college essays about being hispanic

Being Latina and the struggle of the dualities of two worlds

Reflections on why our identities can help create a better world for all of us.

A few days ago, I attended a Zoom presentation organized by ASUN entitled “What does it mean to be Latinx?” Every time I witness the complexity of identities in the Latinx community in the United States, I am amazed. Amazed that we are always perceived as a homogenous group, when in reality, we couldn’t come from more different backgrounds, and we couldn’t have more different and complex identities. Also, the challenges we face are as different as each of our stories. So, in the spirit of Hispanic Heritage Month, please indulge me in letting me tell you my story.

There is a well-known character in Mexican history that invokes both love and condemnation from most Mexicans. Her name was Malintzin but history knows her as La Malinche . Her story is similar to that of U.S.A.’s Pocahontas ; the beautiful indigenous woman who abandons her tribe to help the white man. (The legends omit how she became the property of such White men, but that’s another story). 

La Malinche was a Nahúatl woman who was given to Hernán Cortés as a slave. Due to her upperclass education, she spoke two languages, an ability that made her very useful to Hernán Cortés in communicating with the indigenous people as he went about conquering Mexico. On one hand, she was intelligent and, clearly, resilient. But on the other hand, she helped Cortés begin the Spanish colonization of the Nuevo Mundo. This duality is what gives her such a complex identity. And this duality is one that follows me.

When I was in high school, several of my classmates would sometimes call me Malinchista . As you can imagine, that was NOT a compliment. By definition, a Malinchista is “a person who denies her own cultural heritage by preferring foreign cultural expressions” (I’m not making it up; look it up).

In my early teens, I discovered American football. While switching channels on the television, I stumbled across a game being played in several feet of snow. I had never seen this! The game was being played in Minnesota. That year, the Dallas Cowboys won the Super Bowl, and I became a die-hard fan of Roger Staubach and “America’s Team.” This marked the initiation of my love for all things American. I learned about Formula 1, Sports Illustrated and Tiger Beat. Yes, Tiger Beat introduced me to the American darlings of my generation. My bedroom walls were covered with pictures of American teen idols I had never seen before in my life (in the 1970s, Mexican TV programming didn’t broadcast many American TV shows; I only remember Dallas and The Partridge Family , which of course, I loved).

I also loved English-language songs. I used to spend my money buying cancioneros , books similar in format and quality to comic books, for people who were learning to play the guitar. The cancioneros had the lyrics of the songs along with the music notes. I literally used these cancioneros to practice my English. I would translate each word of the songs, and then I would play the records over and over until I memorized the lyrics and could actually follow the singer pronouncing the words. Do you know how hard it is to sing at full speed: “Now they know how many holes it takes to fill the Albert Hall?”

By the time I was in college, I had already spent time in the city of Dallas (and yes, I made the pilgrimage to Irving, Texas and the Cowboys’ stadium) – and perfected my English. I started studying English when I entered first grade. By middle school, my parents were paying a private tutor. In Mexico, English was accepted as the lingua franca needed to succeed in the world, and my parents were going to make sure I learned it. (My dad had taught himself English, and he shared my enthusiasm for English language magazines, although not for the Dallas Cowboys.) Learning a second language allowed me to learn about, navigate and integrate into a different culture. And, unlike La Malinche , I did this of my own volition.

When I made the decision to come to the United States to study, my father told me, “If you ever decide this is not for you or things don’t work out, come back home.” But I was not turning back. In my mind, America was the best place in the whole world (my small world, at least). I had spent a semester in an exchange program at the University of Oklahoma, and I knew back then I belonged in the United States. One of the things that caught my attention early on was the fact that people could wear their pajamas to class (I know you’ve seen it), and nobody blinked an eye. One could wear her hair in blue spikes or wear slippers to the grocery store, and no one would say a thing. To me, that was amazing! People didn’t bother you, judge you or care what you wore. I felt America was the place where not only public services worked, but where you could be yourself and you could be free to be whomever you wanted to be. There was a sense of freedom that was refreshing.

However, for a long time I felt like I didn’t belong here, and I didn’t belong in Mexico, either. Navigating two worlds was not precisely difficult  but sometimes unsettling . You spend your time “live switching” from English to Spanish to Spanglish and back again. You mix Cholula with Five Guys hamburgers. You watch American soccer but listen to the Mexican commentators (otherwise it’s like listening to golf announcers). And you truly think Mexican soccer fans are like the old Oakland Raiders fans, only worse. Women in Mexico are as rabid fans as many men, but, at least back in my day (I feel ancient now), you didn’t see many women go to the stadiums. As a woman, I never felt safe. I only went to a match if my male friends went with me. This is one of the most striking differences between the U.S. and Mexico: American soccer fans are so mild-mannered in comparison!

Another striking difference I noticed when I first came to the U.S. was that I was not getting cat calls out when I was out walking in the streets. In Mexico, everywhere I went (since I was a preteen, for goodness’ sake), I would be subjected to cat calls and whistles – and the harassment only got worse the older I got. My experience as a woman was of always being on high alert. But when I came to the U.S., I felt respected. I could exist without being harassed continually. Women here seemed to have a voice and the same opportunities as men to grow and pursue their dreams. I felt free to pursue a career and to not be expected to only dream of marrying and having children. Although, over the years, I’ve come to realize there still is much room for improvement.

Back in the 1500s La Malinche did what she could to survive (did I say historians think she died before she was 30?). History asked her to do a task she didn’t want, and she did her best. I am sure she considered her options and bought time, respect and the right to live in the best way she could. She used her skills to earn a place in history, and although her role continues to be debated, I cannot blame her. Did I turn my back on my country? Or did I look for a better life? My circle of Latina friends in the U.S. is full of intelligent, professional women who left their countries and built a better life ­– a different life – here in the United States. They all miss their families, and they all support their biological families in many ways. What they can do from here, however, is more than they could have done had they stayed in their countries of origin.

Being Latina in America is both an honor and a challenge. We struggle with the dualities of our worlds. We struggle with the adjectives that define us. We are a complex mix of races, traditions and experiences. We care for our people, and we work tirelessly to do what must be done to help each other. The complexity of our identities can help us create a better world for all of us, a world where our differences are not viewed as a threat but as an asset. A world where we all thrive. ¡Sí, se puede!

By: Claudia Ortega-Lukas Graphic Designer & Communications Professional

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Imagine being tasked with setting the precedent of success for your entire family at 17 years old. No matter the personal cost, it is now your responsibility to lift your family out of poverty. This is the crucial promise many first-generation Latine college students make when they head off to higher education. Once they reach college, however, these students only uncover a disheartening reality. They were set up to fail from the start.

Stricken with discouragement when comparing childhoods with their wealthier peers, these first-generation Latine students recognize that university was not intended for them. Since the inception of higher education institutions, and up until a couple of generations ago, there was no reasonable path for these students to even attend university, and the few lucky enough to enroll could only do so under the demeaning conditions of systematic racism.

From K-12, Latine students are at a disadvantage. Born to immigrant, working-class parents, Latine children begin their educational journey with a lack of socioeconomic privileges that their peers have become accustomed to by pre-school. Often, neither parent in the household speaks English fluently enough to teach their child(ren) the language. Spanish is all these kids know, as they suddenly enter an environment where they will be excluded because of the simple fact that they speak a different language that isn’t English. Thus, a striking 82 percent of all students K-12 situated in California English language learning programs are Latine. 

Any English learned at school then becomes a tool for the parents and family as these students commonly become a resource for translating, whether spoken in a movie or present in billing letters. It is important to note that a large portion of Latine parents did not make it past high school due to a lack of educational resources in their home country, so it is particularly difficult for them to learn English upon reaching the U.S.

Many Latine children are familiar with poverty. Representing 17 percent of the American workforce , Latine families are actively working to improve the lives of their children but can commonly only do so through exhausting manual labor. In agricultural, construction, or housekeeping occupations, the Latine population composes over half or close to half of the labor force . However, the unreliability and unlivable wages of these jobs severely limits the financial capacities of these working families.

As a result, Latine children in California K-12 schools account for 71 percent of all economically disadvantaged students and 73 percent of all homeless students. Considering that these same Latine children make up over one-half of all California students, it is an unfortunate reality that poverty strikes these children at disproportionately high rates.

When looking at Latine high school seniors graduating and potentially enrolling in the University of California (UC) or California State University (CSU) system, only 44 percent would even be eligible to apply. In order to qualify for either of these public institutions, a series of A-G courses must first be completed in high school, but the low-income school districts where these students are from are not sufficiently informing or preparing them for the admission requirements of higher education. 

Getting into a four-year university is simply not a possibility for a majority of first-generation Latine. Out of 1,391,503 Latine undergraduates in California, 72 percent enroll in community colleges optimistically planning to transfer after two years. However, after six years, only about a third of these students actually end up enrolling in four-year colleges or universities while the rest drop out or postpone their education indefinitely. 

The good news is that Latine students who are lucky enough to attend a major California four-year institution do tend to be first-generation. In both the UC and CSU system three out of four Latino students are the first in their family to reach higher education, which is over double that of other races. This luck has a limit though, as these students will face certain struggles the rest of the student body does not.

First and foremost comes the stress of paying for higher education, and Latine communities are granted less state and federal financial aid when compared to other races. Furthermore, expected contributions from parents and family members are significantly lower. On average, families of Latine students are expected to pay $5,911, compared to $13,319 for white families .

To make up for a lack of family funds, a majority of Latine students find employment to cover tuition and the cost of living. At the expense of academic performance and social participation, about 32 percent of all employed Latine students are working full-time with the rest being employed part-time. It is discouraging that so many of these Latine students must work long hours while trying to maintain a reasonable commitment to school, and this stress contributes to higher dropout rates.

Each year, the amount of Latine students entering higher education rises, so it’s not all bad news. However, proportional to the number of other races, Latine are at a severe disadvantage on all academic grounds, especially those who desire to be the first in their families to attend college. Without proper accommodations and consideration, beginning from grade school, Latine students will commonly find themselves unable to reach any adequate mantle of success for their families and will continue in poverty.

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“what does being hispanic mean to you”.

Members of the Hispanic Business Student Association share personal thoughts on their heritage and how it informs who they are and how they lead.

October 01, 2020

The Hispanic Business Student Association is a community of students interested in the cultural and professional issues that affect the Latino community. | Illustrations by Laura Pichardo

“For me, being Hispanic means standing on our ancestors’ shoulders to transform spaces not created for us and witnessing my parents’ sacrifices in pursuit of a better life — all while indulging in Mariachi music,” says Valeria Martinez, MBA ’21.

Hispanic Heritage Month begins each year on September 15 — the anniversary of independence for Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. Mexico and Chile celebrate their independence days on September 16 and September 18. To mark this year’s celebration, members of Stanford GSB’s Hispanic Business Student Association answer the question, “What does being Hispanic mean to you?”

— Jenny Luna

For media inquiries, visit the Newsroom .

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Hispanic and Hispanic Culture

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I was born Hispanic

Describe any experience of cultural difference, positive or negative, you have had or observed. What did you learn from it? “My girlfriend…you know the tall brunette, well she swore he was just a friend… but when…” “Be quiet, Matt. I’m trying to teach.” Quivering with impatience, the words had absolutely no effect. “No! Hold on…I’m not finished yet.” Returning to his tragic love story, Matt faced me and the rest of the table, his loyal listeners. Yet again the teacher interrupts. “Matt do we have a problem?” It was more of a threatening command than a concerned questioned. Annoyed, he replies, “Yeah we do. You won’t let me finish.” “Come see me after school.” There wasn’t a day when the teacher wasn’t disrespected, talked back to, and simply ignored. This was expected of the Hispanic students; the lack of respect for education, the expectation that they wouldn’t amount to much in school. But in Sophomore English those degraded values and flimsy ideas towards education and its impact was almost every kid’s mindset. Each student contributed graying attitudes and negligence that weaved a unique environment. A class culture that impacted me as much as my Hispanic culture did concerning what role education would play in my life. I never was exposed to people who valued education. Of course, I saw Caucasian kids who planned to go to college, but they were...well, they didn’t have an accent. They didn’t have immigrant parents who depending on me for translating. They weren’t expected to be pregnant at sixteen or jumped into a gang. None of it. They had parents who spoke English fluently and who paid them for their grades. They were expected to attend college. They were expected to fulfill the American Dream. Yet, in sophomore English, it didn’t really matter what race, background you were. Everyone there hated English. Despite this common ground, I stayed close to mis amigas. Within my comfort zone, I watched the blond girl sitting next to me bring vodka, usually on Mondays because she was still hung-over from the weekend. I wondered if I should say anything when I saw the homegurl toss marijuana out the class room window to the homeboy waiting outside. Education meant nothing to them at all. Despite being exposed to this, I didn’t perfectly assimilate like the ten other failing students did, but it affected what goals I had. I struggled even seeing myself at community college. At the end of the year, the teacher advised me to take AP Language and Composition as a junior. She also offered it to two of my friends. We agreed. Liars! My friends had dropped the class. Walking into AP English, I felt highlighted in that room. Further into that period, just the way these students talked and acted was already intimidatingly different from last year. They participated in class discussions. They did homework. They fretted about their grades. Most of them had taken Honors Sophomore English, the one where there weren’t hung-over students bringing vodka. They practice fierce academic vocabulary. Last year they just cussed hella. Isolated both ethnically and intellectually, I wanted to drop the class but stuck it out. This scholarly culture valued education, despite their financial or ethnic background, respected education as their sacred road to rewarding future. During group discussions, I found out that my different perspective as a Hispanic student could also contribute ideas or values or unearth details. Seeing fellow Hispanic students focus academically and succeed in an AP class culture helped me assimilate into obtaining an AP mindset where education is in the limelight. In my Hispanic peers, I watched unfolding success when society foretold failure. I was born Hispanic, but I wasn’t born into a failing stereotype. I embrace my roots, my different yet enlightening perspective, but I refuse to tolerate any limitations. I will guard my education, planting it in promising academic soil, an environment rich and diverse where I will be able to grow as I did in my AP Language and Literature class

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Latina first-generation college students draw on lessons, mentor others

ANAHEIM, Calif. — Noemi Rodriguez, 21, aspires to make an impact in her community through her work after college. But as she maneuvers through her final year at University of California, San Diego, balancing school, work and commuting has been an ongoing challenge.

"My mom had told me from the beginning, 'If you want to go to school, it’s going to be on your own account,'" said Rodriguez, who's worked part time at Jamba Juice while going to school full time and taking on a second job in the summer to help pay for tuition and cover some of the family’s bills.

Latinos are more likely to be first-generation college students than any other racial or ethnic group: More than 4 in 10 (44 percent) Hispanic students are the first in their family to attend college, according to educational nonprofit organization Excelencia in Education .

Monday was the annual National First-Generation College Celebration, marking the anniversary of the Higher Education Act of 1965, which greatly expanded college opportunities through financial assistance tools such as grants and work-study programs.

While the celebration is one day, many higher education institutions carry out weeklong and even monthlong celebrations.

In California, Hispanics make up 43 percent of public college undergraduates, according to a report by The Campaign for College Opportunity . The organization, composed of a coalition of groups, aims to boost opportunities for the state's Latinos to attend and graduate from college.

Latino college enrollment and degree obtainment are continuing to rise, and there have been encouraging trends in California, which has the country's largest Latino population, making up almost 4 in 10 (39 percent) Californians. A little over half (51 percent) of the state's Latinos are under 30.

The report noted that almost 9 in 10 (87 percent) of Latino 19-year-olds have a high school diploma or equivalent credential, compared to 73 percent 10 years ago. In the last five years, four-year graduation rates doubled for Hispanics enrolled as full-time, first-year students in the California State University system — from 9 percent to 18 percent for Latinos and from 15 percent to 29 percent for Latinas.

However, only 18 percent of Latino and 29 percent of Latina freshmen at the California State University system are graduating in four years.

Rodriguez is a success coach for the UCSD Student Success Coaching Program , which supports incoming and continuing first-generation students like her through mentoring, helping them balance school and work and giving them access to resources and support services. After graduation, she plans to continue mentoring students, drawing on her own experiences.

The first in her family to attend a four-year university, Rodriguez recalled dealing with impostor syndrome in high school before she was admitted to UCSD, a topic of discussion among many first-generation students.

"When I talked to other people outside of my school, they all did a lot better than me and had higher SAT scores, higher grades," Rodriguez, who is double majoring in political science and ethnic studies at UCSD, said. "Even though I know I did a lot, I didn't think that I was going to get in."

Daisy Gomez-Fuentes, 23, a graduate student at San Diego State University, works for the school's Latinx Resource Center as a peer mentor and graduate assistant.

She provides students with guidance by supporting them across coursework, answering questions they have about classes, advising them on how to ask for letters of recommendation and holding workshops regarding impostor syndrome and best practices to stay organized throughout the semester.

“As a first-gen, I’m paving the way for future generations by breaking cycles and barriers and essentially becoming a resource and a mentor to other first-gen students,” Gomez-Fuentes, who earned a bachelor’s degree earlier this year in Chicana/o/x studies from California State University, Fullerton, said.

She is planning to obtain a doctorate in sociology and become a professor. Under 6 percent of Latinas have a graduate degree, compared to 15 percent for white women.

'I see myself'

For Brenda Elizondo, 21, helping first-gen students is a full-circle moment.

Elizondo works in youth development services for the Boys and Girls Club of Garden Grove, helping many first-generation youths from low-income areas grow as students.

"For me, it really just means a lot because I was part of this program, as well," Elizondo, who's a full-time student at Cal State Fullerton, said.

She said participating in the program as a child helped distract her from troubles at home. There would be times when there wasn’t any food on the table, she said.

Now, as an adult, she juggles three jobs while being the sole caretaker for her mother, who is 42 living with several chronic conditions. As the eldest of her siblings, she also provides for her two younger brothers, who are 17 and 13.

“I do feel like it gets overwhelming,” Elizondo said. “There’s times that I feel like maybe this isn’t for me, maybe I should drop out.” But serving as an example for her brothers is what is motivating her to continue college, she said.

Having her mom and siblings watch her walk at graduation would feel “like crossing that line at a marathon,” Elizondo said. She said she expects to graduate in 2022 and is pursuing a career in journalism to tell stories about people in her community who she feels don’t have a platform.

The guidance Elizondo is providing at the Boys and Girls Club is a step to helping more Latino youth on the pathway to college.

"Being able to offer that support, whether it's emotional, anything, just for these kids, it means a lot," she said, "because when I see them, I see myself."

Follow  NBC Latino   on  Facebook ,  Twitter  and  Instagram .

Edwin Flores reports and produces for NBC Latino and is based in Anaheim, California. 

What do you think? Leave a respectful comment.

Kelly Field, The Hechinger Report Kelly Field, The Hechinger Report

• Copy URL https://www.pbs.org/newshour/education/more-hispanics-are-going-to-college-and-graduating-but-disparity-persists

More Hispanics are going to college and graduating, but disparity persists

SALEM, Mass. — When Elycea Almodovar was searching for a college three years ago, she had just two criteria: It had to be diverse, and it had to have a record of actually graduating students like her — not just taking their money and letting them drop out.

Salem State, the most diverse public university in her home state of Massachusetts, checked both boxes. Its student body was 8 percent Hispanic, and growing, and the graduation gap between its white and Hispanic students had narrowed at the time to less than two percentage points, well below the national average of 10 percentage points. The school was doing so much better than its peers that it was named a top 10 institution for Latino student success by The Education Trust , which advocates for low-income and racial minority college-going.

Almodovar, the daughter of Puerto Rican parents who moved to the mainland, was sold. She enrolled in the fall of 2015, and immediately felt at home, she recalled.

“I was like, ‘Yes, this is where I want to be,’” said Almodovar, who is now a junior.

As the Hispanic population in the United States has exploded, so has the number of Hispanics pursuing higher education. Between 2000 and 2015, the college-going rate among Hispanic high school graduates grew from 22 to 37 percent, according to the U.S. Department of Education . Hispanic undergraduate enrollment more than doubled, to 3 million. More than a quarter of young Hispanics — 28 percent — now have at least an associate degree, up from 15 percent in 2000.

This growth has compelled colleges including Salem State, whose student body went from 5 to 14 percent Hispanic over the past decade, to pay more attention to lingering achievement gaps between their white and Hispanic students. In pockets across the country, institutions are adding Latino leadership programs, hiring more diverse faculty and expanding their cultural programming.

To some extent, those efforts appear to be working. More than half of Hispanic students — 54 percent — now finish a bachelor’s degree within six years, up from 46 percent in 2002, the Education Department says .

That’s the good news: More Hispanics are going to college, and their graduation rates are rising.

Elycea Almodovar, a junior at Salem State University, right, walks on campus with her roommate, Sabrina Ornae, a junior. Almodovar was drawn to the school because of its diversity. Photo by Gretchen Ertl for The Hechinger Report

The bad news? This progress remains uneven. Nationwide, the proportion of Hispanics who graduate within six years is still 10 percentage points lower than the proportion of whites, according to the Education Department . The proportion who graduate in four is nearly 14 percentage points lower.

This disparity is leaving many Hispanics stuck in low- and middle-wage jobs, with profound implications for them in particular and the U.S. economy in general. Hispanics comprise the nation’s largest minority group, expected to make up 29 percent of the population by 2060, according to the Census Bureau . Already, one in every four elementary-school students is Hispanic, the U.S. Department of Education reports .

If the divide isn’t narrowed, there won’t be enough educated workers to fill the high-skilled jobs left vacant by retiring baby boomers and annual household incomes for all Americans would drop by 5 percent by 2060, according to research conducted at Rice University .

But eliminating longstanding achievement gaps isn’t easy, as Salem State has discovered.

Since Almodovar enrolled, the graduation gap there has re-opened, reaching as high as 11 percentage points. Racist and anti-immigrant graffiti has appeared on the campus baseball diamond and bike path. And some students have begun demanding that the administration do more to diversify a faculty that is far whiter than its student body.

In a campus climate survey , fewer than half of nonwhite students and faculty said they were “comfortable” at Salem State.

The college’s successes — and its setbacks — show how hard it can be to build an inclusive campus and eliminate racial achievement gaps, especially in a time of deep national divisions.

The stubborn gulf between white and Hispanic students is at least partly due to systemic disparities in education. Compared to their white peers, Hispanic students are less likely to attend preschool, and more likely to attend low-performing public primary and secondary schools with inexperienced teachers and high leadership turnover.

A weak academic foundation limits many Hispanics’ options for college. Nearly two-thirds end up in overcrowded and underfunded community colleges or second-tier public universities, while only 15 percent attend one of the 500 most selective colleges, where graduation rates are the highest, according to the Georgetown Center on Education and the Workforce .

Hispanic students are also disproportionately low-income and the first in their families to seek higher educations, characteristics that make them more likely to drop out.

A sign on the Salem State University campus was hung in response to racist graffiti. Photo by Gretchen Ertl for The Hechinger Report

“We’re determined to get all our students across the finish line in the same amount of time, but we’re not all at the same starting line,” said Andrew Hamilton, associate dean for student success at the University of Houston.

Cultural expectations can create additional hurdles. Hispanic men, socialized to be providers, may feel pressure to drop out and work to support their families. Women, raised to be caregivers, can find themselves “caught between two sets of demands”: their families’ and their professors’, said Jennifer Morton, an assistant professor of philosophy at the City College of New York, who grew up in Peru.

READ MORE: How failing to get more Hispanics to college could drag down all Americans’ income

But demographics are not destiny. What institutions do with the students they have matters deeply. Even institutions with similar student bodies can have dramatically different results.

Take Massachusetts state colleges. From 2013 to 2015, the achievement gap between white and Hispanic students at Salem State averaged 1.5 percentage points, according to The Education Trust, which compared Hispanic outcomes at various colleges. But at Fitchburg State, the gap averaged 14.8 percentage points, and at Worcester State, 11.7 percentage points. The three colleges enroll similar shares of low-income students with similar SAT scores.

“It’s difficult to provide a recipe for student success,” said Andrew Nichols, the author of the report. “So much is institution-specific.”

Still, he said, there are two things that seem to work for most colleges: enrolling a critical mass of Hispanic students and hiring diverse faculty.

Salem State has made progress on both fronts. As the Hispanic population in Salem and neighboring Lynn has grown, the college has added bilingual admissions counselors and translated its recruiting materials into Spanish. It’s begun offering information sessions for immigrant parents in Spanish and has set aside scholarships for Hispanic students.

Carlos Santiago, Massachusetts’ commissioner of higher education, said that native language outreach matters to Hispanic families.

“It says something about the importance of Latino students to that institution,” he said.

Another thing that helps: “Having leaders and faculty that look like them,” he said.

That’s been a bigger challenge for Salem State. Though the college doubled its number of full-time Hispanic faculty between 2012 and 2016, Hispanics still made up fewer than 5 percent of full-time faculty — 16 out of 349. That year, only six full-time professors were Hispanic women.

Almodovar says her professors have been “phenomenal,” but she wishes she’d had more than one nonwhite professor in her three years at Salem State. Her freshman year, she took an advanced Spanish class with “a white guy who learned it in college.”

“You learn better when you can relate to the professor,” she said.

The campus of Salem State University in Salem, Mass. Salem State, which went from 5 to 15 percent Hispanic over the past decade, is paying more attention to lagging graduation rates among its Hispanic students. Photo by Gretchen Ertl for The Hechinger Report

More diverse faculty and staff is at the top of a list of demands issued by a Salem State student movement called Black, Brown, and Proud, which has also appealed for faculty training in creating a “culturally responsive teaching environment.”

Meanwhile, some students have blasted the Board of Trustees for picking John Keenan, a white former state legislator with minimal experience in higher education, to be president of the college over Anny Morrobel-Sosa, a former provost and dean who was born in the Dominican Republic.

In his inaugural address in January, Keenan acknowledged that Salem State had work to do to become “as inclusive as we are diverse.”

Scott James, executive vice president, says the college is “committed to getting our employee population to mirror our student population.”

The challenge, he said, is that faculty turnover is slow, and “we’re chasing a student body that continues to get more diverse.”

But Guillermo Avila-Saavedra, the college’s faculty fellow for Latino student success, said students need to see themselves reflected in more than just the faculty. They need to see Hispanics represented in reading materials, building names and visiting speakers.

Avila-Saavedra is preparing a report that will ask the administration to name a room in the campus center after Cesar Chavez, the late co-founder of the National Farm Workers Association, and to create a hall of Latino alumni.

Such symbolism “goes a long way towards demonstrating an inclusive campus,” he said.

An historic seaport, Salem has long been a place that welcomes new immigrants – a socioeconomically diverse city with “sea captains’ mansions around the corner from tenement houses,” as Mayor Kimberley Driscoll, a Salem State alumna, put it.

Yet Salem, whose name is synonymous with the witch trials of the 1600s, is also a place with an ugly history of intolerance.

Lately, both sides have been showing, as residents wrestle over an ordinance that declared the city a “sanctuary” for undocumented immigrants.

Scott James, executive vice president of Salem State. James says the college is “committed to getting our employee population to mirror our student population.” Photo by Gretchen Ertl for The Hechinger Report

Those tensions have spilled over onto the Salem State campus. Last year, when Almodovar was a sophomore, a hacker posted a tweet on the university’s official Twitter account that read “We don’t need u immigrant thieves in our school.” Twice in her junior year, someone scrawled racist graffiti on campus, proclaiming “white power,” and “Whites Only USA.”

Some on campus believe the recent uptick in deportations of undocumented immigrants living in the U.S. and uncertainty around the future of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, program may be partly to blame for the college’s backsliding on retention. Over the past two years, the college’s six-year graduation rate for Hispanic full-time freshmen has fallen more than five percentage points, to 45 percent.

READ MORE: First-gen students at elite colleges go from lonely and overwhelmed to empowered and provoking change

For Hispanic students, “there’s a lot of anxiety around what happens next,” said Rebecca Comage, director of diversity and multicultural affairs. “It impacts not only their academic performance, but also their wellness and mental health.”

That uncertainty isn’t likely to disappear before Almodovar graduates, but Santiago believes Salem State, at least, may be approaching a “tipping point,” where pushback against the college’s growing diversity gives way to acceptance. He predicts it will occur when Hispanics make up a quarter of the student population.

“When I was a student, Latino students were ignored, we were such a small percentage of students,” he recalled. As the Hispanic student population grows, “you’re going to go from invisibility to pushback, to ultimately an acceptance.”

This story about Hispanic Progress in Higher Education was produced by  The Hechinger Report , a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education.  Sign up here for Hechinger’s higher-education newsletter.

Kelly Field is a journalist based in Boston who has also reported for The Chronicle of Higher Education.

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A mentoring program that aims to keep Latino males in school

Education Sep 13

• Personal Essay

For the White Latina Struggling With Her Identity — I've Been There, Too

For most of my life, I would shrug off the fact that my parents left everything behind in their native land to ensure that their three kids could reach their potential — something that couldn't be achieved back home in Argentina. I didn't realize until recently that everything that I have and will achieve in life is due to them overcoming their fears of leaving our home and our family and diving headfirst into the unknown. I owe it to them – and to the ones still struggling with their Latino identity — to write this.

In my first school in the United States, my bilingual teacher asked me to speak to her. Anything at all. With the option to either speak in English or Spanish, I refused both. Angry at having to choose one or the other, at having to choose who I was, I didn't talk for two months. That was my first encounter of my confused identity.

I knew early on I didn't fit any specific mold. No one assumed that I spoke Spanish at school. My last name didn't have anything "Hispanic" about it. I didn't fit the stereotypical Latina label for my peers. My cousins would tell me that I had no choice but to think in English, being the "gringa" that I was. I didn't fit the stereotypical Argentinian label for them, and no matter how hard I tried, I didn't fit the stereotypical American label for myself. It was exhausting. But in my own house, surrounded by my supportive family, I knew what I was: I was a young immigrant. I was born in Argentina. But why didn't I feel as Argentinian as I should?

Being a white, blond, blue-eyed, Jewish Argentinian challenged everyone's views of what they thought a Latinx was. "How are you Hispanic AND Jewish? It's not possible!" I got this question way too many times. Since I moved to the United States at the age of 3, the American lifestyle was all that I knew. My older brothers had the connection to Argentina that, for the majority of my childhood, was nonexistent. While they had the slight accents to have others question their nationality, no one batted an eye when I spoke. While they had the middle school with a large Latino community, I had a white, private school. While they had the memories imprinted in their brains of what home was, I had only the stories I heard and easily forgot.

I remember when my family would make fun of my Spanish accent through our FaceTime calls; I felt betrayed by my own tongue. I remember when my parents' broken English would embarrass me. I struggled with being an Americanized Latina. I didn't know which side I wanted to embrace. Little did I know that I didn't have to choose just one; I could be both. But instead of trying to accept my ethnicity and my differences, I would do anything to avoid the whole Latina stereotype. The most diverse title I would have accepted in my preteen years would have been Jewish.

Looking back, I wish that I had gotten over the fact that we weren't your typical Brady Bunch family sooner. But I'm glad that I realized that I didn't care that we didn't fit any specific label. I got out of my sheltered bubble, and I appreciate it all in a way I never thought I could.

While I used to be embarrassed about something as minuscule as my parents' accents, I now realize how ridiculous that was. My dad works hour after hour as a doctor, even going to work in the middle of a Category 4 hurricane to help his patients. My mom donates not only her time and effort but also her whole heart to anyone in need. My two older brothers study and work their whole days but will do anything to brighten people's days. Despite the negative stigma and reputation that immigrants get repeatedly here, I know first-hand that it isn't the least bit true, and it won't ever tear down the pride I have for my family and my community.

I realized that my parents' accents didn't stop them from impacting the world, from impacting us. Their dedication — from learning a new language to working hard just to be able to spoil us and give us a better life – paved a path for me to follow. They taught me to embrace our differences, for they are the ones that make us who we are. They taught me to speak out for what I believe in. They taught me to stay humble, empathetic, and grateful.

While I learned to take pride in my roots, I still struggle with some of my identity today. My small but noticeable Spanish accent makes me stand out to my family. My common Argentinian name is still mocked at school. But that doesn't make me any less proud of who I am. I can't imagine a life without the support of my loud, loving, Hispanic family, a life without blasting our favorite Spanish music, a life without showing our whole city who we are — Latinos. And am I proud to be one.

5 Practices to Better Serve Latino College Students

What i’ve learned in my 15 years in higher education.

by Cristóbal (Chris) Garcia, Staff Fellow for Hispanic Serving Institution Initiatives, University of Northern Colorado

Nearly 1,000 U.S. colleges and universities are designated as current or emerging Hispanic-Serving Institutions (HSI) . With 31% of the Latino population under the age of 18 and Latino enrollment in higher education surpassing the growth rate of any other ethnic identity or racial group, institutions of higher learning across the U.S. are preparing for future enrollment that is increasingly Latino.

However, even for schools at the forefront of serving Latino students, we continue to see gaps in retention and graduation rates between Latino students and their white counterparts. For Latino students, this can mean more time in college, more educational debt, a longer wait to launch a career, and less economic opportunity throughout their lifetime.

I have spent nearly 15 years working in higher education; I currently co-lead HSI Initiatives at the University of Northern Colorado (UNC) and serve as a member of Colorado’s statewide HSI Consortium. I am proudly Mexican-American, have lived on both sides of the U.S.–Mexico border, and have had the privilege of growing up both bilingual and bicultural.

For me, and so many Latinos in the U.S., education is a pathway to possibility. As leaders in higher education, we share the opportunity and responsibility to better serve the students and families who are enrolling and investing in our institutions.   To truly serve Latino students in our spaces of higher learning, let’s consider that student “success” is not simply because of a student’s academic experience; It also includes an enriching experience that integrates their cultural identity and social well-being.

Below, I have identified five focus areas to better serve Latino-identifying students on higher education campuses.

Addressing Implicit Bias in Higher Education

In my experience, as staff and faculty at colleges and universities begin to ask the question of how to better serve students who have not traditionally had access to higher education, they may come across entrenched experiences of implicit bias in their campus and local communities.

In November 2020, our HSI working group conducted a series of interviews as part of UNC’s strategic plan to become a designated HSI by 2025. In these instances, we heard faculty and alumni say things like:

“Does this mean I have to lessen the academic rigor in my classes?” “This isn’t the school that I remember.” “Will we lose our accreditation?”

Embedded in these questions and comments is an implicit bias that becoming an HSI and better serving Latino students would decrease the academic effectiveness of the institution as a whole. This unconscious bias often leads to discrimination against people of color, including Latino students, faculty, and staff. Therefore, it is crucial for our campus communities to proactively address this issue through professional development on implicit bias, asset-based language, combating anti-racist and anti-black discrimination, and diversity, equity, and inclusion.

In addition to anti-bias training, I encourage campuses to take a step further and highlight the power of biculturalism and bilingualism many Latino students and other students of color bring to their university communities.

Read more: The Cognitive Benefits of Being Bilingual

Bridging the Communication Gap and Improving Storytelling

At UNC, we recognize that we aren’t just serving students but their entire families. Simply translating campus documents into Spanish is not enough; we must tell our story to students and their families in the language they identify best with and through the messaging they best connect with.

By highlighting key points about the college experience, institutions of higher education can:

Better inform prospective students and their families about the topics they truly care about — like the quality of educational programs and campus culture   Create a better frame of reference for the college experience — especially for students who are the first in their families to attend college   Contextualize college costs and financial aid processes — acknowledging that college is both an investment of time and financial resources   Highlight the tangible benefits of college — finding a community on campus, the return on investment of a college degree, career advancement opportunities, and the strength of an alumni network

This messaging is important for Latino and first-generation families as they decide to invest in a college education or prepare for their children to move away from home with the promise of a better life.

My parents always told me, “No queremos que trabajes tan duro como nosotros / We don’t want you to work as hard as we do.”   And for them, the pathway to a more fulfilled life was a solid education. In my experience, they were right.

Highlighting Latino Identity and Excellence in Creative Ways

Above is “Centro de Educación de Aztlan” created by Mexican/Chicana artist and UNC alumna Brenda Vargas-Gonzalez and muralist Leo Tanguma

College is a time for students to explore their various identities and find their voices in advocacy and action. This reflection is often stimulated by creating accessible and culturally reflective spaces on college campuses.

On an annual basis, UNC professor Dr. Jonathan Alcántar curates exhibits and programming and invites world-renowned Latino-identifying artists to our campus. In 2022, he launched several arts initiatives, including the Latinx Film Festival, in collaboration with UNC’s College of Performing and Visual Arts. He invited alumna Brenda Vargas-Gonzalez and muralist Leo Tanguma to transform an existing academic space into a culturally reflective study area they renamed “El Centro de Educación de Aztlan.”

Higher education institutions can continue supporting this reflection and exploration by hosting activities, reframing academic spaces, and encouraging the formation of Latino-centered student organizations that celebrate their culture and heritage.

Through these experiences, Latino students can connect with fellow university and local community members and learn more about themselves and their culture.

Promoting Unique Programming Tied to Latino Customs and Culture

This past academic year, UNC’s HSI leadership committed themselves to offering unique social and cultural programming to help Latino students feel more connected to their heritage while finding a sense of belonging on our campus.

Events included:

A Latinx-themed Football Tailgate and Game that brought together Latino-owned businesses, including food trucks, Spanish-language radio, and local Latino-identifying community members and high school students   Inviting the Colorado Department of Higher Education to campus to celebrate UNC as Colorado’s Next Hispanic Serving Institution   Serving pozole to 500+ students, faculty, and staff   Celebrating our more than 330 Latino-identifying graduates at our LatinXcellence Graduation Reception

One of my biggest takeaways from these programs was how involved our largely-Latino-identifying facilities and dining staff wanted to be: asking questions, connecting with students and families, and offering to help make pozole or other traditionally Mexican or Latino dishes at upcoming events – a role they don’t regularly get to play in their positions on campus.

These events help build connections among our Latino students and encourage the larger UNC community to learn more about local Latino heritage, culture, and food. They also learn why it’s so important for our events and programs to reflect our student body.

Providing Academic Support Through an Asset-Based Lens

Often, you might hear higher education professionals reference specialized instruction, in-class peer tutoring, and other necessary educational support services as “accommodations.”

Colleges and universities can reframe the conversation surrounding these resources by utilizing asset-based language to better serve students:

Instead of saying “accommodations,” we can cite the power of “resources,” highlighing that any student can access these tools and utilize them without the fear of embarrassment.

For example, many English language learners who enter college might have received verbal and written communication support during their high school experience, support we call “ESL or Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Education.”

Informed by 20+ years of experience and recommendations from UNC’s Graduation and Retention Taskforce , the university has committed to continue this skill development through the creation of the Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Education Lab available through the UNC Center for Global Engagement starting in late-2024. This lab will support students in the same way as an academic writing or math lab, but with the scaffolding needed to effectively serve students who are not English first.

Through academic resources like this, students can find greater personal growth, academic success, and graduate on time.

These five strategies are simply a few examples of practices and tactics colleges and universities can utilize to better serve and engage Hispanic and Latino-identifying students and bring life to the missions of our institutions as spaces for student development and academic success.

To close, I’ll share a quick story. This past spring, I visited Greeley West High School as a guest speaker in the sophomore “Advancement Via Individual Determination” or AVID course. As I entered the school, my alma mater, it was visibly apparent that nearly 70% of the students identify as Hispanic or Latino, a marked difference from my time at Greeley West, when only 32% of students had a similar cultural background. As I prepared to speak to them, I saw our future in front of me.

As Joelle Martinez, LLI President & CEO, has said, “Leadership is not by chance. It is by choice.”

Don’t you want to be at the forefront of efforts in higher education to better serve our students? I do.

Above are the Spring 2023 Latinx-identifying graduates who participated in UNC’s LatinXcellence Graduation Reception.

This article was informed by resources and insight from the following articles and organizations. 

• UNC as HSI: A Pathway to Student Success (2020 Report) by Dr. Katrina Rodriguez, UNC
• Becoming Hispanic Serving Institutions and Transforming Hispanic Serving Institutions (Books) by Dr. Gina Garcia
• Defining Servingness at Hispanic Serving Institutions by the American Council on Education
• Examples of Excelencia by Excelencia in Education
• 2023 Hispanic Higher Education and HSIS Facts by the Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities

About the Author

Cristóbal (Chris) Garcia is a first-generation college graduate with a master’s degree in business from Colorado State University. Chris currently serves as UNC’s Staff Fellow for Hispanic Serving Institution initiatives and is a member of Colorado’s statewide HSI Consortium. He was recently selected as a Notable Minority Leader in Northern Colorado through BizWest magazine for his advocacy. Chris authors articles on topics such as: leadership, career development, higher education, and Hispanic/Latinx culture.

Chris is a graduate of the Latino Leadership Institute.

Chris with fellow Latino Leadership Institute Cohort 2 graduates.

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National Research Council (US) Panel on Hispanics in the United States; Tienda M, Mitchell F, editors. Hispanics and the Future of America. Washington (DC): National Academies Press (US); 2006.

Hispanics and the Future of America.

• Hardcopy Version at National Academies Press

6 Barriers to Educational Opportunities for Hispanics in the United States

Barbara Schhneider , Sylvia Martinez , and Ann Ownes .

For Hispanics in the United States, the educational experience is one of accumulated disadvantage. Many Hispanic students begin formalized schooling without the economic and social resources that many other students receive, and schools are often ill equipped to compensate for these initial disparities. For Hispanics, initial disadvantages often stem from parents' immigrant and socioeconomic status and their lack of knowledge about the U.S. education system. As Hispanic students proceed through the schooling system, inadequate school resources and their weak relationships with their teachers continue to undermine their academic success. Initial disadvantages continue to accumulate, resulting in Hispanics having the lowest rates of high school and college degree attainment, which hinders their chances for stable employment. The situation of Hispanic educational attainment is cause for national concern.

Today, most parents and their children believe that a college degree is necessary for obtaining stable and meaningful work ( Schneider and Stevenson, 1999 ). This attitude is reflected in the educational expectations parents hold for their children and in the expectations that young people have for themselves ( U.S. Department of Education, 1995b , p. 88). High educational expectations can be found among all racial and ethnic groups regardless of their economic and social resources (p. 73). Although parents and children share high educational aims, their aspirations do not necessarily translate into postsecondary matriculation. This is especially the case for Hispanic high school students, particularly those whose parents have not attended college ( Nuñez, Cuccaro-Alamin, and Carroll, 1998 ).

Despite high educational expectations, Hispanics are among the least educated group in the United States: 11 percent of those over age 25 have earned a bachelor's degree or higher compared with 17 percent of blacks, 30 percent of whites, and 49 percent of Asian Americans in the same age group ( U.S. Census Bureau, 2003 ). 1 Even more troubling, more than one-fourth of Hispanic adults have less than a ninth-grade education ( U.S. Census Bureau, 2002b ). These numbers represent all Hispanic groups and include recent immigrants. When examined by country of origin, educational attainment for Hispanics varies. As shown in Figure 6-1 , Mexican Americans, who are the largest and fastest growing Hispanic subgroup in the United States, have the lowest rates of educational attainment compared with other groups. Cuban Americans report the highest levels of high school completion, and “other Hispanics” report the highest levels of bachelor's degree attainment. Most data sets do not distinguish among Hispanic subgroups, disregarding important cultural and economic differences among them. Whenever possible, analyses in this chapter attend to such differences.

Educational attainment of the population 25 years and over by country of origin (percentage), 2002. SOURCE: U.S. Census Bureau (2002a).

Given the growth of the Hispanic population in the United States, most notably in the past decade ( U.S. Census Bureau, 2001a ), and the increasing importance of a college degree even for entry-level jobs ( Carnoy, 2000 ), the barriers Hispanics face in realizing their educational ambitions is a major policy concern (see Chapter 4 ). This chapter presents the current state of educational opportunities available to the majority of Hispanic students in elementary, secondary, and postsecondary schools. Similar to other chapters in this volume, this chapter moves beyond the descriptive and explores some of the institutional and student-level factors that appear to be hindering Hispanic educational success. The goal is to identify some of the barriers to educational advancement experienced by Hispanic students in the United States, including entering school at a disadvantage because of a lack of exposure to literacy activities at home and in early formalized school settings, teacher assessments of students' language proficiency unduly influencing instructional practices, how the relationship between Hispanic students and their predominantly non-Hispanic teachers encourages disengagement from academic work, and how the lack of academic guidance pertaining to course selections and college choice impedes Hispanics from attending four-year colleges.

• TAKING THE FIRST STEPS: ACTIVITIES AT HOME

One of the most important factors in school success is the extent to which parents actively participate in their children's education prior to their entry into formal preschool or kindergarten programs ( U.S. Department of Education, 2003d ). Specific activities, such as reading to children, have been shown to enhance children's language acquisition, early reading performance, social development, and later success in school ( Loeb, Fuller, Kagan, and Carrol, 2004 ; National Research Council, 1998 ). National trend data from the National Household and Education Survey (NHES) from 1993 to 1999 indicate that Hispanic children age 3 to 5 are less likely to be read to compared with non-Hispanic children. Families in which parents' primary language at home is Spanish have especially low rates of participation in literacy activities. With respect to reading to children three or more times per week, Hispanic families in which both parents speak only Spanish at home had participation rates that were nearly 50 percentage points lower than white families in 1999. By contrast, for Hispanic families in which both parents speak English at home, participation rates were only 15 percentage points lower than white families. Hispanic households are also less likely than white households to participate in other prekindergarten literacy activities, such as telling their child a story or visiting a library, again with a pronounced difference between Hispanic families who speak English in the home and those who do not.

Families with limited economic, educational, and social resources are often less likely to participate in literacy activities than those with greater resources. Using data from the NHES, families were categorized by income level to determine whether literacy activities still differ by race/ethnicity when resources are taken into account. 2 Figure 6-2 suggests a statistically significant association between literacy activities and family resources across racial/ethnic groups. 3 However, at all income levels except the highest, Hispanic families are less likely than other groups to participate in literacy activities (see Figure 6-2 ), indicating that lower participation in literacy activities can be partially explained by lack of financial resources. An additional mechanism explaining different rates of participation is language: within each income bracket except the highest, Hispanic families in which neither parent speaks English were less likely to read to their children, tell a story, or visit a library than Hispanic families in which both parents speak English in the home. 4 The rates of literacy participation for Hispanic families who speak English at home more closely resemble those of white and black families, suggesting that bilingual families may be more assimilated into American culture, and specifically into practices that increase school performance.

Average rates of participation for 3- to 5-year-olds not yet enrolled in kindergarten in being read to by a family member, by race/ethnicity according to income. NOTES: Differences between racial groups and language status are statistically significant (more...)

It is difficult to draw causal conclusions regarding the effects of language spoken at home across racial/ethnic groups and within the Hispanic population due to methodological shortcomings of existing data sets: the small numbers of non-English speakers in the existing samples, some surveys not being administered bilingually, and questions regarding literacy activities not differentiating between reading to a child in Spanish and doing so in English. However, multivariate analyses based on these NHES data show that, regardless of mother's educational attainment and household income, Hispanic parents who speak only Spanish at home are less likely to read to their children than other Hispanic parents (both bilingual parents and those who speak only English). 5 However, NHES data indicate that parents who are bilingual are more likely to engage their child in literacy activities than parents who speak only Spanish, but their children are still at a disadvantage in reading compared with children whose parents speak only English. While participating in literacy activities in English is the optimal preparation for schooling, being read to in Spanish also exposes children to literacy strategies that will be beneficial as they start school. Students who are successful readers in their native language employ the same strategies to help them read in English ( Jiminez, Garcia, and Pearson, 1996 ; Saville-Troike, 1984 ). However, parents who speak only Spanish in the home are more likely to be recent immigrants, live in disadvantaged communities, be unfamiliar with American cultural and educational practices, and have lower levels of education and less income. Taken together, this confluence of language, nativity, and environment creates obstacles for young children as they prepare to enter school.

Preschool Attendance

Most young children will attend some type of preschool program before entering kindergarten. Increasingly, scholars have pointed to the importance of having children attend preschool, arguing that it produces persistent gains on achievement tests and reduces the likelihood of grade retention and placement in remedial programs, especially for low-income children ( Barnett and Camilli, 2002 ). Quality preschool and kindergarten experiences provide the basic foundation for children's later cognitive and social development ( Elkind, 1981 ; Wadsworth, 1989 ). Specifically, for Hispanic children, preschool can serve as a mediator between home and school. By exposing children to English and by socializing them into academic and cultural norms, even early schooling can reinforce the importance of education for future job success ( Currie and Thomas, 1996 ). Despite evidence showing the benefits of preschool attendance, Hispanic children are the least likely to be enrolled in preschool. In 1999, 60 percent of white children who were 3 years old attended preschool, whereas only 26 percent of Hispanic children had started their education at this age ( U.S. Department of Education, 2003d , p. 23). Among Hispanic 4- and 5-year-olds, enrollment rates were slightly higher and more closely resemble those of white and black children: 64 percent of Hispanic 4-year-olds attended preschool, compared with 69 percent of white and 81 percent of black 4-year-olds; among 5-year-olds, 89 percent of Hispanic, 93 percent of white, and 99 percent of black children attended preschool. Black children, however, are significantly more likely to attend preschool than Hispanic children in all age groups.

Some positive changes in Hispanic attendance in preschool programs can be seen by looking at participation in Head Start, which is specifically designed to serve disadvantaged children and uses federal poverty guidelines as a key factor for assessing eligibility. In 1998, black children age 5 and under had an attendance rate that was almost 10 percent higher than eligible Hispanics. By 2003, however, black children had an attendance rate that was only about 1 percent higher than Hispanic children (see Table 6-1 ). The higher attendance rates of Hispanic children may be the result of more parents taking advantage of Head Start, or it may merely reflect increases in the numbers of Hispanic children eligible for the program.

Head Start Enrollment Trends for Children Age 5 and Under by Race/Ethnicity, 1998–2003 .

Attending Head Start appears to be a positive experience for most Hispanic children. Currie and Thomas (1996) have shown that Hispanic children who are enrolled in Head Start perform slightly better on a series of cognitive tests than those who do not attend any preschool program. However, the effects of participating in Head Start differ across Hispanic subgroups. The advantages of attending Head Start are the greatest among children of Mexican origin; Puerto Rican children appear to reap fewer benefits, although they do perform better than those who attend other types of preschool programs. One explanation for this difference may be the poor quality of other available preschool programs ( Currie and Thomas, 1996 ). 6 While attending Head Start programs appears to provide some benefits, lack of available quality preschool programs remains an obstacle for some Hispanic children. Currently, programs such as universal preschool are being implemented in several states, including California. However, critics of such programs argue that while state-funded preschool allows access to preschool to more children, it detracts from creating quality preschools ( Olsen, 1999 ).

Risk Factors for Kindergartners

Limited success in early schooling can be traced to several family background characteristics. Specific factors, such as having a mother who did not complete high school ( Bianchi and McArthur, 1993 ), living in a single-parent home ( McLanahan and Sandefur, 1994 ), living in a low-income or welfare-dependent household ( U.S. Department of Education, 1995a ), and having parents who speak a language other than English in the home ( Kao, 1999 ; Rumberger and Larson, 1998 ) place children at risk of not succeeding academically ( Pallas, Natriello, and McDill, 1989 ). These broad indicators, several of which are interrelated, do not necessarily predict that a student is destined for school failure. However, students whose families have combinations of these factors are more likely to have difficulty in school. Hispanic and black children entering kindergarten are disproportionately from families with one or more of these risk factors (see Figure 6-3 ). The proportion of children with two or more risk factors is five times larger among Hispanics (33 percent) and four times larger among blacks (27 percent) than among whites (6 percent) ( U.S. Department of Education, 2001a ).

Percentage distribution of kindergartners by number of risk factors and race/ethnicity: Fall 1998. NOTE: Percentage may not add to 100 due to rounding.

To examine the risk factors for first-time kindergartners of different racial/ethnic backgrounds, several analytic models were constructed distinguishing among whites, blacks, Asians, and Hispanics (categorized by the language parents report is primarily spoken at home). 7 The three models, in Appendix Table A6-1 , show that race/ethnicity is differentially associated with each risk factor, and that Hispanics who speak English at home face different risks than those who speak Spanish at home. Hispanics, especially those who speak Spanish at home, are much less likely than blacks to be in a single-parent family relative to whites. There is a strong sense of family among Hispanics that is reinforced by religion, perhaps making single parenthood less likely to occur. For example, only 47 percent of Hispanics who primarily speak Spanish find divorce acceptable, compared with 72 percent of the U.S. population as a whole ( Pew Hispanic Center Survey Brief, 2004 ). However, as shown in Chapter 5 , single parenting is now rising among Hispanic families; if this trend continues, it may place more Hispanic students at risk.

The picture changes, however, when examining the likelihood of having a mother who does not have a high school diploma or being raised in a low-income family. Hispanics are between two (those who speak English at home) and three times (those who speak Spanish at home) more likely to have a mother with low educational attainment compared with whites, even when other risk factors and socioeconomic status have been taken into account. In addition, Hispanic families in which the parents speak Spanish at home are more than twice as likely to be below the poverty threshold as non-Hispanic whites. 8 The risk factors seem to interact or be predictive of one another as well. Parents in Spanish-dominant families tend to be both less well educated and more likely to be poor. In general, these findings suggest that, although there are large numbers of Hispanics with two or more risk factors, the pattern of risk differs considerably for Hispanics who speak English at home and those who speak Spanish at home. 9

As with literacy activities that occur prior to formal schooling, parental education and limited English proficiency play an important role in academic success when examining risk factors contributing to school performance. A parent's primary language has implications for how involved he or she can be in their child's education. Even a bilingual parent may have trouble with reading comprehension if he or she has not completed high school ( Huerta-Macias, 2003 ; Zulmara and Necochea, 2003 ). Visiting the library or enrolling one's child in a preschool program requires knowledge of what is available, where it is located, and how to get there. The most economically advantaged parent still needs logistical and organizational support to enroll and transport their young child to a preschool program. Furthermore, with respect to formal schooling, if kindergarten is not required, then parents may not even receive information about available programs. 10

Most existing data do not indicate whether Hispanic children in preschool or formal school are taught in English or Spanish. However, because of the monolinguistic nature of the U.S. school system, encouraging English proficiency in students and parents at the earliest possible stage is likely to lead to a stronger foundation for school learning and later academic success. Parents with young children, especially those who are first-generation immigrants, are likely to benefit if their schools and communities worked together to provide parent literacy programs, translators at school-related activities, advice on how to assist children in homework or engage them in academic activities, before- and after-school child care, and community outreach programs.

• ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE IN THE PRIMARY GRADES, MIDDLE SCHOOL, AND HIGH SCHOOL

By the time they enter kindergarten, Hispanic students for the most part already trail their classmates in reading and mathematics achievement. Results from a recent national study of kindergartners, the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study Kindergarten Class of 1998–1999 (ECLS–K), point to a problematic academic future for Hispanic children. Non-Hispanic white children were more likely to score in the highest quartile in reading, mathematics, and general knowledge than black or Hispanic children ( U.S. Department of Education, 2000a ). Examining early literacy skills, Asian and non-Hispanic white children were more likely to recognize letters, beginning sounds, ending sounds, and sight words than blacks or Hispanics (see Table 6-2 ). With the exception of American Indians, Hispanic children whose parents do not speak English at home were the least likely to have passing reading proficiency scores across all tasks.

Percentage of First-Time Kindergartners Passing Each Reading Proficiency Level, by Child's Race/Ethnicity, Fall 1998 .

Results for mathematics proficiency were similar to those for language proficiency (see Table 6-3 ). Hispanic students whose parents primarily speak Spanish at home were the least likely to have passing scores for number and shape recognition, relative size, ordinal sequence, and addition and subtraction. In this instance, passing rates were lower than those for American Indians in all categories. The academic achievement gap between Hispanics and other groups at the onset of schooling continues through the primary grades, suggesting that the effects of family background characteristics, including language, create an initial barrier that is difficult to overcome.

Percentage of First-Time Kindergartners Passing Each Mathematics Proficiency Level, by Child's Race/Ethnicity, Fall 1998 .

Primary Grades

Using ECLS data from kindergarten and first grade, Reardon and Galindo (2003) conducted a series of multivariate analyses that show substantial variation in mathematics achievement scores among Hispanic subgroups (see Figure 6-4 ). Cuban Americans are the most similar to non-Hispanic whites, with Mexican Americans and Central Americans scoring nearly one standard deviation below their white classmates. This trend persists over time: by the end of first grade, Cuban Americans catch up to whites while Puerto Ricans, Mexican Americans, and Central Americans fall further behind. The achievement gap in mathematics is especially troubling because both instruction and performance in mathematics tend not to be dependent on language, in contrast to reading. One might expect that academic performance would improve as English language proficiency increases. However, this does not appear to be the case.

Hispanic mathematics achievement gap by country of origin, kindergarten and first grade. SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education (1998).

In the next set of analyses, Reardon and Galindo (2003) examined mathematics performance from kindergarten to first grade among first-, second-, and third-generation Mexican Americans and non-Hispanic whites. First- and third-generation Mexican immigrant students started kindergarten with lower levels of math skills than second-generation students, and that pattern did not change over time (see Figure 6-5 ).

Hispanic mathematics achievement gap by generational status, kindergarten and first grade. SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education (1998).

The language barrier seems to place first-generation immigrant students at a decided disadvantage compared with second-generation Mexican Americans and whites. What is surprising is that this performance gain by second-generation immigrants does not hold for those who are third generation. One explanation may be that parents of second-generation students are motivated to succeed and instill those values in their children. The parents of third-generation students, particularly those who continue to speak only Spanish and who live in barrio communities with limited economic resources and poor schools, may become disillusioned with education as a path to social mobility and transmit these attitudes to their children.

Another problem may be teachers' perceptions of their students' abilities. Reardon and Galindo (2003) found that Hispanic students entering kindergarten were rated lower than white students by their teachers, regardless of their academic ability. In the ECLS kindergarten survey, teachers were asked to rate the math and literacy readiness and proficiency of each of the students in the sample in math and literacy skills. Each student was also tested in mathematics and reading by a trained ECLS assessor. Reardon and Galindo (2003) conducted a series of multivariate analyses to look for evidence of teacher bias. Given students of equal ability from the same classroom, they estimated the extent to which the teachers rated Hispanic students lower than non-Hispanic whites. Table 6-4 shows, that, in the fall of the kindergarten year, the Hispanic students were rated, on average, more than one-eighth of a standard deviation below the non-Hispanic white students. This rating gap was reduced by one-half to two-thirds by the spring of the kindergarten year and completely disappeared by the spring of first grade.

Average Difference in Standardized Teachers' Ratings of Hispanic and Non-Hispanic White Students in the Same Classroom, by Subject and Grade .

It appears that some teachers base their initial ratings of students, in part, on the student's ethnicity. This teacher bias is reduced as teachers come to know students better over time, explaining the substantial initial rating gap and its decline over kindergarten and first grade. Furthermore, it is possible that this bias acts as a self-fulfilling prophecy, so that students' test scores come to more closely match their teachers' ratings over time. This could be the result of subtle or overt differences in instructional practices directed toward Hispanic students who are rated lower than their white classmates. Another possible explanation is that the teacher ratings are unbiased measures of some aspect of mathematics and reading skills that is not measured by the tests, but on which non-Hispanic white students rate higher than Hispanic students. 11 Whatever the explanation for the closer match between student performance and teacher ratings over time, the initial gap in teacher assessment between white and Hispanic students does point to teacher bias. Such bias at the onset of formal schooling sets the stage for lower expectations and underperformance by Hispanic students.

Persisting Problem

The initial achievement gap between Hispanic and white students persists throughout middle school and high school. Tracing the academic performance of Hispanic students over the past 20 years using trend data from the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) shows that Hispanic students continue to lag behind non-Hispanic whites ( U.S. Department of Education, 2003d ). Figure 6-6 indicates that for fourth, eighth, and twelfth graders, differences in average reading scores between Hispanic and non-Hispanic white students are evident, and this pattern is consistent across Hispanic subgroups.

Differences between white, non-Hispanic, and minority students' average NAEP reading scale scores, by age: Selected years, 1992–2002. NOTES: Year 1 = 1992, Year 2 = 1994, Year 3 = 1998, Year 4 = 2002. The scale scores reported are plausible value (more...)

In 2002, Hispanic fourth graders scored close to 30 points lower than their white classmates in reading (see Figure 6-6 ). Although there have been some fluctuations in the scores of Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites, a 30-point differential after several decades of school reform is clearly problematic. The situation for eighth-grade students closely resembles that for fourth graders. By twelfth grade, Hispanic students have closed the gap somewhat, with Hispanics scoring an average of 18 points lower than whites. However, since Hispanics have a higher dropout rate, these averages are probably inflated because they reflect only the scores of more promising students who have stayed in school through twelfth grade. Compared with black students, Hispanic students are doing slightly better at all three grade levels, although the differences are small. The lower test scores of blacks and Hispanics suggest that low socioeconomic status may play a role in creating this achievement gap. 12

When Hispanic reading scores are examined by subgroup, Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans tend to score the lowest. This is cause for concern, because Mexican American immigrants are the largest and fastest growing minority group among young elementary school students. Assuming there is no immediate and effective intervention strategy to improve their reading skills, it is reasonable to expect that by eighth grade, these students' levels of achievement will continue to be low, which may contribute to their higher dropout rates. 13

The mathematics achievement gap between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites is similar to that for reading scores (see Figure 6-7 ). Across all grades, Hispanic students scored higher than blacks, but lower than whites, in mathematics. For twelfth graders, the gap between Hispanic and non-Hispanic white students is smaller than in earlier grades, most likely because Hispanic students with poor academic records and low test scores tend to leave school before twelfth grade.

Differences between white, non-Hispanic, and minority students' average NAEP mathematics scale scores by age: selected years 1990 to 2000. NOTES: Year 1=1990, Year 2=1992, Year 3=1996, Year 4=2000. Data for Cuban respondents were not available until (more...)

In looking at NAEP data over time, it appears that Hispanic children have been making achievement gains, but so have other groups, including whites; thus the achievement gap is not narrowing ( Pew Hispanic Center Fact Sheet, 2004b ). In the 1990s, even though Hispanic scores in reading and mathematics increased overall, the achievement gap actually increased, suggesting that this gap will widen by the time this cohort of students reaches twelfth grade. Overall, achievement results from kindergarten through twelfth grade show differences in test scores among Hispanic subgroups and across generations. However, not all data sets include sufficient information on generational status or Hispanic subgroups to identify interventions that would be most effective for different groups. Better national longitudinal data must be collected that distinguishes between Hispanic subgroups, English as a second language (ESL) versus non-ESL curricula, and immigrant status. Data should also be collected on the types of students who drop out between eighth and twelfth grade. Nonetheless, even these broad indicators point to the need for immediate academic interventions at the primary and middle school levels.

Elementary and Middle School Contexts

As illustrated by growing gaps in achievement from fourth to eighth grade, school characteristics can play a role in student achievement, especially during middle school, when students form attachments to their teachers and schools. 14 Fostering attachment and a sense of belonging is particularly problematic in large school environments. Hispanics are the most likely to be enrolled in large schools with large class sizes, and these schools are also more likely to be underfunded and deficient in resources. 15 The majority of Hispanic students at both the elementary and secondary levels attend urban schools that are above average in size ( U.S. Department of Education, 1996b ). Hispanics comprise one-quarter of the student population in central-city schools ( ERIC Clearinghouse on Urban Education, 2001 ). 16 Compared with other groups, Hispanic students disproportionately attend schools with the highest levels of poverty, as measured by the proportion of students who qualify for a free or reduced price lunch, and are enrolled in the most highly segregated schools ( Orfield and Yun, 1999 ). Approximately 75 percent of Hispanic students attend schools with over 50 percent minority student populations, and a little over 35 percent of Hispanic students attend schools with over 90 percent minority student populations ( Orfield and Yun, 1999 ).

Hispanics are also more likely to be in schools with inexperienced or noncertified teachers ( U.S. Department of Education, 2003a ; Valencia, 2002 ). Public and private schools with the highest percentages of minority and limited-English proficient students are more likely to employ beginning teachers than schools with lower percentages of minority limited-English proficient students, thus virtually ensuring that a high proportion of Hispanic youth, who most need experienced teachers, are taught by less-qualified instructors. Furthermore, these schools often have too few bilingual teachers certified in ESL ( Hacsi, 2002 ; U.S. Department of Education, 1996b ). The quality of bilingual programs also varies across schools and districts and may in some instances interfere with, rather than enhance, students' ability to master both Spanish and English.

Finally, many urban schools have very few Hispanic teachers compared with the number of Hispanic students they instruct: only 4 percent of public school teachers are Hispanic, whereas Hispanic students at the elementary school level constitute about 15 percent of the student body nationally ( U.S. Department of Education, 1997 ). This sometimes makes it difficult for Hispanic students to identify with teachers and view them as role models. By sharing a cultural identity with their teachers, Hispanic students might benefit by seeing someone from their own cultural background succeed. Having a teacher who is sensitive to cultural differences may also help students feel more engaged and less alienated ( Graham, 1987 ; Valencia and Aburto, 1991 ). Therefore, it is important for schools serving Hispanic students to recruit more Hispanic principals and teachers to act as role models. Some strategies for recruiting minority students into the teaching profession have been recommended, for example, a forgiveness loan program in which minority students who pursue teaching need not repay student loans, credentialing of experienced minority teacher aides, and early identification and recruitment of minority students ( Valencia and Aburto, 1991 ).

Teacher–Student Interactions

One of the most important findings of the 1980s was the recognition of the significance of the middle school experience and its lasting effects on students' schooling careers ( Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1989 ). The experiences Hispanics have in middle school often follow them through high school, creating obstacles for future schooling success. Specifically, it appears that teacher interactions and the less than optimal school contexts that Hispanic students encounter in middle school contribute to their academic and social difficulties in later years.

Finn (1989) claims that school success depends on students' sense of a close connection with their schools. Students who identify with their schools have an internalized sense of belonging; that is, they feel they are a part of the school community and that school constitutes an important aspect of their own experience. Students who feel this way are more likely to value and pursue academic or school-relevant goals and thus are more likely to participate in the classroom ( Finn, 1989 ). In studying student–teacher relationships, Payne (1994) and Valenzuela (1999) have found that negative attitudes or teacher stereotypes of minority students may weaken bonds necessary for learning. These findings indicate that success in the classroom depends on students' ability to accept their teacher as a credible source of information. Students have to believe that the teacher respects and cares about their well-being. When this bond is not established or fully developed, students resist teachers both personally and academically, become detached from school, and consequently are less likely to succeed in school. The ability to form these types of bonds with minority students is particularly difficult for white middle-class teachers working in urban schools ( Buriel, 1983 ; Katz, 1999 ; Rosenbloom and Way, 2004 ). Payne (1994) found that when these teachers avoid or reject negative attitudes and stereotypes, they are able to offer minority students the respect and high expectations that facilitate academic success. Prior research indicates that when minority students are aware of negative stereotypes regarding their academic ability, “stereotype threat” is activated. This heightened awareness of negative stereotypes may cause Hispanics to underperform, particularly on aptitude or cognitive ability tests, and score lower than white students ( McKown and Weinstein, 2003 ; Steele and Aronson, 1995 ).

Teachers and administrators who lack an understanding of cultural differences can also hinder the academic success of Hispanics by misassigning bilingual students to remedial programs. This inaccurate assessment of student abilities has more recently been found even among kindergarten students, whose teachers tend to underestimate the literacy skills among Hispanic kindergarteners ( Reardon and Galindo, 2003 ). When teachers or administrators use lack of English proficiency to signal special needs, language-minority students are overrepresented in special education classes, in which academic performance is underemphasized in favor of social adjustment ( Schmid, 2001 ).

Bryk and Schneider (2002) found that many teachers, particularly those working in urban schools, do not know their students well and lack an empathetic understanding of their situations or the interpersonal skills to engage them—conditions that are necessary for a trusting relationship to evolve and be sustained. Martinez (2003) found that Mexican Americans more than other students feel better when they are not with their teachers. Data from 625 students who participated in the Alfred P. Sloan Study of Youth and Social Development, a longitudinal study of how young people form ideas about postsecondary school and work, show that when Mexican American students are not with their teachers, they are happier and more excited, feel better about themselves, and believe that they are living up to their own expectations ( Csikszentmihalyi and Schneider, 2000 ). In addition, when in the company of a teacher, Mexican American students also are more likely to believe that teachers have more unfavorable thoughts about them than about other racial/ethnic groups. In contrast, when white students are with their teachers, they report feeling that they are meeting their own expectations, are relaxed and challenged, and indicate that what they are doing is important to their future goals. Like Mexican American students, black students feel happier and more relaxed when not with their teachers. Black students, however, experience higher levels of challenge when they are with teachers, much like white students.

Weak relational ties between Hispanic students and their teachers may diminish motivation or engagement in academic work, which in turn can undermine academic achievement. When weak relational ties exist between students and teachers, students may feel that teachers have low expectations of them or do not care about them, which can be highly discouraging and cause Hispanic students to disengage from classroom activities or ultimately withdraw. When disengaged in the classroom, Hispanic students are less likely to see the relevance of what is being taught to their future schooling or careers. It seems particularly important for Hispanic students to have teachers who have high expectations for their academic performance, strengthen personal ties between themselves and their students, and point out the relevance of schoolwork to future opportunities in both school and the labor market.

Transitioning into High School

Moving from middle school to high school is a challenging and uncertain process for many students, even under optimal circumstances ( Schiller, 1995 ). This transition is especially problematic for Hispanics and blacks living in urban areas. These students are more likely than Asians and whites to be uncertain about what high school they will attend and seem to have the most difficulty adjusting to a new school. Based on these findings, Schiller (1995) concludes that Hispanics and blacks require assistance in making the transition from middle school to high school. Not only do they require social and psychological support, but they especially need early guidance about the consequences of taking specific courses for postsecondary school options.

One school organizational factor that is strongly related to academic performance is curricular differentiation, that is, how students are sorted into different ability groups and courses ( Hallinan, 1994 ; Smith, 1995 ; Stevenson, Schiller, and Schneider, 1994 ). The course selection process, especially in the eighth grade, affects standardized test scores and college attendance and completion ( Schneider and Stevenson, 1999 ; Stevenson et al., 1994 ). For example, unlike English and social studies, the mathematics curriculum becomes sharply differentiated beginning in middle school ( Usiskin, 1987 ). Students given instruction in algebra rather than general mathematics in eighth grade are at an advantage as they can take more advanced courses in high school and move through the high school mathematics curriculum more quickly. Smith (1995) also finds that students who took algebra in eighth grade had higher mathematics achievement scores and expressed higher educational aspirations in the tenth grade. That Hispanic students are less likely than Asians, whites, and blacks to take algebra in the eighth grade greatly limits their future curricular options ( U.S. Department of Education, 1990 ).

Before eighth graders enter high school, they are given the opportunity to select a specific curricular program from several different options, commonly labeled college preparatory, general or comprehensive, and vocational. These programmatic choices are not benign with respect to students' schooling careers and academic achievement. Data from High School and Beyond and the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988–2000 (NELS: 88-2000) have linked high school curricular placement to achievement, educational expectations, and occupational aspirations ( Gamoran and Mare, 1989 ; Oakes, Gamoran, and Page, 1992 ; Schneider and Stevenson, 1999 ). By spring of eighth grade, only 23 percent of Hispanic students plan to enroll in a college preparatory curriculum, compared with 25 percent of blacks, 31 percent of whites, and 37 percent of Asian Americans ( U.S. Department of Education, 1990 ). However, Hispanics also comprise 29 percent of eighth graders who are unsure about their high school curriculum program.

Part of the uncertainty Hispanic students and their parents feel about educational practices can be traced to parents' limited experiences with the U.S. education system and the trust they place in the authority and knowledge of teachers. Mexican American immigrant parents are particularly vulnerable and more likely to defer to teachers and administrators, rarely questioning their decisions ( Bryk and Schneider, 2002 ). Curricular counseling for college, especially for recent immigrants who may be unfamiliar with the complexities of the U.S. education system, must begin before high school. For this reason, providing Hispanic eighth graders early and more detailed information about which curricular programs lead to college admission would greatly assist many students in making choices that promote higher levels of educational attainment.

High School Course Selection

Schools play a critical role in influencing what courses students will take by deciding what courses will be offered, establishing procedures for admission to particular courses, and creating a climate whereby teachers and counselors are encouraged to adopt a selective or universal approach to student counseling and academic planning. Taking specific course sequences has certain educational advantages. For example, students who successfully complete courses in algebra, geometry, and trigonometry are much more likely to take the next advanced level of mathematics than their classmates who take other course sequences. In certain subjects, such as mathematics, students are typically not allowed to take advanced courses out of sequence. This makes it difficult for students to take a high-level course if they lack the necessary prerequisites. Courses taken in high school better predict who attends college than family background, school characteristics, or educational expectations. Course selection decisions are in turn more influenced by student academic ability and prior achievement than by family background characteristics, such as parents' educational attainment ( Stevenson et al., 1994 ).

Hispanic students are less likely than white students to complete advanced mathematics; they are also less likely than both white and black students to take certain advanced science courses. Table 6-5 shows that Hispanics are about 20 percent less likely than whites to take advanced course work in mathematics. The low numbers of Hispanics taking advanced mathematics courses are of serious concern because advanced mathematics course-taking, more than any other subject, appears to have the strongest relationship to whether a student matriculates to a two-year or a four-year college ( Riegle-Crumb, 2003 ).

Percentage Distribution of High School Graduates, by Highest Levels of Mathematics Courses Completed and Race/Ethnicity, 1998 .

Several subjects, including mathematics, are often offered as advanced placement (AP) courses. Students who enroll in AP classes may elect to take an examination in that subject, and if they score above a designated threshold, can earn college credit for that course. Minority students, with the exception of Asian Americans, are less likely than white students to take AP examinations (see Table 6-6 ). While the proportion of Hispanic test takers increased after 1997, only 9 percent of AP test takers in 2002 were Hispanic, half of whom were Mexican American (see Table 6-6 ). The increase among Hispanic twelfth graders taking AP exams appears to be driven mainly by the population growth of Hispanics, especially Mexican Americans, in the United States who are now staying in high school through twelfth grade. In 1997, 10 percent of all twelfth graders were Hispanic; by 2001, 12 percent of the twelfth-grade population was Hispanic (Common Core of Data, the Department of Education's database on public elementary and secondary U.S. schools, which contains basic information and descriptive statistics on schools, school districts, students, staff, and fiscal data).

Proportion of Twelfth-Grade Students Who Took Advanced Placement Examinations by Race/Ethnicity, 1997, 2001, 2002 .

Perhaps one of the most significant indicators of preparedness for college is one's score on college entrance examinations such as the ACT and SAT, which measure students' verbal, mathematical, and analytic skills. Over the past decade the number of minority students taking the SAT has risen dramatically. Hispanics accounted for 9 percent of the SAT-taking population in 2001 ( U.S. Department of Education, 2003d , p. 62; see Table 6-7 ); however, they constituted 14 percent of the U.S. high school population enrolled as juniors or seniors ( U.S. Census Bureau, 2001b ).

Percentage Distribution of Students Who Took the Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT), by Race/Ethnicity, 1991 and 2001 .

With respect to SAT performance, Hispanics, although scoring higher than blacks, continue to lag behind whites and Asians on the SAT in both the math and verbal components of the exam (see Figure 6-8 ). Low test scores coupled with fewer college preparatory courses decrease the chance that Hispanics will be accepted into highly selective colleges.

Average scholastic assessment test (SAT) scores (verbal and math) for college-bound seniors, by race/ethnicity, 2003. SOURCE: College Board (2003).

Hispanic students are the least likely group to take college entrance examinations and to apply to college ( Fry, 2004 ). To further explore the relationship between race/ethnicity and academic preparation, particularly among Hispanics, a series of analyses predicting the likelihood of taking advanced course sequences and college admission tests was conducted with data from the second follow-up of NELS: 88-2000. Figure 6-9 shows the probabilities that a student will take an advanced math course (e.g., trigonometry or above), an advanced science course (e.g., physics, advanced biology, or chemistry), or the SAT by the end of high school. These probabilities are estimated taking into account racial/ethnic background and language spoken in the home. When background characteristics are not accounted for, there are pronounced differences between groups with respect to academic preparation, with Hispanics among the least likely to be engaged in college preparatory activities. 17 Once background characteristics are taken into account, Hispanics who are bilingual are more likely than whites to take advanced courses and the SAT (see Figure 6-9 ). Bilingual students have the advantage of having parents who are proficient in both English and Spanish and who are thus able to bridge cultural and language barriers to secure educational opportunities for their children (see Kim and Schneider, 2004).

Probability of taking advanced math courses, advanced science courses, and the SAT by the end of high school by race/ethnicity, controlling for various family and student characteristics. NOTES: Probabilities are based on equations from logistic regression (more...)

The next set of analyses shows the probability of attending a four-year college for all racial/ethnic groups, taking into account academic course preparation and having taken the SAT. Figure 6-10 shows that the probability of matriculating to a four-year college is higher among students who have taken the SAT and advanced coursework in mathematics and science compared with those who are not so prepared. The second panel predicts the probability of attending a four-year versus a two-year college by academic preparation and race/ethnicity. The likelihood that Hispanics and whites will attend a four-year college increases by about 30 percentage points when academic preparation is taken into account. Hispanics from Spanish-speaking families are nearly as likely as blacks to attend four-year colleges when they have high levels of academic preparation. Highly prepared Hispanics are even more likely than comparable whites to attend a four-year versus a two-year college. These analyses suggest that one reason why Hispanics are more likely to matriculate to two-year rather than four-year colleges is poor academic preparation. Therefore, for Hispanics, especially those who are first-generation college-goers, it is imperative that schools offer programs explaining the importance of college preparatory curricula, SAT preparation, and advanced course-taking.

FIGURE 6-10

Predicted probabilities (in percentages) of going to a four-year college versus a two-year college or not going to college by academic preparation (advanced math course, advanced science course, and taking the SAT) and race/ethnicity. NOTES: Probabilities (more...)

High School Noncompleters

Despite high educational expectations, Hispanics have the highest high school dropout rate (28 percent in 2000) compared with blacks and whites ( U.S. Department of Education, 2000b ). While the percentage of 16- to 24-year-old Hispanics without a high school diploma has decreased over the past 30 years, the status dropout rate of Hispanics is still more than double the rate of both whites and blacks (see Figure 6-11 ). 18

FIGURE 6-11

Status dropout rates of 16- through 24-year-olds, by race/ethnicity: October 1972 through October 2001. NOTES: Due to small sample size, American Indians/Alaska natives and Asians/Pacific Islanders are included in the totals but are not shown separately. (more...)

However, this status dropout rate is inflated by recent increases in teenage Hispanic immigrants who never enroll in U.S. schools ( Fry, 2003 ). Hirschman (2001) estimates that almost half of Mexican 15- to 17-year-olds who arrived in the United States between 1987 and 1990 did not enroll in school. These numbers are considerable, especially when compared with the dropout rates of Mexican Americans born in the United States. In 2001, 43.1 percent of foreign-born Hispanics did not complete high school compared with only 15 percent of U.S.-born Hispanic students ( U.S. Department of Education, 2004a ).

Figure 6-12 displays the differences between the dropout rates of foreign- and U.S.-born Hispanics. Rates for foreign-born Hispanics are double those of their U.S.-born counterparts, with the exception of South Americans. The dropout rate among U.S.-born Hispanics decreased from 1990 to 2000; however, the dropout rate among this group (14 percent) is still higher than that of blacks or whites (12 and 8 percent, respectively; Fry, 2003 ). One positive finding is that immigrant children who do enroll in high school are not more likely to drop out than U.S.-born students ( Pew Hispanic Center Fact Sheet, 2004a ).

FIGURE 6-12

Dropout rates according to Hispanic subgroups by immigrant and U.S.-born status. SOURCE: Census 2000 Supplementary Survey.

Some students may temporarily “stop out” of high school and later return to receive their degree through alternative programs or by earning general educational development (GED) certification. In 2001, the national high school completion rate for Hispanics was 64 percent, compared with 92 percent for whites. Such low completion rates are typical of urban schools that serve large numbers of minority students, many of whom come from low-income families ( U.S. Department of Education, 2004b ). 19 Hispanic students remain concentrated in large urban school systems, such as Los Angeles, Chicago, and New York, where overall graduation rates are less than 60 percent. Overall, almost 40 percent of Hispanic students attend high schools in which the graduation rate is less than 60 percent ( Balfanz and Letgers, 2004 ). Educators and policy makers remain acutely aware of the difficulties facing Hispanic students, and a variety of retention programs have been instituted in high schools with large numbers of non-completers. The most effective intervention programs for high school completion are those that link graduation to college matriculation by including college-based or college-level courses or programs, after-school academic preparation, SAT test preparation, and tutoring. While there is a documented relationship between these programs and academic success, most have not been thoroughly evaluated and have been criticized for not accounting for selection bias—that is, the most talented students are those most likely to seek out these programs. Evidence suggests a causal relationship between program participation and college matriculation; however, systematic evaluations including clinical randomized trials pertaining to these interventions are limited ( U.S. Department of Education, 2001b ). These types of scientifically rigorous evaluations need to be designed and conducted. 20

Pathways After High School

Although the high school completion rates of Hispanic students have risen over the past decade, their job prospects remain weak because the standard requirement for stable employment in many fields is a baccalaureate degree. 21 Many Hispanic students will enter the labor force immediately after high school, a pathway that economists have estimated will eventually lead to unstable employment and low wages ( Levy, 1995 ). Some Hispanics will also enter the military, a pathway that few high school graduates are taking. It appears that Hispanic entry into the military has increased significantly; Hispanics constituted just 4 percent of military personnel in 1985, but that number rose to 11 percent in 1999 ( U.S. Department of Defense, 2000 ). However, data are not available as to whether Hispanics are taking advantage of the educational benefits offered to military personnel.

Even though a large percentage of Hispanics choose to work after high school, over half of Hispanic high school seniors plan to attend a four-year college. College expectations of Hispanic students doubled from 24 percent in 1972 to 50 percent in 1992; actual college enrollment for Hispanics has increased, as it has for other racial/ethnic groups ( U.S. Department of Education, 1995b ). In 1972, over 14 percent of Hispanic high school graduates matriculated to four-year colleges ( Olivas, 1979 ); by 2000, 36 percent of Hispanic graduates were enrolled in four-year colleges ( U.S. Department of Education, 2003d ). Although the number of high school graduates attending college has risen, Hispanics constitute a disproportionately small portion of those attending four-year colleges: 12.5 percent of the U.S. population in 2000 identified themselves as Hispanic, and only 7 percent of four-year college students were Hispanic ( U.S. Census Bureau, 2002b ; U.S. Department of Education, 2003b ). The burgeoning number of first-generation Mexican Americans may account in part for the low rates of college attendance among Hispanics. First-generation immigrant parents may be unfamiliar with the complex policies and practices of the U.S. education system, which require a high level of parent knowledge and involvement, particularly with respect to academic preparation for college.

However, the enrollment rates for Hispanics are misleading, since they are more likely to enroll in two-year rather than four-year institutions, especially first-generation college-goers. In 2000, Hispanics accounted for 14 percent of students enrolled in two-year colleges and only 7 percent of those enrolled in four-year institutions (see Table 6-8 ).

Percentage Distribution of Enrollment in Two-Year Versus Four-Year Colleges, by Race .

One of the primary missions of the two-year community college is to provide low-cost local access to postsecondary education. Many students choose to attend two-year colleges because of financial limitations or inadequate preparation and with the intention of transferring to a four-year college. However, the majority of high school graduates who begin their postsecondary education at a two-year institution do not transfer to a four-year institution ( Rendon and Garza, 1996 ; Schneider and Stevenson, 1999 ). This problem is not unique to Hispanics; for example, only 36 percent of white students who attend community college transfer to four-year colleges or complete a bachelor's degree. However, the transfer or completion rates for Hispanic students at two-year colleges are even lower; only 25 percent will go on to a four-year institution or eventually complete a bachelors degree ( Fry, 2004 ). Schneider and Stevenson (1999) refer to this discrepancy as an ambition paradox—students with high ambitions choosing an educational route with low odds of success. Given the low transfer rates and length of time young adults spend in community college without receiving a degree, transition programs are needed to assist Hispanic students considering transferring to four-year institutions. These types of programs may also be subject to selection bias, in that students who seek out assistance may be more motivated to transfer regardless of the presence of extra help. Key features of these programs, including academic counseling and guidance about the transfer process and requirements, have been shown to help students who are unsure about the college process and may be one strategy for increasing Hispanic students' access to information ( Schneider and Stevenson, 1999 ).

Compared with white students with similar abilities and levels of preparation, fewer Hispanic students enter highly selective colleges, attending less rigorous postsecondary institutions instead ( Fry, 2004 ). Even more problematic, Hispanics have the lowest degree completion rate of any racial group four years after high school ( U.S. Department of Education, 2003c ). In the 1999–2000 academic year, Hispanics earned only 9 percent of all associate degrees, 6 percent of bachelor's degrees, 4 percent of master's degrees, 3 percent of doctoral degrees, and 5 percent of professional degrees (see Table 6-9 ). Overall, Hispanics tend to earn relatively more associate degrees and fewer advanced degrees than Asians, blacks, or whites.

Percentage Distribution of Degrees Conferred by Colleges and Universities, by Race/Ethnicity and Degree Level, 1999–2000 .

As Hispanic enrollment in postsecondary institutions increases, Hispanic-serving institutions (HSIs) play an important role in providing Hispanics with access to college education. HSIs are public or private degree-granting institutions in which Hispanics comprise 25 percent or more of the undergraduate full-time-equivalent enrollment. According to the U.S. Department of Education (2004) , at least 50 percent of Hispanic students who are enrolled in these institutions have low family income. There are approximately 242 HSIs located in 14 different states and Puerto Rico ( U.S. Department of Education, 2004b ). Nearly 46 percent of all HSIs are located in Texas and California. About half of the HSIs are four-year institutions. In 1999, nearly one-half of the total Hispanic undergraduate enrollment in colleges and universities was in HSIs ( U.S. Department of Education 2003d , p. 96). Much like historically black colleges and universities, HSIs also enroll a considerable population of first-generation college-goers. There are limited evaluations of the effectiveness of HSIs in terms of their matriculation rates, graduation rates, and job placement. Further research should be conducted to understand how successful these institutions are in serving Hispanic college students.

• TAKING THE NEXT STEPS

Factors that are most predictive of educational success among Hispanic students vary across stages in the schooling process. Before Hispanic students begin formalized schooling, family resources are critically important. The confluence of limited English proficiency, low educational attainment, and other economic resources hinder many Hispanic parents from engaging their children in early literacy activities that have been shown to be important for later academic success. Once enrolled in schools, the academic performance of Hispanic students compared with whites is alarmingly low. Moreover, low achievement scores are found as early as kindergarten and continue through middle school. The lowest scores are found among Mexican Americans who are recent immigrants or who live in segregated and disadvantaged communities. Teacher stereotyping and low expectations for Hispanic students are also associated with the achievement gap between Hispanic students and other groups. This teacher bias contributes to Hispanic students' disengagement in academic classes and their failure to form strong attachments to schools and teachers. This particular pattern of disengagement appears to be unique to Hispanic students, resulting in a failure to see the importance of schoolwork to their futures.

Many Hispanic students preparing to enter high school are uncertain about what programs or courses to take and are less likely to have taken courses, such as algebra, that would prepare them for advanced high school course sequences. The importance of high school academic preparation—in the form of high-level course sequences and college entrance exams—is crucial in predicting postsecondary enrollment in four-year versus two-year colleges. Hispanic students are among the least likely to take high-level math and science course sequences or to enroll in four-year colleges. However, Hispanic students who are academically prepared when they enter high school are more likely to stay in school, to succeed academically, and to matriculate to four-year colleges. Among those attending college, however, Hispanic students tend to enroll in two-year versus four-year institutions. Research has shown that students who enroll in a two-year college with the expectation of transferring to a four-year college are unlikely to do so. Perhaps most troubling is the fact that Hispanic students have the lowest college completion rates of any other racial/ethnic group—even after surmounting the obstacles on the path to college, further barriers, such as low financial resources and inadequate career guidance, remain.

It is critical that academic interventions for Hispanic youth become a national priority. Implementation and evaluation of these interventions must be sensitive to generational status and differences among Hispanic subgroups. Because of the inconsistencies across data sets and the frequent omission of such important factors as generational status, ethnic subgroup, and language proficiency, causal conclusions and specific policy recommendations are not possible at this time or in the scope of this chapter. However, the current data indicate that at every level of education, Hispanic families would benefit from and are especially in need of strategies for helping their children achieve academic success. These strategies are not hidden; many socially and economically advantaged families and schools effectively help children make successful transitions into postsecondary school and the labor force. The problem, then, is not one of what is unknown, but rather how to take what is known and make it accessible to Hispanic families and their communities.

APPENDIX TABLE A6-1. Logistic Regression Predicting the Likelihood of Having a Risk Factor (One of Three) by Race/Ethnicity and the Other Risk Factors

FIGURE A6-1

FIGURE A6-1a

Probability (in percent) of taking high math courses (trigonometry or above) for each race/ethnicity by different control variables.

SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, NELS 88-2000, Second Follow-Up, 1992, restricted-use data (with imputed values).

FIGURE A6-1b

Probability (in percent) of taking a high science course for each race/ethnicity by different control variables.

FIGURE A6-1c

Probability (in percent) of taking the SAT for each race/ethnicity by different control variables.

Model 1: Base (no control variables)

Model 2: Base + male

Model 3: Base + traditional mother–father family

Model 4: Base + number of siblings = 1

Model 5: Base + family income = median ($32,209)

Model 6: Base + parent educational attainment = some college

Model 7: Base + student educational expectations = college

Model 8: Base + comprehensive math and reading test at base year (G8) = 51.66 (average)

Model 9: Base + grades at first follow-up (G10) = 2.81

Model 10: Base + parent–child academic discussions = 6.13 (average)

Model 11: Controlling for all variables

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Mexican Americans constitute the largest proportion of Hispanics in the United States as shown in the 2000 census. The composition of the Hispanic population is as follows: 66 percent Mexican, 15 percent Central and South American, 9 percent Puerto Rican, 6 percent other Hispanic, and 4 percent Cuban (U.S. Census Bureau, 2002b ). Reported percentages have been rounded to the nearest whole number.

Income brackets were constructed by recoding the NHES household income variable into quartiles. NHES does not provide a more comprehensive measure of socioeconomic status, such as a construct that includes parental level of education.

The language variable was constructed from questions about the mother's and father's first language and the language spoken at home. The three language categories are (1) both parents' main language is English, (2) one of two parents speaks a language other than English in the home, and (3) both parents speak a language other than English in the home.

While the language variable is not specific, we can infer that for the majority of Hispanic families, Spanish is the other language spoken in the home.

Multivariate analyses, using NHES, are not shown but are available from authors upon request.

In examining the benefits of Head Start attendance, the comparison group is siblings who either did not attend a preschool program or attended other types of preschool programs.

Appendix Table A6-1 presents three logistic regression models in which each of three risk factors serves as the dependent variable.

As expected, once other risk factors and socioeconomic status have been controlled, the coefficient for Hispanics drops significantly.

Partial linear regressions (not shown) predicting the total number of risk factors were conducted for each racial/ethnic group to determine the additive effects of these risk factors. These regressions resulted in different patterns for these groups, confirming results presented in Appendix Table A6-1 .

Kindergarten is commonly regarded as the first step in the formal schooling process ( Barnett, 1998 ), although in many states being enrolled in kindergarten is not mandatory ( U.S. Department of Education, 2002d ). Several states with a high proportion of Hispanic residents (California, New York, and Texas) do not have mandatory kindergarten enrollment ( U.S. Department of Education, 1996a ).

The size of the rating gap when the teacher is Hispanic was examined, but no differences were found. However, it was discovered that teachers rated all students lower, on average, in classrooms with larger percentages of Hispanic students. Since the composition of the student body is correlated with other factors, however, it is not clear what to make of this.

NAEP data do not include a measure of socioeconomic status or income. While the surveys do include variables assessing resources in the home and a measure of urbanicity, parent education and income are not measured. The urbanicity variable is difficult to analyze because it defines urbanicity in terms of being in a large city, midsize city, fringe of a large city, fringe of a midsize city, large town, small town, or rural with no census data available. Zip codes for respondents are not available for the 1990s, making linking the data sets used in this paper to census data difficult.

When Hispanic respondents are analyzed according to their immigrant status and language spoken in the home, there are no significant differences between first- and second-generation immigrants for both math and reading scores (analyses not shown). Because identifying Hispanics by country of origin is a more recent practice, trend data are unavailable for comparison before 1990.

Resources include such factors as teacher quality, quality of school infrastructure, safety measures, and library and computer resources.

The availability of computers at school is another resource that appears disproportionately denied to Hispanics and blacks compared with whites. Computers are an essential learning tool and are increasingly being used for instructional and assessment purposes. Hispanics and blacks are less likely than non-Hispanic whites to have access to a computer at school: 68 percent of Hispanics report using a computer at school compared with 70 percent of blacks and 84 percent of whites. In addition, only 18 percent of Hispanics and 19 percent of blacks report using a computer at home compared with 52 percent of whites ( ERIC Clearinghouse on Urban Education, 2001 ). One of the reasons that the computer disadvantage is so important is that the most recent advanced placement tests are being given on the computer. It is expected that most college admission tests will also be administered by computer.

The majority of Hispanic students attend public schools, although the fastest growing population among private religious/Catholic elementary and secondary schools are Hispanics ( McDonald, 2003 ).

Appendix Figure A6-1 shows the individual effects of family and student characteristics on the likelihood of taking advanced math and science courses and taking the SAT. The gap between whites and Hispanics for whom English is not spoken in the home is largest in Model 3, in which having a traditional mother–father family is taken into account. The most equalizing variable is prior academic achievement, as measured by eighth-grade math and reading scores (see Model 8). This finding suggests that Hispanics who do well academically early in their schooling careers are more likely to succeed in high school and to prepare for college.

The dropout rate reported by the U.S. Census Bureau, reported in the table above, is the “status dropout rate.” This rate measures the proportion of the population who has not completed high school and are not enrolled, regardless of when they dropped out. It includes immigrants who were never enrolled in the United States ( Hispanic Dropout Project Databook, 1998 ).

The Common Core of Data calculates high school completion rate based on students who completed their GED or received a high school diploma within four years of entering high school.

Fry (2004) found no difference in college enrollment rates among Hispanic children of immigrant or native parents, indicating that the students' background characteristics were not as influential as the bridge programs on their academic success.

The proportion of the Hispanic population age 25 and over with a high school diploma or higher degree increased from 50.8 percent in 1990 to 55.5 percent in 1998 ( U.S. Census Bureau, 2002b ).

• Cite this Page Schhneider B, Martinez S, Ownes A. Barriers to Educational Opportunities for Hispanics in the United States. In: National Research Council (US) Panel on Hispanics in the United States; Tienda M, Mitchell F, editors. Hispanics and the Future of America. Washington (DC): National Academies Press (US); 2006. 6.
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Your chance of acceptance, your chancing factors, extracurriculars, does being hispanic give me an advantage in college admissions.

Hey guys, I'm Hispanic and was just wondering if and how my ethnicity could potentially help with my college application process. Are there any specific programs or scholarships I should be aware of?

Being Hispanic can give you an advantage in college admissions due to colleges and universities seeking a diverse student population. Colleges believe that a diverse community promotes a richer educational experience. Some schools have specific diversity targets they aim to meet. Therefore, identifying as Hispanic on your application could potentially make you a stronger candidate, depending on the school's goals.

There are several programs and scholarships specifically designed for Hispanic or Latino students. Here are a few resources and scholarships that you might find helpful:

1. Hispanic Scholarship Fund (HSF): The HSF provides scholarships for students of Hispanic heritage. Awards are based on merit, and amounts range from $500 to $5,000.

2. The Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities (HACU): HACU offers various scholarships in partnership with different organizations. Check their website for up-to-date listings and opportunities.

3. National Hispanic Recognition Program (NHRP): This program recognizes outstanding Hispanic high school students based on their test scores and academic achievements. Although this program doesn't provide direct scholarships, being recognized could lead to other scholarship opportunities, and it's an impressive addition to your college application.

4. United States Hispanic Leadership Institute (USHLI): USHLI offers a variety of resources and scholarship opportunities for Hispanic and Latino students. Visit their website to find information on scholarships, leadership programs, and more.

5. Local and state scholarships: Be sure to look for scholarships specific to your region or state, as these opportunities can be less competitive than national scholarships. You might also find college-specific scholarships or grants for Hispanic students at the institutions you're applying to.

Remember to take advantage of not only your ethnicity but also your unique experiences, background, and achievements when applying to college. Make sure to highlight these aspects in your application and essays, so colleges can get a clear picture of who you are and what you bring to their campus. Good luck!

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22 College Scholarships for Hispanic Women in 2023

What’s covered:, 22 college scholarships for hispanic and latina women, 5 tips for applying for scholarships, how much will college cost your family.

The best colleges seek out diverse student bodies that feature individuals from all races, religions, and walks of life. To draw more Hispanic and Latina women to higher education, many schools and organizations now offer specific scholarships.

From general awards targeting women of Hispanic descent to specific grants for Latina women pursuing particular fields of study, read on for some of the best college scholarships for Hispanic women!

1. HSF Scholar Program

Amount: $500-$5,000

Deadline: Passed, but will reopen in 2024

Eligibility:

• Must be of Hispanic heritage
• U.S. citizen, permanent legal resident, or DACA
• Minimum of 3.0 GPA on a 4.0 scale (or equivalent) for high school students; minimum of 2.5 GPA on a 4.0 scale (or equivalent) for college and graduate students
• Plan to enroll full-time in an accredited, public or not-for-profit, four-year university, or graduate school, in the US, for the 2023-2024 academic year
• Submit the FAFSA or state-based financial aid forms (if applicable)

Application Requirement: Online application

Are you considering a career in STEM? While the Hispanic Scholarship Fund provides awards to students of all majors, special consideration is given to those pursuing degrees in science, technology, engineering, and math. Financial need isn’t considered during the selection process, but it may affect the amount of money you receive in funding.

2. The Gates Scholarship

Amount: Full cost of attendance that is not covered by other financial aid and the expected family contribution, as determined by the FAFSA

• A high school senior
• From at least one of the following ethnicities: African-American, American Indian/Alaska Native, Asian & Pacific Islander American, and/or Hispanic American
• Pell-eligible
• A US citizen, national, or permanent resident
• In good academic standing with a minimum cumulative weighted GPA of 3.3 on a 4.0 scale (or equivalent)

The Gates Scholarship is a selective and prestigious last-dollar scholarship for outstanding, minority, high school seniors from low-income households. Last-dollar scholarships are meant to cover any costs remaining after grants and institutional aid are applied. Every year, Gates Scholarship recipients are given the chance to reach their maximum potential through this generous award.

3. LNESC/NBCUniversal Media Scholarship

Amount: $5,000 (non-renewable)

Deadline: N/A

• A college sophomore or junior enrolled full-time in an accredited college or university
• At least 18 years of age or older
• Have a cumulative grade point average of at least 3.0 on a 4.0 scale or the equivalent
• Must be a U. S. Citizen, Legal Permanent Resident, or have legal authorization to work in the U.S. without requiring sponsorship now or in the future
• Have an interest in the media and entertainment industry; all majors are welcomed

Are you interested in a career in the entertainment industry? The LNESC/NBCUniversal Media Scholarship Program supports talented Latinx individuals pursuing careers in entertainment and media. Each year, ten rising sophomores and juniors receive an award of $5,000 toward their education. There is no particular major requirement for this scholarship.

4. TheDream.US National Scholarship

Amount: $33,000 for a bachelor’s degree at a partner college

• Are undocumented and came to the United States before November 1, 2017, and have continuously lived in the United States since then or have DACA or TPS
• Came to the United States before the age of 16 (if you were born in the U.S., you are not eligible for this scholarship)
• Have significant unmet financial need
• Have graduated or will graduate from a United States high school (or have earned or will earn a high school equivalency diploma) before Fall 2023
• Graduated or will graduate with a high school GPA of 2.5 or better on a 4.0 scale or have a cumulative college GPA of 2.5 or better
• Intend to enroll full-time in an associate or bachelor’s degree program at a Partner College in your state in the Fall of 2023 or Spring of 2024
• Are eligible for in-state tuition at the Partner College you want to attend (not applicable if it is a private Partner College in your state)

Application Requirements:

• Online application
• Transcripts
• Immigration information

TheDream.US National Scholarship offers a tuition award to undocumented immigrant students at a list of partner colleges. Applicants are assessed based on their academic performance and their commitment to community service. The scholarship committee also takes a particular interest in how applicants have overcome the barriers and challenges they have faced due to their undocumented status.

5. Chicana Latina Foundation Leadership and Scholarship Program

Amount: $1,500

Deadline: Passed, but will reopen on January 1, 2024

• Self-identify as a Chicana and/or Latina
• Be enrolled in an accredited college, university, or community college in one of the following California counties: Alameda, Contra Costa, Marin, Monterey, Napa, Sacramento, San Mateo, Santa Clara, Santa Cruz, Solano, San Francisco, Sonoma, or Yolo
• Have lived at least two (2) years in one of the above Northern California counties at the time of application
• Be enrolled in a full-time college student (as defined by your institution) for the 2023-2024 Academic Year.
• Have completed 12 college units after high school graduation
• Have a cumulative GPA of 2.0 college coursework
• College transcripts
• One letter of recommendation

Every year, Chicana Latina Foundation selects 40-45 students to participate in their Leadership & Scholarship Program, which comes with a $1,500 scholarship. Selected students will attend all of CLF’s Leadership Institute sessions in August 2023 and February 2024, as well as the CLF Annual Award Dinner in January 2024. They must also complete 10 hours of outreach on their respective campuses as CLF Ambassadors during the application cycle.

6. Next Day Animations Illustrating Awesomeness Scholarship

Amount: 4 awards of $750

Deadline: Passed, but will reopen in Fall 2023

• Must be young women or gender non-conforming individuals of color who are currently enrolled or who will begin college/university in the spring semester
• Current high school seniors with a semester of high school remaining will not be considered
• Must attend college in the United States
• Intended for undergraduate students
• A 500-word essay or 5-minute video detailing how you will make the world a better place

The Illustrating Awesomeness Scholarship is an opportunity that celebrates women and gender non-conforming individuals of color who are working to make the world a better place. The scholarship only accepts a certain number of applications a year, so apply early to ensure that you’ll be considered for this prize.

7. American Chemical Society Scholars Program

Amount: Up to $5,000

• U.S. citizens or legal permanent U.S. residents (please inquire via email if you have questions regarding asylum or DACA status)
• African descent or Black, Hispanic or Latina/Latino/Latinx, or Indigenous (e.g., Native American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, Alaskan Native)
• Graduating high school seniors or college freshmen, sophomores or juniors. Seniors can apply for their fifth year.
• Those intending to major or are already majoring in chemistry, biochemistry, chemical engineering, chemical technology, or another chemistry-related science AND planning to pursue a career in a chemistry-related science as well
• Full-time students at a high school or an accredited college, university, or community college
• Those demonstrating high academic achievement in chemistry or science (Grade Point Average 3.0 or higher)
• Unofficial Transcript
• Two letters of recommendation
• Copy of Student Aid Report (SAR)

Do you dream of working in the sciences? The ACS supports current and aspiring chemical science or chemical technology majors from underrepresented ethnic groups. This scholarship for minority students is open to high school seniors, as well as college freshman, sophomores, or juniors. Students who are pre-med don’t qualify for the award.

8. Hispanic Scholarship Consortium Scholars Program

Amount: N/A

Deadline: April 30, 2023

Eligibility (Full list of criteria varies by scholarship):

• Be of Hispanic/Latino heritage
• Plan to enroll on a full-time basis in a certificate or associate, bachelor, master or doctoral degree program
• Hold a cumulative GPA of 2.5 or higher on a 4.0 scale
• Reside in Texas. U.S. citizenship is not required.

Application Requirement (full requirements vary by scholarship): Online application

The Hispanic Scholarship Consortium is a collection of various organizations and individuals, so scholarship amounts, eligibility criteria, and application requirements vary. Nevertheless, the HSC Scholars Program features renewable scholarships, multi-day leadership training experience, mentoring, membership in an extensive alumni network, and regular communication and guidance from trained professionals.

9. The Actuarial Foundation Actuarial Diversity Scholarship

Amount: $1,000-$4,000 ($1,000 in freshman year with an increase of $1,000 every subsequent year until senior year)

Deadline: June 1, 2023

• Must have at least one birth parent who is a member of one of the following minority groups: Black/African American, Latinx, Native North American, Pacific Islander
• Enrolling or enrolled as a full-time undergraduate student at a U.S.-accredited educational institution
• Minimum cumulative GPA of 3.0 (on a 4.0 scale), emphasis on math or actuarial courses
• Entering college freshmen must have a minimum ACT math score of 28 or SAT math score of 620
• Intent on pursuing a career in the actuarial profession

The Actuarial Foundation recognizes that there is a diversity challenge in the actuarial profession. There are dramatic disparities in career attainment for minorities. Research has found that Latinx individuals make up only 1.9% of the Society of Actuaries and 1.8% Casualty Actuarial Society. The Actuarial Diversity Scholarship is meant to increase opportunities for students who are part of groups historically underrepresented in the industry.

10. BLM² Foundation Scholarship

Amount: $1,000

Deadline: July 3, 2023

• Be a minority (e.g., African American, Hispanic, Asian or Pacific American, or Alaska Native).
• Be a graduating high school senior in the year of the award
• Plan to attend an accredited college or university within the United States
• Must be a permanent US Citizen
• Must hold a high school Cumulative GPA of 3.0 or higher
• Must be enrolled as a full-time student during the Fall Academic Semester of the award
• Completed essay on the topic provided
• Activity Sheet
• Recommendation Letter (typed and in a sealed envelope)
• ACT/SAT Score Sheet
• Official High School Transcript (with Seal). A broken seal will void your application.
• School information for sending out the check (check addressed to, physical school address, contact name, contact number)
• Copy of College/University Acceptance Letter
• Office of Admissions Contact Information (phone number and address)

The BLM² Scholarship Foundation was established in 2014 to help minority high school seniors pursue higher education. Their Scholarship Program is designed to address the financial needs of minority college students and award outstanding high school graduates—who plan to earn a baccalaureate degree from an accredited, four-year college or university—with financial assistance.

11. José Martí Scholarship Challenge Grant Fund

Amount: $2,000 annually

• Submit a completed, error-free Florida Financial Aid Application (FFAA)
• Be of Spanish culture, born in or having a natural parent who was born in either Mexico or a Hispanic country of the Caribbean, Central or South America, regardless of race. Students of the following countries are not considered for an evaluation of this scholarship: Brazil, Spain, and Haiti.
• Minimum unweighted cumulative GPA of 3.0
• Demonstrate a minimum of $2,000 in financial need by timely completing and submitting the Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) in time to be processed error-free by the U.S. Department of Education on or before May 15, 2023.
• Be a Florida resident and a U.S. citizen or eligible non-citizen. A student’s residency and citizenship status are determined by the postsecondary institution.
• Not owe a repayment or be in default under any state or federal grant, loan, or scholarship program unless satisfactory arrangements to repay have been made
• Not have previously earned a baccalaureate degree
• Enroll as a degree-seeking student at an eligible postsecondary institution and enroll each academic term for a minimum of 12 credit hours for undergraduate study or 9 credit hours for graduate study

Application Requirement: Florida Financial Aid Application (FFAA)

Named for Cuban poet and national hero, José Martí, the José Martí Scholarship Challenge Grant Fund is a need-based merit scholarship that provides financial assistance to eligible students of Hispanic origin who will attend Florida public or eligible private institutions. 

Applicants are ranked first by highest need as determined by the FAFSA, second by the highest GPA, and third by application submission date. First priority is given to renewal applicants.

12. McDonald’s HACER National Scholarship

Amount: Up to $100,000

Deadline: Application opens Fall 2023

• Younger than 21 years old
• Legal U.S. resident or a DREAMer/DACA recipient
• High school seniors with a minimum 2.8 GPA who are eligible to attend a two- or four-year college or university with a full-time course of study
• Must disclose other scholarship programs that you’ve applied for
• Will enroll in and attend an accredited institution in the academic year after your selection (verification needed, as scholarship funds are paid directly to the schools)
• Have at least one parent of Hispanic heritage
• Personal statement
• Letter of recommendation to be submitted online
• List of community service projects
• FAFSA report and/or 1040s

This award celebrates talented young people with at least one parent of Hispanic descent. To be competitive, students should have performed well academically despite limited access to educational resources. Scholarships start at $5,000 for Tier 3 recipients. Tier 2 recipients will receive $10,000 or $20,000, and Tier 1 recipients are awarded up to $100,000.

13. Café Bustelo El Café del Futuro Scholarship

Amount: $5,000

• Full-time undergraduate or graduate students of Latino descent
• Open to all majors
• Must be 18 years or older
• Currently enrolled at a HACU-member institution within the United States, D.C., and Puerto Rico
• Internet access and a valid e-mail address are required to apply
• 800-word essay about your Latino heritage

Through this generous scholarship award, Café Bustelo is investing in the Latino community. This scholarship fund is intended to help those who are seeking better futures for themselves, their families, and their communities. 

College students with a passion for learning and community involvement are asked to write an essay (in English or Spanish) detailing how their heritage, family, and community have impacted their desire and motivation to obtain a college degree, how they plan to give back to their community, and what they intend to accomplish with their degree.

14. The National Academy of Television Arts & Sciences Inclusion Scholarship

Amount: $10,000

• Pursuing a career in any aspect of the television industry
• Identify as Black, indigenous, or a person of color

The National Academy of Television Arts and Sciences (NATAS)—the organization that created the Emmy Awards—is dedicated to the advancement of television and related electronic media. To that end, they award scholarships to high school seniors intending to pursue a communications degree with an emphasis on any aspect of the television industry.

The Inclusion Scholarship is awarded to students pursuing careers in the television industry who identify as Black, indigenous, or a person of color.

15. Prospanica Scholarship Program

• Be a United States citizen, legal permanent resident, or DACA recipient
• Have a minimum grade point average of 3.0 on a 4.0 scale (or the equivalent) OR have a minimum 2.75 GPA on a 4.0 scale (or the equivalent) in combination with work experience during that time
• Have a Prospanica membership – Member ID required. Prospanica is offering a 50% discount on student membership during the preliminary round, using code 2023SCHOLAR.
• Be enrolled or planning to enroll in a postgraduate (Master’s or PhD) or undergraduate program in an accredited university business school (in the U.S. or Puerto Rico). If applying for the undergraduate awards, the applicant must currently be a college sophomore or higher.

Prospanica was founded to empower and enable Hispanic professionals to achieve their full potential—educationally, economically, and socially. To help achieve this goal, they offer scholarships to undergraduate and graduate students who intend to make meaningful contributions to society. Their scholarship program is seeking the next generation of agents of change who will help to uplift the entire Hispanic community.

16. Hispanic Heritage Foundation Youth Awards

Deadline: N/A (2023 details TBA)

• Be currently enrolled in high school and graduating in the spring of 2023
• Must have a minimum unweighted 3.0 GPA on a 4.0 scale or 7.5 on a 10.0 scale
• Must enroll at an accredited higher education institution in 2023-2024
• Be of Hispanic heritage (includes Spain, Brazil, Philippines)
• If selected, attendance at a virtual regional awards ceremony is mandatory

The Youth Awards, founded in 1998 by the Hispanic Heritage Foundation, celebrates high-achieving Latino high school seniors for their excellence in the classroom and the community.

Students who work in various categories are recognized. These categories include Business & Entrepreneurship, Community Service, Education, Engineering, Green Sustainability, Healthcare & Science, Media & Entertainment, Public Service & Social Justice, and Technology. Awardees receive a one-time grant to fund their college education or to fund a community service project that addresses a social issue.

17. Study Abroad Scholarship in BiH for American Minority Students

Amount: $500-$2,000

• Be an American undergraduate or graduate student
• Be of African American, Hispanic American, or Native American descent
• Be accepted into a university program in Bosnia and Herzegovina, enroll in a university-accredited language program, or participate in a faculty-led study tour to Bosnia and Herzegovina

Application Requirement: N/A. Information can be requested through the contact on the website.

The Turkish Coalition of America (TCA) has designated Bosnia and Herzegovina as a study abroad destination under its TCA Study Abroad Scholarship Program for American Minority Students. Through this program, TCA provides up to 100 scholarships—of $500 to $2,000—per year to eligible American undergraduate and graduate minority students who are accepted to study for a semester or a year at a university in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

18. LULAC National Scholarship Fund

Amount: Up to $2,000

Deadline: Application opens February 2024

• U.S. citizen, legal permanent resident, or DACA
• Must have applied to or be enrolled as a full-time student in a college or university, including 2-year colleges, or vocational schools that lead to an associate’s degree. Graduate students must have applied to or be enrolled as a part-time student in a college or university.
• Students will not be eligible for a scholarship if related to a scholarship committee member, the Council President, or an individual contributor to the local funds of the Council
• Participating states will be made available on the website
• Completed and signed LNSF application form. LNSF applications must be mailed or emailed directly to a participating LULAC Council by March 31
• High school or college transcript, including cumulative GPA
• Verification of admittance or enrollment from the institution the student is attending or planning to attend (e.g., letter of acceptance, letter from the registrar, or a transcript)
• Typed, or neatly printed, personal essay of not more than 500 words

The LULAC National Scholarship Fund (LNSF) was created to help youth in underserved communities realize their dreams of attending college. LNSF is a partnership between grassroots advocates and big corporations that is intended to empower the Latino community through educational funding. The scholarship’s rigorous selection process ensures that the level of excellence recipients attain remains consistent.

19. LNESC/ExxonMobil Engineering Scholarship

Amount: One national scholarship of $20,000; 12 local scholarships of $2,000

Deadline: Not yet announced

• Applicants must reside within the following cities and surrounding areas and meet the following criteria to be considered for a scholarship:  Albuquerque, NM,  Austin, TX,  Bayamon, PR,  Colorado Springs, CO,  Corpus Christi, TX,  Dallas, TX,  El Paso, TX,  Houston, TX,  Kansas City, MO,  Miami, FL,  Oxnard, CA,  Philadelphia, PA,  San Antonio, TX,  San Diego, CA,  Vancouver, WA
• Must be a high school senior or first-year college student
• Must have a cumulative high school GPA of at least 3.75 on a 4.0 scale or the equivalent
• Must be a U.S. Citizen or have the legal right to work in the U.S. without requiring sponsorship now or in the future

The product of a partnership between the LULAC National Educational Service Centers (LNESC) and the ExxonMobil Foundation, the ExxonMobil Engineering Scholarship Program is intended to assist outstanding Hispanic college freshmen who plan to pursue a degree in engineering at U.S. post-secondary institutions.

One national scholarship of $20,000, paid over four years, and twelve $2,000 local scholarships will be awarded to qualified high school seniors and college freshmen.

20. American Meteorological Society Scholarship for Underserved Communities

Amount: $6,000 for two years ($3,000 per year)

• U.S. citizen or hold permanent resident status.
• Students who will be entering their freshman year of college in the fall of 2023 are eligible to apply.
• Students must plan to pursue careers in the atmospheric or related oceanic and hydrologic sciences. Marine Biology is not eligible.
• Minimum GPA of 3.0 on a 4.0 scale.
• Students eligible to apply for the AMS Scholarship for Underserved Communities may also apply to the AMS Freshman Scholarship Program but can only accept one scholarship if selected for both.
• Online application form
• An official high school transcript showing past three years
• One letter of recommendation from a high school teacher or guidance counselor

The AMS Scholarship for Underserved Communities awards funding to students who have been traditionally underrepresented in the sciences, especially Hispanic, Native American, and Black/African American students.

The American Meteorological Society (AMS) is committed to diversity in the meteorological sciences. They espouse core values of diversity, inclusion, and equity across all aspects of the atmospheric, oceanic, and hydrologic sciences.

21. La Unidad Latina Foundation Scholarships for Undergraduate and Graduate Latino Students

• Minimum GPA of 2.8 on a 4.0 GPA scale
• Enrolled on a full-time basis, in a bachelor’s program at an accredited four-year college or university. Graduates of two-year, community college students who are starting at a four-year college no later than August 2023 are also eligible to apply.
• At least one complete semester of full-time study
• Must reside in the United States at the time of application
• Residential criteria for NYS regional scholarship: Enrolled at a college or university in New York State (out-of-state residents may apply) or have a primary address in New York and attend a college or university out of state (i.e. eligible if family resides in NYS and you return to NYS for winter/spring/summer break)
• Residential criteria for GLC Mateo Gomez Memorial Scholarship: Enrolled at any college or university in the United States with a plan to pursue a study abroad, internship, or other international experience that provides exposure to Latin American culture
• 2-year, community college applicants starting at 4-year college must provide an acceptance letter from the 4-year college or university the applicant plans to attend
• Letter of recommendation describing student leadership and commitment to civic service (maximum of 250 words)
• GLC Mateo Gomez Memorial Scholarship applicants must submit a letter of approval to a study abroad or international work program. If a letter of approval is not available, then a letter on college or university letterhead from your study abroad office indicating your intent to study or work abroad.
• Only when requested by LULF: Official university-issued academic transcript(s) required and included in application

La Unidad Latina Foundation currently offers two scholarships—one for students in New York State and one for students who intend to have an international experience (including study abroad and internships) that provides exposure to Latin American culture.

Unlike many programs, this scholarship is open to almost all fields of study and degree types. The award welcomes applicants pursuing a bachelor’s degree, a Master of Arts degree, a Master of Science degree, a Master of Public Administration/Policy degree, a Master of Social Work degree, a Master of Education degree, a Master of Divinity degree, and PhDs.

22. American Association of School Personnel Administrators Leon Bradley Scholarship Program

Amount: $3,500

Deadline: May 31, 2023

• Minority students
• Seeking a degree in education and in your final year
• Copy of your unofficial transcript
• Letter from the Dean of the College of Education or a designated representative of the program
• Letter from a character reference
• Copy of your resume

Funded by The American Association of School Personnel Administrators (AASPA), the 

Leon Bradley Scholarship Program awards up to two undergraduate scholarships annually. In addition to supporting minority students on their journey to becoming teachers, the program strives to ensure that all students have access to instructors from different races and ethnic backgrounds. Graduate students seeking administrative credentials may also qualify for support.

23 (Bonus). CollegeVine Scholarships

Amount: $2,000

Deadline: Quarterly

Eligibility: high school student and US resident

Application Requirements: create a free CollegeVine account or fill out chancing profile if you already have an account.

CollegeVine provides a quarterly, no-essay scholarship of $2,000. All you have to do is sign up for a free account, which allows you to see your chances of acceptance at 1,600+ schools, get your essays reviewed by a peer, ask questions in our community forum, and more. If you already have an account, just make sure your chancing profile is filled out.

Awards will be paid out directly to students to help them cover any educational costs. Learn more about the CollegeVine scholarships .

Whether you’re targeting general college grants or scholarships for Hispanic women, it’s important to do your homework. Here are some of our top tips for increasing your chances of securing a scholarship.

1. Start early

As a high school student, it’s never too early to start seeking out options for scholarships. With college tuition prices on the rise, students need all the funding they can get. Because winning scholarships is a numbers game, it’s wise to apply to as many scholarships as you can, prioritizing those that you have a good chance of securing. Look for scholarships with similar requirements, so you can limit any extra work you have to do.

2. Find a support system

Applying for scholarships can be just as arduous as applying to colleges. Therefore, it’s important to have a good support system in place to help you through the process. While friends and family can be great for moral support, you might want to go outside your inner circle by consulting teachers and guidance counselors. Along with writing recommendations if necessary, these professionals can advise you on application questions and even read over your essays and give you pointers.

3. Check your work

No matter how brilliant your essay is , if it’s full of grammatical errors, misspellings, and typos, you will not be seriously considered for a scholarship. Before sending in your application package, be sure to read over every section and answer to identify mistakes and to make sure there’s nothing you missed. If proofreading isn’t your strong suit, think about having a trusted pal look over your documents as well.

4. Apply to a mix of larger and smaller awards

If you only apply for large, established scholarships, you will be facing stiff competition. Don’t just limit yourself to scholarships with huge national awards—also look for very small local groups who may have smaller awards, but also smaller pools of candidates.

5. Research past winners

Scholarship committees—especially those working for programs that have been running for a long time—already have an idea of who and what they’re looking for. To present yourself in the best light, read about these students to get a better sense of what each particular scholarship committee wants to see.

Most scholarship pages will have a section dedicated to past winners with details on what their application was like and where they are now. If this information isn’t readily available, you can always search the web for the name of the scholarship and “past winners.”

The actual cost of each college can vary significantly for the same family, and you can’t trust the sticker price to tell you your personal cost of attendance. After financial aid, expensive private colleges can actually be cheaper than in-state public schools for some families.

Want to estimate your cost of attendance? You can use each individual school’s net price calculator, or check out our free Financial Aid Calculator for an estimate at hundreds of schools in just 3 minutes. 

Our free chancing engine will also tell you your chances of acceptance based on your grades, test scores, extracurriculars, and demographics. Use these free tools to improve your profile and plan for your college finances!

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Breaking boundaries with videographic scholarship, posted on may 28, 2024 by arts and sciences.

A video essay by professor Desirée Garcia offers new insights into early American film—and was selected to screen at an international competition focused on audiovisual essays and videographic criticism.

(Photo by Katie Lenhart)

A video essay by Desirée Garcia , an associate professor in the Department of Latin American, Latino, and Caribbean Studies , was selected to screen on June 15 at the Marienbad Film Festival , an international competition in the Czech Republic focused on audiovisual essays and videographic criticism.

The video, What Happened in the Dressing Room , premiered this spring in the 10th anniversary issue of [in]Transition: Journal of Videographic Film & Moving Studies . The first academic journal of its kind, [in]Transition invites scholars to craft criticism using the same materials that constitute their objects of study: moving images and sounds.

Although Garcia trained in video editing just two years ago, in 2022, she has already joined a growing number of film scholars who are supplementing their traditional research publications with videographic essays.

Garcia's black-and-white, under-six-minute What Happened in the Dressing Room draws on research she conducted on a genre she calls "dressing room films"—movies that take place exclusively or primarily in the dressing room. Dressing rooms became an "object of fascination for the general public," she says, in the late 19th and early 20th century, in large part because of the rise of popular entertainments like variety, vaudeville, and musical theater.

Garcia discovered 31 dressing-room films released between 1897 and 1910. Of those, she viewed 21 of them at the Library of Congress and excerpted 13 in the video essay.

When she began working with the files in editing software and "playing with them, moving them around, and seeing how they sit next to each other," she grappled with the poor quality of the images caused by aging and limited preservation.

"Then I started to embrace those imperfections, and it really became part of the video itself," says Garcia, who is also a faculty affiliate in the Department of Film and Media Studies . "Moving past and through those imperfections to try to find who's in the dressing room became a kind of subjective entry point for watching these films and putting them into conversation. There's an element of discovery in finding these films and seeing what they're about in the same way that there's an element of discovery when you go into a dressing room."

The video essay will complement Garcia's forthcoming book, The Dressing Room: Backstage Lives and American Film , a study of race and gender in backstage film narratives.

"Because the book is structured thematically rather than chronologically, I wanted to use the video essay to compliment the book by putting these films into conversation," she says. "These early films are sprinkled throughout the book, while the video hones in on this moment of early cinematic production and why the dressing room was such an important space right at the beginning."

Garcia's fascination with dressing rooms in film evolved from her research on American movie musicals, which resulted in two earlier books: The Movie Musical for Rutgers' Quick Takes series and The Migration of Musical Film: From Ethnic Margins to American Mainstream , which traces the history of early sound era musicals from the makers of African American films and the transnational networks of Yiddish and Mexican cinema.

"One of the reasons why I find dressing rooms interesting is that they tell us about specific social actors that we find there, whom we see again and again in these films," she says. "For instance, we see the wife and mother who's torn between her ambition for a stage career and her commitments to her husband and children in dressing rooms across the history of American film. Another social actor is the Black maid, a character in a lot of these films who only occupies the dressing room and no other space within the film. She's restricted to that space because of her race, class status, and sexual identity."

Another chapter in the book examines groups of women sharing dressing room spaces who are often in competition, such as the terrifying scenes in the 2010 thriller Black Swan —a topic Garcia references in another recent video essay .

For Garcia, videographic criticism offers a refreshingly direct way to express an argument.

"When you're working with a film and elements like sound and image that elicit an emotional response, it makes for a powerful mode of delivery because you're using those same tools to make an original argument," she says. "And it comes across in ways that are more direct and more felt than if you were reading an academic book on the same topic."

The genre also encourages Garcia to harness her own creative freedom.

"There are ways in which my individuality can be registered in videographic scholarship that are usually discouraged in scholarly articles and books," she says. "Even in the humanities, there's still an impulse toward objectivity and the idea that if you're not objective, then you're not being scholarly enough. In the videographic world, there are all of these ways in which you can use the tools to try to create a sense of feeling with scholarly work."

Garcia received training in video essay production when she attended the Scholarship in Sound and Image workshop at Middlebury College in 2022, a program that has been especially popular among film scholars. Soon after, she began introducing her Dartmouth students to videographic criticism and video editing.

"Students love learning editing skills and engaging in a really material way with the films I show them," she says. "It's almost like they kind of have to take the film into their bodies in a way that's much more active than if they were just sitting and watching a film at a distance."

Garcia and her students sometimes call their video-editing work "breaking the film"—an expression she suspects may not be appreciated by film creators.

"You break the logic of the film," she says, "and in that process, you get to know it even better. You understand why the choices are there and what they're doing, and how if you alter one little thing, the entire meaning of a scene could change."

Desirée Rieckenberg lifts students in need

The Massey Award winner and dean of students is always on call to help them navigate difficult situations.

Desirée Rieckenberg’s passion for helping students began when she was in their shoes.

Rieckenberg, the UNC-Chapel Hill dean of students, was a first-generation college student from a rural community when she arrived for her first year at Eastern Illinois University. She was forced to do a lot on her own as she learned how to navigate campus life.

Fortunately, she met people who invested in her when things were good but also supported her when they weren’t. That experience stuck with her and is something she still draws on today.

“The notion of working in a space that allows me to lift up and celebrate folks, and also support people as they navigate something, really rang true to me,” she said.

For helping students in many situations across her 12 years at Carolina, Rieckenberg was given a 2024 Massey Award . The honor recognizes “unusual, meritorious or superior” contributions by University employees.

Rieckenberg sees most of her work at what she calls intersections of the student experience, key moments that include anything from taking a leadership role in a student organization, struggling to pass a class or having a mental health challenge. From there, she strives to help support their success at Carolina.

Nominators highlighted her work creating the Care Team , which meets weekly to assist students experiencing challenges that threaten to disrupt academic progress, and partnering with the Office of Scholarship and Student Aid on a new financial literacy initiative. Carolina hired its first director of financial well-being this spring.

Additionally, Rieckenberg was praised as a “relentless champion” of the Carolina Veterans Resource Center, a “committed collaborator” and an unselfish servant leader who creates a culture of trust within her office.

Her team has grown over the last several years as it serves more students, particularly in times of crisis and emergency. No matter the situation, Rieckenberg keeps the individual student at the forefront.

“Carolina may be a big place, but Carolina should be a place where they feel like they are family and that they’re cared for,” she said.

The nature of her job means she’s as likely to get a call at 3 a.m. as she is at 3 p.m. She’s the primary contact for students going through traumatic life events ranging from the death of a loved one, a serious injury or significant financial setback.

She credits the people around her for helping juggle those difficult situations.

“It comes down to being able to surround yourself with good people and really talented people, and being able to have a supportive family and personal life that allows me to do those things,” Rieckenberg said. “I have a fantastic team of people who do the work and who surround me in a way that lifts up the things we’re doing in support of students. I have a fantastic partner, and I have two kids I’ve had since I’ve been in this role. They have come up in the space that they understand the work I do is important, that it helps and serves so many people.”

Rieckenberg was speechless when told of her Massey Award. She was drawn to this work because she saw its impact first-hand, as a student. She’s humbled to know others see that, too.

“It touches your heart in a way that recognizes an impact,” she said. “That’s really how I got into this work, because I had people who poured into me and created an impactful experience for me. And I continue to do this work with the hope that I can be impactful on our students and our campus and colleagues.”

The three-week program is a partnership between the school and the state budget office.

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The American columbo produced its first bloom 19 years after being planted at the North Carolina Botanical Garden.

Withdrawal worse when fentanyl paired with animal tranquilizer

The discovery by UNC School of Medicine researchers should not impact life-saving use of naloxone for opioid overdoses.

Check out summer break resources for students

Student Affairs has compiled a helpful list of places to eat, things to do and links to available services.

Behind this day porter’s smile is a fighter’s spirit

Massey winner Khin Su Su Kyi, a Myanmar refugee, models hard work and diligence.

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The Massey Award winner’s contributions to Carolina’s curriculum are vital but often hard to see.

A 2024 graduate tells his 2020 self what’s to come

In this video, Luis Sanchez reflects on a college career that began during the pandemic.

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• A Majority of Latinas Feel Pressure To Support Their Families or To Succeed at Work

Expectations to excel at work and to do housework, be beautiful and start a family are top pressures

Table of contents.

• The impact of gender, Hispanic identity and skin color on the lives of Latinas
• 2. Pressures Latinas face in their lives
• 3. Life satisfaction and sources of joy for Latinas
• Acknowledgments
• The American Trends Panel survey methodology

Pew Research Center surveyed 5,078 Hispanic adults, including 2,600 Hispanic women, in an effort to better understand Latinas’ life experiences, the pressures they face and where they find joy. The survey was conducted from Nov. 6 to Nov. 19, 2023, and includes 1,524 respondents from the Center’s American Trends Panel and an additional 3,554 from Ipsos’ KnowledgePanel.

Respondents on both panels are recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. Recruiting panelists by mail ensures that nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. This gives us confidence that any sample can represent the whole population (see our Methods 101 explainer on random sampling). For more information on this survey, refer to its methodology and questionnaire .

The terms  Hispanic  and  Latino  are used interchangeably in this report. 

The terms Latinas and Hispanic women are used interchangeably throughout this report to refer to U.S. adult women who self-identify as Hispanic or Latino, regardless of their racial identity. 

Foreign born  refers to persons born outside of the 50 U.S. states or the District of Columbia. For the purposes of this report, foreign born also refers to those born in Puerto Rico. Although individuals born in Puerto Rico are U.S. citizens by birth, they are grouped with the foreign born because they are born into a Spanish-dominant culture and because on many points their attitudes, views and beliefs are much closer to those of Hispanics born outside the U.S. than to Hispanics born in the 50 U.S. states or D.C., even those who identify themselves as being of Puerto Rican origin. 

The terms  foreign born  and  immigrant  are used interchangeably in this report. Immigrants are also considered first-generation Americans. 

U.S. born  refers to persons born in the 50 U.S. states or D.C. 

Second generation  refers to people born in the 50 U.S. states or D.C. with at least one immigrant parent.  

Third or higher generation  refers to people born in the 50 U.S. states or D.C., with both parents born in the 50 U.S. states or D.C. 

Throughout this report, Democrats are respondents who identify politically with the Democratic Party or those who are independent or identify with some other party but lean toward the Democratic Party. Similarly, Republicans are those who identify politically with the Republican Party and those who are independent or identify with some other party but lean toward the Republican Party.

More than half of Latinas say they often feel pressure to provide for their loved ones at home or succeed in their jobs, mirroring the life stressors experienced by women across the United States today.

Latinas feel cross-pressured in other ways too, as they juggle cultural expectations around gender roles rooted in Latin America and those rooted in the U.S. Majorities of Latinas say that U.S. Hispanic women face pressure to do housework, be beautiful and start families.

Despite these life pressures, 88% of Latinas are either extremely or very satisfied (56%) or somewhat satisfied (32%) with their family life. And 86% say they are extremely or very happy (43%) or somewhat happy (43%) with how things are going in their lives these days.

At 22.2 million, Latinas account for 17% of all adult women in the U.S. today. The population grew 5.6 million from 2010 to 2022, the largest increase of any major female racial or ethnic group.

Moreover, most Latina adults have recent immigrant connections, with 77% being either immigrants themselves (52%) or having at least one immigrant parent (25%). 1

Some Latinas in the U.S. grow up with traditional cultural values carried over from Latin America. This can produce pressure from family or a community to place the needs of others ahead of their own, be passive or subordinate to others, or be virtuous or chaste – characteristics related to marianismo . At the same time, some Latinas may also feel pressure to achieve success in their own right in academics or a career .

These findings emerge from Pew Research Center’s bilingual National Survey of Latinos, conducted Nov. 6-19, 2023, among 5,078 Hispanic adults. The survey explores what it’s like to be a Latina in the U.S. today.

In addition to life pressures ( Chapter 2 ), the report explores Latinas’ views on sexism against women in media, schools, family and the workplace, and their experiences with harassment and discrimination ( Chapter 1 ). Other topics include Latinas’ views of their general happiness and life satisfaction and where they find joy in life ( Chapter 3 ).

Pressures Latinas say they face at home and work

• 53% of Latinas say they often feel pressure to support their family in some way, by caring for children or elderly family members, supporting their family financially or living close to family.
• 39% of Latinas say they often feel pressure to be successful in their job or career.
• Overall, 63% of Latinas say they often feel family pressures or work pressures.

Hispanic men also feel life pressures. About half (49%) of Hispanic men say they often feel pressure to support their family in some way, and 40% say they face pressure to be successful at work. Overall, 59% of Hispanic men say they often feel pressure from family or work.

However, Latinas are more likely to say Hispanic women face pressures such as cooking and cleaning at home, being pleasant to others, and starting a family than to say this about Hispanic men. Among Latinas:

• 68% of Latinas say Hispanic women face a great deal or fair amount of pressure to cook and clean at home, compared with 19% who say the same is true for Hispanic men.
• 62% say Hispanic women face pressure to be beautiful, such as by dressing nicely, wearing makeup or doing their hair and nails. By comparison, 37% of Latinas say Hispanic men face pressure to be handsome, such as by dressing nicely or styling their hair.
• 56% say Hispanic women face pressure to get married and have children, while 36% say the same of Hispanic men.

Hispanic men generally agree that Hispanic women face more pressure than Hispanic men to do things associated with gender roles for women. For example, 57% of Hispanic men say Hispanic women face pressure to cook and clean at home, compared with 18% who say Hispanic men face this pressure.

Among Latina adults, those who are U.S. born are more likely than immigrants to say Hispanic women as a group face pressure to do things tied to idealized gender roles.

• 66% of U.S.-born Latinas say Hispanic women face a great deal or fair amount of pressure to get married and have children, compared with 47% of Latina immigrants who say U.S. Hispanic women face these pressures.
• 76% of U.S.-born Latinas say Hispanic women in the U.S. face a great deal or fair amount of pressure to cook and clean at home, compared with 59% of immigrant Latinas.
• 68% of U.S.-born Latinas say Hispanic women face a great deal or fair amount of pressure to be beautiful, compared with 56% of immigrant Latinas.

About half of Hispanic women say sexism against women is a problem in different settings, including at work and in entertainment media. Hispanic men are less likely to say so.

• 52% of Hispanic women say sexism against women is at least a somewhat big problem in the workplace, compared with 44% of Hispanic men.
• 48% of Hispanic women say sexism against women is a problem in schools, while 37% of Hispanic men say this.
• Among English speakers, 50% of Hispanic women say sexism against women is a problem in English-language music, compared with 40% of Hispanic men. 2
• Among Hispanic adults, 47% of women say sexism against women is a problem in English-language movies and TV, versus 36% of men.
• Among Spanish speakers, 46% of Hispanic women say sexism against women is a problem in Spanish-language movies and TV, compared with 36% of Hispanic men. 3

Latinas’ views vary by age on pressures, sexism and harassment

Younger Latinas are more likely than older Latinas to say:

• They often face pressure to succeed at work or live close to their family ( Chapter 2 ).
• Sexism against women is a big problem in the workplace ( Chapter 1 ).
• They have experienced harassment or discrimination in the past year ( Chapter 1 ).

For new research on the economic gains Latinas have made in the last two decades, read “ Half of Latinas Say Hispanic Women’s Situation Has Improved Over the Past Decade, Expect More Gains .”

• Latinas’ population size and growth rate from 2010 to 2022 were calculated using the 2010 and 2022 American Community Surveys through IPUMS. Latinas’ shares that are foreign born or second generation were calculated using the 2023 Current Population Survey ASEC, also through IPUMS. ↩
• Asked only of those who say they can carry on a conversation in English at least “a little.” ↩
• Asked only of those who say they can carry on a conversation in Spanish at least “a little.” ↩

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Why Hispanics will be ‘the deciding factor’ in 2024

Plus, the surprising new addition to trump’s vp shortlist.

By Samuel Benson

An earlier version of this article was published in the On the Trail 2024 newsletter . Sign up to receive the newsletter in your inbox on Tuesday and Friday mornings here . To submit a question to next week’s Friday Mailbag, email [email protected] .

Good morning, friends. I hope you find time this week to read this wacky, wonderful essay — and then scour Spotify for a song written about your hometown. (I’m sure it’s there.)

3 things to know

• Closing arguments begin today in Donald Trump’s Manhattan criminal trial. The jury got a full week’s break after the defense rested its case last Tuesday. For a full primer on what has happened thus far and what comes next, look here .
• You’ve probably seen Jon McNaughton’s art. The Utah-based artist gained celebrity status on the MAGA right during the Trump administration, when his paintings — depicting Trump as a superhuman figure or Obama as the devil — were cult classics. But now that Trump is on trial, McNaughton has a dilemma: what does Trump’s court artist do when Trump is stuck in a courtroom? Read more here.
• Jeff Flake, ambassador to Turkey, is promoting democracy in a tenuous geographical place: between wars in Ukraine and Gaza. “You’ve got to have allies,” he told Deseret News in an exclusive interview. “You’ve got to have friends. I know that doesn’t play well in domestic politics, but it should.” Read the full interview here.

The Big Idea

Yes, Biden has a Hispanic problem

I’ve written before about President Joe Biden’s issues with Latino voters . Poll after poll show Trump gaining ground among Hispanics. And it’s not just Biden — the Democratic Party as a whole seems to be hemorrhaging support from Hispanics, who once formed a reliably blue voting bloc.

Polling is never perfect, though. The New York Times/Siena College poll in March that showed Trump up six percentage points among Hispanics was slammed by critics for oversampling English-speaking Hispanics (only 3% of interviews with Hispanics were done in Spanish). The NYT/Siena poll course-corrected in May and conducted 19% of interviews with Hispanics in Spanish. The result? A 31%-31% tie between Trump and Biden among Hispanic voters.

That doesn’t mean Biden is out of the woods. In fact, I’m even more convinced that there is a real sea change among Hispanic voters after seeing a fascinating poll from the U.S. Hispanic Business Council (USHBC). The council routinely sends out a survey to its tens of thousands of members across the country. This month, they focused on the presidential election, offering a glimpse into a niche — and severely under-sampled — group of voters: Hispanic small-business owners and workers.

Of the over 1,000 Hispanic respondents, the vast majority — over 70% — said they do not believe Biden’s policies have positively impacted them or their businesses. Over one-third of them — 34% — said Trump was better than Biden for their business’ bottom line; only 21% said Biden was better. And when asked who they plan to support in the presidential election, Trump had a 10-point lead, 43% to 33%.

I caught up with Javier Palomarez, the USHBC’s president and CEO, at a trade summit in Salt Lake City last week. Palomarez encouraged me — and you — to consider three things while parsing through the data.

First, Hispanics are not a monolith. “One of the big shocks for me in 2016 was that then-candidate Trump garnered about 29% of the Hispanic vote,” Palomarez said. “And then he turned around in 2020 and garnered about 39% of the Hispanic vote.” How did he do it? “He had a ground game — he had people on the ground in local communities, making the connections between his campaign and their needs,” he said. “I don’t see the same effort on the behalf of the current administration.”

Second, immigration is not the top issue for Hispanics. When asked to rank a number of issues from most to least important during this presidential election, Hispanics ranked the economy as the top issue. Only 13% of Hispanics said immigration was No. 1. “The fact of the matter is, most Hispanics in this country were born here,” Palomarez said. “Hispanic worry about the same kitchen-table issues that all Americans worry about: we worry about getting our kids to school, we worry about paying the bills, we worry about interest rates and mortgage loans.” Palomarez’s advice for the campaigns was simple: “Don’t make everything about immigration.”

Third, Hispanic voters could decide the election. “The current administration is spending a very large amount of time talking to African Americans,” Palomarez said. “That is right and good, and they should continue. But consider this: there are more Hispanics in this country than there are African-Americans and Asians combined.” There are significant Hispanic populations in swing states like Arizona , Georgia and Nevada , and the winning candidate will have to speak to those voters. “The Hispanic vote will be the deciding factor,” he said.

What I’m reading

Will Biden make the ballot? That’s a legitimate concern in Ohio, where state law requires that major parties select their nominee 90 days before the election. The problem? The Democratic convention falls two weeks after Ohio’s deadline. Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine, a Republican, called on legislators to meet in Columbus today to resolve the issue. Gov. Mike DeWine calls special legislative session to address Biden ballot issue (Andrew Tobias, The Plain Dealer)

Trump now says he’ll announce a VP at some point during the Republican convention in July. The whole process has a game-show-like quality to it, and Trump is quite coy about who he’s really considering. But it appears Sen. Tom Cotton has emerged as a front-runner, alongside Doug Burgum, Marco Rubio, Tim Scott and J.D. Vance. Trump’s V.P. Pageant Has an Unexpectedly Strong Contender: Tom Cotton (Michael Bender, The New York Times)

Are Democrats too soft on crime? The view is becoming more popular among top White House officials, especially as Biden’s polling numbers show discontentment on both crime and the southern border. That view gained added credence last week when a progressive prosecutor in Portland lost reelection to a tough-on-crime challenger. The White House to the left: We told you so on crime (Adam Cancryn, Adam Wren and Jonathan Lemire, Politico)

Tuesday trivia

Last Tuesday’s question: This fall, Republicans attempt to retake the Senate, while Democrats try to gain a majority in the House. When was the last time both the House and the Senate simultaneously changed hands in a presidential election year?

Congrats to reader Kyle Belanger, who nailed it: 1952. Going into that fall, Democrats maintained a narrow two-seat majority in the Senate, but the U.S.’ involvement in unrest around the world — particularly the Korean War — and the nascent Cold War led to widespread discontent with President Harry S. Truman’s Democratic White House. Truman didn’t run for reelection; instead, there was a true red wave: Eisenhower beat Illinois Gov. Adlai Stevenson II for the White House, and Republicans took control of both the House and the Senate.

This week’s question, in honor of Veterans Day:

Of the 32 U.S. presidents who served in the military, 31 of them were commissioned officers. Which former president was not?

Think you know the answer? Drop me a line: [email protected] .

See you on the trail.

Editor’s Note: The Deseret News is committed to covering issues of substance in the 2024 presidential race from its unique perspective and editorial values . Our team of political reporters will bring you in-depth coverage of the most relevant news and information to help you make an informed decision. Find our complete coverage of the election here .

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N.C.A.A. Athletes’ Pay Deal Raises Questions About Future of College Sports

The landmark settlement made many wonder what the reality — and impact — of revenue-sharing plans with college athletes would look like.

By David W. Chen ,  Jacey Fortin and Anna Betts

Brent Jacquette knows a thing or two about college sports. A former collegiate soccer player and coach in Pennsylvania who is now an executive at a consulting firm for athletic recruiting, he’s well aware of issues surrounding pay for college athletes.

But even for an industry veteran like Mr. Jacquette, the news of the N.C.A.A.’s staggering settlement in a class-action antitrust lawsuit on Thursday came as a surprise, with more than a little anxiety. The first words that came to mind, he said, were “trepidation” and “confusion.”

And he was not alone in feeling unsettled. Interviews, statements and social media posts mere hours after the settlement was announced showed that many were uncertain and concerned about what the future of collegiate sports holds.

“These are unprecedented times, and these decisions will have a seismic effect on the permanent landscape of collegiate athletics,” Phil DiStefano, chancellor of the University of Colorado Boulder, and Rick George, the school’s athletic director, said in a statement .

If the $2.8 billion settlement is approved by a judge, it would allow for a revenue-sharing plan through which Division I athletes can be paid directly by their schools for playing sports — a first in the nearly 120-year history of the N.C.A.A. Division 1 schools would be allowed to use about $20 million a year to pay their athletes as soon as the 2025 football season.

Mr. Jacquette thought of the word “trepidation” because of the impact that the settlement, shaped by the biggest and wealthiest universities with robust football programs, could have on coaches and athletes at smaller institutions and in low-profile sports.

And “confusion," because families of college athletes might soon be overwhelmed by all the possible ways for a student to get paid. In past years, the only form of compensation that students could get was athletic scholarships. But now, with the possibility of a revenue-sharing plan and pay arrangements involving students’ name, image and likeness , they have a lot more to consider when planning their collegiate sports careers.

“As this makes big news, people see this pot of gold at the end of the tunnel,” Mr. Jacquette said.

Many questioned what the financial burdens stemming from a revenue-sharing plan would look like.

Smaller conferences, such as the Big East — which includes Georgetown, Villanova and the University of Connecticut — have voiced “strong objections ” to the settlement, worried about shouldering an unfair burden of costs involved in revenue sharing. They said schools that have higher-profile sports teams and are part of bigger conferences, which often have TV contracts and much higher revenues, should be responsible for covering more of the costs.

Even coaches at powerful athletic programs, such as the University of Florida, which is part of the Southeastern Conference, had qualms. Tim Walton, the school’s softball coach, wondered in an interview with The Associated Press what this would mean for smaller sports programs on campus, and how the university would handle sharing revenues with athletes.

Another concern from critics of the settlement was whether female athletes would be compensated fairly. The settlement did not address how they would be paid compared to men, but Title IX prohibits sex-based discrimination in educational settings.

“Oftentimes, we put all of our eggs in the revenue-generating sports, which is comprised of mostly male sports,” said Jasher Cox, athletic director of Allen University, a historically Black and Division II school in South Carolina.

But many still questioned how the settlement would pan out in practice. Terry Connor, the athletic director at Thomas More University in Kentucky, said in an interview that the reality of revenue sharing felt somewhat distant. Although his school is Division II and would not necessarily be part of a revenue-sharing plan, Mr. Connor said that this still affects college sports as a whole.

The settlement is only the latest in a series of big changes at the N.C.A.A. in recent years, Mr. Connor said, and “how we’ll have to adapt to that is going to be the big question.”

Mr. Jacquette cautioned that it was still “premature” to assess the full impact of the settlement, since the details had not been released. And Sam C. Ehrlich, a professor at Boise State University who has written extensively about college athletes, said that while the settlement was a milestone, it should not be seen as the be-all and end-all of college sports.

Pointing to the Supreme Court’s unanimous ruling in 2021 that the N.C.A.A. could not bar payments to college athletes, Mr. Ehrlich said the college sports landscape has been ever-changing. That decision paved the way for N.I.L. arrangements, or payments based on an athlete’s name, image and likeness. He also cited Johnson v. N.C.A.A. , a pending case over whether college athletes should be classified as employees, which could have profound labor and tax implications.

“This is a big moment, for sure, but it’s not like we have reached the finish line,” Mr. Ehrlich said. “I wouldn’t even necessarily go as far to say, ‘this is the climax here.’ This is still going to be ongoing for several years.”

Billy Witz contributed reporting.

David W. Chen reports on state legislatures, state level policymaking and the political forces behind them. More about David W. Chen

Jacey Fortin covers a wide range of subjects for the National desk of The Times, including extreme weather, court cases and state politics all across the country. More about Jacey Fortin

Anna Betts reports on national events, including politics, education, and natural or man-made disasters, among other things. More about Anna Betts

Inside the World of Sports

Dive deeper into the people, issues and trends shaping professional, collegiate and amateur athletics..

A Minnesota Rallying Cry:  Fans of the Minnesota Timberwolves have picked up on a phrase  uttered by the team’s star, Anthony Edwards, and are hardly put off by its mild vulgarity.

A Beloved Manager:  A coach’s soccer legacy is often reduced to titles and trophies. In Liverpool, Jürgen Klopp will endure in murals, music and shared memories .

The Business of Women’s Basketball:  Caitlin Clark’s arrival has many betting on the W.N.B.A.’s success. But certain structural disadvantages persist , including how much the players earn.

The Premier League’s Problems:  Soccer’s richest competition is a picture of health on the field. Away from it, the Premier League faces lawsuits, infighting and the threat of government regulation .

Competing for Olympic Spots:  Two friends had run side by side for more than 10,000 miles. Both vied for a place in the marathon at the Paris Games .