media censorship in pakistan research paper

• DOI: 10.1177/097152310701400105
• Corpus ID: 154492288

Self-Censorship In The Pakistani Print Media

• Ramanujan Nadadur
• Published 1 June 2007
• Political Science
• South Asian Survey

20 Citations

Justifying self-censorship: a perspective from ethiopia, pakistani government–news media relationships, practices of self-censorship among nepali journalists, exploring the internal and external attributes of rising fear: a study of khyber pakhtunkhwa's women journalists, the rise of digital authoritarianism: evolving threats to media and internet freedoms in pakistan, the agency of journalists in competitive authoritarian regimes: the case of ukraine during yanukovich’s presidency, taming terror: domestication of the war on terror in the pakistan media, increasing accountability using data journalism: challenges for the pakistani journalists, elite pakistan press discourse on us drone policy, pakistan’s poverty puzzle: role of foreign aid, democracy & media, 24 references, media, religion, and politics in pakistan, the telephone interview, the personal interview, related papers.

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FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND MEDIA CENSORSHIP IN PAKISTAN: A HISTORICAL STUDY

2018, Media and Politics

Media is the most crucial element for the development of freedom of expression. Unfortunately history of Pakistan is evident of many unjustified rules and regulations imposed on media at the name of securing "National Interest". Many steps were taken the fourth martial law was imposed by General Pervaiz Musharraf who introduced a new dimension of media"s role towards politics and then media started its journey towards gradual freedom and liberty. This research paper is a qualitative analysis of the relation between Pakistan"s political and military governments and media.

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IntroductionEdmund Burke claimed press as 'fourth estate' because of its considerable importance. Raison d'etre of media is not just to update the masses about the latest occurrences; it has to work as a watchdog for national interest and formulate a vigilant public opinion. In the 21st century Pakistan has witnessed a tremendous growth and development in media sphere. The mushroom growth of television channels and FM radios is influencing attitudes and behaviors of general public. This significant increase drew attention towards media regulation, defining objectives and role of media for the development of Pakistan. Wilbur Schramm (1964) maintains that mass media should perform at least three functions in developing countries; media should serve as 'watchdogs', 'policymakers', and 'teachers' for change and modernization. As 'watchdogs' media should keep an eye on the activities of public institutions and report any anomalies and irregular...

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Pakistan Sees Surge in Silencing of Mainstream and Social Media

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The pulse  |  politics  |  south asia.

Attempts to reign in the media have grown since 2018, when the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf came to power.

A journalist shouts slogans during a demonstration to denounce rampant censorship and massive layoffs in Islamabad, Pakistan, July 16, 2019.

Pakistani authorities sent a record 417 content removal requests to Twitter in the second half of 2020 – almost double that in the previous reporting period – the social media site said, as the country is set to roll out strict new rules for tech firms.

In its latest transparency report , Twitter said legal demands made by the Pakistani government to remove or withhold content shot up 73 percent compared to the first six months of 2020. Between January and June of 2020, the company received 241 legal demands for removal of content from Pakistan.

Legal demands include a combination of court orders and other formal demands to remove content, from both governmental entities and lawyers representing individuals. Three demands were made through court orders, and Twitter said it complied with 41 percent of the total demands.

In these legal demands, 6,518 accounts were specified, but Twitter did not withhold any tweet or delete the accounts. The company added that it removed some content and/or accounts based on 724 legal demands for violating Twitter’s TOS (made up of both Twitter’s Terms of Service and the Twitter Rules).

Journalists also came under increasing pressure by governments to take down content. Worldwide, 199 verified journalists and news outlets were subjected to 361 legal demands to remove content. Twitter said that 52 of those requests came from Pakistan alone.

Usama Khilji, a director at Bolo Bhi, a digital rights advocacy group in Pakistan, said the surge in content removal requests signifies increased government scrutiny of online speech, and shows a disturbing trend.

The government’s reporting of tweets by journalists and news organizations to Twitter “undermines press freedom and freedom of speech as guaranteed by Article 19 of the Pakistani Constitution, and the right to information guaranteed by Article 19-A of the Constitution,” Khilji told The Diplomat. “This is a worrying trend in line with increasing censorship by the Pakistani state.”

Jan Rydzak, company engagement manager at Ranking Digital Rights, which promotes freedom of expression and privacy on the internet, said that such reporting by the government “chills free expression” and creates “collateral censorship” because the range of targets tends to get ever broader.

“The surge in demands targeting journalists in Pakistan and elsewhere is emblematic of this,” he said.

The type of content reported or removed was not specified, but under different sections of the 2016 Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA), uploading content that is against the higher judiciary and the glory of Islam (including blasphemous, sacrilegious, or sectarian content) is unlawful. Posting and sharing content that is indecent and immoral, promotes hate speech, and is against the integrity, security, and defense of Pakistan is also prohibited.

These subjective, vague, and broadly defined terms are often used to stifle freedom of speech and expression in Pakistan.

On July 20, the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) blocked access to Chinese video-sharing app TikTok for the fourth time in less than a year “due to continuous presence of inappropriate content on the platform and its failure to take such content down.”

The app owned by ByteDance, however, says it continues to work with regulators to serve its millions of users and creators in Pakistan. It removed 61.95 million videos globally for violating its terms, including nearly 6.5 million from Pakistan, during the first three months of the year.

Last September, the PTA blocked access to five dating and live streaming applications — Tinder, Tagged, Skout, Grindr, and SayHi — for not removing dating services and moderating live streaming content in accordance with local laws of Pakistan.

Since coming to power in 2018, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf government has time and again made attempts to reign in both mainstream (electronic and print) and social media.

Recently, it floated the idea of the Pakistan Media Development Authority, a super-regulator to centralize government oversight of the media, fueling concerns about further deterioration of press freedom. The move was deferred due to unanimous opposition from all stakeholders including media owners and representative bodies as well as the opposition.

In the annual World Press Freedom Index by Reporters without Borders (RSF), Pakistan’s ranking has dropped from 139th in 2018 when Prime Minister Imran Khan took office to 145th in 2021.

Besides censorship, journalists continue to be harassed, prosecuted, trolled online, abducted, and even attacked. In May, journalist Asad Toor was beaten and tortured by three men said to have identified themselves as spooks inside his apartment in the capital Islamabad – the most dangerous place for journalists in Pakistan, according to a recent report by Freedom Network, a local media watchdog.

Hamid Mir, host of one of Pakistan’s most-watched current affairs shows, was taken off-air and sent on forced leave for a speech that demanded accountability for repeated assaults on journalists in the country.

Over 8,000 journalists and associated media workers have lost their jobs and over a dozen outlets have been shut since late 2018, according to the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists. This is mainly because of a cut by over half in public sector advertising for the media sector.

Last year, the government notified the Removal and Blocking of Unlawful Online Content Rules 2020. However, after national and international outcry, it assured a revision of rules only after consultations.

The IT Ministry ended the consultation process on July 5, but digital rights activists as well as stakeholders including the Asia Internet Coalition, a representative body of technology companies, have expressed reservations over the proposed rules.

Khilji called the consultation an “eye-wash.” He pointed out that in the four rounds of discussions held by the government, “no significant changes have been made [in the draft] despite heavy engagement and feedback from stakeholders at each step.”

Khan figures in the RSF’s list of rulers who crackdown on press freedom. The RSF report pointed out that cyberspace is being subjected to “increasingly draconian censorship measures” by his government. Pakistan’s Information Ministry rejected the report.

Pakistani officials have argued that the coming of the digital media era (and with it misinformation and fake news) has made new forms of regulation necessary. However, there is often a thin line between censorship and regulation. The question then is: how should the authorities react?

For Rydzak, governments should mandate corporate transparency, especially on the incentives that grease the wheels of disinformation: advertising and engagement-driven algorithms.

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Censoring the Media in Pakistan

Controversial laws claiming to fight fake news are cracking down on press freedom instead.

• Social Justice

On Feb. 20, 2022, Pakistan’s President Arif Alvi signed two ordinances that made changes to the contentious Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) 2016. PECA was established under the pretext of protecting against fake news and online crimes including cyber harassment. But a prioritization of complaints by political figures and the increasing criminalization of defamation have led people to fear this act rather than feel protected. Among other amendments that seek to significantly change the way media is put forth in Pakistan, the changes to the defamation laws mean that the previous punishment of three years has been extended to five, and defamation is now a non-bailable offense.

The day after the ordinances were signed, President of the Supreme Court Bar Association Ahsan Bhoon termed the new ordinance an “attack on freedom of press and expression.” Attorney General Khalid Javed Khan shared that the law “will be draconian if it comes into force as it is.” The Islamabad High Court ruled that PECA was unconstitutional . But what does this decision mean for Pakistan’s journalists?

MARGINALIZING THE MARGINALIZED

Since 2016, the constantly changing cybercrimes act has received criticism from both local and international human rights monitors. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have warned that an expansion of Pakistan’s criminal defamation laws would violate international agreements. Nadia Rahman, acting deputy regional director for South Asia at Amnesty International, criticized the law for silencing freedom of expression on “the pretext of combating ‘fake news,’ cybercrime and misinformation” and pointed out that it endangers journalists, human rights defenders, and political opponents . 

While international pressure helps, the immediate issue is how these laws are impacting local journalists and activists. Activist Ammar Ali Jan positions the upcoming amendments in the context of a media that has been self-censoring dissenting voices for nearly a decade:

“ Social media became a space for these marginalized voices. PTM [ Pashtun Tahafuz Movement ] could never be mentioned in mainstream media. I was of course never allowed on TV. Their primary concern is to shut down voices of criticism. So this will have a huge impact, they’re already marginalized in mainstream press.”

A HISTORY OF STATE CENSORSHIP

Media censorship in Pakistan isn’t new . Journalist Naimat Khan pointed to extensive, overt media control during the tenure of former President Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, who ruled the country under martial law from 1978 to 1988. At that time, newspapers would be sent to the president’s office and any news that wasn’t deemed appropriate would be redacted . “As a way of pushing back against that censorship, journalists began to leave the spaces where news was censored blank instead of replacing it with other news so that readers would know that censorship is taking place,” Khan shared.

Digital media is often viewed as democratizing expression internationally, but Pakistan’s increasingly draconian laws are curbing that benefit for journalists.

Digital media is often viewed as democratizing expression internationally, but Pakistan’s increasingly draconian laws are curbing that benefit for journalists. Sara B. Haider , a journalist who has worked in Pakistan’s mainstream media for eight years, describes censorship as “the biggest threat to the growth of the media industry in Pakistan” and:

“ Unlike in the past, the flow of news is not linear anymore; because of social media and the rise of participatory journalism, there are fewer barriers to entry and the dissemination of information has become faster and more easily accessible to everyone.”

There is widespread fear and uncertainty around working in a country where stakeholders are alienated from such decisions. Digital rights groups and activists were not included in the debate around these laws, and the use of presidential powers leads to uncertainty as to just how much the government can abuse its powers in such areas. “These laws will increase another layer of self-censorship among journalists — a practice that is already quite rampant in the country,” said Rimal Farrukh , an Islamabad-based journalist covering South Asia. She added:

“One of the basic tenets of journalism equals telling truth to power. If you can’t hold government and state institutions accountable then society is at risk of falling victim to dangerous power imbalances. The new laws insulate government authorities against criticism even more than before, which is quite frankly, alarming.”

Marginalized groups are even more fearful. In a country where they have already faced trolling for their opinions, the new law could make their online presence far more dangerous. “Earlier, political dissent on social media would result in online harassment or trolling of journalists, particularly female journalists, but now your opinion could be criminalized under the garb of defamation,” Haider shared. She feels vulnerable to the potential weaponization of this law, as someone who works specifically on issues around women’s empowerment, social justice, and the legal sector with the intention to amplify marginalized voices.

DROWNING OUT DIVERSITY

Growing attacks on feminist narratives in media have already shown that these laws will do little more than drown out dissenting voices from Pakistani media spaces as more and more journalists find themselves self-censoring. Haider also pointed out that media organizations will soon find themselves rethinking their own policies:

“Media organizations will not only have to pay a price if they don’t abide by the law and continue with their existing editorial policies (which allow criticism of the government) but you’d have to be careful while expressing political opinions on social media, even if they are posted in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policies of the organization you work for.”

In all this noise, it will be those from marginalized backgrounds, who already struggle with getting mainstream media representation, that bear the brunt of the consequences. As Jan, whose work with the Haqooq-e-Khalq Movement focuses on uplifting silenced communities, said:

“When you have groups who are not heard by the public, their suffering increases. Their voice becomes inaudible. Social media was one place they could put their views forward. So when you take away that space from within those communities, it creates a lot of anxiety and uncertainty because they will remain invisibilized.”

Yet, Jan also believes a people’s movement is the way to fight back. He argued that educating people on their rights, having them fight for space for their voices and reshifting debates on democracy to include citizenship and fundamental constitutional rights is one of the main ways in which Pakistani citizens can fight back against such draconian measures::

“People have genuine grievances and questions and they have a right to express those. It’s unfortunate that we relate any kind of dissenting voice with a deep plot against Pakistan. We have to accept the diversity of voices in Pakistan and accept people wanting change and if we do that only then can we have a freer media and a stable Pakistan.”

Will the government ever appreciate Pakistan’s diverse voices or keep on curbing media freedoms? The answer is far from clear.

Anmol Irfan is a freelance journalist and founder of Perspective Magazine . Her work focuses on gender justice movements across the globe and looks at the intersectionality of such movements with areas like media, tech, climate, and more.

Anmol Irfan

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Freedom of Expression and Media Censorship in Pakistan

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Journal of Historical Studies Vol. IV, No. II (July-December, 2018) PP. 01-21

FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND MEDIA CENSORSHIP IN PAKISTAN : A HISTORICAL STUDY Saima Parveen Lecturer Department of History & Pakistan Studies University of Sargodha, Sargodha

Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti Associate Professor Department of Politics & International Relations University of Sargodha

Abstract Media is the most crucial element for the development of freedom of expression. Unfortunately history of Pakistan is evident of many unjustified rules and regulations imposed on media at the name of securing „National Interest‟. Many steps were taken like Press and Publication Ordinance (1963), creation of National Press Trust (1964), Registration of Printing Presses and Publication Ordinance (1988) etc… to keep the media in control. On October 12, 1999 the fourth martial law was imposed by General Pervaiz Musharraf who introduced a new dimension of media‟s role towards politics and then media started its journey towards gradual freedom and liberty. This research paper is a qualitative analysis of the relation between Pakistan‟s political and military governments and media.

Key Words: Democracy, Freedom of Expression, Martial Law, Media, Politics.

Introduction:

There is no concept of Modern Democracy without free and fair Media. Media plays the role of fourth pillar of state and has literally adopted the role of a healthy opposition as far as

Saima Parveen &Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti the criticism on government policies is concerned. It is the media that represents public opinion properly and no doubt the strength of media represents the strength of democracy in a state. Media is a very vast term in itself, and encompasses many fields. The term „media‟ are difficult to capture and define. The media are a „catch all term‟ that includes transactional corporations, communication technologies, policies and regularity frame works, the practices of journalism, columns, the nightly television , block buster movies, advertisements, business magazines, music, radio , the local news papers and the internet1. The media can play its constructive role in democracy only if there is encouraging environment that allow them to do so. They need the vital skills of comprehensive reporting that a new democracy requires. There should also be a mechanism to make certain that they are accountable to the public and that moral and professional standards are sustained. Media independence is guaranteed if media organizations are economically free from interference of media owners and the state, and operate in a competitive environment. The media should also be reachable to as wide section of society as possible. Efforts to help the media should be directed towards the fortification of press rights, enhancing media liability, building media capability and democratizing media access. Pakistan, unluckily since its formation in 1947, has been continuously victimized by political instability. Even after the death of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah , no political leader could prove him the savior of the country and bring out the nation from the marsh of economic and political problems. From 1947 to 1958, there was continuous political anarchy and unstable governments. Muslim League considering its birth right to rule the country forgot the politics of principles taught by the father of the nation during freedom movement and this situation paved way for the first Martial Law in October 1958. It is a grim reality that the imposition of first Martial Law also failed to develop any sense of responsibility in political leadership.

General Muhammad Ayub Khan decided to quit in 1969 and powers were transferred to General Yahya Khan, the 2nd Martial Law Administrator. The democracy was restored in 1972 but this restoration led to another Martial Law imposed by General Zia ul Haq in 1977. General Zia died in an air crash on 17th of August 1988 and Benazir Bhutto became the next elected Prime Minister. For the next 11 years, the government rolled like a ball between Pakistan People‟s Party (PPP) and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and both the parties led to another phase of martial law. These four military regimes were the same as far as the tactics to assume power and efforts to sustain rule were concerned but during that regime media witnessed a change in its policies. When the martial law was imposed on October 12, 1999, media was on the same lines to praise the ruler and criticize his predecessor. But after the elections of 2002, there was a significant change in its behavior. Many new private channels had been opened and they started a competition to be more informative, up to date and critical. The change in the electronic media policy of government influenced the print media policy. So, here we are going to have a look on the journey of Pakistani media towards freedom of expression.

Electronic Media in Pakistan:

The Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation was formed on August 14, 1947 when Pakistan became independent. It was direct descendent of the Indian Broadcasting Company which later became the All India Radio. At independence, Pakistan got only three Radio stations at Dhaka , Lahore and Peshawar . Under a major program of development, new stations were opened at Karachi and Rawalpindi in 1948. This was followed by further stations at Hyderabad in 1951, Quetta in 1956, a second station at Rawalpindi in1960 and a receiving center at Peshawar in 19602. Then started a phase when radio stations were opened all over the country and radio transmission was in access to all Pakistanis . In October 1998, radio Pakistan started FM transmissions and over the period of 2002-2005 new FM stations were opened at major cities. Now these FM stations are

Saima Parveen &Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti very much familiar in the country, because they are not only the source of news but also of entertainment like music, dramas, social, cultural, religious and agricultural programs. They have a large number of listeners.

In 1964 with the establishment of Pakistan Television under Government of Pakistan , the significance of Radio reduced. But both the media were not decisive in politics because they were under government control and they only promoted and provided coverage to government policies. Media was duly so much bound to obey the government that, Pakistan Television was not allowed to show a single shot of Benazir Bhutto, except once for a couple of seconds from July 1977 when General Zia-ul-Haq imposed Martial Law up to August 1988 when he died in an air crash. For eleven years whereas the General appeared every single day, she was kept away from TV and Radio 3 . In fact media was just like a puppet in government‟s hands, it couldn‟t take decisions at its own, but only to promote the official policy. In November 1988, when Benazir Bhutto was elected as Prime Minister, the media which were not allowed to cover her activities, started giving full coverage to her and her government.

In previous governments only Benazir Bhutto tried to break PTV‟s domination by establishing the People‟s Television Network. This channel was renamed as Shalimar Recording & Broadcasting Company (STN), and in 1990 it sold some of its broadcasting time to a private company the Network Television Marketing (NTM). NTM further developed as an entertainment channel and it obtained fame mainly for its dramas and music shows 4 . These TV channels were only for entertainment through dramas, songs and religious, social and cultural type of talk shows. They were just to promote the official policy of Pakistani government. The only gain for electronic media during 1997-1999 was the decision to telecast recorded versions of Question Hours in Parliament on radio and TV5. Although it was an encouraging decision, but because it was a recorded version of question hours in parliament, it did not fulfill the requirements of free media.

It is a surprising fact that free electronic media was initiated by a dictator General Pervez Musharraf with the inauguration of private TV channels in Pakistan during his military regime and now Pakistani Media is the most liberal and active media of the Muslim world. Cable system was introduced in 2004 in major cities of Pakistan and then it expanded all over the country. There are many private channels like Geo, Aaj, Hum, and Express, Dunia etc. which are working to make nation more and more aware of government policies and its corruptions. Looking on the table, one can better reveal the changes in electronic media from 1999 to 2009.

Growth in Electronic Media: 1999-2009 Medium 1999 2009 Local TV Channels 2 71 Radio stations 22 25 FM Radio stations in private Nil 111 (121 sector licensed) FM Radio stations in Public Nil 10 sector Cable operators (licensed) Nil 1600 Cable subscribers Nil 5 millions

Source: (PEMRA and Ministry of Information and Broadcast)

Print Media in Pakistan

History of Print Media in Pakistan is full of tragedies. Since the creation of Pakistan, the rulers as well as the masses have not developed the habit of free and true Media. A 1954 report of the Press Commission is open in its judgment of the state of the media at that time in Pakistan. A national press is the reflection of national politics. The politics of the country therefore do have very important effects on the country‟s press. It can be said that a country gets the kind of press it deserves. If the politics of a country is polluted, the country‟s press cannot get unaffected of it. The country will continue to have a bad press as long as its politics is not clean6. The history of democracy in Pakistan is full of tragedies. Here, since the 70 years of

Saima Parveen &Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti establishment of Pakistan, elections have been conducted with irregular intervals. It was because the elected governments were continuously interrupted by the military regimes. Similarly, not even a single elected government except that of PML (Q) from 2002 to 2007 and Pakistan People‟s Party (Parliamentarians) PPP (P) from 2008 to 2013 completed its tenure.

Democracy has faced many challenges in Pakistan which are due to the inherited colonial pattern, absence of true and visionary leadership, ethnic and linguistic differences and some other factors which resulted in the domination of civil bureaucratic and military elites instead of the elected legislative bodies. Military rule has lasted for more than around 35 years (Ayub Khan 1958-1969, Yahya Khan 1969-1971, Zia ul Haq 1977-1988, and Pervaiz Musharraf 1999-2008). During the 70 years history of Pakistan, the reigns of Pakistani governments have been in the hand of military and civil (elected and unelected) rulers in alternate phases. It is very unfortunate that during the democratic regimes, opposition starts looking or rather invites the Army to intervene due to the failure of the governments.

However, when Army takes over and prolongs for certain years, public again gets unsatisfied with this type of regimes and military regimes are not conducive for and fit in a democracy. This trend in politics has destabilized the democracy in Pakistan and has hindered the growth of democratic spirit.

In 1940, when Lahore Resolution was passed, All India Muslim League and the Quaid-e-Azam felt need of their own press who could promote their opinion and convey it to the common masses. In this regard the Dawn which was a weekly newspaper was converted in to a daily newspaper. Another Urdu newspaper started during the 2nd World War by Mir Khalil-ur-Rehman, a weekly periodical the Jang, from Delhi. This paper was also converted to daily newspaper during the movement for the demand of Pakistan. After independence the Dawn and the Jang were shifted to Karachi from Delhi. 6

Another Urdu fortnightly periodical was started by Hamid Nizami in March 1940 from Lahore, when Lahore Resolution was passed. This paper completely devoted itself for the cause of Muslim League. An English daily named “The Pakistan Times” was launched by Mian Iftikhar-u-din in February 1947. Mian Iftikhar was a liberal intellectual, graduated from Oxford, so he collected outstanding cohort of journalists for his paper. These papers really set examples for future journalism. Their contribution was outstanding in the history of journalism in Pakistan.

Mapping the Media in Pakistan, a report by International Media Support (IMS) says that there are 945 regular daily and weekly newspapers and magazines published in Pakistan7. As we are going to discuss about the historical background of Print Media in Pakistani politics it would not be out of place to have an overview of the print media groups in Pakistan.

An Overview of Print Media Groups in Pakistan

Sr. Media Newspaper/Magzine Language No. group 1 Jang a- The daily Jang a- Urdu b- The Daily Awam b- Urdu c- The Daily Awaz c- Urdu d- The Daily Waqt d- Urdu e- The News e- English f- Akhbar-e-Jehan f- Urdu weekly g- English g- MAG The Weekly 2 Dawn a- The Daily Dawn a- English b- The Star b- English 3 Nawa-i- a- The Daily Nawa-i- a- Urdu Waqt Waqt b- English b- The Nation c- Urdu c- Phool (Monthly) d- Urdu d- Family Magazine e- Urdu (Weekly) e- Nida-i-Millat (Weekly)

Saima Parveen &Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti

4 Express a- The Daily Express a- Urdu b- The Express b- English Tribune c- Urdu c- Express Sunday (Magazine) 5 Daily a- The Daily Aaj Kal a- Urdu Times b- The Daily Times b- English c- The Friday Times c- English English d- English d- The Wikkid English Source: Mezzera, Marco, and Safdar Sial. "Media and Governance in Pakistan: A Controversial yet Essential relationship.

Looking at the history of print media in Pakistan in the perspective of political development, it is unfortunate to note that the history of 70 years is full with successful use of all means to suppress media by Government, whether these governments were political or military. The history of suppression on Pakistani press starts in 1948, within the first year of independence. The first attack on press freedom in Pakistan came in 1948, when three progressive periodicals were prescribed by Muslim League government. Later on the ban was expired and one of the journals re-appeared in the market, it was asked to furnish a security deposit. After this, its editor was jailed under the Safety Act Ordinance of 1948. Other publications were also banned and asked to furnish securities, and their editors were arrested8. It is lamentable that democratic traditions have never been promoted and followed in our country. From the very beginning the government officials and ministers tried to hide their mischievous deeds from the masses, it opened the way of corruption in government and the media, if tried to expose it, was made to suffer. Journalism has always been the most challenging type of profession in Pakistan and the first attack on freedom of press in 1948 opened the gate for further attacks on media.

Although, Pakistan was achieved in the name of Islam , where every person would be allowed to follow his religion, customs, 8

Journal of Historical Studies Vol. IV, No. II (July-December, 2018) PP. 01-21 culture and traditions yet the media were not given permission to work freely. They were not more than a puppet in governments‟ hands. They were not free to defend the democratic values; instead they were working to praise government policies for just to secure themselves. “National interests”, “the glory of Islam” and “the Ideology of Pakistan” these catchwords were used to extend support from press for the government. Another step taken by Ayub Khan was to take the charge of PPL group on April 18, 1959 for the reason that they contained news likely to endanger the security of Pakistan: and that they were printed with funds from foreign sources. Types of excuses were made to usurp the freedom of media in Pakistan by all the dictators as well as the democratic rulers, because democratic rulers had ruled like despots in the case of Pakistan.

During Ayub regime, the press in Pakistan suffered the greatest and the most destructive set back. He was the ruler who first time introduced the blackest law known as the “Press and Publication (Amendments) Ordinance” on September 2, 1963 in history. Ayub khan started his invasion on press by taking over the independent papers, namely the “Pakistan Times”, “Imroz” and weekly “Lail o Nahar” belonging to the Progressive Papers Ltd., under Martial Law ordinance. The Press and publication amendment ordinance known as “National Press Trust” took over at least fourteen established dailies and weeklies and their chain papers including “The Pakistan Times”, “Imroz”, “Morning News”, and “Mashriq”. In this way Ayub Khan nationalized large parts of the press and took over one of the two largest news agencies9. The next step to press the Media was the formation of National Press Trust (NPT) which was taken to “raise the standards of journalism in the country.” The main cause to form NPT was to control and cover press and set loyalist and conformist traditions to be followed by others. This trust whose five to nine trustees were government representatives acquired 12 newspapers.

This type of pressure on press stopped its creativity. A false, incredible staleness emerged in the printed word in Pakistan so journalism stopped growing; it became simply the profession of

Saima Parveen &Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti reproduction of various official versions. The level of information necessary for a dynamic public opinion never rose above the files of the Information Ministry10. This was not only in the case of Ayub regime, but the elected governments also performed the same character. When Ayub regime ended in 1970, the loyalties of NPT were transferred to the next ruler General Yahya Khan. Ayub government also took over the premier news agency Associated Printing Press (APP), again through an ordinance. The whole period of 1968 and the beginning of 1969 ending on the imposition of Martial law by another military ruler General Yahya Khan was marked by a great rise of people against the despotic rule of General Ayub Khan. To press this revolt Ayub government reasserted more and more repressive measures.

General Yahya Khan was welcomed by Pakistani Media as a military ruler. No one criticized the rule but all tried to promote their proclaimed intentions. All Press was looking to the Military regime to articulate „the wishes and aspirations of the people‟ and bring about the Islamic democratic system for which the country had been created. During Yahya regime, the elections were held in December 1970 which resulted in 167 seats of Awami League and 85 seats of Pakistan People Party. But during the tussle for power between Z.A Bhutto and Mujib- ur-Rehman, the Media of both wings completely divided in support of two different groups. Media in East Pakistan was supporting Mujib and his Six Points while media in West Pakistan was declaring six points as danger to Pakistan‟s integrity and Mujib as a traitor. No one worked for the national interests or unity of Pakistan. The Media treatment of Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman, the leader of the majority party (Awami League), is couched in negative vocabulary. He is projected as an „intransigent‟ and „obstinate‟ person, who insists constitution only on „Six Points‟ basis11.

This was the perception given to the Media by the central government. Media played the role of a puppet in government‟s hands. Media had no right to show the real picture of the issue to the nation. So, one can‟t deny the fact that media also played negative role in the separation of East Pakistan. On the other

Journal of Historical Studies Vol. IV, No. II (July-December, 2018) PP. 01-21 hand, a democratic era was about to Dawn after a long night (1958 to 1971) of military dictatorship. An editorial was published in “Dawn” on March 3rd, 1973, which warned that no constitution given by a single individual or alone party, however, massive its majority in the constitution-framing body can be immune from future challenges or possess and insurance against subversion. The media seemed to be moving away from the shadow of the status quo group and trying to find a locus stand of its own. This was truer of Dawn and Nawa-i-Waqt than about Jang and the Pakistan times. During the tragic time of separation of East Pakistan, the whole nation was in a feeling of chaos that‟s why media felt its responsibility. Upcoming government also became lenient but very soon the dream of free press changed into nightmare.

When Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto took over power, he addressed many friendly speeches for press and showed intentions to join a friendly relation with press. But this friendly relation ended very soon. The dismissal of Z. A. Suleri and then there was a series of despotic actions taken by the Bhutto government. Government cancelled the new print quota of “the Jang”, Quetta and issued show cause notice to a number of newspapers including “the Nawa-i-Waqt and Imroz”, in 1972. “The Sun”, Karachi was also banned in July of the same year, under Press & Publication ordinance12. Government stopped the national advertisements to “Dawn” group of newspapers, and many other newspapers were penalized by the curtailment of news print quota. With the help of these actions government wanted to strangulate the independence of the press not toeing its political line. The Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) and other employees of press industry condemned the despotic actions which rendered more than five hundred families jobless.

PFUJ met Z.A Bhutto and tried to get a sympathetic consideration and some positive actions from government. But government continued with its policy of muzzling the press and banned one after another newspapers and journals including “the Frontier Guardian” and “the Shahbaz” of Peshawar, “the Outlook” and “the Mubrigh” of Quetta, the Zindagi and a

Saima Parveen &Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti number of weeklies edited by Mujib-ur-Rehman Shami. Another step taken by the government was the formation of National press Commission, in September 19, 1973. The constitution of 1973 was favored by “The Pakistan Times” but other newspapers did not warmly welcome the constitution. But very soon Bhutto‟s dominant personality made the Media to be on its way. NPT was the creation of a military ruler and Pakistan Peoples' Party had earlier promised to dissolve it. But when PPP came to power in 1972, it simply extended the tradition of taking over the control of NPT. Under the false promise that the newspapers belonging to it had to be maintained it was returned to collective domain. A shameless campaign was initiated by the new political masters, of character assassination against those who dared to criticize any action of Bhutto or other party workers13. Although, Pakistan was blessed with a democratic government after the despotic rule of 11 years of military rulers yet it was not a blessing for media. Due to his obstinate, nature Bhutto always tried to suppress his opposition with using all possible means.

Bhutto‟s oppressive policies continued until Muhammad Zia ul Haq stole power in a 1977‟s bloodless coup. Like his predecessor, he also adopted the friendly policy towards the press in the beginning of his regime just to gain the sympathies of media and motivate them to make masses to say welcome to another military regime. As an editorial in the Jang commented on imposition of Martial Law by Zia, the action, taken by the armed forces at the beginning of the last month had become inevitable because the country had reached the brink of disaster and had this action been delayed it would have become impossible to control the situation. Had the armed forces not intervened on 5th July, the situation would have become so grave that it could have endangered the very existence and integrity of the country. The way the military forces have taken steps, in a short period of 5 weeks since 5th July to organize political process on the correct lines, could not have been expected by many people14.

This was the main reason to develop friendly relations with Media at initial stage of Martial Law, that the leading

Journal of Historical Studies Vol. IV, No. II (July-December, 2018) PP. 01-21 newspaper of a free country was favoring imposition of Martial Law. But this relation did not last long. Zia jailed eleven journalists and flogged four more on May 12, 1978 for organizing a meeting at a public place, raising banners and starting a hunger strike15. General Zia ul Haq, who ruled for eleven years introduced another weapon to control the press and to defend “Islam and Islamic values”, named “censorship”. During his regime, journalists were sentenced to imprisonment and lashes. When he postponed elections the second time and dissolved all political parties on October 1979, to make press less effective he imposed censorship on newspapers. His next step was that he directed all government departments, educational institutes and libraries to purchase only NPT publications. Zia justified his repressive policies in the name of protecting Islam, the ideological priorities of the country and the nation.

In societies like ours it‟s a great tragedy that whenever the question of media freedom is raised, the governments come up with their self styled code of ethics, for journalists. During the last 70 years all governments tried to lessen the influence of media at the name of ethical laws. Gen. Zia ul Haq dismissed nine senior journalists working in the Imroz, Pakistan Times and Mashriq, three Lahore newspapers of National Press Trust for signing a memorandum demanding to end the atrocities on Sindhi population, in 1983 16 . Well known professor of journalism Dr. Mehdi Hassan suggested that there should be a line of neutrality and self evaluation for the media and the journalists, but it is a lamentable fact that every government tried to evolve a code of ethics only in partnership with the media owners, instead of co-operating also with the journalists. Same was the case with military ruler General Zia ul Haq; he always tried to bound press in the name of Islamic values and traditions. He introduced many Islamic laws to be followed by media.

Not only the media but our economy, politics, foreign policy, in fact each and every department has been the victim of authoritarianism. Through our history, the continuing dictatorial and despotic repression has stitched us into the

Saima Parveen &Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti straitjacket of formal institutionalized control. The power elite that has owned and supervised the means, and the bulk, of economic wealth has almost impulsively realized the co- relation between an ignorant public and exploitable people17. It is unfortunate that political history of Pakistan is full of such type of tragic facts that our rulers have used to fulfill their personal interests in the name of religion, national interests or national welfare. It not only affected the politics, economics, society but also the media culture of the country. There was no prominent difference in political or military governments regarding their attitude towards media. In 1985, Muhammad Khan Junejo was elected as prime minister and dictatorship of Zia ended but Press and Publication Ordinance (PPO) remained at its place in democratic government also. And media was much under stress as in Zia period. In May 1988, General Zia- ul-Haq dismissed the National Assembly but soon he died in an accidental plane crash in August 1988. During this period another law came in to effect known as Registration of Printing Presses and Publication Ordinance. According to this law District Magistrate was assigned to issue a receipt to an applicant for the issuance of a declaration for the keeping of a printing press to provide an application with proof that would help avoid government interference to control the press.

In November 1988, the first woman prime minister of the Muslim world Benazir Bhutto introduced a new phase of open- mindedness to the mass media laws. Electronic and print media were given consent to provide daily and balanced reporting to the speeches and views of the opposition in news bulletins and current affair programs. Because the print media reaches a small percentage of the population, this change had significant effects on the public. But it continued no longer and was returned to the old, one-sided coverage after only four months because of pressure on Bhutto by her party. The free press grew stronger during this phase as well as the regional language press, such as Sindi language newspapers, showed a new energy in reporting the news and in examining the issues of the day. In addition, new technology and use of computers and desktop publishing permitted a more timely and in-depth reporting of the news. Bhutto also ended the dictatorial

Journal of Historical Studies Vol. IV, No. II (July-December, 2018) PP. 01-21 practices of using newsprint as a means of controlling the press. Exclusively, the Ministry of Information no longer need issuance of permits to import newsprint and allowed a free and open system of introducing newsprint at market prices.

In 1990, Muhammad Nawaz Sharif took over the government and restored the issuance of permits system for newsprint. During 1992, government pressure on independent press increased in Pakistan. During the “ Long March ” of Pakistan Democratic Alliance against the sitting government led by former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, security forces beaten protesters and journalists alike18. This was the attitude of an elected government with the media of its country. There was not any difference in the attitude of government with the media whether it was elected or dictatorial. It remained uncertain whether or not any separate press laws existed in the country. In 1988, Ayub Khan‟s notorious Press and Publication Ordinance was repealed and replaced by the Registration of Printing Presses and Newspapers Ordinance. This was never made to a parliamentary act. It continued to be reissued as a presidential ordinance after every fourth month- the limit of the life of presidential ordinance until early in 1991. One interpretation was that no press laws had therefore since existed. The other pressed by official quarters was that with the lapse of RPPNO the repeal of the earlier Press and Publication ordinance which it replaced had also lapsed, and therefore the later had since stood revived19. In fact press has never been given its due right in our country. Same was the case with Nawaz government, which tried to suppress the media for its own interests. He never tried to promote journalism, which is directly related to democratic culture. Although Nawaz government, was an elected government yet it never tried to create a democratic culture in the country.

Benazir Bhutto again became prime minister and was ousted again in 1996 and Nawaz Sharif took over government in February 1997 elections. Nawaz Sharif remained the ruler for two and a half years. Sharif government was once again repressive for media; many journalists were punished who dared to criticize his government, Sharif government in its

Saima Parveen &Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti vanity of “heavy mandate” put tremendous pressure on journalists using all possible means. Sharif government was ended by General Pervez Musharraf‟s military coup on October 12, 1999. Musharraf Government announced to follow a more liberal policy towards the press with fewer limitations and much less exploitation, news to contradict the claim was numerous. The Pakistan press foundation (PPF) reported continued harassment and dangers to journalists. We cannot, however deny the fact that during Musharraf regime Pakistan entered a distinct new phase of rapid change, so far so the liberation of media is concerned.

It is a hopeful sign for democracy that media is getting influential in politics. Growing influence of Media is certainly a blessing for this nation, which, since its independence has remained under authoritarian regimes. Pakistani media with its relative independence has become a trend setter for political and social discourse in the country. Nevertheless the situation in media industry is not as perfect as to conclude it a story of success20. From 1999, Pakistan entered a new era and now, amongst the 57 member states of the organization of the Islamic Conference, Pakistan has the highest level of freedom of expression. Press freedom in Pakistan could be a debate but in over all terms, it can be declared with confidence that the Media in this period have helped the Pakistani nation to obtain a new level of wakefulness plurality in public conversation unknown in all decades of history.

In Pakistan, constitutional development has always been subjective to an unstable political system. Pakistan has had three periods of military rule 1958-71, 1977-88 and 1999-2008. Periods between military regimes and democracy rule seem to alternate each other in gaps of almost ten years. In Pakistan Democracy has never been given the full chance to sustain itself. Democracy is both, a process in which every step counts as well as the outcome of this process. It cannot be left to chance, especially when some of the actors have every incentive to prevent such an evolution and distort the process at every stage so as to make sure that not only do they remain in control of the situation; they also succeed in destroying every

Journal of Historical Studies Vol. IV, No. II (July-December, 2018) PP. 01-21 institution to be responsible for their interests21. Democracy has not had enough time in Pakistan to fully develop. State organizations such as the judiciary remained weak and democratic traditions have not sustained. The political leadership of the country is bound to conventional feudal power configuration, and the deprived are not able to rise to political power. Support for democracy is however strong in Pakistanis. In recent years civil society has proven to be stronger and more committed than ever.

Conclusion:

When one talks about media and its role in deepening democracy it doesn‟t mean that only democracy depends on media, but media is also dependent on democracy. If a country has strong and free media there would be a suitable atmosphere for democracy, and if a state is a strong and has true democracy its media should be strong and free. So as far as the history of politics in Pakistan is considered non democratic, it‟s not only merely because of weak institutions, lack of democratic values and personal interests of politicians, media are also responsible for it. As Shams ul Islam Naz, secretary general, Pakistan Federation of Journalists has said in his speech: „If good governance is a bi-product of democracy and media, it is not important to question whether media are not creating a mess or hampering the progress of good governance. When we talk about tax evasions and accountabilities, do the media hold themselves accountable? In the tax evasion, we must see how much tax the media are giving, 95% of their staff remained unpaid, they are not on a regular pay role and doesn‟t have any job security, doesn‟t have job descriptions, is not even at lowest rates. And you think such people will uphold the standards of authentic and objective information. In such times constantly asking the ruling political party, the president and the prime minister to provide good governance, the media should must look in itself‟.22

So, the week democratic background of Pakistani politics is due to the media also, which has not played its due role in the past. As well as government‟s suppressing policies are concerned,

Saima Parveen &Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti they are still suppressing but now media has firmly decided to perform its due role. We can‟t forget the attack from Musharraf government on Geo news office, but Geo didn‟t stop its mission to fight against military rule. If look at the period from 2002 to 20015 it is full of so many incidents, in which media has played decisive role, like judicial crises, Jamea Hafsa issue, Drone attacks and Akbar Bugti‟s murder, treaty of democracy, assassination of Benazir Bhutto, electric load shedding problem, money laundering issue, National Action Plan and many more. Although media was just a source of entertainment in the past yet there were some people who always tried to change the system. The state-controlled media, radio and TV, parts of the information system, we cannot blame them directly_ their programming content is determined by the unintelligent system that fully controls them, their programming principles have been laid down in that private, secretive Pakistan. In radio and TV, there are many fine, intelligent fact-conscious personnel struggling to transmit the truth, or whatever part of it they can lay their hands on, but there is always the basic, central systematic control preventing full, open discussion of issues.

Since independence, corruption and mismanagement have become common culture in Pakistan. Now media has to work hard to clean up the mess. As a result Government considers it as degradation and defeat. The anchors like Kamran Khan, Shahid Masood, Hamid Mir , Luqman Mubashar, Talat Hussain , Gharida Farooqi, Shahzeb Khanzada etc. have successfully criticized missing people issue, Kerry Lugar bill, steel mills issue, NRO, rental projects, money laundering issue, National Action plan, victimization by members of assemblies and brought out inside stories of deal with each other. Government feels it as humiliation and use different tactics to stop them but now media has become so strong that it‟s difficult to stop it. Democracy and Media are closely linked with each other. The deficit of one has its negative implications for the other. It is natural that they reinforce each other. However like democracy whose quality is crucial for sustaining it, the media cannot perform its role effectively without maintaining high

Journal of Historical Studies Vol. IV, No. II (July-December, 2018) PP. 01-21 professional standards and performing their critical role with responsibility and non-partisan disposition.

1 Geoffrey Craig, The Media, Politics and Public Life(Crows Nest: Allen & Unwin, 2004),3.

2 Muhammad Imtiaz Shahid, Mass Communication( Lahore: Advanced Publishers, 2011), 129-130.

3 Javed Jabbar, “Do the Media set the World‟s Agenda: or the reverse?” Asian Media Summit, Kualalumpur: April 22, 2004. 4 Macro Mezzera, and Safdar Sial. "Media and Governance in Pakistan: A Controversial yet Essential relationship." Dingendael Organization. October 2010. https://www.clingendael.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/20101109_CRU_pu blicatie_mmezzera.pdf (accessed March 12, 2017).

5 Javed Jabbar, “Electronic Media: New Transitions,” The News, February 12, 2002. 6 GOP, Report from Press Commission, Karachi: Government of Pakistan, 1954, 181.

7 Support, I. M. "Pakistan: Between Radicalization and Democratization in an unfolding Conflict." IMS. July 14, 2009. https://www.mediasupport.org/publication/pakistan-between- radicalisation-and-democratisation-in-an-unfolding-conflict/ (accessed April 14, 2017).

8 Mehdi Hassan, Mass Media in Pakistan (Lahore: Aziz Publishers, 2001), 78.

9 Support, I. M. "Pakistan: Between Radicalization and Democratization in an unfolding Conflict." IMS. July 14, 2009.

10 Javed Jabbar, “The War Within,” The Herald, January 6, 1972. 11 Rai Shakil Akhtar, Media, Religion and Politics in Pakistan( Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2000), 104.

12 Hassan, Mass Media in Pakistn, 97.

13 Z. Niazi, The Press in Chain(Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1986), 111.

14 M. A. Khan, "The Mediatization of Politics: A structural analysis. Pakistaniaat," A Journal of Pakistan Studies I, no. 1 (2009): 30-47.

15 Hassan, Mass Media in Pakistan, 99. 16 Ibid, 100. 17 Javed Jabbar, “Scissors of your Mind,” She, February 5, 1977.

18 HRCP, Report on Suffering of Journalists, Human Rights, Islamabad : Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, 1992.

19 Human Rights Commission Report on Suffering of Journalists, 1992. 20 Shahid, Mass Communication, 373.

21 Frederic Grare, "Does Democracy have a Chance in Pakistan," The Sruggle Within, by Wilson John, Delhi: Pearson Longman, 2009, 1-7.

22 Shams ul Islam Naz, (secretary General Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists), “PFUJ Resolution”, speech at SAFMA National Conference 4, setting a national agenda, Media, Democracy and Good Governance, 6-7 November 2010 Islamabad.

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