professional jobs, ownership of assets, the feminization of poverty, etc., and these differences increase the risk of violence towards women [ 3 ]. The global estimate identifies that thirty percent of women experience physical and/or sexual violence during their lifetime, illustrating the enormity of this problem [ 4 ]. From a feminist perspective, lending ideas of patriarchy [ 5 ] and gender performativity [ 6 ], the understanding of gender roles prescribed by male-dominated social structures and processes helps further explore the violence and abuse faced by women [ 7 ]. According to Heise [ 8 ], men who adhere to traditional, rigid, and misogynistic views on gender norms, attitudes, and behaviors are more likely to use violence towards women. The individual and collective attitudes of men toward different established gender norms, and their reproduction explain men’s use of violence toward women [ 9 ]. It is known that gender norms influence violence, but at the same time violence also directs and dictates gender performance with fear, sanction, and corrective measures for enacting respective prescribed gender functions [ 10 ].

It is difficult for women subjected to violence to enjoy legitimate rights, as most of the infringement of their rights and violence takes place inside a private sphere of the home [ 11 , 12 ]. Violence against women is the major cause of death and disability for women [ 13 ] and globally a major public health concern [ 14 ]. Establishing gender equality is fundamental for fostering justice and attaining sustainable development [ 15 ]; moreover, violence against women has to be acknowledged as a fundamental abuse of human rights [ 16 ]. A report on global violence has identified that violence against women exists at all levels of the family, community, and state. The report recommended the development of frameworks for respecting, protecting, and fulfilling women’s rights [ 17 ]. Fifteen years later, a review of the same identifies that violence continues with impunity, reaffirming violence as a major obstacle to the attainment of justice [ 18 ].

The inclusion of the gender lens to violence against women has provided more contextual evidence to explore these processes of violence. This requires the identification of unequal power relationships and an inquiry into the differences-producing various gender stereotypes [ 19 ]. This analysis of violence requires an understanding of behaviors that promote women’s subordination and factors that favor men to sustain these malpractices [ 8 ]. A closer look at the male-centric structural arrangements embedded in the social, political, and economic organization of life reveals that these structures provide lesser access and lower accountability toward women, promote systemic subordination, and create hierarchies, resulting in the increase of violence against women [ 20 ]. This unequal gender power relationship reinforced and manifested by social approval of men’s authority over women is found operative at multiple levels and helps to produce diversities of inequalities and violence [ 21 , 22 ].

The inequalities faced by women in Nepal majorly stem from socio-cultural, economic, and religious factors and influencers that define traditional roles and responsibilities between men and women [ 23 ]. The inequalities are more evident and pronounced in settings exhibiting prominent patriarchal norms restricting advantages and opportunities for the majority of women [ 24 ]. Women in Nepal are restricted inside their homes, have lesser access to life opportunities, and have limited or no involvement in decision-making on important issues directly affecting their lives [ 25 , 26 ]. Figures indicative of women’s inequalities in Nepal suggest that one-third of women have no education, fifty-two percent of women are involved in non-paid jobs, and women are less likely than men to own a home or land [ 27 ]. The men in Nepalese society are positioned higher and are expected to be the breadwinner and protectors of their families. Most of these men intend to earn respect and obedience from women and are socially expected to discipline women to achieve it [ 28 ]. Many societies across the world including Nepal, recognizes violence as a private affair requiring discussion only within a family. This has led to a serious underreporting of violence committed toward women in Nepal [ 29 ]. The national gender data in Nepal is scarce, the available Nepal Demographic Health Survey 2016 identifies that since the age of fifteen, twenty-two percent of women and seven percent of women experience physical and sexual violence, respectively in the past twelve months [ 27 ].

The contributing factors for violence against women in Nepal include the lower social status of women, illiteracy, economic dependency, patriarchal society, sex trafficking, alcohol-related abuse, dowry-related violence, infidelity, extramarital affairs of husband, unemployment, and denial of sex with husband [ 30 , 31 , 32 ]. Nepalese women have been repressing violence with silence due to the fear of breaking relationships, receiving less love and affection from family, fear of social norms by going against men, lack of faith in the justice system, and the threat of increased violence [ 33 ]. Women and girls in Nepal are sex trafficked to various countries. Sex trafficking in Nepal is prevalent due to persistent gender inequality, violence, stigma, and discriminatory socio-cultural structures; however, the actual extent of sex trafficking is still undetermined [ 17 , 34 , 35 ].

The recent trends in Nepal with the increasing number of out-migration of men for employment have provided women with temporary autonomy, and a shift in the gender roles. Earlier research has identified that migration of male spouses has provided a resistance to the power dynamics for women on the other hand it has limited their mobility, required them to share decision-making with household structures, face continued social vigilance on the money received from remittance, and get central attention with their personal sexual lives [ 36 , 37 ].

Morang district lies in the eastern region of Nepal. A district profile report based on a census survey [ 38 ] identifies that the place is inhabited by a close to a million population, out of which ethnic groups ( close to forty percent) live in the district with a majority (seventy-eight percent) of its population living in the rural areas. Tharu an ethnic group is one of the dominant population in the study area and all study participants for this study were from same Tharu population. A close to thirty-six percent of women in the district are illiterate and the average age of marriage is eighteen years. The report identifies that only twenty-three percent of women engage in economic activities apart from agricultural work and less than fourteen percent of women head the household. Almost eighty percent of the population in the district practice Hinduism.

This study is a part of a large intervention project and it was focused to establish a qualitative baseline of the gender status in the study area. This study aimed to explore participants’ experiences and understanding of gender inequality, violence against women, and information on sex trafficking in the Morang district of eastern Nepal. The selection of sex trafficking topic was motivated to assess the respondents’ general understanding of one of the consequences of inequality and violence faced by women. The study focused to explore factors that help to produce and sustain the practice of gender inequality and violence against women in the local community.

Participants

This study was part of a larger control-comparison project that used Forum Theatre interventions to promote gender equality, reduce violence against women, and increase awareness of sex trafficking [ 39 , 40 ]. The participants for the focus group discussion included the intervention population from one of the randomly sampled intervention sites. A multistage focus group discussion [ 41 ] was used involving the same participants discussing various emerging topics at different periods. The participants were recruited voluntarily during an earlier quantitative data collection for the project. The study used a purposive sampling method for the selection of participants. The local field staff at the study site facilitated the recruitment of the participants. The study formulated separate male and female groups. A total of six focus groups, three each with male and female groups were conducted over twelve months. Two inclusion criteria were set for participation. First, the participants had to be part of the population of the larger study. Secondly, they had to witness and/or participate in the Forum Theatre interventions conducted in between the study. The set inclusion criteria served a dual purpose of understanding the causes of inequality and violence and further helped to develop and determine the efficacy of participatory Forum Theater intervention for awareness-raising among the study intervention groups [ 39 ].

A total of thirty-six participants consisting of sixteen males and twenty females joined the discussions. The first discussion consisted of eight participants each from groups while the second and the third discussion missed two female and four male participants respectively. The majority of the participants were 20–29 years old. Tharu, an ethnic community of Nepal, is a dominant population in the study area, and all the participants belonged to the same Tharu community. Only one female participant was unmarried, and a single married male participated in the discussions. All participants were literate, with four males completing a bachelor's level of education. Seven female participants had education below the high school level. The nuclear family with parents and their children was the major family type identified in both male and female groups. Table 1 provides the detail of the participants.

The focus group discussions were conducted in January 2017, April–May 2017, and January 2018. The discussions were conducted in a place recommended by the participants. An isolated place in an open setting at the premise of a local temple was used for conducting all discussions. The participants were briefed about the objectives of the discussion and written consent was obtained for their participation. Verbal consent was taken for the audio recording of the discussions. Each participant was assigned a unique numerical code before the discussions to ensure anonymity during recording, note-taking, and analysis. The discussions averaged ninety minutes during each session. The discussions were conducted with the same participants and no new participants were added during the follow-ups. A single male and female participant were missing in the second follow up and two male participants missed the final follow-up. The reason for missing participants was due to their unavailability as they were out of the village due to personal reasons.

The discussions were conducted in the Nepali language. The first author moderated all six discussions, a support field staff member took the notes, and the last author observed the discussions. The audio recordings were translated into English, and the transcriptions were checked with the recordings to verify accuracy. The field and the discussion notes were used during various stages of data analysis. The notes provided information on the discussion setting, as well as the verbal and nonverbal expressions of the participants. The notes helped to assess the impressions, emphasis, and feelings of the participants during the discussions.

The discussions used pre-formulated discussion guides with open-ended questions on inequalities, gender practices, violence, and sex trafficking. The guiding questions were based on the theoretical premise of discrimination, patriarchy, oppression, hegemony, and participation of women. Three separate discussion guides were developed for each of discussions. The guides were developed by the first and last authors. Probing was done on several occasions during the discussion to gain more clarity on the issue. Cross-checking among the participants and between the groups was done to triangulate received information. Any topic deemed appropriate for discussions and/or any unclear issues identified during the initial data analysis came up subsequently in the discussion guide during the follow-ups.

Data analysis

This study used the constructivist grounded theory method. This method adheres to a constructivist philosophical approach wherein both researchers and participants mutually co-construct the meaning of a phenomenon [ 42 ]. This interaction is important since it helps to impart the meaning of shared experiences [ 42 ]. The constructivist grounded theory made it possible to (re) discover gender issues, important for both the researcher and the study participants. This method allowed the study to progress with responsiveness to emerging issues with an in-depth exploration of the identified issues. This clarity was achieved through repeated interactive discussions, analysis of explanations, and sharing of emergent findings with the study participants.

The audio recordings were translated and transcribed into English. Six transcripts from discussions were initially analyzed using a line-by-line coding process. The coding process helped with the fragmentation of data through interactive comparisons. Fifty-two initial codes such as gender differences, restricting women, alcohol-related violence, underreporting of sexual violence, coping, etc. were identified. The later stage of focused coding helped to achieve categorized data, providing logical sense to the developed initial codes. Three focused codes, namely, the subjugation of women, violence, and chasing dreams were formulated during the analysis. The abductive reasoning from the codes, memos, and discussion notes helped to develop the theoretical concept. The development of conceptual abstraction involved an iterative comparison of the data, codes, categories, memos, and discussion notes.

The constant communication between the authors during the stages of data analysis such as the formulation of codes, explanations of concepts, and categories helped to refine the analysis. The shared experiences of the participants and the description of the data collection and analysis included substantial details, enabling comparisons for future research and application to other similar contexts. The reliability of the study is warranted by the theoretical saturation [ 42 ] achieved by this study. This is supported by prolonged engagement with the study participants with communication on the emerging findings, and triangulation.

Reflexivity has a greater significance for the constructivist approach. The first and the second author of Nepalese origin were aware of the socio-cultural norms, stereotypes, values, and stigmas associated with gender in the local context. This helped the study to ascertain the depth of inquiry within the acceptable local normative limits. The non-Nepalese author, familiar with the study participants and Nepalese contexts, witnessed the discussions as an observer. The prior knowledge of the authors helped to critically assess different schemas, perspectives, and explanations shared by the participants. The universality of gender inequality and violence against women and its re-examination in the local context helped the authors to build upon existing knowledge by providing contextual explanations. The diversities among the authors and research participants established a basis for co-creating the perceived and observed realities.

The section below describes the participants’ perceptions and understanding of inequality and violence. The section contains subheadings that were derived as themes in the data analysis. The first theme subjugation of women; discusses how norms, beliefs, and practices produce inferior status and positions for women. The second theme domestic and gender violence; provides a narrative of interpersonal and socio-cultural violence present in the study area. The theme of chasing dreams; discusses the process of sex trafficking as an outcome of violence. The theoretically abstracted concept of power-play identifies the cause for the generation of power imbalance producing inequality and the use of violence by men.

Subjugation of women

The subjugation of women reflected practices and beliefs imparting positional differences for women and their social situation compared to men. The participants shared a common understanding that belief systems adhering to male supremacy have positioned women in a lower status. They provided examples of social practices of male supremacy such as males being considered as the carrier of a family name, legacy, and heritage, while women were referred to as someone else’s property. The socialization of the idea that girls will be married off to a husband and relocate themselves to their homes was identified as the major reason for instilling and perpetuating early gender differences. The participants mentioned that discriminatory practices and seclusion have situated women at the bottom rung of the gender hierarchy, establishing them as socially incompetent individuals or groups. Moreover, they inferred that selective preferences provided preparatory grounds for inequalities, and they remain attached to women throughout their lives. The participants provided examples of unequal access to education and life opportunities as a practice of selective preferences occurring in the community. They mentioned that socialization with these discriminatory beliefs and their practice helped to develop specialized gender roles from an early age. The participants provided an example of how gender intersected with mobility and resource generation in the community, it was clear from the discussions that this has restricted women inside homes but provided freedom and opportunities for men. A female participant expressed,

A woman from a poor family is more than willing to work and support her family. But she is not allowed by the men in the family to work outside of the home.

The participants informed that differences between the sexes were visible for women from a young age. Sharing practical examples from the community, the participants from both groups stated that girls received education mostly in low-cost government and community schools, while boys were enrolled in expensive private schools. They raised concerns that this selective investment for education, cited as the ‘building block of life’ by the participants, installed lesser capacity, and negotiating abilities in girls. A female participant stated,

There are differences in educational opportunities for boys and girls in our community. Family provides more support for a boy’s education by enrolling him in private schools, while a girl mostly gets her education in a community school together with engagement in household work.

The discussions revealed that women required several male anchors for their survival during their various stages of life. The participants provided examples of the shift of anchors for women which traversed from a father to a husband during marriage and later to the male child during her old age. They believed that this tradition of transferring women’s identity established men as a higher social category and stripped women of their individuality and identity. A male participant added,

Women have to remain dependent on men throughout their lives, first with their fathers and later with their husbands. They remain completely dependent as they are not economically active. This makes men believe that they have higher authority.

The female participants provided an example of marriage to illustrate how someone else’s decision-making had been affecting women’s lives. A participant explained that women were held responsible for household activities after marriage and any support for career progression or education was restricted despite her desire for its continuation. It was inferred that women had to drop their hopes and aspirations as the husband and his family made decisions for them. The female participants agreed that this continuous exposure to the ideas of male supremacy makes them start to believe and internalize the idea that women have lesser cognitive abilities and intelligence compared to men. A female participant stated,

Men and women certainly have different mental abilities. Men think and act differently often in a smart way compared to women.

The participants from both groups expressed that youth in the community were developing flexible attitudes and beliefs towards gender roles and responsibilities. They agreed that both young men and women were observed altering their roles and responsibilities shifting from traditional gender ideologies. The participants expressed that instilling these fluidity and flexible approaches in the older generation was impossible as they strictly followed traditional beliefs and practices. Few of the female participants admitted that at times young women also fail to accommodate the situation and reap benefits from available opportunities. The discussions revealed that a few of the women in the community received opportunities for independence and economic empowerment. These women had received entrepreneurial training and various skill development activities for sustaining livelihoods with practical skill-based training in tailoring, beautician, and doll-making. The female participants expressed that opportunities for independence and growth slipped away from them due to a lack of family support, financial constraints, and self-passivity. They explained that starting a business required approval from a family which was difficult to obtain. Moreover, if women made a self-decision to start up on their own, they lacked the initial capital and had to rely on men for obtaining resources. The participants further explained that the denial of men to support women were majorly due to the fear that norms of staying indoors for women will be breached and economic independence may enable women to have a similar financial footing as men. The participants stated that self-passivity in women emerged due to their engagement in household multiple roles, dependency upon males, and lack of decision-making power and abilities. A female participant summed it up by stating,

Some of us women in the community have received entrepreneurial skills training, but we have not been able to use our skills for our growth and development. Once the training finishes, we get back to our household chores and taking care of the children.

The female participants admitted that acceptance of belief systems requiring women to be docile, unseen, and unheard were the reasons for this self-passivity. The female participants resonated that the external controlling and unfavorable environment influenced by practices of discriminatory norms and beliefs developed self-passivity for women. A female participant expressed the cause and consequence of self-passivity as,

Women have inhibitions to speaking their minds; something stops us from making our position clear, making us lose all the time.

The discussions identified that gender norms were deeply engraved in various social interactions and daily life, and any deviance received strict criticism. The participants shared common examples of sanctions for women based on rigid norms like restrictive movements for women, social gossiping when women communicated with outsider men, prohibition for opinion giving in public, and lesser involvement during key decision-making at home. The participants shared that norms dictating gender roles were in place for both men and women with social sanctions and approval for their performance. A male discussion participant who occasionally got involved with cooking which was a so-called “women’s job” faced outright disapproval from his female relatives and neighbors. The male participant stated,

If I cook or get engaged in any household jobs, it is mostly females from the home and neighborhood who make fun of me and remind me that I am a man and that I should not be doing a woman’s job.

The foreign migration of youth looking for job opportunities has affected the Tharu community. It was known that a large number of men were absent from the community. The participants stated that women in such households with absent men had gained authority and control over resources, moreover, these women have been taking some of the men’s roles. The participants disclosed that these women had greater access and control over resources and were involved in the key decision-making positioning them in a relatively higher position compared to other women. It was known that this higher position for women came with a price, they were under higher social vigilance and at higher risk of abuse and violence due to the absence of ‘protective men’. It was known that women's foreign employment was associated with myths and sexist remarks. The participants shared that women had to face strict social criticisms and that their plans for livelihood and independence were related to an issue of sexual immorality and chastity. The participants from both groups strictly opposed the norms that associated women with sexual immorality but lamented that it continues. A male participant provided an insight into the social remarks received by women if she dares to go for foreign employment,

If a woman wants to go for a foreign job, she is considered to be of loose character. The idea that she is corrupt and will get involved in bad work will be her first impression of anyone.

Although the participant did not explicitly describe what bad work referred to as but it was inferred that he was relating it to sex work.

Domestic and gender violence

The participants identified violence as control, coercion, and use of force against someone will occurring due to unequal status. They primarily identified men as the perpetrators and women as the victims of violence. They explained that two types of violence were observed in the community. The first type occurred in an interpersonal relationship identified as physical, emotional, and sexual violence. The second type, as explained by the participants had its roots in socio-cultural belief systems. They provided examples of dowry exchange and witchcraft accusations for the latter type. The participants identified women as primary victims and listed both men and women as the perpetrators of both types of violence. They reported that physical violence against women by men under the influence of alcohol was the most commonly occurring violence in the community. The participants from both groups confirmed that wife-beating, verbal abuse, and quarrel frequently occurred in the community. It was known from discussions that alcohol consumption among men was widespread, and its cultural acceptance was also increasing episodes of violence. One of the female participants clarified further,

The most common violence occurring in our society is wife-beating by a husband under the influence of alcohol. We see it every day.

The participants reported the occurrence of sexual violence in the community but also pointed out that people refrained from discussing it considering it a taboo and private affair. The participants had hesitation to discuss freely on sexual violence. During the discussions, participants from both groups informed only of rape and attempted rape of women by men as sexual violence present in the community. Despite repeated probing, on several occasions, none of the participants from either group brought up issues and discussions about any other forms of sexual violence. Participants from both groups confirmed that stories about incidents of rape or attempted rape emerged only after cases were registered with the local police. The participants presumed that incidents of rape and attempted rape were not known to the wider community. A female participant stated,

Sexual violence does occur in our community, but people mostly do not report or disclose it, but they tend to keep it amongst themselves and their families.

The participants explained the identity of the rape perpetrator and victim. They identified the perpetrator as a rich, influential, and relatively powerful man from the community. The victim was portrayed as a poor and isolated woman which lesser social ties. It was known from the discussions that most of the rape cases in the community were settled with financial negotiations and monetary compensations for the victim rather than finding legal remedies. It can be inferred that the victimization of women intersects with gender, wealth, social stature, and affluence. The participants feared that this practice of settlement of rape with money could make rape a commodity available for the powerful, rich, and affluent men to exploit and victimize women. A male participant clarifies,

Recently, a man in his sixties raped a young girl near our village. The victim's family was ready to settle with monetary compensation offered by the rapist, but the involvement of the community stopped it and the rapist was handed over to the police.

The participants shared available coping mechanisms against violence practiced in the community by women. It was learned that the victim of household violence mostly used community consultation and police reporting to evade further violence. They divulged that community consultation and police reporting resulted in decisions in favor of victim women, directing abusive husbands to show decency and stop committing violence. The fear of legal repercussions such as spending time in police custody and getting charged under domestic violence cases was understood as the reasons for husbands to stop abuse and violence. The discussions revealed that women who file a formal complaint about their husband’s violent behavior could face an increased risk of violence. The participants disclosed that sharing such incidents publicly brought shame to some of the men and increased their anger, and often backlashed with increased violence. The participants in both groups stated that not all women in the community reported violence. They identified that women tend to be quiet despite facing continuous violence due to the fear of encountering more violence and to keeping their families together. A female participant clarifies,

Lodging public complaints against the abusive husband can sometimes escalate the violence. The husband’s anger for being humiliated in public must be faced by the woman inside the closed doors of the house with more violence and the men’s threat of abandoning the relationship.

The participants stated that socio-cultural violence against women in dowry-related cases was widespread and increasing. The dowry exchange was explained as a traditional practice with the family of the bride paying cash and kind to the groom's family. The participants clarified that the practice of dowry in the earlier days must have been an emergency fund for the newly wedded bride in a newer setting. According to the participants, the system of dowry has now developed and evolved as a practice of forced involuntary transfer of goods and cash demanded by the groom’s family. The discussions disclosed that the demands for dowry were increasing with time and failing to provide as promised immediately resulted in violence for the newly wedded bride. The participants described that dowry-related violence starts with taunts and progresses to withholding of food, verbal abuse, and finally, physical violence. They added that perpetrators of such violence were both men and women from the groom’s family. They stated that due to poverty not all bride families in the community were able to supply all demanded dowry which has exposed a large number of women to face dowry-related abuse and violence. The discussions also informed of a newer trend among girls by demanding goods during their wedding. It was shared that this new emerging trend had increased a two-fold financial burden on the bride’s family with heavy marriage debts. The male participants when questioned about the dowry demands cunningly shifted the responsibilities towards family and stated that it was not the groom but their families who were making such dowry demands. The discussions verified that dowry practice was so engraved in the community that it was impossible to even imagine a marriage without any dowry. A male participant reflected,

If I marry without any dowry, my family, neighbors, and all whom I know would consider that I am insane.

The participants also discussed and identified harmful traditional practices present in the community. The participants informed a common practice of accusing women of as witches existed in the community. It was mentioned that women faced witchcraft allegations in different situations. They provided examples of witchcraft allegations in common situations such as when someone’s cow stops producing milk when a child has a sore eye, when someone is bedridden due to sickness for days, or when a woman undergoes a miscarriage, etc. The participants stated that women accused of witch were always elderly/single women living in seclusion, poverty, and with fewer social ties. They also shared that the witch doctors, who ascertain whether a woman is a witch or not, were surprisingly mostly always men and hold higher status, respect, and social recognition. The consequences of being labeled as a witch, as explained by the participants, haunted victim women with torture, name-calling, social boycott, and extremes of physical violence. The participants informed that inhumane practices such as forceful feeding of human excreta prevailed during the witch cleansing sessions. A female participant explaining the witchcraft situation stated,

Witchcraft accusation is very real in our community; I know someone who has tortured his mother, citing reasons for his wife being childless. The old woman was called names, beaten, and later thrown out of the home.

The participants felt that men’s use of violence and its legitimization primarily existed due to gender hierarchy and internalization of the belief that violence was the best method to resolve any conflict. They inferred that men’s use of violence was further reinforced by women's acceptance and belief that violence had occurred due to their faults and carelessness. The female participants shared examples of common household situations that could result in an episode of violence such as women cooking distasteful food, failing to provide timely care to children and the elderly due to workload, and forgetting to clean rooms. These incidents make women believe that violence majorly occurred due to their mistakes. Furthermore, the participants believed that this self-blaming of the victim resulted due to constant exposure to violence and a non-negotiable social positioning of women for raising questions. The participants stated that beliefs instilled by religion increased the likelihood of victimization for women. They explained that religious practices and ideologies required women to refer to their husbands as godly figures, and a religious belief that anything said or done against husbands was a disgrace bringing sin upon her and family positioned women in an inferior position. A male participant added,

We belong to a culture where females worship their husbands as a god, and this might be an important reason for men to feel powerful as a god to exploit and abuse women.

The discussions put forward the idea that the existence of discriminatory beliefs, reinforcement of such beliefs, and a blind following of such practices produced differences and violence. The male participants acknowledged that the idea of male supremacy not only produced violence but also established a belief system that considered violence as an indispensable way to treat deviated women. One male participant stated this idea of male supremacy and privilege as,

The language of the feet is essential when words fail.

The participants also discussed violence committed toward men by women. The male participants burst into laughter when they stated that some men were beaten by their wives when they were drunk. The male participants admitted that intoxication reduced their strength and they got beaten. The female participants, on the other hand, assumed that women hit intoxicated men due to frustration and helplessness. They further clarified that the act of husband beating was a situational reaction towards men who had spent all of their daily earnings on alcohol. They stated that women with the responsibility to cook and feed family find themselves in an utterly helpless situation by the irresponsible drinking behavior of men. The male participants shared incidences of violence against men due to foreign migration. It was revealed in the discussions that some of the migrating men’s wives had run away with remitted money, abandoning marriage, and breaking up the family. The male participants identified this as a form of victimization of men, furthermore, the spreading of rumors and gossip caused emotional instability in those men. The female participants confirmed that some returning men failed to find their homes, property, money, and/or their wives. The discussion participants in both groups identified that this practice was on the rise in the community. It became apparent from the discussions that this increasing trend of women running away with the money and breaking away from family was a personal issue requiring social remedies.

Chasing dreams

The participants referred to sex trafficking as the exploitation of women, arising from poverty, illiteracy, and deceit. Explaining the causes of trafficking, the participants stated that women living in poverty, having dreams of prosperity and abundance were tricked by the traffickers making them victims of sex trafficking. The participants mentioned that women who had dreams larger than life and yearned for a comfortable and luxurious life in a short time were at a greater risk for sex trafficking. The participants from both groups resonated that the traffickers had been manipulating the dreams of poor women and deceiving them into trafficking. A female participant elaborated,

Women in poverty can be fooled easily with dreams. She can be tricked by a trafficker by saying I will find you employment with good pay abroad, and she gets into the trap easily.

A male participant further clarified,

Women readily fall into fraud and trickery shown by the traffickers who assure of luxurious life with foreign employment and this bait often leads to sex trafficking.

They identified that false hopes for foreign jobs were primarily used as an entry point by the traffickers to trap potential victims. Besides, they stated that some traffickers tricked women with false romantic relationships and marriages to win over their trust enabling traffickers to maneuver women as they wished.

It was identified that traffickers were not always strangers but known and familiar faces from the community, allowing the traffickers to gain the victim’s trust. The discussions divulged that traffickers strategically chose women who were less educated and poor. The participants explained that sex trafficking mostly occurred among women from a lower caste (the caste system is hierarchy-based in Hindu society which is determined by birth and unchangeable). They further explained that if one of these lower caste women went missing, it seldom raised any serious concerns in society, making these women easy targets for the traffickers. The discussions revealed that life for the survivors of sex trafficking was difficult. They identified that the survivor had to face strong stigmas and stereotypes which further increased their risk for re-victimization. The participants explained that the social acceptance of the trafficking survivors was minimal and finding a job for survival was very difficult. It was reported that social beliefs, norms, and practices were rigid for sex trafficking survivors and provided lesser opportunities for complete social integration. A female participant stated,

The story of a sex-trafficked woman does not end after her rescue. It is difficult for her to live in society, and this increases her chances of being a further victim.

The discussions in both groups highlighted that education and awareness were important for reducing sex trafficking. The participants felt that securing a livelihood for women was essential, but they identified it as a major challenge. The female participants recommended the use of education and awareness for reducing sex trafficking. They demanded effective legal actions and stringent enforcement of the law with maximum punishment for offending sex traffickers. They mentioned that the fear of law with maximum punishment for culprits could help decrease cases of trafficking.

The theoretical concept of power play

The discussions identified that gender inequality and violence against women occurred as men possessed and exercised greater authority. The participants explained that the authority emerging from male-centric beliefs was reinforced through established socio-cultural institutions. It was known that oppressive practices toward women in both public and private life have led to the domination and devaluation of women. The differences between men and women were known to be instilled by evoking discriminatory beliefs and due to internalization of them as fundamental truths by women which further helps to sustain these created differences.

The concept of power-play developed from the study has its roots in the belief systems and was found constantly used by men to maintain created differences. The power-play rise due to patriarchy, guiding discriminatory norms and unequal gender practices. These norms and practices in the canopy of patriarchy positions women inferior to men and impose control and restrictions. The power play possessed multi-dimensional effects on women such as creating further barriers, restricted life opportunities, the need for men-centered anchoring systems, and exclusion from the public arena. The power play gains its strength from the strict enforcement of stereotypical practices and committed adherence to gender performances. This leads to internalization of subordination as a natural occurrence by women. These further isolate women putting them into several non-negotiating positions. The power play at an individual level provides restrictive movement for women, barring them from quality education and other life opportunities, and is exhibited in alcohol-related assault and sexual violence. At the structural level, this power play limits women from economic opportunities, access to resources, and decision-making, and induces socio-cultural inequality exhibited in dowry and cases of witchcraft. The socio-cultural acceptance of power-play allows men to use violence as a misuse of power and use it as an effort to maintain authority. The use of power-play for committing violence was identified as the worst display of exercised power play.

Figure  1 describes the concept of power-play developed from the study. The power-play model is based on discussions and inferences made from data analysis. The model provides a description and explanation of how women are subjected to inequality and face violence. The concept of power play derives its strength from the subjugated status of women which are based on selective treatment, self-embodiment of inferiority, imposed restrictions and due to lesser life opportunities. The power play gain legitimacy through social approval of the status differences between men and women and through social systems and institutions majorly developed and favoring men. The status difference between men and women and its approval by developed social institutions and processes give rise to the concept of powerplay. It identifies that status differences allow men to gain and (mis)use power play not only to maintain differences but also enable men to use violence. The use of power-play exists at both interpersonal and cultural levels. Further, the model elaborates on influencers causing subjugation of women, display of power-play, and violence. The model identified that lodging public complaints and seeking legal remedies are the influencers that suppress violence against women. The influence of Forum Theater was perceived to have greater influence for victim, perpetrator, and bystanders. The influencers that aggravate violence are fear of further violence, the nature of the interpersonal relationship, alcohol-related abuse, and remaining silent especially on sexual violence. The cultural violence mentioned in the model refers to dowry and witchcraft-related violence and stands as systemic subordination. In the model, sex trafficking is depicted as one of the outcomes of inequality and violence faced by women majorly occurring due to deceit and fraud.

The theoretical concept of power-play developed in this study identifies that inequality produces violence and violence further reinforces inequality, creating a vicious circle. The power play situates hierarchy based on gender as the primary cause and identifies violence as an outcome of this power asymmetry. The authority to use power by men is received by social approval from embedded structures and institutions. The functioning of associated structures and norms is designed and run by men helping to perpetuate the dominance and subjugation of women. The study identifies that both interpersonal and socio-cultural violence emerges due to the positional differences and use of power. The study found that an element of control exists in interpersonal violence. The findings show that few victim women in the community took advantage of consultations and rely on the law to evade and /or cope during the occurrence of interpersonal violence. A large number of victims women however suffer silently as they are unable and unwilling to take a stand on violence due to their perceived positional differences and strict norms following. The study finds that violence originating from socio-cultural systems is widely accepted and no established means of control exists. The practice of heinous acts against a fellow human during witchcraft allegations and dowry exchanges is prohibited by the law of Nepal but is widespread. This situates that practices which are based on belief systems are more effective than prevailing national laws which try to stop them. Sex trafficking as a form of sexual violence use deceit and fraud against women. Poverty and illiteracy compel women to search for alternatives, and they become easy victims of sex trafficking when their dreams of a better life are manipulated by the traffickers. The false promise of a better life and highly paid job put women in a non-negotiating position with traffickers. The cherished dream of escaping the prevailing status-quo of oppression, subordination, violence, and poverty mesmerizes women to take risky decisions, falling into the risk and trap of sex trafficking.

The socio-cultural norms are the unwritten script of social operatives and functioning. These social norms function as codes of operation and are a major determinant for behavior and interactions between people [ 43 ]. The study has found that these norms were skewed, and most favored men, giving rise to status differences and producing inequalities for women. This is observed with lesser life opportunities, lower participation in decision-making, and a constant need to anchor women. This further helps men to maintain their hierarchical positional status and use violence. The subjugation of women does not occur in a linear process, it is influenced by the internalization of discrimination resulting in lower self-esteem, suppression, and domination of women based on norms and unequal practices. Earlier research has identified that norms and beliefs encourage men to control women, and direct them to use force to discipline women which increases the risk of violence occurrence [ 44 , 45 ]. An earlier study shows that traits of masculinity require men to become controlling, aggressive, and dominant over women to maintain status differences [ 46 ]. The study confirms that men upon receiving both normative and social approval for using violence against women can do so without hesitation.

Violence against women in Nepal mostly occurs inside the home and is only reported when it reaches higher levels of severity. The acceptance of violence as a private affair has restricted women from seeking support and discourages them from communicating their problems with outsiders [ 47 ] this increases more likelihood for men to use violence. The study finds issues related to sex and sexual violence is a taboo and are seldom reported. The study could only identify cases of sexual assault registered with the police and other cases known to the wider community as sexual violence. A community with known incidents of rape may have other cases of abuse, harassment, incest, forceful sexual contact, etc. Failure to report incidents of sexual violence infer that a large number of women could be suffering in silence. Earlier research identifies that increased stigmatization associated with sexual violence, and fear of seclusion cause reluctance in victims to report or seek support [ 48 ]. This silencing of victims provides men with greater sexual control over women [ 49 ] increasing more likelihood of use of violence. Gender-based inequality and violence intersect structures, institutions, and socio-cultural processes, making inequality and violence visible at all levels. The dowry-related violence and witchcraft allegation intersect interpersonal and structural violence. This cultural violence forces women to be a victim of lifelong abuse and trauma. The intersecting relationship between gender norms, social structures, and individual is so closely knitted that it produces varieties of inequality and violence at all levels [ 50 ]. Emotional violence in this study only emerged as a type of violence, during discussions in both groups. It did not emerge as a major concern for the participants except for dowry-related violence and violence against men. The intertwined nature of emotional violence and its occurrence with each abusive, exploitative, and violent situation may have influenced the participants understand it as a result, rather than as a specific type of violence.

The power play between sexes was found in synchronicity with the established norms and prevailing stereotypes, helping to perpetuate gender power imbalance. The gender system is influenced and governed by norms and the social arena becomes the site of its reproduction through the interaction and engagement of people. This interaction provides approval to the institutions and processes that are based on constructed differences between men and women [ 51 ]. The power, as identified by Fricker [ 52 ], controls a social group and operates and operates through the agent or established social structures. A man can actively use the vested power to either patronize and/or abuse women while passively women’s internalization of social settings and embedded norms can put them docile. The social controls as reported by Foucault [ 53 ] work with the embedded systems of internalization, discipline, and social monitoring and uses coercion rather than inflicting pain. The internalization of status differences among women as indicated by the study confirms this schema of social control. The dominance of men over women with patriarchal beliefs establishes the significance of male-centered kinship. This requires women to constantly anchor with men providing grounds for inequalities to perpetuate further. This idealizes men and reinforces the belief that women are non-existent without their presence. The requirement for male anchorage has an attachment to prevailing structural inequality. The family property and resources are mostly controlled by men and it usually transfers from father to son limiting inheritance to women [ 51 ]. These glorified idealizations of men's competence as described by Ridgeway [ 54 ] idealize men as individuals with abilities, status, power, and influences. The need for women to rely on men as anchors, fear of going against the norms and social sanctions explains the positional difference and show that men possess greater competencies. The internalization of men-centric superior beliefs by women occurs due to self-passivity and devalues women creating false impressions of their abilities. The gender roles and responsibilities were strict for both sexes but provided greater flexibility, privilege, and opportunity for men. Earlier studies in congruence with this study find that socio-cultural expectations limit women from deviation, and strictly adhere to their prescribed role and expectations [ 55 , 56 ] providing an upper hand to the men. The unequal social positioning of women, as defined by a few of the participants, can help define men's use of violence. As inferred by Kaufman [ 57 ], the disadvantageous position of women and support from the established structures enable men to use aggression and violence with considerable ease. The concept of power-play derived from this study also reflects that inequalities not only create hierarchies, putting women into a subordinating position but also legitimize norms of harmful masculinity and violence [ 57 , 58 , 59 , 60 ] creating a vicious cycle of inequality and violence. The concept of power-play developed by this study requires further exploration of gender relations, injustice, and patriarchy to identify multiple operatives of power with an outcome of inequality and violence.

Strengths and limitations of the study

The study followed the same participants over a period, which helped the study to achieve clarity on the topics through constant engagement. The data collection and the initial data analysis of the study were conducted by the same person, which reduced the risk of misrepresented findings. The study used follow-up discussions, which provided an opportunity to meet the participants again to resolve any ambiguities. The constant engagement with the participants helped to develop rapport and trust, which is essential to enable meaningful discussions. The study gathered rich data for developing the theory of power play in the Nepalese context. The study has attempted to explain the interplay of men’s use of power play, gender inequality, and violence against women, which, in itself, is a complex, but important issue. The study helped to develop a platform by identifying a level of awareness and needs for a Forum Theatre intervention study, a first of its kind in Nepal.

The major limitation of the study is that it was conducted with only one of the ethnic populations of Nepal; thus, the findings from this study cannot be generalized to a completely different setting. However, the transferability of the study is possible in a similar setting. The incidences of inequality and violence shared by the participants were self-reported, and no other means of verification were available to crosscheck those claims. The differences among the participants both in and between groups based on education and marital status might have influenced the study participants to understand, observe, and experience the phenomenon. The possibility of social desirability bias remains with the study, as a constant engagement with the study participants might have influenced them to answer differently. Furthermore, the discussions were conducted in groups, and participants might have had hesitation to bring up any opposing views. The study relied on collecting information on social norms and individual experiences and the perceptions of the study participants. It cannot be claimed that the study is devoid of any data rigidity as participants were free to choose what they wanted to share and express.

Study implications

The study explains gender practices, norms, violence against women, and sex trafficking in Nepal. The study helps to increase the understanding of how gender systems are operative in the daily lives of the Tharu community in the Morang district of Nepal. Future studies can explore the established linkages of interpersonal and socio-cultural violence. Like the complex link existing between gender inequality and violence against women, interpersonal violence and socio-cultural violence cannot be studied in isolation. The study provides an opportunity for future research on exploring how changing norms have been altering the position and victimization of women. The study finds that changing gender norms and responsibilities have, on the one hand, provided agency and empowerment for women, but on the other hand, they have also increased their risk of being a victim, an area that requires further exploration. The study has identified that constant engagement with the study participants through follow-up studies ensures the richness of data, which can be useful information for a future research study design. The study can be helpful for policy development, social activists, leaders, and researchers as it discusses prevalent gender oppressions and victimization, which need to be addressed. The findings from the study can be helpful for dialogue imitation and for designing intervention projects aimed at providing justice and equality to women.

The study identifies the presence of gender inequalities and violence against women in the study area. The positional differences based on norms, institutions, and practices have assigned greater privileges to men. The concept of power-play devised by the study ascertains the maintenance of gender hierarchy to produce inequality further and victimization of women. The subjugation of women based on the social-cultural process, embedded belief systems, and norms prevent women from life opportunities and dignified life. It situates men at the highest rung of the gender and social ladder providing a comparative advantage for men to use power. Violence emerges as men’s use of power play and as a strategy for the continued subjugation of women. Sex trafficking as a consequence of inequality and violence has its origins in illiteracy and poverty with women falling prey to the deceit of traffickers. It is important that dreams for progression provide motivation for women to develop further but at the same time, dreams should not be exchanged with trickery and fraud offered by the traffickers. Awareness and attitudinal changes are imperative to challenge unequal norms, and practices, and reduce the risks of sex trafficking. This can help to develop negotiations for power-sharing which helps to reduce inequality, violence, and preparedness in chasing dreams. Changes at both individual and societal levels are necessary to develop a collective action for establishing belief systems and practices providing women with an equal position and reducing the risk of violence.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets generated and/or analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to privacy but are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

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Acknowledgements

The authors are grateful to all the focus group discussion participants. The authors are indebted to Bhojraj Sharma, Deekshya Chaudhary, Subham Chaudhary, and Dev Kala Dhungana for their coordination and facilitation in reaching the discussion participants.

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PD, SKJ, and KS were involved in the study design. PD and KS developed the discussion guides. PD was responsible for the data collection and the data analysis. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Dahal, P., Joshi, S.K. & Swahnberg, K. A qualitative study on gender inequality and gender-based violence in Nepal. BMC Public Health 22 , 2005 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-022-14389-x

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Invisible burden of gender bias

Devika Thapa

There are multiple norms and practices in Nepali society that differ in terms of opportunities and positions for men and women. They include healthcare and nutrition, education, sports, and political and socio-economic opportunities. Our patriarchal family structures give men the role of household heads and decision-makers whereas women and girls continue to be burdened with unpaid domestic/care work, motherhood penalty and restrictive gender roles that render their contributions invisible.

Even though the Nepali feminist movement has had commendable wins since the 1990s, there persist regressive roles, values and ideologies amongst both the masses and the socio-political elite, restricting women from achieving equality in both public and private spheres.

Such gender prejudices impact women's mental health, which goes undiagnosed or under-diagnosed due to the stigma around mental agony. According to the World Health Organisation, depressive and anxiety disorders are approximately 50 percent more common among women than men.

Additionally, women facing intimate partner violence or sexual violence are particularly vulnerable to developing mental health problems. Globally, one in three women are beaten, coerced into sex or abused (mostly by a known individual); however, public services such as quality mental health services are seldom developed with the safety of women, recovery and healing in mind. Women are also unlikely to get diagnosed with "explosive" emotional disorders , often due to gender stereotypes of women being more "emotional" in comparison to men.

Public versus private

Nepal has consistently improved on the Gender Inequality Index from 0.726 (1990) to 0.452 (2021), filling many gender inequality gaps. However, even though more women attend school , pursue higher education and build careers than in the past, Nepal has a long way ahead to achieve gender equality. It is tough for most women to excel in male-dominated sectors and hold leadership positions. The norms of hiring personnel through nepotism or from one’s "old boys network" is exceedingly common, and patronising women’s growth is as rampant as it was decades ago.

Recently, TikTok videos of women dancing to a popular song during Haritalika Teej were criticised for supposedly disrespecting Hinduism and Nepali culture and morals. Most condemning the video were the so-called "upholders of tradition and culture" enraged at women embracing the festival in a socio-culturally unconventional manner as compared to the traditional practice of fasting and praying for the long lives of their spouses.

It must be recognised that the ripple effects of patriarchal mindsets, culture, norms and traditions mirror the larger dialogue around policies and politics affecting women. Under the garb of protecting women, the Nepali state has repeatedly favoured paternalistic attitudes of those in power, and limited the freedom as well as individual rights of Nepali women on multiple occasions. The recent immigration rules for women under 40 years travelling abroad, and the dismal under-representation of women in local, provincial and federal elections are two such instances.

This is not to disregard the fact that actions are being taken to improve gender equality and social inclusion. The Constitution of Nepal guarantees 33 percent representation to women at all levels—federal, provincial and local.

Even today, a married Nepali woman is not expected to work unless out of choice or necessity, whereas one is expected to be a homemaker and child-bearer unless explicitly expressed against. Such stereotypes adversely affect the minds of young girls and women, often making them question their worth and status in society. Patrilocality/virilocality is another important catalyst in weakening the position of female household members as outsiders of the household, community or caste, which affects a woman’s self-esteem, causes emotional distress and reduces their decision-making authority. Tales of a Modern Buhari , a social media page, anonymously showcases the expectations of Nepali families and a daughter-in-law 's plight in modern Nepal by bringing forth such socially stigmatised discussions and the politics of everyday life through social media and rightly blurring the boundaries between private and public lives.

Issues around women’s healthcare such as menstrual health and hygiene have also recently come to light through social media campaigns and other initiatives; however, they are yet to be mainstreamed. There is still little dialogue on menopause and its mental impacts and post-partum depression. Globally, more than 10 percent of pregnant women and women who have just given birth experience depression. Efforts to address this through timely, comprehensive and professional mental health services have hardly been prioritised by the state alongside other mental health services for women and girls; in fact, these services are inaccessible to a vast population in Nepal. According to the World Health Organisation , more than 75 percent of people in low- and middle-income countries do not receive any treatment despite availability of effective treatments. This gap between professionals and those seeking assistance must be bridged by making mental health for women a national priority alongside physical health.

Listening and unlearning

Without reliving the disparities of a distressed society and identifying the signs as well as symptoms of inequality, it is impossible to understand the collective grievances and stigma of mental pain due to gender discrimination. The willingness to unlearn the trends of hegemonic masculinity and challenging it by creating space for femininity and feminine leadership in the public sphere needs to be recognised and advocated for. Parochial views of staunch gender stereotypes also need to be revisited and realigned, keeping in mind the welfare, rights and opportunities for women in Nepali society today. Further research on how mental health concerns affect genders differently also needs to be conducted in Nepal. Under-diagnosis of autism and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) in women globally is a result of lack of information and unconscious gender bias amidst mental health professionals which must be eliminated.

Addressing these issues entails ending the stigma around mental health in Nepal, and encouraging more individuals in need to seek professional guidance and even encouraging a safe and non-judgmental space for friends, family as well as colleagues to express themselves freely. The Nepali state must continue taking initiatives to integrate mental health into primary level care in the country and actively contribute to making mental health and well-being a global priority.

Devika Thapa Thapa is programme associate at the Centre for Governance and Academic Affairs, Institute for Integrated Development Studies.

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A Long Way to Go for Gender Equality in Nepali Politics

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Nepal has progressive laws and quotas for women’s representation in politics, but patriarchy and gender discrimination run deep and influence the decisions of parties.

Hisila Yami being interviewed by AP about a Maoist garbage removal program in Thamel, Kathmandu, October 8, 2010.

On April 28, misogyny in Nepal’s politics and society was on full display during a panel discussion at a Kathmandu college.

A young woman questioned the integrity of Keshav Sthapit, a mayoral candidate for Kathmandu Metropolitan City in the upcoming local elections. Sthapit, who has been accused of sexual harassment by two women in the past, sought to insult her.

“You are a nice lady but thutuno thik chhaina ,” Sthapit said in a condescending and aggressive tone, accusing her of using inappropriate language. Wagging his index finger, the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist) politician threatened to malign her by publishing allegations that she is a prostitute.

As disturbing as Sthapit’s language and threats was the reaction of his largely male supporters in the audience. They hooted and clapped in response to his insulting of a woman.

This isn’t the first time that Sthapit has diminished women in public. When accused of sexual harassment, he described the allegations as a “rape of men’s rights” and said his accusers were “retarded,”

Oddly, his running mate in the upcoming elections is a woman who has spoken of her “zero-tolerance policy” toward violence against women.

Sthapit’s remarks and the reaction of the audience provide a glimpse of Nepal’s patriarchal and misogynist society and the enormous challenges the country faces in terms of gender equality.

Soon after the incident, the Women’s Rehabilitation Center (WOREC) and 45 other women’s rights organizations released a statement calling his remarks ”objectionable and punishable.” The Election Commission summoned Sthapit for clarification, but no action has been taken against him so far.

His party chief and former Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli defended Sthapit and described the allegations against him as an attempt at “character assassination” for electoral gain.

Despite the controversy, Sthapit has a fair chance of winning the elections on May 13.

In the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2021 , Nepal was ranked 106 out of 156 countries. The Nepal Human Development Report 2020 warned that Nepal is losing 25 percent of human development because of gender inequality. It stated that “structural barriers and social exclusion underpin gender discrimination and inequality.”

On a positive note, the report affirmed that the gender disparity in Nepal’s Human Development Index values is “not very high,” and has been declining since 2016. Nepal has improved remarkably with regard to women’s political participation. The Global Gender Gap Report ranked Nepal 61st for political participation.

In the last federal election in 2017, 91 members of parliament (33.1 percent of the total 275) were women. In the 2017 local elections , more than 46 percent of elected chiefs and deputies in municipalities in Nepal were female. Of all the elected 14,041 representatives, almost 41 percent were women. This was a significant improvement in the representation and empowerment of women, at least quantitatively.

However, a disaggregation of the data paints a different picture. Among the elected chiefs and deputies in municipalities, 98 percent of the chiefs were males, whereas 91 percent of the deputies were females. Women were nominated for the chiefs in only 190 municipalities to fulfill the basic legal requirement. Most of those women who were nominated by the major parties were fielded in constituencies where the party expected to lose.  Among the non-quota positions as ward members, only 2 percent were won by women.

The quantitative representation of women can be wholly attributed to the legal requirements. Article 38 of the Constitution of Nepal 2015 affirms the fundamental rights of women, which include, among others, the right to special opportunities in education, health, employment and social security, on the basis of positive discrimination. The Constitution of Nepal 2015 , Article 84(8) dictates that “at least one third of the total number of members elected [in aggregate from direct and proportional elections] from each political party represented in the Federal parliament must be women.”

Similarly, the Local Level Elections Act 2017 states that parties have to nominate at least one female candidate if they decide to nominate candidates for both chief and deputy chief positions in any municipality. Similarly, there are additional requirements for female and disadvantaged communities’ representation in every local committee.

Despite women’s representation and progressive laws, patriarchy and gender discrimination run deep and influence party decisions in several ways. First, women are often nominated for deputy or non-executive positions. Of the 46,693 nominations for executive positions in the upcoming local elections, women comprise only 8.4 percent of the candidates. The rest of the women’s nominations (29.44 percent) are for reserved seats for females (included from disadvantaged communities) as mandated by law.

Second, women are represented but not necessarily empowered. Female politicians admit that politics is often seen as an “old boys club,” and they cannot speak out openly. Many of their colleagues feel that they do not deserve the seat and are there to fill the quota, and treat them accordingly. The sexist mindset of males in leadership has not changed. Neither has the attitude of voters. A survey by The Asia Foundation found that only 8 percent of elected female representatives found encouragement from their spouses to stand for elections. It also found that the perception toward women representatives remained clouded by constructions of gendered roles and responsibilities. Many women, especially those who came from disadvantaged groups, felt “ insignificant .”

Third, the numerical representation of women has given a false sense of achievement on gender parity. The “old boys” point to the representation and shrug off any need for effective empowerment or for social change. Even worse, this has invited backlash from conservative and misogynistic male candidates and voters who feel that their chances are hurt because of the legal requirements proportional representation. It has led to emergence of a culture where “femininity is denied political space, scope, and subsequently, legitimate candidacy.”

Fourth, despite Nepal’s progressive constitution, legal and structural hurdles exist. According to Binda Pandey , a standing committee member of the CPN-UML, 43 acts passed by the parliament are discriminatory toward women despite constitutional guarantees of equality.

Fifth, the representation of women at the local level is further thwarted by the electoral alliance of the ruling five-party coalition. Because the alliance nominated the chief and deputy chief candidates from different parties, it was not bound by the law that at least one candidate has to be female. Though it may be legal, it definitely stretches the spirit of the law.

Will the enhanced quantitative representation of women in political positions eventually translate to qualitative empowerment? There is no evidence to suggest that elected women representatives have performed any worse than their male counterparts. To the contrary, the Communist Party of Nepal – Maoist Centre supremo Pushpa Kamal Dahal emphasized that women’s leadership has led to more progress (though he was defending the case for his own daughter, and his party is as guilty as others).

The onus is now on the voters. Nepal’s case shows there is enough room for optimism, but the struggle for gender equality and justice is far from over.

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I.  Introduction

Ii.  motivation, iii.  data and methodology, iv.  findings, v.  conclusions, references *, gender discrimination in education expenditure in nepal: evidence from living standards surveys.

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Shaleen Khanal; Gender Discrimination in Education Expenditure in Nepal: Evidence from Living Standards Surveys. Asian Development Review 2018; 35 (1): 155–174. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/adev_a_00109

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There is a significant amount of literature on the role of parental gender preferences in determining the level of education expenditure for children. In this study, I examine the effects of such preferences on parents’ education expenditure in Nepal. Using longitudinal data from three Nepal Living Standards Surveys, I apply several decomposition methods to determine the level of bias that parents display in spending on their children's education. I find that parents indeed spend more on boys than girls in both rural and urban areas in Nepal. I also find that this bias is reflected in the higher enrollment levels of boys than girls in private schools.

Nepal has made remarkable progress in achieving a degree of gender parity in the field of education. Net enrollment rates have achieved parity at all levels of schooling, reflecting the government's success in ensuring the equal participation of girls in schools. However, while improvements in enrollment rates are a positive first step, this does not imply gender parity in the education sector. Various forms of discrimination—such as the reproduction of discriminatory norms in the process of socialization and in the classroom (e.g., a curriculum that favors traditional gender roles), encouragement for continuing traditional course selection (Collins 2009 ), and at times outright discriminating behavior—have been observed in schools (Hickey and Stratton 2007 , Bandyopadhyay and Subhramaniam 2008 ). At the household level as well, girls are expected to spend more time on chores rather than on education (Mason and Khandker 1996 , Levison and Moe 1998 ); are more likely to drop out of school (Sabates et al. 2010 ); and are less likely to continue their education at higher levels. Another form of household discrimination, which forms the topic of this study, is differential treatment in education expenditure in which parents spend more on boys’ education than they do on girls’ education.

Gender parity is a basic precondition for a just and equitable society. Arguments for gender equality also go beyond reasons of justice and equality. Empowering women is crucial for the socioeconomic development of any country. Studies report that higher levels of education in women lead to higher economic growth (Coulombe and Tremblay 2006 ); reductions in child and infant mortality rates (Cochrane 1982 , LeVine 1987 ); and better outcomes for all children in the family (Schultz 1961 ; Alderman and King 1998 ; Strauss, Mwabu, and Beegle 2000 ). Yet, despite governments promoting the participation of women in schooling and education, societies continue to observe disparities in women's access to education and the labor force. The feminist movement attributes this phenomenon to (i) the existing sexual division of labor that assigns women to domestic tasks; and (ii) men's control over women's sexuality, which includes strict supervision of movements outside the home and limits on societal interactions (Stromquist 1992 ). Economic models explain that such disparities arise out of differential parental preferences (assuming parents to be rational economic agents) due to differences in children's cognitive endowment, birth order, and (more importantly) variations in expected returns on investment between boys and girls (Behrman, Pollak, and Taubman 1982 ; Lehmann, Nuevo-Chiquero, and Vidal-Fernandez 2012 ).

In Nepal, societal norms dictate that women after a certain age are married away. Additionally, patriarchy is pervasive in Nepal's legal and socioeconomic environments, a fact substantiated by the widespread inequality observed in legal outcomes (Nowack 2015 ); wealth (Bhadra and Shah 2007 ); employment opportunities (ADB 2010 , Bhadra and Shah 2007 ); and education (UNESCO 2015 ). The incentives for parents to pay for girls' education are lower compared with boys not only because women are likely to face unequal opportunities in the labor force, but also because boys are expected to look after their parents and the family estate when the parents grow old.

While much has been written on gender discrimination in education in Nepal, very little empirical work has been done to analyze the extent of the discrimination. This paper tries to fill that gap by examining the nature and extent of one form of discrimination—inequality in household expenditure—faced by women in the education sector by comparing expenditure on education for girls versus boys, and then decomposing the observed gap in expenditure into explained and unexplained components. The paper is organized as follows. Section II presents the motivation behind the research, including an identification of the research gap that this paper addresses. The methodology and the data set used in this study are described in section III . Section IV details the major results and the findings. Section V consists of conclusions and policy recommendations.

The right to an education is a fundamental human right. Yet, women in the developing world are underrepresented at all levels of education (see, for example, Annex 1 of the Global Campaign for Education 2012 ). While progress has been made globally in improving the net enrollment ratio at primary levels, a noticeable decline is observed in girls’ participation at higher levels of education (Global Campaign for Education 2012 ). Inequality is not only observed in terms of ability to participate in schooling, but also in terms of quality of schooling. 1 The participation of girls is also found to be lower in private schools compared with public schools in developing economies (Harma 2011 ; Maitra, Pal, and Sharma 2011 ; Woodhead, Frost, and James 2013 ; Sahoo 2014 ).

As was mentioned earlier, one of the reasons behind the ineffective inclusion of girls in educational opportunities is the unequal investment made by parents in their male and female children's education. The prevalence of unequal returns to education in terms of wages and work opportunities in the labor market implies that parents are likely to invest more in boys' education than in girls’ (Garg and Morduch 1998 as cited in Sahoo 2014 , Leclercq 2001 ). Results are further skewed in favor of boys if women are expected to leave their parents’ home after they get married while men are expected to remain at home to eventually take care of their elderly parents. 2 Various studies have found differential treatment resulting from parents' investment decisions. For example, Burgess and Zhuang ( 2000 ) and Gong, van Soest, and Zhang ( 2005 ) find significant bias in favor of boys in education expenditure in the People's Republic of China. Similarly, in India, Kingdon ( 2005 ) and Saha ( 2013 ) find evidence of differential education expenditure between boys and girls in certain states. Similar findings were presented in the cases of Pakistan (Aslam and Kingdon 2008 ), Paraguay (Masterson 2012 ), and Bangladesh (Shonchoy and Rabbani 2015 ).

Considering the cultural and socioeconomic similarities between many of the above-mentioned countries and Nepal, and the existence of widespread patriarchy in Nepal, we can expect to find significant levels of gender bias in education expenditure patterns among Nepalese households. Unequal access to and outcomes in education with respect to gender are characteristic features of the Nepalese education system. School enrollment has long skewed in favor of boys (World Bank 2014 ). More recently, there has been a drive to make education (along with other social services) equitable and inclusive. The Constitution of Nepal 2015 has made the right to an education an inalienable right for all (Government of Nepal 2015 ). Gender equality and social inclusion guidelines have been formulated across all government sectors to make policies, strategies, and outcomes gender sensitive. The Education for All initiative and the School Sector Reform Plan prioritize equal participation for girls at all levels of education (Ministry of Education and Sports 2003 ). As a consequence, net enrollment ratios have risen for all children and are now comparable for both boys and girls at primary and secondary schools (National Planning Commission 2013 ). Yet, the participation of boys in private education and higher education remains higher when compared with girls (Department of Education 2015 ). Therefore, while the gender gap in terms of school enrollment at primary and secondary levels has almost disappeared, instances of gender discrimination can still be observed among Nepalese households both in terms of education quality and expenditure. 3

Decomposing such discrimination can provide policy makers with valuable insights into understanding and minimizing the extent of such bias and incentivizing households to achieve better education outcomes for girls. However, studies on gender discrimination and education in Nepal are scarce. Most reports on discrimination typically analyze participation rates and do not consider other forms of discrimination (see, for example, Unterhalter 2006 , Herz 2006 , and Huxley 2009 ).

Similar patterns can be observed in academic studies. One of the earliest studies in the field incorporating historical data was conducted by Stash and Hannum ( 2001 ), who find evidence of a significant gender gap in primary school participation rates. Using data from the 1991 Nepal Fertility, Family Planning, and Health Survey, they find that the educational attainment of head of households and rural–urban households bore no effect on school participation rates for girls. Therefore, they conclude that traditional indicators of development had little impact on discriminatory educational outcomes. LeVine's ( 2006 ) ethnographic study of Nepal examines the determinants of school attendance of girls and the reasons behind their dropping out of school. The study finds that since the 1990s, profound socioeconomic transformations have led to a more equitable attitude of parents toward their children's education, although girls were still less likely to complete their education or attain higher education because of marriage. A recent study by Devkota and Upadhyay ( 2015 ) examines inequality in education outcomes owing to various household factors like income, sex, ethnicity, and location of the household and the school. They find that while men in Nepal were likely to attain a higher level of education, their advantage had significantly declined between 1996 and 2004.

Some studies have looked at the effects of migration on education outcomes in Nepal. Bontch-Osmolovski ( 2009 ) studies the role of migration in education and finds significant positive effects of parental migration on their children's enrollment in school. However, the author finds no significant difference, on average, of the effect of migration by the gender of the child, which is contrary to Nepal ( 2016 ), who finds higher levels of school enrollment, greater incidence of private schooling, and shorter working hours for boys in migrant households when compared with girls. Bansak and Chezum ( 2009 ) also find that remittances positively affect school attendance, with a greater positive impact among boys than girls.

The aforementioned studies rely primarily on enrollment and school participation rates as the basis of analysis of gender discrimination, assuming parental decisions only affect the participation of children at school and ignore other forms of discrimination between boys and girls already enrolled in schools. This discussion becomes even more pertinent given rising enrollment and participation rates for both boys and girls at the primary and secondary school levels. Considering the clear evidence of unequal expenditure in favor of boys’ education in comparable societies, there is a need to investigate whether this trend exists in Nepal as well. Vogel and Korinek ( 2012 ) were the first to evaluate the expenditure allocation decisions of households on education in Nepal. Their study examines how remittance income is allocated in terms of schooling expenditure for boys and girls within the same family. They find that households that receive substantial remittances tend to increase education spending for boys but not for girls. Therefore, more remittances do not necessarily result in increased investment in girls’ education. However, the study primarily limits itself to remittance-based households and does not take nonmigrating households into consideration.

This paper aims to build on the findings of Vogel and Korinek ( 2012 ) by looking at the education expenditure allocation decisions of Nepalese households. It focuses on the extent of discrimination practiced against girls in terms of expenditure patterns on education and examines the possible reasons behind such inequality. Using the Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition method (along with decomposition using quantile regressions), the study examines the extent of explained differences and unexplained differences (proxied as discrimination) in education expenditure for families across Nepal.

Data for the study comes from the three rounds of the Nepal Living Standards Survey (NLSS) conducted in 1995–1996, 2003–2004, and 2010–2011. 4 The surveys follow the methodology developed by the World Bank in its Living Standards Measurement Study and collect information from all over Nepal on wide-ranging variables including, among others, poverty; income, wealth, and expenditure sources; household composition; and migration. The latest survey collected data from 5,988 households (in addition to 1,032 households used for the panel sample) from 71 districts (499 primary sampling units) across Nepal over a 12-month period. For the study, I use samples from both rural and urban households from all three geographical regions surveyed in the study. Due to a lack of observations among students of higher studies and for schools under other systems of education, I have confined the samples for the regression analysis to include students until the 10th standard of their schooling and who have studied in either community schools or private schools. 5 To arrive at total education expenditure per student, I have calculated total school fees of individual children by adding the costs of uniforms, text books, transportation, private tuition, and other fees, and then deducting the monetary value of any scholarships. Fees are presented on a nominal basis and have not been converted to real terms. The sample for education expenditure per child was trimmed by the top 0.1% and the bottom 0.1% to remove potential outliers.

Two methods have been popularly used to disaggregate biases in education expenditure in popular research. The first methodology makes use of Engel Curves, which observes household-level expenditure data and analyzes the relationship between changes in household gender composition and patterns of expenditure. In the absence of individual-level data on expenditure patterns, this method can provide valuable insights into inferring the level of bias from the overall household expenditure data (Aslam and Kingdon 2008 ). However, the validity of this methodology has also been challenged (Kingdon 2005 ).

Where individual-level data are available, the use of decomposition provides far more useful results. First used by Blinder ( 1973 ) and Oaxaca ( 1973 ), this method decomposes the expenditure gap into an endowment gap and a coefficient gap. The endowment gap explains differences in expenditure based on differences in endowments and the coefficient gap is the discrimination coefficient (Madheswaran and Attewell 2007 ). While the Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition is popularly used to decompose bias in wage gaps in the labor market, the methodology is as effective in understanding the bias in education expenditure as well, and has been used in studies analyzing decomposition of education expenditure. Here, I use the Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition method to disaggregate bias in the expenditure gap that can be explained by differences of endowments and the unexplained gap.

Considering the possibility of differential effects of various control variables across the expenditure distribution, I also use the quantile decomposition methodology of Melly ( 2005 ) to evaluate levels of discrimination across various points in the distribution of the education expenditure. The methodology goes beyond the mean and decomposes differences in education expenditure between the two groups (girls and boys) at different quantiles of the variable of interest.

Analysis of the descriptive summary of the variables suggests the existence of a discrepancy in spending between boys and girls, with the total expenditure pattern showing that education expenditure on boys is slightly greater than that on girls (Table 1 ). While there is not much difference in the fees paid among various school categories, 7 in fact expenditure in private schools is higher in the case of girls, 8 the representation of boys in private schools is much higher than that of girls. 9 Worryingly, the overall difference in expenditure between boys and girls increased over the course of the three surveys. The mean of actual expenditure shows that while the difference in expenditure per student was only NRs3 in 1995–1996, it had risen to NRs886 by 2010–2011. Since mean expenditure in private schools is almost 8 times the mean expenditure in government schools, the faster rate of private school enrollment among boys when compared with girls over the last 15 years has proved to be the major source of expenditure bias and discrimination against girls.

Note: NLSS I does not contain the gurukul–madrasa–gumba category but instead includes a category for community schools. Similarly, NLSS II only categorizes government schools, private schools, technical schools, and other schools.

Source: Author's calculation based on Nepal Living Standards Surveys.

The rural–urban classification of enrollment and expenditure echoes the findings of the national aggregate (Tables 2 and 3 ). While in absolute terms the amount of expenditure on education (for both girls and boys) is higher in urban areas, the share of girls' fees to boys' fees is significantly lower in rural areas (0.76) than in urban areas (0.93), suggesting a higher degree of discrimination among rural populations. 10 However, over time while the inequality in terms of expenditure has remained fairly stable in rural areas, there has been a marginal rise in expenditure on boys in urban centers (with the share of girls’ fees to boys’ fees dropping from 0.99 to 0.93). This trend is noticeable in rising gaps across the years in expenditure levels in both private and public schools in addition to a faster rate of growth in private school participation for boys (from 34% to 61%) compared with girls (from 32% to 51%). In rural areas, rising gaps in expenditure in public schools were observed over time, although surprisingly the average expenditure gap in private schools became negative. However, this negative expenditure gap is offset by a disparity in private school participation growth rates with the enrollment of boys in private schools increasing from 4% to 18% compared with the rate of girls increasing from 2% to 11%. 11

a The poverty line has been drawn based on nutritional requirements included in the NLSS.

Source: Author's compilation.

The first set of regressions were simple OLS models with gender as a dependent variable (Table 5 ). The coefficient of the major variable of interest (female) was significant with the semi-elasticity of fees at between –0.098 and –0.202, indicating lower levels of education expenditure for girls. Other control variables showed the expected outcomes. The semi-elasticity of total family income was positive and significant, but the level of influence on total education expenditure was very low. This perhaps is indicative of the poor quality of income data collected in the survey since data on income are notoriously unreliable (see, for example, Deaton 1997 , 29–31). As expected, poverty has a strong negative influence on total education expenditure, with poor families expected to spend up to 50% less on education expenditure than nonpoor families. Expenditure fell as household size increased and rose with the educational attainment of parents. Similarly, the grade of students and type of school had the expected strong and positive impact on education expenditure. Interestingly, regressions also showed that members of the upper caste were more likely to spend more on education than people from other ethnicities. 12

Note: *** , ** , and * denote significance at the 1%, 5%, and 10% level, respectively. See Table 4 for a description of the variables.

Source: Author's calculations based on NLSS Surveys.

Gender-wise classification of the OLS regression also provided interesting insights (Table 6 ). For variables like poverty, grade, and school types, the coefficients were comparable for boys and girls, while other variables impacted the two cohorts unequally. The impact of the size of the household was found to be relatively insignificant for boys but was highly significant and negative for girls, suggesting that a reduction in education expenditure per child due to an increase in household size primarily impacts girls. Therefore, a focus on family planning measures would lead to increased education opportunities for girls. 13 The importance of the mother's education was also reflected unequally. A woman's level of education is likely to play a more important role in a daughter's education compared with a son's; that is, the semi-elasticity of a mother's education on education expenditure is higher for girls than boys. 14 Distance from school had a larger negative impact on girls than boys, suggesting proximity to school is an important factor contributing to a better education for children. 15

Source: Author's calculation based on NLSS Surveys.

To differentiate the roles of endowments and discrimination in explaining the differences in education expenditure between boys and girls, I conducted a Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition analysis on the same observations (Table 7 ). Results from NLSS II show that in log terms, expenditure on boys was 0.098 higher than on girls, of which only about 9% could be explained by differences in the control variables and about 90% could be attributed to discrimination. Similarly, results from NLSS III show that expenditure on girls is lower than expenditure on boys by around NRs0.264 per child in log terms. Only about 8% of this gap can be explained via differences in household characteristics and the remaining 92% can be attributed to discrimination.

Note: *** , ** , and * denote significance at the 1%, 5%, and 10% level, respectively.

Results from the Ñopo decomposition also display an incidence of discrimination, although the extent of discrimination appears to be much smaller (Table 8 ). This technique shows that in 2010–2011, almost 60% of the expenditure gap was due to unexplained factors (discrimination). The results were more dramatic in 1995–1996 and 2003–2004, when in both cases the endowment effects of men and women constituted more than 100% of the expenditure gap. Therefore, if boys and girls were to have the same distribution across the controlled variables, the expenditure gap would be even higher, suggesting that, given prevailing conditions, socioeconomic status and other factors are more favorable in households incurring girls’ expenditure compared to boys’. The Blinder–Oaxaca and Ñopo methodologies both demonstrate the existence of widespread gender discrimination in household education expenditure, albeit to different degrees.

The results of the quantile decomposition reinforce the findings of the Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition method by using four quantiles (20th, 40th, 60th, and 80th percentiles) of education expenditure (see Table 9 ). While in NLSS I and II, there are significant differences in expenditure, large differences are observed in NLSS III. Among all four quantiles, education expenditure on girls was lower and significant in comparison with boys. Differences in expenditure were found to be the largest among the highest and the lowest spenders, and smallest among the 60th percentile. The ratio of unexplained to total differences fell among the higher quintiles, with the largest share of unexplained differences found in the poorest population segments. 16 The regressions suggest that, despite controlling for factors such as school enrollment (which already displays a significant source of discrimination in favor of boys), parents still choose to spend more on boys’ education than on girls’ education, which is clearly indicative of the differential treatment of boys and girls in Nepalese households. Worryingly, this phenomenon is new and coincides with rising average costs of education in Nepal.

Discrimination in school participation has been widely reported in the literature as a major source of gender inequality in Nepal. Even with improving participation rates for girls at all grade levels, the inequality persists. This study has explored discrimination among school-going boys and girls by analyzing the expenditure behavior of their parents and found that boys are better represented in private schools and girls are better represented in public schools, which stands as the most important form of discrimination. This phenomenon is more pronounced in rural Nepal, although a noticeable difference in participation is observed in urban areas as well.

Through simple OLS regressions, the effects of various control variables on total education expenditure across two genders were investigated. The data substantiate the findings of existing literature, including Vogel and Korinek ( 2012 ), that parental expenditure patterns in education are discriminatory. My analysis finds that even after controlling for school type, parents spend as much as 20% less on girls compared with boys. The data show that differences in expenditure comprise unequal spending on private tuition, textbooks and supplies, and other education-related expenditure. The paper also found that while the mother's education is an important equalizer, household size and distance to the school disproportionately affect household expenditure on a girl's education.

The Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition method, the Ñopo decomposition method, and a decomposition based on quantile regressions were used to further investigate the level of gender discrimination in education expenditure. All three of these methods revealed a high level of discrimination in education expenditure in favor of boys among households in Nepal. At times, more than 60% of the difference in education expenditure between genders could be explained by such bias. Findings from the quantile decomposition show that discrimination has risen over time and that households in the lowest and highest quintiles of income were the ones most likely to discriminate between boys and girls. The latter result is counterintuitive and therefore should be a matter of further research. Another area for further research could be the impact of such differential treatment on the performance of children at schools.

The study finds sufficient evidence to conclude that discrimination in education expenditure is prevalent among Nepalese households. It also suggests that such discrimination might be on the rise. Therefore, it is imperative for the government to improve the quality of education at public schools to not only provide better quality education for girls, but also to encourage parents to review the decision-making processes in which they are more likely to send boys than girls to private schools. I also find that educating parents (especially mothers) and improving access to schools can potentially reduce unequal expenditure, albeit to a small extent. To the extent that unexplained differences (discrimination) still account for the largest share of differences in education expenditure, I conclude that parental choices are still largely governed by a patriarchal mindset within Nepalese society, even among families at the highest income levels. Therefore, the medium-term approach should be accompanied by a longer-term strategy of changing the perception of women's roles in Nepalese society so that household investment decisions are not biased against girls.

Discrimination against girls is also pervasive in a school environment. However, the focus of analysis in this study concerns parental expenditure choices that are biased in favor of boys.

In the Indian subcontinent, men are expected to live with their parents and look after them in their old age, while women are expected to live with their husbands. This practice contributes significantly to the unequal treatment of women and girls in terms of human capital development, marriage, and other critical life decisions including inheritance.

Private schools are generally considered to provide higher quality education in Nepal than public schools. They are more expensive to attend, spend more on children's education per student, have lower rates of teacher absenteeism, have better school management systems, and exercise more stringent grade promotion systems. As a consequence, private schools produce better results in School Leaving Certificate exams. In 2012, the success rate of private school students taking School Leaving Certificate exams was 93.1% compared with only 28.2% for public school students (Sharma 2012 ). Parents prefer private schools provided they can afford them. Therefore, the higher rate of participation of boys in private schools is indicative of discriminatory expenditure decisions at the household level.

Henceforth, NLSS I, NLSS II, and NLSS III will imply surveys conducted in 1995–1996, 2003–2004, and 2010–2011, respectively.

The education system in Nepal is classified into primary (1st–5th grade), lower secondary (6th–8th grade), secondary (9th–10th grade), higher secondary (11th–12th grade), and tertiary levels. Classification is made based on national level examinations and students are required to attend. All students must clear the School Leaving Certificate examinations in 10th grade to qualify for higher-level studies in which students can choose boards and areas of interest. School Leaving Certificate examinations are traditionally considered the entry gate for higher education in Nepal. The government has prioritized the elimination of gender disparity in education through the secondary level under the Education for All Initiative (Ministry of Education and Sports 2003 ). The NLSS classifies primary and secondary schools into four categories: (i) community or government-owned schools, (ii) institutional or private schools, (iii) technical schools, and (iv) religious schools. As can be observed from Table 1 , the share of students studying in the latter two categories is extremely small.

For the purpose of this study, Brahmin (hills and terai) and Chettris (hills and terai) are considered to be members of the upper castes.

Since the proportion of schools other than government schools and private schools is less than 2%, the focus in the remainder of this paper will be on community (public) and institutional (private) schools. Policy documents, including the Education for All Initiative and the annual Flash Report of the Department of Education, also focus on these two school structures. Therefore, leaving out religious schools and vocational schools will not detract from the analytical discussion (Ministry of Sports and Education 2003 , Department of Education 2015 ).

The declassification of expenditure, which is not shown in Table 1 , reveals that parents spend more for girls’ transportation and other costs compared with boys’ in private schools, leading to higher expenditure per student for girls among private schools. It is not clear why this is the case. An examination of school distances and modes of transportation do not provide an answer.

See footnote 3.

After accounting for all categories of schools, differences in expenditure in rural areas could be observed in terms of textbook and supplies, private tuition fees, and other fees not described in the NLSS. This suggests corrective measures require not only making schools more attractive for girls but a more thorough approach of changing parental mindsets by discouraging patriarchy and promoting equality of girls at the household level.

Inequality in private school enrollment extends far beyond gender. Spatially, private schools constitute only 1% and 20% of all secondary schools in mountainous areas of the far-western and mid-western regions in Nepal, respectively. Similarly, enrollment of other marginalized groups such as Dalits, ethnic minorities, and the disabled—is also found to be disproportionately low in private schools (Department of Education 2015 ). Differences in rural–urban private school enrollment rates can be observed in Tables 2 and 3 .

This discrepancy is explained both by differences in school preferences and expenditure categories. Not only were upper caste households more likely to send their children to private schools (22% private school enrollment for households from other ethnicities compared to 28% for members of the upper caste), but they also were more likely to spend on other educational expenditure and tuition fees. The cultural reasons behind these differences are beyond the purview of this study. However, basic analysis reveals that parents from the upper caste earn more than everyone else and are more likely to be educated than counterparts from other ethnicities.

The average household size in the sample was 5.94 persons, which provides sufficient space for family planning interventions.

The reasons behind this phenomenon are not clear but evidence suggests that mothers prefer allocating educational resources to daughters and fathers to sons (Glick and Sahn 2000 ). Education empowers women and increases their bargaining power in the family, thus allowing them to spend more resources on girls. This finding is supported by additional evidence from Africa and Asia (King and Lillard 1987 , Lillard and Willis 1992 , Tansel 1997 ).

The distance needed to travel to attend school is an important impediment to educating girls. In developing societies, girls’ safety is a crucial consideration. The United Nations Girls’ Education Initiative ( 2014 ) has made reducing the distance to the nearest school an important component of its activities.

In the lower quintiles, the participation of students in private schools is almost negligible, with only about 4% of boys and 3% of girls enrolled in private schools at these income levels. In the upper two quintiles, the participation ratio of boys in private schools is about 62% compared with 56% for girls. Therefore, while the unexplained differences are larger in poorer segments of the population, discrimination is also prevalent at higher income levels, primarily through the school selection process.

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UN Women and Election Commission foster dialogue for gender inclusion in Nepali elections

Date: Tuesday, 21 May 2024

Author: Manjeeta Gurung

Constitutional, political, and legal arrangements have increased representation of women in various levels of governance in Nepal. Despite these improvements, there is still a significant gender disparity, with men overwhelmingly dominating leadership positions, especially at the local level. Almost 98 percent of the heads, presidents and ward presidents of the local level are men.

In this context, UN Women in collaboration with Election Commission of Nepal organized a dialogue entitled “2024 Elections and Women: Nepal’s Efforts, Achievements and Future Directions” in Kathmandu. The dialogue delved into the intersection of elections and women’s representation and highlighted the need to make electoral processes more inclusive for women. Timed with the 114th International Women's Day celebration in Nepal, the event echoed the call to "invest in women to accelerate progress."

Over 100 participants took part in the event, including parliamentarians, elected local and provincial leaders, political party representatives, government officials, development partners, civil society organizations (CSOs), and members of the media.

Organized as a part of concerted efforts to overcome legal, practical, and societal barriers hindering women's participation in politics and leadership, the dialogue was also aimed at fostering gender equality in electoral policies, plans, and strategies.

“In spite of a notable female voter base, women's candidacy remains disproportionately low. The Election Commission of Nepal is actively collaborating with political parties to foster dialogues on essential reforms, including amendments to laws governing party structures,” said Honorable Chief Election Commissioner, Mr. Dinesh Kumar Thapaliya, during the event.

Patricia Fernandez-Pacheco, UN Women Nepal Country Representative, commended the country’s example of achieving 41 per cent women representation in the first federal election. She emphasized, "Women's participation in all state bodies is fundamental for inclusive democracy. Nepal's achievement is commendable, however sustaining progress requires robust legislative action. Challenges like violence against women in politics, including character assassination, discrimination based on caste and appearance, financial constraints and gender norms must be addressed."

During the dialogue, Sharu Joshi, founder member at Nepal’s Inter-Generational Feminist Forum, delivered a presentation on 'Participation of Women in Political Development of Nepal - Achievements, Challenges and Way Forward'. She highlighted the crucial role of access to information and resources and emphasized that financial constraints and caste diversity pose significant obstacles for women’s effective participation in electoral processes.

Gopal Krishna Siwakoti, President of the International Institute for Human Rights, Environment and Development (INHURED), urged for a transformative shift in societal perceptions, positioning women as vital actors in politics. He stressed the importance of women's presence in all levels of governance, emphasizing the positive outcomes of female leadership. He called for collective efforts to dismantle stereotypes and discriminatory practices, fostering an environment conducive to women's political participation.

During the event, participants were organized into groups to facilitate focused discussions on key topics concerning electoral reform and gender inclusion, including legal reforms in election management, initiatives to increase women representatives in elections, legal reforms in political parties, reform in gender and inclusive policies and strategies of the Election Commission, and actions to be taken by the Government of Nepal and other agencies. This group work enabled participants to generate actionable recommendations aimed at advancing democratic processes in Nepal.

The discussions looked closely at the rules and laws safeguarding women's representation and examined the inclusion of women by political parties. Looking ahead, practical plans were suggested during the group discussion to ensure women's voices are heard in elections, including reforms in election laws and enhancement of commission strategies.

"The suggestions and views put forth during the discussion are assets for mapping our future endeavors. We must actively work towards enhancing the circumstances of women and marginalized groups, ensuring inclusivity and progress for everyone,” said Election Commissioner Dr. Janaki Kumari Tuladhar in her closing remarks.

Participants concluded that addressing the challenges of women's political representation requires parties, government agencies, civil society organizations, and other stakeholders to commit to implementing inclusive policies in line with the constitutional framework.

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Download link, "लैङ्गिक हिंसा अन्त्यको सुनिश्चितता: महिला र बालबालिकामा लगानीको ऐक्यवद्धता" भन्ने नाराको साथ विश्वव्यापी रुपमा सञ्चालन भईरहेको लैङ्गिक हिंसा विरुद्धको १६ दिने अभियानको सन्दर्भमा राष्ट्रिय महिला आयोगद्वारा मिति २०८०।८।१० गते अभियान शुभारम्भ कार्यक्रम, "खबर गरौं हेल्पलाइन; ११४५" को छैठौं स्थापना दिवस विशेष कार्यक्रम, राष्ट्रिय महिला आयोगको २१ औं स्थापना दिवस तथा ११३ ‌औं अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय श्रमिक महिला दिवस, लैंगिक हिंसा निवारणको अभियानलाई प्रभावकारी बनाउन सामाजिक राजनीतीक क्षेत्रका युवाहरूसंगको अन्तर्क्रिया कार्यक्रम, लैङ्गिक हिंसाको कारण महिलाको मानसिक र प्रजनन् स्वास्थ्यमा पर्ने नकारात्मक असरबारे अन्तरक्रिया कार्यक्रम, press release, घटनाको सत्य तथ्य छानविन गरी दोषीलाई कारबाही गराउने सम्बन्धमा, ध्यानाकर्षण सम्बन्धमा-२०८०/१०/२९, प्रेस बिज्ञप्ति - २०८०/१०/११, बिशेष आर्थिक सुबिधाको जानकारी सम्बन्धमा, निबन्ध प्रतियोगिताको नतिजा प्रकाशन सम्बन्धि सूचना, निबन्ध प्रतियोगिता सम्बन्धी सूचना.

Gender equality in Nepal: at a crossroads of theory and practice

Disclaimer : Views expressed in this commentary are those of the staff member. This commentary is independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed do not necessarily represent the institutional position of International IDEA, its Board of Advisers or its Council of Member States.

Balancing power relations, reducing disparities, ensuring equal rights, opportunities and respect for all individuals regardless of their sex or social identity is a must to bind a nation together and establish the foundation for social development and nation building.

Nepali women, as more than 50 per cent of the total population, are still lagging in terms of meaningful participation and representation in political, social, economic and educational aspects of life. The 33 per cent quota system for female candidates introduced by the Constitution of Nepal has indeed managed to increase their political representation, but it is not far from criticism, as it is seen as having favoured quantity over quality.

The voice of the people

International IDEA had the opportunity to recently conduct 7 workshops on the provincial level focusing on how to assess a constitution from a women’s equality perspective. During the workshops, Sarswati Aryal (Coordinator, Inter-Party Women Alliance, Nuwakot, Province 3) expressed her opinion on the current constitutional conflicts between theory and practice:

“Allocating 33  per cent​ of seats for women should be mandatory for both the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system and for the proportional representation system. During the elections, all political parties nominated female candidates only for the proportional seats. Only a few female candidates were elected through the FPTP system. This again helped place men in decision-making positions and places.”

Aryal argues that female candidates are selected for the sake of participation, to fulfil the 33 per cent quota system rather than to empower them. Seats are being filled in the personal interest of top leaders, rather than capacity and contribution to the party.

“ Although the Constitution has ensured equal pay for equal work, women usually are paid less than their male colleagues are. The situation is worse in the private sector and in informal sectors, such as construction, garments, cement factories, brick kilns etc. This is a serious human rights violation. Proper law enforcement and regular monitoring from the concerned authorities is necessary.”

- Nitu Gartaula, Deputy Director, National Human Rights Commission, Gandaki Province, Kaski, Province 4. 

The experience shows that ensuring the provisions of equal rights in a constitution is important, but at the same time, proper implementation of those provisions is equally important to balance the theoretical and practical gap of gender development.

Contextual Analysis

Recent local elections saw 753 Deputy Mayors/Chairs from 6 metropolitan cities, 11 sub-metropolitan cities, 276 municipalities and 460 rural municipalities elected. The fact that 700 of these were female is a major achievement. If you look at the details though, out of 753, only 18 of the elected Mayors/chairs were female. The question is, why only 18 female Mayors/Chairs out of 753 seats? Why must women candidates be limited to deputy positions?

Why there are only 3 female ministers out of 22 at the federal level? Why are there no females leading political parties? Why there isn’t a single female Chief Minister in any of the provinces? Is it because there are no capable women, or can other reasons explain this phenomenon?

Multiple factors are in play in this context: such as historically institutionalised gender discrimination, patriarchal mindset, socially constructed exclusion and practices and economic status. The Constitution of Nepal however, has guaranteed equal rights for every citizen and some special rights for women and disadvantaged groups. The truth is that formal equality is not enough, as women and disadvantaged groups are not on equal footing to utilise these formal opportunities.

Meeting point

Various formal and informal approaches should be applied to exercise equal rights and opportunities. This should include the effective implementation of the Constitution through the formation of proper laws with enforcement mechanisms. Differential treatment and positive discrimination, advocacy aimed at changing mindsets, beliefs norms and practices towards women, can help to practically rebalance the power.

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The long road to gender equality in Nepal

Richa bhattarai.

External Affairs Associate

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Brief Essay on Gender in Nepal - A Personal View

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Goal 5: Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls

Gender equality is not only a fundamental human right, but a necessary foundation for a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable world. There has been progress over the last decades, but the world is not on track to achieve gender equality by 2030.

Women and girls represent half of the world’s population and therefore also half of its potential. But gender inequality persists everywhere and stagnates social progress. On average, women in the labor market still earn 23 percent less than men globally and women spend about three times as many hours in unpaid domestic and care work as men.

Sexual violence and exploitation, the unequal division of unpaid care and domestic work, and discrimination in public office, all remain huge barriers. All these areas of inequality have been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic: there has been a surge in reports of sexual violence, women have taken on more care work due to school closures, and 70% of health and social workers globally are women.

At the current rate, it will take an estimated 300 years to end child marriage, 286 years to close gaps in legal protection and remove discriminatory laws, 140 years for women to be represented equally in positions of power and leadership in the workplace, and 47 years to achieve equal representation in national parliaments.

Political leadership, investments and comprehensive policy reforms are needed to dismantle systemic barriers to achieving Goal 5 Gender equality is a cross-cutting objective and must be a key focus of national policies, budgets and institutions.

How much progress have we made?

International commitments to advance gender equality have brought about improvements in some areas: child marriage and female genital mutilation (FGM) have declined in recent years, and women’s representation in the political arena is higher than ever before. But the promise of a world in which every woman and girl enjoys full gender equality, and where all legal, social and economic barriers to their empowerment have been removed, remains unfulfilled. In fact, that goal is probably even more distant than before, since women and girls are being hit hard by the COVID-19 pandemic.

Are they any other gender-related challenges?

Yes. Worldwide, nearly half of married women lack decision-making power over their sexual and reproductive health and rights. 35 per cent of women between 15-49 years of age have experienced physical and/ or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence.1 in 3 girls aged 15-19 have experienced some form of female genital mutilation/cutting in the 30 countries in Africa and the Middle East, where the harmful practice is most common with a high risk of prolonged bleeding, infection (including HIV), childbirth complications, infertility and death.

This type of violence doesn’t just harm individual women and girls; it also undermines their overall quality of life and hinders their active involvement in society.

Why should gender equality matter to me?

Regardless of where you live in, gender equality is a fundamental human right. Advancing gender equality is critical to all areas of a healthy society, from reducing poverty to promoting the health, education, protection and the well-being of girls and boys.

What can we do?

If you are a girl, you can stay in school, help empower your female classmates to do the same and fight for your right to access sexual and reproductive health services. If you are a woman, you can address unconscious biases and implicit associations that form an unintended and often an invisible barrier to equal opportunity.

If you are a man or a boy, you can work alongside women and girls to achieve gender equality and embrace healthy, respectful relationships.

You can fund education campaigns to curb cultural practices like female genital mutilation and change harmful laws that limit the rights of women and girls and prevent them from achieving their full potential.

The Spotlight Initiative is an EU/UN partnership, and a global, multi-year initiative focused on eliminating all forms of violence against women and girls – the world’s largest targeted effort to end all forms of violence against women and girls.

Facts and figures

Goal 5 targets.

• With only seven years remaining, a mere 15.4 per cent of Goal 5 indicators with data are “on track”, 61.5 per cent are at a moderate distance and 23.1 per cent are far or very far off track from 2030 targets.
• In many areas, progress has been too slow. At the current rate, it will take an estimated 300 years to end child marriage, 286 years to close gaps in legal protection and remove discriminatory laws, 140 years for women to be represented equally in positions of power and leadership in the workplace, and 47 years to achieve equal representation in national parliaments.
• Political leadership, investments and comprehensive policy reforms are needed to dismantle systemic barriers to achieving Goal 5. Gender equality is a cross-cutting objective and must be a key focus of national policies, budgets and institutions.
• Around 2.4 billion women of working age are not afforded equal economic opportunity. Nearly 2.4 Billion Women Globally Don’t Have Same Economic Rights as Men  
• 178 countries maintain legal barriers that prevent women’s full economic participation. Nearly 2.4 Billion Women Globally Don’t Have Same Economic Rights as Men
• In 2019, one in five women, aged 20-24 years, were married before the age of 18. Girls | UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Violence Against Children

Source: The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2023

5.1 End all forms of discrimination against all women and girls everywhere

5.2 Eliminate all forms of violence against all women and girls in the public and private spheres, including trafficking and sexual and other types of exploitation

5.3 Eliminate all harmful practices, such as child, early and forced marriage and female genital mutilation

5.4 Recognize and value unpaid care and domestic work through the provision of public services, infrastructure and social protection policies and the promotion of shared responsibility within the household and the family as nationally appropriate

5.5 Ensure women’s full and effective participation and equal opportunities for leadership at all levels of decisionmaking in political, economic and public life

5.6 Ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights as agreed in accordance with the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development and the Beijing Platform for Action and the outcome documents of their review conferences

5.A  Undertake reforms to give women equal rights to economic resources, as well as access to ownership and control over land and other forms of property, financial services, inheritance and natural resources, in accordance with national laws

5.B Enhance the use of enabling technology, in particular information and communications technology, to promote the empowerment of women

5.C Adopt and strengthen sound policies and enforceable legislation for the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of all women and girls at all levels

He for She campaign

United Secretary-General Campaign UNiTE to End Violence Against Women

Every Woman Every Child Initiative

Spotlight Initiative

United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF)

UN Population Fund: Gender equality

UN Population Fund: Female genital mutilation

UN Population Fund: Child marriage

UN Population Fund: Engaging men & boys

UN Population Fund: Gender-based violence

World Health Organization (WHO)

UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights

UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)

UN Education, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO)

UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Gender Statistics

Fast Facts: Gender Equality

Infographic: Gender Equality

The Initiative is so named as it brings focused attention to this issue, moving it into the spotlight and placing it at the centre of efforts to achieve gender equality and women’s empowerment, in line with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

An initial investment in the order of EUR 500 million will be made, with the EU as the main contributor. Other donors and partners will be invited to join the Initiative to broaden its reach and scope. The modality for the delivery will be a UN multi- stakeholder trust fund, administered by the Multi-Partner Trust Fund Office, with the support of core agencies UNDP, UNFPA and UN Women, and overseen by the Executive Office of the UN Secretary-General.

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Guest Essay

The Gender Gap Is Now a Gender Gulf

By Thomas B. Edsall

Mr. Edsall contributes a weekly column from Washington, D.C., on politics, demographics and inequality.

Regardless of who wins the presidential election, the coalitions supporting President Biden and Donald Trump on Nov. 5, 2024, will be significantly different from those on Nov. 3, 2020.

On May 22, Split Ticket , a self-described “group of political and election enthusiasts” who created a “website for their mapping, modeling and political forecasting,” published “ Cross Tabs at a Crossroads : Six Months Out.”

Split Ticket aggregated “subgroup data from the cross tabs of 12 reputable national 2024 general election polls” and compared them with 2020 election results compiled by Pew, Catalist and A.P.

Combining data from multiple surveys allowed Split Ticket to analyze large sample sizes and reduce margins of error for key demographic groups.

The Split Ticket report identified the groups in which Trump and Biden are gaining or losing ground.

In Biden’s case, the analysis shows the president falling behind his 2020 margins among Black voters (down 23 percentage points); urban voters (down 15 points); independents, including so-called partisan leaners (down 14); Latinos (down 13); moderates (down 13); and voters ages 18 to 29 (down 12).

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