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Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary

By david hume.

DAVID HUME’S greatness was recognized in his own time, as it is today, but the writings that made Hume famous are not, by and large, the same ones that support his reputation now. Leaving aside his Enquiries, which were widely read then as now, Hume is known today chiefly through his Treatise of Human Nature and his Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion. The Treatise was scarcely read at all during Hume’s lifetime, however, and the Dialogues was not published until after his death. Conversely, most readers today pay little attention to Hume’s various books of essays and to his History of England, but these are the works that were read avidly by his contemporaries. If one is to get a balanced view of Hume’s thought, it is necessary to study both groups of writings. If we should neglect the essays or the History, then our view of Hume’s aims and achievements is likely to be as incomplete as that of his contemporaries who failed to read the Treatise or the Dialogues. … [From the Foreword by Eugene F. Miller]

Translator/Editor

Eugene F. Miller, ed.

First Pub. Date

Indianapolis, IN: Liberty Fund, Inc. Liberty Fund, Inc.

Publication date details: Part I: 1742. Part II ( Political Discourses): 1752. Combined: 1777. Includes Political Discourses (1752), "My Own Life," by David Hume, and a letter by Adam Smith.

Portions of this edited edition are under copyright. Picture of David Hume courtesy of The Warren J. Samuels Portrait Collection at Duke University.

Table of Contents

• Foreword, by Eugene F. Miller
• Editors Note, by Eugene F. Miller
• Note to the Revised Edition

My Own Life, by David Hume

• Letter from Adam Smith, L.L.D. to William Strahan, Esq.
• Part I, Essay I, OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION
• Part I, Essay II, OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS
• Part I, Essay III, THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE
• Part I, Essay IV, OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT
• Part I, Essay V, OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT
• Part I, Essay VI, OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT
• Part I, Essay VII, WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORE TO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY, OR TO A REPUBLIC
• Part I, Essay VIII, OF PARTIES IN GENERAL
• Part I, Essay IX, OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN
• Part I, Essay X, OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM
• Part I, Essay XI, OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE
• Part I, Essay XII, OF CIVIL LIBERTY
• Part I, Essay XIII, OF ELOQUENCE
• Part I, Essay XIV, OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ARTS AND SCIENCES
• Part I, Essay XV, THE EPICUREAN
• Part I, Essay XVI, THE STOIC
• Part I, Essay XVII, THE PLATONIST
• Part I, Essay XVIII, THE SCEPTIC
• Part I, Essay XIX, OF POLYGAMY AND DIVORCES
• Part I, Essay XX, OF SIMPLICITY AND REFINEMENT IN WRITING
• Part I, Essay XXI, OF NATIONAL CHARACTERS
• Part I, Essay XXII, OF TRAGEDY
• Part I, Essay XXIII, OF THE STANDARD OF TASTE
• Part II, Essay I, OF COMMERCE
• Part II, Essay II, OF REFINEMENT IN THE ARTS
• Part II, Essay III, OF MONEY
• Part II, Essay IV, OF INTEREST
• Part II, Essay V, OF THE BALANCE OF TRADE
• Part II, Essay VI, OF THE JEALOUSY OF TRADE
• Part II, Essay VII, OF THE BALANCE OF POWER
• Part II, Essay VIII, OF TAXES
• Part II, Essay IX, OF PUBLIC CREDIT
• Part II, Essay X, OF SOME REMARKABLE CUSTOMS
• Part II, Essay XI, OF THE POPULOUSNESS OF ANCIENT NATIONS
• Part II, Essay XII, OF THE ORIGINAL CONTRACT
• Part II, Essay XIII, OF PASSIVE OBEDIENCE
• Part II, Essay XIV, OF THE COALITION OF PARTIES
• Part II, Essay XV, OF THE PROTESTANT SUCCESSION
• Part II, Essay XVI, IDEA OF A PERFECT COMMONWEALTH
• Part III, Essay I, OF ESSAY-WRITING
• Part III, Essay II, OF MORAL PREJUDICES
• Part III, Essay III, OF THE MIDDLE STATION OF LIFE
• Part III, Essay IV, OF IMPUDENCE AND MODESTY
• Part III, Essay V, OF LOVE AND MARRIAGE
• Part III, Essay VI, OF THE STUDY OF HISTORY
• Part III, Essay VII, OF AVARICE
• Part III, Essay VIII, A CHARACTER OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE
• Part III, Essay IX, OF SUICIDE
• Part III, Essay X, OF THE IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL
• Variant Readings

by Eugene F. Miller

DAVID HUME’S greatness was recognized in his own time, as it is today, but the writings that made Hume famous are not, by and large, the same ones that support his reputation now. Leaving aside his Enquiries, *1 which were widely read then as now, Hume is known today chiefly through his Treatise of Human Nature *2 and his Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion. *3 The Treatise was scarcely read at all during Hume’s lifetime, however, and the Dialogues was not published until after his death. Conversely, most readers today pay little attention to Hume’s various books of essays and to his History of England, *4 but these are the works that were read avidly by his contemporaries. If one is to get a balanced view of Hume’s thought, it is necessary to study both groups of writings. If we should neglect the essays or the History, then our view of Hume’s aims and achievements is likely to be as incomplete as that of his contemporaries who failed to read the Treatise or the Dialogues.

The preparation and revision of his essays occupied Hume throughout his adult life. In his late twenties, after completing three books of the Treatise, Hume began to publish essays on moral and political themes. His Essays, Moral and Political was brought out late in 1741 by Alexander Kincaid, Edinburgh’s leading publisher. *5 A second volume of essays appeared under the same title early in 1742, *6 and later that year, a “Second Edition, Corrected” of the first volume was issued. In 1748, three additional essays appeared in a small volume published in Edinburgh and London. *7 That volume is noteworthy as the first of Hume’s works to bear his name and also as the beginning of his association with Andrew Millar as his chief London publisher. These three essays were incorporated into the “Third Edition, Corrected” of Essays, Moral and Political, which Millar and Kincaid published in the same year. In 1752, Hume issued a large number of new essays under the title Political Discourses, a work so successful that a second edition was published before the year was out, and a third in 1754. *8

Early in the 1750s, Hume drew together his various essays, along with other of his writings, in a collection entitled Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects. Volume 1 (1753) of this collection contains the Essays, Moral and Political and Volume 4 (1753-54) contains the Political Discourses. The two Enquiries are reprinted in Volumes 2 and 3. Hume retained the title Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects for subsequent editions of his collected works, but he varied the format and contents somewhat. A new, one-volume edition appeared under this title in 1758, and other four-volume editions in 1760 and 1770. Two-volume editions appeared in 1764, 1767, 1768, 1772, and 1777. The 1758 edition, for the first time, grouped the essays under the heading “Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary” and divided them into Parts I and II. Several new essays, as well as other writings, were added to this collection along the way. *9

As we see, the essays were by no means of casual interest to Hume. He worked on them continually from about 1740 until his death, in 1776. There are thirty-nine essays in the posthumous, 1777, edition of Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary (Volume 1 of Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects ). Nineteen of these date back to the two original volumes of Essays, Moral and Political (1741-42). By 1777, these essays from the original volumes would have gone through eleven editions. Twenty essays were added along the way, eight were deleted, and two would await posthumous publication. Hume’s practice throughout his life was to supervise carefully the publication of his writings and to correct them for new editions. Though gravely ill in 1776, Hume made arrangements for the posthumous publication of his manuscripts, including the suppressed essays “Of Suicide” and “Of the Immortality of the Soul,” and he prepared for his publisher, William Strahan, the corrections for new editions of both his History of England and his Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects. When Adam Smith visited Hume on August 8, 1776, a little more than two weeks before the philosopher’s death on August 25, he found Hume still at work on corrections to the Essays and Treatises. Hume had earlier been reading Lucian’s Dialogues of the Dead, and he speculated in jocular fashion with Smith on excuses that he might give to Charon for not entering his boat. One possibility was to say to him: “Good Charon, I have been correcting my works for a new edition. Allow me a little time, that I may see how the Public receives the alterations.” *10

Hume’s essays were received warmly in Britain, on the Continent, where numerous translations into French, German, and Italian appeared, and in America. In his brief autobiography, My own Life, *11 Hume speaks of his great satisfaction with the public’s reception of the essays. The favorable response to the first volume of Essays, Moral and Political made him forget entirely his earlier disappointment over the public’s indifference to his Treatise of Human Nature, and he was pleased that Political Discourses was received well from the outset both at home and abroad. When Hume accompanied the Earl of Hertford to Paris in 1763 for a stay of twenty-six months as Secretary of the British Embassy and finally as Chargé d’Affaires, he discovered that his fame there surpassed anything he might have expected. He was loaded with civilities “from men and women of all ranks and stations.” Fame was not the only benefit that Hume enjoyed from his publications. By the 1760s, “the copy-money given me by the booksellers, much exceeded any thing formerly known in England; I was become not only independent, but opulent.”

Hume’s essays continued to be read widely for more than a century after his death. Jessop lists sixteen editions or reprintings of Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects that appeared between 1777 and 1894. *12 (More than fifty editions or reprintings of the History are listed for the same period.) The Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary were included as Volume 3 of The Philosophical Works of David Hume (Edinburgh, 1825; reprinted in 1826 and 1854) and again as Volume 3 of a later edition by T. H. Green and T. H. Grose, also entitled The Philosophical Works of David Hume (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1874-75; vol. 3, reprinted in 1882, 1889, 1898, 1907, and 1912). Some separate editions of the Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary were published as well, including the one by “The World’s Classics” (London, 1903; reprinted in 1904).

These bibliographical details are important because they show how highly the essays were regarded by Hume himself and by many others up to the present century. Over the past seventy years, however, the essays have been overshadowed, just as the History has been, by other of Hume’s writings. Although some recent studies have drawn attention once again to the importance of Hume’s Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary, *13 the work itself has long been difficult to locate in a convenient edition. Some of the essays have been included in various collections, *14 but, leaving aside the present edition, no complete edition of the Essays has appeared since the early part of the century, save for a reprinting of the 1903 World’s Classics edition *15 and expensive reproductions of Green and Grose’s four-volume set of the Philosophical Works. In publishing this new edition of the Essays —along with its publication, in six volumes, of the History of England *16 —Liberty Fund has made a neglected side of Hume’s thought accessible once again to the modern reader.

Many years after Hume’s death, his close friend John Home wrote a sketch of Hume’s character, in the course of which he observed: “His Essays are at once popular and philosophical, and contain a rare and happy union of profound Science and fine writing.” *17 This observation indicates why Hume’s essays were held in such high esteem by his contemporaries and why they continue to deserve our attention today. The essays are elegant and entertaining in style, but thoroughly philosophical in temper and content. They elaborate those sciences—morals, politics, and criticism—for which the Treatise of Human Nature lays a foundation. It was not simply a desire for fame that led Hume to abandon the Treatise and seek a wider audience for his thought. He acted in the belief that commerce between men of letters and men of the world worked to the benefit of both. Hume thought that philosophy itself was a great loser when it remained shut up in colleges and cells and secluded from the world and good company. Hume’s essays do not mark an abandonment of philosophy, as some have maintained, *18 but rather an attempt to improve it by having it address the concerns of common life.

Eugene F. Miller is Professor of Political Science at the University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia

Editor’s Note

Part I, Essay I

Hume Texts Online

Essays, moral and political (1741-2).

• Advertisement (1741)
• Of the Delicacy of Taste and Passion (1741, 1777)
• Of the Liberty of the Press (1741, 1777)
• Of Impudence and Modesty (1741, 1760)
• That Politics may be reduced to a Science (1741, 1777)
• Of the First Principles of Government (1741, 1777)
• Of Love and Marriage (1741, 1760)
• Of the Study of History (1741, 1760)
• Of the Independency of Parliament (1741, 1777)
• Whether the British Government inclines more to Absolute Monarchy, or to a Republic (1741, 1777)
• Of Parties in General (1741, 1777)
• Of the Parties of Great Britain (1741, 1777)
• Of Superstition and Enthusiasm (1741, 1777)
• Of Avarice (1741, 1768)
• Of the Dignity or Meanness of Human Nature (1741, 1777)
• Of Civil Liberty (1741, 1777)
• Advertisement (1742)
• Of Essay-Writing (1742)
• Of Eloquence (1742, 1777)
• Of Moral Prejudices (1742)
• Of the Middle Station of Life (1742)
• Of the Rise and Progress of the Arts and Sciences (1742, 1777)
• The Epicurean (1742, 1777)
• The Stoic (1742, 1777)
• The Platonist (1742, 1777)
• The Sceptic (1742, 1777)
• Of Polygamy and Divorces (1742, 1777)
• Of Simplicity and Refinement in Writing (1742, 1777)
• A Character of Sir Robert Walpole (1742, 1768)

Essays Moral, Political, Literary (LF ed.)

• David Hume (author)
• Eugene F. Miller (editor)

This edition of Hume’s much neglected philosophical essays contains the thirty-nine essays included in Essays, Moral, and Literary , that made up Volume I of the 1777 posthumous Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects . It also includes ten essays that were withdrawn or left unpublished by Hume for various reasons. The two most important were deemed too controversial for the religious climate of his time.

• EBook PDF This text-based PDF or EBook was created from the HTML version of this book and is part of the Portable Library of Liberty.
• Facsimile PDF This is a facsimile or image-based PDF made from scans of the original book.

Essays Moral, Political, Literary, edited and with a Foreword, Notes, and Glossary by Eugene F. Miller, with an appendix of variant readings from the 1889 edition by T.H. Green and T.H. Grose, revised edition (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund 1987).

The copyright to this edition, in both print and electronic forms, is held by Liberty Fund, Inc.

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The first amendment, historic document, essays moral, political and literary (1741-58).

David Hume | 1741-58

David Hume (1711-76) was the author of A Treatise of Human Nature (1739-40), Essays Moral, Political and Literary (1741-58), A History of England (1754-62), and other works. The first of the works written by Hume is celebrated by contemporary students of philosophy, but it was not much read in its author’s own day. His essays, in their various and growing editions, were exceedingly popular and the same can be said for the volumes of his history as they appeared. Some in America found this enlightened Scot’s skeptical treatment of radical Whig claims about first principles and English history distasteful. Thomas Jefferson called Hume “a degenerate son of science.” James Madison claimed he was a “bungling lawgiver.” And John Adams accused him of being an “atheist, deist, and libertine.” But Hume’s influence, especially in the period of constitution-making, was nonetheless very great. In fact, in the period stretching from 1760 to 1800, he was in America the fourth most-cited secular author. Hume’s insight into human nature and the routinely factionalized, partisan nature of political life – which called for practical, often partisan, political solutions – combined with his effortless, lively, breezy style of writing, made Hume’s essays especially popular reading in America.  When Alexander Hamilton referred to that “just political maxim” that “every man must be supposed a knave,” he was simply plucking a passage from Hume’s essay, “Of the Independency of Parliament.”

Selected by

Professor of History and Charles O. Lee and Louise K. Lee Chair in the Western Heritage at Hillsdale College

Jeffrey Rosen

President and CEO, National Constitution Center

Colleen A. Sheehan

Professor of Politics at the Arizona State University School of Civic and Economic Thought and Leadership

“Of the Independency of Parliament” (1741):

Political writers have established it as a maxim, that, in contriving any system of government, and fixing the several checks and controls of the constitution, every man ought to be supposed a knave , and to have no other end, in all his actions, than private interest. By this interest we must govern him, and by means of it, make him, notwithstanding his insatiable avarice and ambition, co-operate to public good. Without this, say they, we shall in vain boast of the advantages of any constitution, and shall find, in the end, that we have no security for our liberties or possessions, except the good-will of our rulers; that is, we shall have no security at all.

It is, therefore, a just political maxim, that every man must be supposed a knave: Though at the same time, it appears somewhat strange, that a maxim should be true in politics , which is false in fact . But to satisfy us on this head, we may consider that men are generally more honest in their private than in their public capacity, and will go greater lengths to serve a party, than when their own private interest is alone concerned.

“Idea of a Perfect Commonwealth” (1777):

All plans of government, which suppose great reformation in the manners of mankind, are plainly imaginary. Of this nature, are the  Republic  of Plato, and the  Utopia  of Sir Thomas More. The Oceana [of James Harrington] is the only valuable model of a commonwealth, that has yet been offered to the public. . . . .

“Of Parties in General”—As much as legislators and founders of states ought to be honoured and respected among men, as much ought the founders of sects and factions to be detested and hated; because the influence of faction is directly contrary to that of laws. Factions subvert government, render laws impotent, and beget the fiercest animosities among men of the same nation, who ought to give mutual assistance and protection to each other. And what should render the founders of parties more odious is, the difficulty of extirpating these weeds, when once they have taken root in any state. They naturally propagate themselves for many centuries, and seldom end but by the total dissolution of that government, in which they are sown. They are, besides, plants which grow most plentifully in the richest soil; and though absolute governments be not wholly free from them, it must be confessed, that they rise more easily, and propagate themselves faster in free governments, where they always infect the legislature itself, which alone could be able, by the steady application of rewards and punishments, to eradicate them. Factions may be divided into PERSONAL and REAL; that is, into factions, founded on personal friendship or animosity among such as compose the contending parties, and into those founded on some real difference of sentiment or interest. The reason of this distinction is obvious; though I must acknowledge, that parties are seldom found pure and unmixed, either of the one kind or the other. . . .

Personal factions arise most easily in small republics. Every domestic quarrel, there, becomes an affair of state. Love, vanity, emulation, any passion, as well as ambition and resentment, begets public division. . . .

Men have such a propensity to divide into personal factions, that the smallest appearance of real difference will produce them. What can be imagined more trivial than the difference between one colour of livery and another in horse races? Yet this difference begat two most inveterate factions in the GREEK empire, the PRASINI and VENETI, who never suspended their animosities, till they ruined that unhappy government. . . .

Real  factions may be divided into those from interest,  from principle,  and from affection.  Of all factions, the first are the most reasonable, and the most excusable. Where two orders of men, such as the nobles and people, have a distinct authority in a government, not very accurately balanced and modelled, they naturally follow a distinct interest; nor can we reasonably expect a different conduct, considering that degree of selfishness implanted in human nature. It requires great skill in a legislator to prevent such parties; and many philosophers are of opinion, that this secret, like the grand elixir,  or perpetual motion,  may amuse men in theory, but can never possibly be reduced to practice. . . .

Parties from principle,  especially abstract speculative principle, are known only to modern times, and are, perhaps, the most extraordinary and unaccountable phænomenon,  that has yet appeared in human affairs. Where different principles beget a contrariety of conduct, which is the case with all different political principles, the matter may be more easily explained. A man, who esteems the true right of government to lie in one man, or one family, cannot easily agree with his fellow-citizen, who thinks that another man or family is possessed of this right. Each naturally wishes that right may take place, according to his own notions of it. But where the difference of principle is attended with no contrariety of action, but every one may follow his own way, without interfering with his neighbour, as happens in all religious controversies; what madness, what fury can beget such unhappy and such fatal divisions?

“Of the First Principles of Government” Nothing appears more surprizing to those, who consider human affairs with a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we enquire by what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as Force is always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to support them but opinion. It is therefore, on opinion only that government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular. . . .

Opinion is of two kinds, to wit, opinion of interest, and opinion of right. By opinion of interest, I chiefly understand the sense of the general advantage which is reaped from government; together with the persuasion, that the particular government, which is established, is equally advantageous with any other that could easily be settled. When this opinion prevails among the generality of a state, or among those who have the force in their hands, it gives great security to any government.

Right is of two kinds, right to Power and right to Property. What prevalence opinion of the first kind has over mankind, may easily be understood, by observing the attachment which all nations have to their ancient government, and even to those names, which have had the sanction of antiquity. Antiquity always begets the opinion of right; and whatever disadvantageous sentiments we may entertain of mankind, they are always found to be prodigal both of blood and treasure in the maintenance of public justice. There is, indeed, no particular, in which, at first sight, there may appear a greater contradiction in the frame of the human mind than the present. When men act in a faction, they are apt, without shame or remorse, to neglect all the ties of honour and morality, in order to serve their party; and yet, when a faction is formed upon a point of right or principle, there is no occasion, where men discover a greater obstinacy, and a more determined sense of justice and equity. The same social disposition of mankind is the cause of these contradictory appearances.

It is sufficiently understood, that the opinion of right to property is of moment in all matters of government. A noted author has made property the foundation of all government; and most of our political writers seem inclined to follow him in that particular. This is carrying the matter too far; but still it must be owned, that the opinion of right to property has a great influence in this subject. Upon these three opinions, therefore, of public  interest,  of  right to power,  and of  right to property,  are all governments founded, and all authority of the few over the many. There are indeed other principles, which add force to these, and determine, limit, or alter their operation; such as  self-interest,   fear,  and  affection:  But still we may assert, that these other principles can have no influence alone, but suppose the antecedent influence of those opinions above-mentioned. They are, therefore, to be esteemed the secondary, not the original principles of government.

“Of Refinement in the Arts” (1752):

If we consider the matter in a proper light, we shall find, that a progress in the arts is rather favorable to liberty, and has a natural tendency to preserve, if not produce a free government. In rude unpolished nations, where the arts are neglected, all labour is bestowed on the cultivation of the ground; and the whole society is divided into two classes, proprietors of land, and their vassals or tenants. The latter are necessarily dependent, and fitted for slavery and subjection; especially where they possess no riches, and are not valued for their knowledge in agriculture; as must always be the case where the arts are neglected. The former naturally erect themselves into petty tyrants; and must either submit to an absolute master, for the sake of peace and order; or if they will preserve their independency, like the ancient barons, they must fall into feuds and contests among themselves, and throw the whole society into such confusion, as is perhaps worse than the most despotic government. But where luxury nourishes commerce and industry, the peasants, by a proper cultivation of the land become rich and independent; while the tradesmen and merchants acquire a share of the property, and draw authority and consideration to that middling rank of men, who are the best and firmest basis of public liberty. These submit not to slavery, like the peasants, from poverty and meanness of spirit; and having no hopes of tyrannizing over others, like barons, they are not tempted for the sake of that gratification, to submit to the tyranny of their sovereign. They covet equal laws, which may secure their property, and preserve them from monarchical, as well as aristocratical tyranny.

The lower house is the support of our popular government; and all the world acknowledges, that it owed its chief influence and consideration to the encrease of commerce, which threw such a balance of property into the hands of the commons. How inconsistent then is it to blame so violently a refinement in the arts, and to represent it as the bane of liberty and public spirit!

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Essays, moral and political:

To the extent possible under law, the Text Creation Partnership has waived all copyright and related or neighboring rights to this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above, according to the terms of the CC0 1.0 Public Domain Dedication (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/). This waiver does not extend to any page images or other supplementary files associated with this work, which may be protected by copyright or other license restrictions. Please go to http://www.lib.umich.edu/tcp/ecco/ for more information.

• Advertisement.
• ESSAY I. Of the DELICACY of TASTE and PASSION.
• ESSAY II. Of the LIBERTY of the PRESS.
• ESSAY III. Of IMPUDENCE and MODESTY.
• ESSAY IV. That POLITICS may be reduc'd to a SCIENCE.
• ESSAY V. Of the first PRINCIPLES of GOVERNMENT.
• ESSAY VI. Of LOVE and MARRIAGE.
• ESSAY VII. Of the STUDY of HISTORY.
• ESSAY VIII. Of the INDEPENDENCY of PARLIAMENT.
• ESSAY IX. Whether the BRITISH GOVERN|MENT inclines more to ABSO|LUTE MONARCHY, or to a RE|PUBLIC.
• ESSAY X. Of PARTIES in general.
• ESSAY XI. Of the PARTIES of GREAT-BRITAIN.
• ESSAY XII. Of SUPERSTITION and EN|THUSIASM.
• ESSAY XIII. Of AVARICE.
• ESSAY XIV. Of the DIGNITY of HUMAN NATURE.
• ESSAY XV. Of LIBERTY and DESPOTISM.

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• About this edition

This edition contains the thirty-nine essays included in Essays, Moral, and Literary, that made up Volume I of the 1777 posthumous Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects . It also includes ten essays that were withdrawn or left unpublished by Hume for various reasons. The two most important were deemed too controversial for the religious climate of his time.

This revised edition reflects changes based on further comparisons with eighteenth-century texts and an extensive reworking of the index.

Eugene F. Miller  was Professor of Political Science at the University of Georgia from 1967 until his retirement in 2003.

"synopsis" may belong to another edition of this title.

Interestingly, Hume's was motivated to produce a collection of informal essays given the poor public reception of his more formally written Treatise of Human Nature in 1739. He hoped that his work would be interesting not only to the educated man, but to the common man as well. He passionately argues that essays provide a forum for discussing his philosophy of "common life."

"About this title" may belong to another edition of this title.

• Publisher Liberty Fund
• Publication date 1985
• ISBN 10  0865970556
• ISBN 13  9780865970557
• Binding Hardcover
• Number of pages 736
• Editor Miller Eugene F.

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Essays: moral, political, and literary (liberty classics) by hume, david [hardcover ].

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Essays -- Moral Political & Literary, 2nd Edition

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Essays - Moral, Political and Literary

Book Description Condition: New. Num Pages: 684 pages, glossary, index. BIC Classification: DNF; HPC; HPQ; JPA. Category: (P) Professional & Vocational; (UP) Postgraduate, Research & Scholarly; (UU) Undergraduate. Dimension: 234 x 162 x 52. Weight in Grams: 1278. . 1985. Revised. Hardcover. . . . . Seller Inventory # V9780865970557

Book Description Condition: New. Num Pages: 684 pages, glossary, index. BIC Classification: DNF; HPC; HPQ; JPA. Category: (P) Professional & Vocational; (UP) Postgraduate, Research & Scholarly; (UU) Undergraduate. Dimension: 234 x 162 x 52. Weight in Grams: 1278. . 1985. Revised. Hardcover. . . . . Books ship from the US and Ireland. Seller Inventory # V9780865970557

Essays -- Moral Political & Literary, 2nd Edition (Hardcover)

Book Description Hardcover. Condition: new. Hardcover. This edition contains the thirty-nine essays included in Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary that made up Volume I of the 1777 posthumous Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects. It also includes ten essays that were withdrawn or left unpublished by Hume for various masons. The two most important were deemed too controversial for the religious climate of his time. This revised edition reflects changes based on further comparisons with eighteenth-century texts and an extensive reworking of the index. This edition contains the thirty-nine essays included in "Essays, Moral, and Literary, " that made up Volume I of the 1777 posthumous "Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects." It also includes ten essays that were withdrawn or left unpublished by Hume for various reasons. The two most important were deemed too controversial for the religious climate of his time.This revised edition reflects changes based on further comparisons with eighteenth-century texts and an extensive reworking of the index.Eugene F. Miller was Professor of Political Science at the University of Georgia from 1967 until his retirement in 2003. Shipping may be from our UK warehouse or from our Australian or US warehouses, depending on stock availability. Seller Inventory # 9780865970557

Book Description Hardcover. Condition: new. Hardcover. This edition contains the thirty-nine essays included in Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary that made up Volume I of the 1777 posthumous Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects. It also includes ten essays that were withdrawn or left unpublished by Hume for various masons. The two most important were deemed too controversial for the religious climate of his time. This revised edition reflects changes based on further comparisons with eighteenth-century texts and an extensive reworking of the index. This edition contains the thirty-nine essays included in "Essays, Moral, and Literary, " that made up Volume I of the 1777 posthumous "Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects." It also includes ten essays that were withdrawn or left unpublished by Hume for various reasons. The two most important were deemed too controversial for the religious climate of his time.This revised edition reflects changes based on further comparisons with eighteenth-century texts and an extensive reworking of the index.Eugene F. Miller was Professor of Political Science at the University of Georgia from 1967 until his retirement in 2003. Shipping may be from our Sydney, NSW warehouse or from our UK or US warehouse, depending on stock availability. Seller Inventory # 9780865970557

ESSAYS: MORAL, POLITICAL, AND LI

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Political Intrigue and Moral Conflict in Shakespeare’s ‘The Tragedy of Julius Caesar’

This essay about “The Tragedy of Julius Caesar” analyzes the themes of political intrigue and moral conflict. It examines the motives and actions of key characters like Brutus and Cassius, highlighting their internal and external conflicts as they navigate the consequences of Caesar’s assassination. The discussion extends to the chaotic aftermath and the use of rhetoric by Mark Antony, emphasizing the impact of these dynamics on Rome’s fate and drawing parallels to modern political systems.

How it works

William Shakespeare’s “The Tragedy of Julius Caesar” is a rich tapestry of political intrigue and moral conflict, woven together to explore the tumultuous events leading up to and following the assassination of the titular Roman dictator. At the heart of the play is a profound exploration of the interplay between personal morality and public duty, a theme that resonates through the ages and remains pertinent in today’s political landscape.

The political intrigue in “Julius Caesar” is immediately evident in the conspirators’ plotting against Caesar.

Led by Brutus and Cassius, the conspirators are not merely power-hungry plotters; they are deeply concerned citizens who believe that the assassination of Caesar is necessary to prevent him from becoming a tyrant and to protect the Republic. Shakespeare portrays their actions with a degree of sympathy, complicating the audience’s response to their eventual deed. The moral conflict within Brutus, who is a close friend to Caesar yet also a staunch Republican, adds depth to this political maneuvering. Brutus’s internal struggle highlights the complexity of his character: he is virtuous and noble, yet fatally flawed by his overestimation of his own moral integrity and underestimation of the chaotic forces of ambition and corruption in others.

The essence of moral conflict in the play is encapsulated in Brutus’s soliloquy in Act 2, Scene 1. He says, “It must be by his death: and for my part, I know no personal cause to spurn at him, But for the general.” Here, Brutus wrestles with his conscience, persuaded not by any personal grievance but by a reasoned, albeit speculative, argument that Caesar’s rule could harm Rome’s democratic institutions. His decision is based on hypotheticals and ideals, rather than concrete evidence of Caesar’s tyrannical actions, highlighting the precarious nature of political decisions that are based more on fear of potential outcomes than on reality.

On the other side of the moral spectrum is Cassius, a character driven by personal jealousy and political pragmatism. His motivations are less noble than Brutus’s, and he manipulates Brutus, knowing that Brutus’s honorable reputation is essential in lending credibility to the conspiracy. Shakespeare uses Cassius to explore the darker side of political intrigue—the way personal vendettas and ambitions can disguise themselves as public-spirited actions. This interplay raises questions about the authenticity of the motives in political actions and whether the end always justifies the means.

The political intrigue extends beyond the assassination itself, as the play also delves into the chaotic aftermath of Caesar’s death. The power vacuum leads to further moral conflicts among the surviving characters. Mark Antony, ostensibly a loyal friend of Caesar, reveals his own ambitions and ruthlessness. His famous funeral oration is a masterclass in political manipulation, as he uses rhetorical skill and emotional appeals to turn the populace against Brutus and his fellow conspirators. Antony’s actions underscore a central theme in Shakespeare’s plays: the persuasive power of language in politics.

Moreover, the public’s reaction to Antony’s speech reflects the fickle nature of public opinion and the ease with which it can be swayed by charismatic leadership, further complicating the moral and ethical landscape of political life. This fickleness can be seen as a commentary on the vulnerabilities of democratic systems, which are susceptible to the whims of a populace that can be easily manipulated by skilled rhetoricians.

Ultimately, “The Tragedy of Julius Caesar” provides a profound commentary on the nature of power and morality. The characters are embroiled in a web of personal motives and public concerns, and their tragic fates reveal the often-destructive intersection of individual moral dilemmas and political machinations. The play not only asks whether it is justifiable to commit a wrong in the service of what one believes to be a greater good but also explores the disastrous consequences of such actions.

As relevant today as it was in Shakespeare’s time, “Julius Caesar” serves as a timeless reflection on the complexities of political life and the moral conflicts that accompany leadership and power. It challenges the audience to consider the weight of their own moral choices and the impacts those choices have on the broader canvas of human affairs.

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Political Intrigue and Moral Conflict in Shakespeare's 'The Tragedy of Julius Caesar'. (2024, May 21). Retrieved from https://papersowl.com/examples/political-intrigue-and-moral-conflict-in-shakespeares-the-tragedy-of-julius-caesar/

"Political Intrigue and Moral Conflict in Shakespeare's 'The Tragedy of Julius Caesar'." PapersOwl.com , 21 May 2024, https://papersowl.com/examples/political-intrigue-and-moral-conflict-in-shakespeares-the-tragedy-of-julius-caesar/

PapersOwl.com. (2024). Political Intrigue and Moral Conflict in Shakespeare's 'The Tragedy of Julius Caesar' . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/political-intrigue-and-moral-conflict-in-shakespeares-the-tragedy-of-julius-caesar/ [Accessed: 4 Jun. 2024]

"Political Intrigue and Moral Conflict in Shakespeare's 'The Tragedy of Julius Caesar'." PapersOwl.com, May 21, 2024. Accessed June 4, 2024. https://papersowl.com/examples/political-intrigue-and-moral-conflict-in-shakespeares-the-tragedy-of-julius-caesar/

"Political Intrigue and Moral Conflict in Shakespeare's 'The Tragedy of Julius Caesar'," PapersOwl.com , 21-May-2024. [Online]. Available: https://papersowl.com/examples/political-intrigue-and-moral-conflict-in-shakespeares-the-tragedy-of-julius-caesar/. [Accessed: 4-Jun-2024]

PapersOwl.com. (2024). Political Intrigue and Moral Conflict in Shakespeare's 'The Tragedy of Julius Caesar' . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/political-intrigue-and-moral-conflict-in-shakespeares-the-tragedy-of-julius-caesar/ [Accessed: 4-Jun-2024]

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Essays: Moral, Political, and Literary Kindle Edition

This edition contains the thirty-nine essays included in Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary that made up Volume I of the 1777 posthumous Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects . It also includes ten essays that were withdrawn or left unpublished by Hume for various reasons.

Eugene F. Miller was Professor of Political Science at the University of Georgia from 1967 until his retirement in 2003.

• Print length 736 pages
• Language English
• Sticky notes On Kindle Scribe
• Publisher Liberty Fund
• Publication date July 8, 1985
• Reading age 18 years and up
• File size 3023 KB
• Page Flip Enabled
• Word Wise Enabled
• Enhanced typesetting Enabled
• See all details

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Editorial Reviews

We have Hume's own word that the definitive statement of his philosophy is not to be found in the youthful Treatise of Human Nature but in the 1777 posthumous edition of his collected works entitled Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects. Yet a major part of this definitive collection, the Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary (a volume of near 600 pages, covering three decades of Hume's career as a philosopher) has been largely ignored. The volume has rarely been in print, and the last critical edition was published in 1874-75. With this splendid, but inexpensive, new critical edition by Eugene Miller, the door is open to a richer notion of Hume's conception of philosophy.

-- Donald Livingston, Emory University

From the Back Cover

Interestingly, Hume's was motivated to produce a collection of informal essays given the poor public reception of his more formally written Treatise of Human Nature in 1739. He hoped that his work would be interesting not only to the educated man, but to the common man as well. He passionately argues that essays provide a forum for discussing his philosophy of "common life."

About the Author

Product details.

• ASIN ‏ : ‎ B00HSL0MD4
• Publisher ‏ : ‎ Liberty Fund; Revised edition (July 8, 1985)
• Publication date ‏ : ‎ July 8, 1985
• Language ‏ : ‎ English
• File size ‏ : ‎ 3023 KB
• Text-to-Speech ‏ : ‎ Enabled
• Screen Reader ‏ : ‎ Supported
• Enhanced typesetting ‏ : ‎ Enabled
• X-Ray ‏ : ‎ Not Enabled
• Word Wise ‏ : ‎ Enabled
• Sticky notes ‏ : ‎ On Kindle Scribe
• Print length ‏ : ‎ 736 pages
• #612 in Modern Philosophy (Kindle Store)
• #1,238 in Political Philosophy (Kindle Store)
• #2,768 in Modern Western Philosophy

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Trump found guilty in hush money trial, but will it hurt him in the polls? Here’s why voters often overlook the ethical failings of politicians

Associate Professor of Marketing, Toronto Metropolitan University

Lecturer (Assistant Professor Equivalent) of Marketing, La Trobe University

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The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Toronto Metropolitan University provides funding as a founding partner of The Conversation CA.

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The jury in Donald Trump’s hush-money payments trial has found the former president of the United States guilty of falsifying business records in relation to payments made to adult film star Stormy Daniels. The guilty verdict marks the first felony conviction of an American president.

Speaking to reporters after the verdict, Trump called the trial a “rigged decision, right from Day 1.” He is likely to appeal the verdict .

Trump had been facing 34 felony charges stemming from his conduct in the lead-up to the 2016 U.S. presidential election. He faces three other criminal indictments that won’t likely go to trial before the November election. And in 2023, he was found liable for sexual abuse in a civil suit involving writer E. Jean Carroll.

Despite these legal troubles, many Republicans still support Trump and would vote for him as president , even while acknowledging Trump’s faults outside public office or the courtroom. In fact, 56 per cent of Republicans say Trump’s sexual misconduct should not disqualify him from running for president.

Moral decoupling

Republicans typically offer various reasons for supporting Trump, even while recognizing his sexual harassment of women. For example, some suggest that Trump is the victim of a political witch hunt , while others claim Trump’s current trials and charges are a form of election interference .

Why do many Americans continue to support Trump? And are there psychological reasons that explain why people remain supportive of politicians despite their moral or political failings?

“ Moral decoupling ” is a cognitive process that can explain why some people continue to support leaders in politics, media and sports even when they believe these leaders have significant moral failings outside of their professional vocation.

Moral decoupling is the ability to separate one’s judgments of a person’s moral character from their judgments of that person’s performance or abilities in public office. In simpler terms, it’s the mental process of saying: “I don’t agree with their actions, but I still think they’re effective at their job.”

Moral decoupling can explain why, for example, Woody Allen continues to have a dedicated fan base and receives support within the film industry despite facing allegations of sexual misconduct . Many fans and professionals separate their appreciation for Allen’s movies, such as Annie Hall and Midnight in Paris , from his personal controversies, allowing them to continue supporting and valuing his work while disregarding the allegations against him.

There is some reason to believe that conservatives might be more likely to morally decouple than liberals. People who identify as conservatives tend to think in more narrow terms . That is, conservatives tend to focus on particular issues, seeing them as separate from others , not representative of “who” the person is. Separating issues fulfills a psychological need to see the world in a more clear-cut and orderly manner.

Meanwhile, liberals tend to look at “the big picture.” This explains why, for example, conservatives support politicians like Ron DeSantis, who focuses on specific policies like education and handling of COVID-19, while more liberal people support politicians like Bernie Sanders, who strive for systematic change.

Implications for the future of democratic politics

Moral decoupling poses challenges for the future of democratic politics. As voters increasingly separate their judgments of personal morality from political leaders’ effectiveness in office, this trend could normalize misconduct from public officials.

Electors may increasingly justify such misconduct by elected officials , with supporters focusing on the candidate’s stance on a particular issue rather than their ethical values or fitness to hold office. It also reduces the need to hold public officials accountable not just to their office but to the public they serve. Indeed, effective political leaders are ethical leaders .

To address these challenges, it is crucial for members of all societies to foster a political culture that values both effectiveness as well as ethical conduct. Encouraging transparency, accountability and open dialogue about the moral implications of political actions can help mitigate the negative effects of moral decoupling.

Given the cognitive bases for moral decoupling, one way is to promote a more holistic approach to evaluating political leaders so voters can ensure that ethical considerations remain an integral part of the democratic process.

While moral decoupling helps explain why voters continue to support leaders despite their moral failings, it also highlights the need for a balanced approach to political judgment. As democracies evolve, it is essential to recognize the complexities of moral decoupling and work towards a political environment where both ethical integrity and effective leadership are equally valued.

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