language and identity essay

Language and Identity Essay

Introduction.

• Language and Gender
• Language and Racial Identity
• Language and Social Status

Works Cited

Language serves as a vital means of expression, facilitating communication and interaction. It’s not merely a tool for conveying thoughts but is intrinsically linked with an individual’s identity. The question arises: How is language profoundly intertwined with identity?

Individuals, each with their unique characteristics, employ language to express their distinctions or commonalities. In particular, language can be a unifying force for people belonging to a specific social group, highlighting the bond between language and identity from the beginning.

An individual’s identity is not fixed; it varies depending on the situation, purpose, and context. When people find themselves in new environments, they often reshape their identities to adapt. This adaptability underscores the need to explore how environmental changes can redefine the link between language and identity.

Language can also indicate a person’s social status, race, nationality, or gender. Typically, members of a specific group share a common language, reinforcing their unity. This shared linguistic experience solidifies group identity and fosters a sense of belonging through shared experiences and ease of communication.

In this language and identity essay, we explore the dynamic interplay between these two concepts, exploring how they mutually influence and define each other.

Language and Identity: Gender

The intersection of language and gender identity reveals distinct patterns. Across various cultures, gender-based variations in speech are prevalent. Historically, linguistic differences have been observed in how women and men communicate. These differences often stem from the divergent social statuses of men and women, significantly influencing their manner of speaking. Power dynamics and societal roles of subordination between genders typically manifest in their vocabulary choices.

In many societies, there is an expectation for women to use more refined and polite language compared to men. Such cultural norms frequently discourage women from using profanity or obscene language. In these contexts, women often occupy a subordinate position, with their social liberties being more restricted than men’s. This disparity can increase insecurity, uncertainty, and a lack of confidence among women (Talbot 35). Consequently, the use of language within a society can indicate the level of social freedom and gender equality. The linguistic choices of men and women are integral to the discourse on language and identity. Those are not merely reflections of individual preferences but norms deeply embedded in societal structures and expectations. Gendered language norms, as explored in educational settings, not only shape communication styles but also reinforce gender stereotypes and roles, perpetuating inequality. Thus, studying language about gender identity, a key component in teacher education programs, provides critical insights into the broader societal dynamics and power relations that govern gender interactions.

Language and Identity: Race

The intricate relationship between language and racial or ethnic identity is undeniable. An individual’s history shapes their language, leading to those with similar racial backgrounds often using similar languages for communication. One’s mother tongue, acquired at birth, is a fundamental aspect of racial identity, providing a crucial sense of belonging, especially in early life.

In many households, a specific language is used for family communication. This habitual use of a language fosters an association with affection and intimacy, setting it apart from the language used in public settings. For example, Hispanic families living in America often identify Spanish as a critical component of their racial identity.

Consequently, while they might use English in public spaces, they prefer Spanish for intimate conversations with friends and family. Spanish allows for expressing emotions and thoughts in ways that might be more challenging in English (Talbot 173). Speaking a particular language can create a bond among its speakers, delineating an ‘us versus them’ dynamic with those who do not say it.

However, this practice can also lead to social isolation for minorities who speak a different language than the majority. They may struggle to relate to those who do not speak their native language or express themselves in the dominant public language. Even in monolingual societies, people often resort to a distinct language or dialect within their close social circles, aiding in more apparent emotional expression.

The narrative “Aria” by Richard Rodriguez illustrates the role of language as a marker of racial identity. Rodriguez recounts how Spanish, the sole language spoken at home, influenced his upbringing in California, where English was the norm. This use of Spanish fostered a warm, familial environment.

This language choice created a comfortable and inviting atmosphere at home, but it also labeled English speakers as “flos gringos” – the others (Rodriguez 134). While Spanish strengthened familial bonds and provided a sense of identity, it simultaneously isolated the family socially, limiting their interactions to Spanish-speaking relatives.

The exclusive use of Spanish at home adversely affected Rodriguez and his siblings’ educational progress. A shift occurred when nuns from their school intervened, prompting the family to start using English at home. This change markedly improved their social interactions. However, over time, Rodriguez lost proficiency in Spanish, leading his relatives to call him “pocho derogatorily” – a term for someone who has lost their identity (Rodriguez 137). To his relatives, speaking Spanish was a crucial element of their identity. “Aria” underscores the significance of language in racial identity. Despite assimilating into American society, Rodriguez experienced a nostalgic connection to his heritage whenever he heard Spanish spoken, indicating its enduring link to his racial identity.

Language and Identity: Social Status

The social status of individuals often manifests in their speech patterns. Educational attainment significantly influences language proficiency, as those from higher social classes typically access better education. This access equips them with the skills to use language effectively in communication.

People from various social backgrounds tend to exhibit distinct dialects. These dialectic variations reflect their diverse social experiences. Grammatical differences are not the only distinguishing factors; phonological and phonetic variations are also prevalent, leading to distinct accents among different social statuses. Therefore, the linguistic divide between social classes acts as both a consequence and a reinforcer of social stratification, mirroring the complexities of societal hierarchies. This phenomenon underscores the intricate relationship between language use and social identity, where speech patterns become markers of social positioning and mobility.

During the nineteenth century, slavery was a prevalent institution in America. Slaves were relegated to the lowest social echelon. Slave owners were intent on preserving this hierarchy, deeming it improper for slaves to acquire literacy skills. The ability to read and write was seen as a potential elevation of the slaves’ intellectual status, which could threaten the established order. Thus, the enforced illiteracy of slaves perpetuated their subjugation and created a linguistic divide between them and their masters (Jones and Christensen 45). In modern times, every society exhibits some form of social stratification. This concept refers to the structured ranking of social classes within a societal hierarchy. Their relative social distances influence the linguistic impact between social groups. Language changes in a higher social class might have little to no effect on the language used by lower social classes. Conversely, social groups closely aligned in status may share similar linguistic traits.

Language is integral in facilitating effective communication between two parties. However, its efficiency largely depends on both parties’ language understanding. As such, language can be a tool for enhancing or impeding communication. Individuals need to understand the nuances of words within the specific language used.

Misinterpretation of language can lead to incorrect perceptions of the message being conveyed. This issue often arises because some words may have varied meanings depending on the context. Therefore, the speaker must assess the listener’s ability to comprehend the information, which should be a central consideration in the communication process (Tan 142). This ensures that the intended message is accurately understood.

Language has two main functions. It helps communicate and gives a group of people a sense of identity and pride. People usually identify themselves with a specific language. Various groups use jargon that is only comprehensible to people within the group.

Language may show the social status, gender, and race of an individual. People who belong to different social statuses usually use other languages. In addition, different genders use different language vocabularies. A study on the language vocabulary of different genders may help determine a society’s social freedom. Language is a source of racial identity. People usually use a specific language when communicating with people from their race. The use of this language creates racial identity.

Jones, Malinda E., and Ann E. Christensen. “Learning to Read.” Constructing Strong Foundations of Early Literacy . Routledge, 2022. 33-46.

Talbot, Mary, ed. Language and Power in The Modern World . Edinburgh University Press, 2019.

Rodriguez, Richard. “Aria.” The Blair Reader: Exploring Issues and Ideas . Ed. Laurie G. Kirszner and Stephen R. Mandell. Ontario: Pearson Education Canada, 2007, pp. 133-139.

Tan, Amy “Mother Tongue.” The Blair Reader: Exploring Issues and Ideas . Ed. Laurie G. Kirszner and Stephen R. Mandell. Ontario: Pearson Education Canada, 2007, pp. 140-144.

• Opinion About the Course and the Author Richard Rodriguez
• Embarking on Research by Rau, Gao and Wu (2006) and by Rodriguez, Ooms and Montanez (2008)
• The Achievement of Desire
• Sarah Baartman Discussion
• Sarah Baartman: A Victim of Discrimination
• Evidence of Racism in the American Schools
• Analysis on Religion, Racism and Family Conflicts
• Race, Inclusion, Exclusion, and Segregation
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Speaking, writing and reading are integral to everyday life, where language is the primary tool for expression and communication. Studying how people use language – what words and phrases they unconsciously choose and combine – can help us better understand ourselves and why we behave the way we do.

Linguistics scholars seek to determine what is unique and universal about the language we use, how it is acquired and the ways it changes over time. They consider language as a cultural, social and psychological phenomenon.

“Understanding why and how languages differ tells about the range of what is human,” said Dan Jurafsky , the Jackson Eli Reynolds Professor in Humanities and chair of the Department of Linguistics in the School of Humanities and Sciences at Stanford . “Discovering what’s universal about languages can help us understand the core of our humanity.”

The stories below represent some of the ways linguists have investigated many aspects of language, including its semantics and syntax, phonetics and phonology, and its social, psychological and computational aspects.

Understanding stereotypes

Stanford linguists and psychologists study how language is interpreted by people. Even the slightest differences in language use can correspond with biased beliefs of the speakers, according to research.

One study showed that a relatively harmless sentence, such as “girls are as good as boys at math,” can subtly perpetuate sexist stereotypes. Because of the statement’s grammatical structure, it implies that being good at math is more common or natural for boys than girls, the researchers said.

Language can play a big role in how we and others perceive the world, and linguists work to discover what words and phrases can influence us, unknowingly.

How well-meaning statements can spread stereotypes unintentionally

New Stanford research shows that sentences that frame one gender as the standard for the other can unintentionally perpetuate biases.

Algorithms reveal changes in stereotypes

New Stanford research shows that, over the past century, linguistic changes in gender and ethnic stereotypes correlated with major social movements and demographic changes in the U.S. Census data.

Exploring what an interruption is in conversation

Stanford doctoral candidate Katherine Hilton found that people perceive interruptions in conversation differently, and those perceptions differ depending on the listener’s own conversational style as well as gender.

Cops speak less respectfully to black community members

Professors Jennifer Eberhardt and Dan Jurafsky, along with other Stanford researchers, detected racial disparities in police officers’ speech after analyzing more than 100 hours of body camera footage from Oakland Police.

How other languages inform our own

People speak roughly 7,000 languages worldwide. Although there is a lot in common among languages, each one is unique, both in its structure and in the way it reflects the culture of the people who speak it.

Jurafsky said it’s important to study languages other than our own and how they develop over time because it can help scholars understand what lies at the foundation of humans’ unique way of communicating with one another.

“All this research can help us discover what it means to be human,” Jurafsky said.

Stanford PhD student documents indigenous language of Papua New Guinea

Fifth-year PhD student Kate Lindsey recently returned to the United States after a year of documenting an obscure language indigenous to the South Pacific nation.

Students explore Esperanto across Europe

In a research project spanning eight countries, two Stanford students search for Esperanto, a constructed language, against the backdrop of European populism.

Chris Manning: How computers are learning to understand language​

A computer scientist discusses the evolution of computational linguistics and where it’s headed next.

Stanford research explores novel perspectives on the evolution of Spanish

Using digital tools and literature to explore the evolution of the Spanish language, Stanford researcher Cuauhtémoc García-García reveals a new historical perspective on linguistic changes in Latin America and Spain.

Language as a lens into behavior

Linguists analyze how certain speech patterns correspond to particular behaviors, including how language can impact people’s buying decisions or influence their social media use.

For example, in one research paper, a group of Stanford researchers examined the differences in how Republicans and Democrats express themselves online to better understand how a polarization of beliefs can occur on social media.

“We live in a very polarized time,” Jurafsky said. “Understanding what different groups of people say and why is the first step in determining how we can help bring people together.”

Analyzing the tweets of Republicans and Democrats

New research by Dora Demszky and colleagues examined how Republicans and Democrats express themselves online in an attempt to understand how polarization of beliefs occurs on social media.

Examining bilingual behavior of children at Texas preschool

A Stanford senior studied a group of bilingual children at a Spanish immersion preschool in Texas to understand how they distinguished between their two languages.

Predicting sales of online products from advertising language

Stanford linguist Dan Jurafsky and colleagues have found that products in Japan sell better if their advertising includes polite language and words that invoke cultural traditions or authority.

Language can help the elderly cope with the challenges of aging, says Stanford professor

By examining conversations of elderly Japanese women, linguist Yoshiko Matsumoto uncovers language techniques that help people move past traumatic events and regain a sense of normalcy.

Language and Identity in a Globalised World

• First Online: 14 July 2021

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• Khawla Badwan 2  

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This chapter engages with the question, ‘who are we in an age of globalisation and mobility?’. To answer this question, the chapter discusses identity at an individual level before discussing place identity in contexts of linguistic and ethnic diversity. The chapter highlights identity struggles, feeling strange and being in-between in the face of socially desired moulds established through normalising discourses. In addition, it addresses how languaging enables and inhibits identity subjectivities mediated through power structures and emotions. It also problematises the ‘city’ as a site for linguistic diversity and argues for the importance of researching different levels of granularity (Schneider, 2020) in order inform narratives about place identity, as well as narratives about those who inhabit a certain place.

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Chapter Summary

This chapter has engaged with discussions about individual identity in relation to language, emotions and place identity narratives. It highlights the role of discourse in normalising certain subjectivities and alienating others, which results in feelings of strangeness and out-of-place-ness experienced by  individuals who do not fit the social mould. Language is crucial to fitting or not fitting the social mould and while individuals might be pressurised to conform, there are emotional links with languages and cultural heritage that are likely to cling to identity, facilitating processes of entering and exiting different subjectivity spaces which lead to in-between-ness. Therefore, the chapter indicates the importance of emotions in discussions about identity. In addition, the chapter comments on the link between place identity and individual identity with a particular focus on the ‘city’ as a popular research context. While doing so, it problematises discourses of perceiving the city as super-diverse, frontier zones. It concludes with a discussion about the importance of paying attention to different levels of granularity in the city in order to expand our understanding of actual linguistic behaviour in social networks which could ultimately lead us to revisit narratives about place identity and about the identity of who inhabits the place.

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Badwan, K. (2021). Language and Identity in a Globalised World. In: Language in a Globalised World. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77087-7_8

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2 Language, Identity, and Culture: Multiple Identity-Based Perspectives

Stella Ting-Toomey is a Professor of Human Communication Studies at California State University, Fullerton.

Department of Human Communication Studies California State University at Fullerton Fullerton, CA 92834 USA

• Published: 01 April 2014
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Drawing from the intercultural and intergroup communication research literature, the objective of this chapter is to unpack the relationship among language, identity, and culture from multiple identity-based frameworks. Three theoretical frameworks—identity negotiation theory, intergroup communication accommodation theory, and face-negotiation theory—are used to illuminate the interdependent relationship between sociocultural membership issues and language/verbal interaction styles. Overall, a process competence perspective to the understanding of language, identity, and culture is emphasized. An intercultural-intergroup process competence perspective contains two key ideas: being super-mindful of the symbolic message exchange process between the two intercultural communicators, and being super-mindful in understanding the sociocultural identity dynamics in language/verbal style enactment in a multilayered cultural system. Throughout the chapter, ample examples are used to illustrate the dynamic interdependence among language variations, sociocultural memberships, and shifting cultural boundary encounter issues.

While language is the key to the heart of a culture, nonverbal communication is the heartbeat of a culture. Taken together as a package, individuals can become culturally mindful communicators by paying responsive attention to the use of language, verbal, and also nonverbal communication styles in particular cultural situations. Language is defined in this chapter as an arbitrary, symbolic system that labels and categorizes objects, events, groups, people, ideas, feelings, experiences, and many other phenomena. Language is also governed by the multilayered rules developed by members of a particular sociocultural community.

In our everyday interaction, we use language to communicate, to agree or disagree with others, to make or deny requests, and to assert or negotiate our multiple identities. Language represents a significant identity maker. Identity is conceptualized as having multiple social identity, relational role, and personal identity facets ( Tajfel, 1978 ; Tajfel & Turner, 1979 ). Social (or socio-cultural) identities can include ethnic membership identity, social class identity, and professional role identity, to name a few examples. Relational role identities can include ingroup/outgroup membership identity issues to family role identity expectations ( Ting-Toomey, 1999 ). Personal identities can include any unique attributes that we associate with our individuated self in comparison to those of others.

In this chapter, we discuss various identity-based frameworks in the intercultural and intergroup communication domains to enrich our understanding of the intricate relationship between language variations and sociocultural membership communities. Individuals mostly acquired their composite identities through socio-cultural conditioning process, relational development events, individual lived experiences, and repeated communication practices with surrounding others. In every intercultural or intergroup encounter process, each individual’s multilayered identities such as group membership, relational role, and personal identity would come into negotiation prominence pending on the conversation topics, communication channels, relationship types, and situational frames. We need intercultural sensitive skills to negotiate these identity issues competently.

Drawing from the intercultural and intergroup communication research literature, the objective of this chapter is to unpack the relationship among language, identity, and culture from multiple identity-based frameworks. Since there are several chapters (e.g., Howard Giles, Anne Maass, James Pennebaker, and Klaus Fiedler) in this handbook that focus on and discuss the psychological processes of language use, this chapter will focus on the sociocultural identity dimensions that impact on language and verbal styles within a variety of cultural situations. In particular, three theoretical frameworks: identity negotiation theory, intergroup communication accommodation theory (CAT), and face-negotiation theory will be used to illuminate the interdependent relationship between sociocultural membership issues and language/verbal interaction styles. The intergroup CAT is used as a bridge that can enhance the identity negotiation theory and the face negotiation theory in furthering our understanding of the intersections of various identity-based issues and language choice.

The chapter is organized in five sections: First, a process competence lens to the understanding of language, verbal interaction, identity, and culture is introduced as a backdrop. Second, the identity negotiation theory and its accompanying assumptions will be explained. Third, the focal constructs of intergroup perspective and CAT and their relevance to language issues will be discussed and specific language issues in a distinctive diaspora cultural community, the Tibetan speech community, will be probed. Fourth, the face negotiation theory will be explained and the further connection between CAT and the culture-based facework behaviors will be proffered. Fifth, directions for future research concerning the intersection of language, verbal interaction, and sociocultural membership identity issues will be recommended.

Language, Verbal Interaction, and Identity: A Process Competence Lens

An intercultural process competence perspective emphasizes the mindful attention needed to understand the underlying identity issues that frame the use of language and verbal/nonverbal style variations in particular situations and in a particular identity membership community. A particular identity membership community can refer to an immigrant group, a diaspora group, a co-culture ethnic group, or a dominant-mainstream group. A process competence lens could shed light on the important role of sociocultural identity dimensions that shape strategic verbal and nonverbal communication accommodation process on the macro-level (e.g., cultural ideologies’ influence), exo-level (e.g., institutional policies’ influence), meso-level (e.g., community values’ influence), and micro-level (e.g., individual values) interactions ( Ting-Toomey & Oetzel, 2013 ).

An intercultural process competence lens contains two key ideas: (1) being super-mindful of the symbolic message exchange process and coordinated meaning construction process via the use of appropriate, effective, and adaptive verbal and nonverbal communication styles, and (2) being super-mindful in understanding more deeply the sociocultural identity and personal identity issues in conjunction with the role of language usage in a particular cultural system. We will explicate these two ideas in the following discussion and a follow-up elaboration on the second idea when discussing the identity negotiation theory, communication accommodation theory, and face negotiation theory.

A Behavioral Process Awareness Viewpoint

In discussing intercultural communication competence in general, Ting-Toomey (2009) argues that the criteria of communication appropriateness, effectiveness, and adaptability can serve as evaluative yardsticks of whether an intercultural communicator has been perceived as behaving competently or incompetently in an interaction episode (see also, Spitzberg, Canary, & Cupach, 1994 ; Spitzberg & Changnon, 2009 ). The criterion of “communication appropriateness ” refers to the degree to which the exchanged verbal and nonverbal behaviors are regarded as proper and match the expectations generated by the insiders of the culture. To behave “properly” in any given cultural situation, competent communicators need to have the relevant value knowledge schema of the larger situational norms that guide the interaction episode. They also need to acquire the specific knowledge schema of what constitutes appropriate or inappropriate language usage, word choice, and verbal/nonverbal style rhythms that can achieve the desired outcome goal.

On the other hand, the criterion of “communication effectiveness” refers to the degree to which communicators achieve mutually shared meaning and integrative goal-related outcomes in an intercultural or intergroup interaction episode. More importantly, effectiveness and appropriateness criteria are positively interdependent. When one manages a problematic communication episode appropriately with proper language usage and with mutual-face sensitivity, the “good faith” proper behaviors can induce communication effectiveness. Likewise, when one promotes an effective mutual-interest goal-directed outcome, the conjoint interest goal direction can induce appropriate interaction behaviors from the other interactional party. Deardorff (2004) , in interviewing 23 scholars and trainers in the intercultural communication field, identifies the most preferred definition of intercultural competence as “the ability to communicate effectively and appropriately in intercultural situations based on one’s intercultural knowledge, skills and attitudes” (p. 249).

Last, the criterion of “communication adaptability” refers to our ability to change our interaction behaviors and goals to meet the specific needs of the situation. It implies mental, affective, and behavioral flexibility in dealing with the intercultural communication situation. It signals our attunement to the other party’s perspectives, interests, goals, and verbal/nonverbal communication approach. It also conjures willingness to modify our own behaviors and goals to adapt to the emergent communication situation. Communication adaptability connotes dynamic code-switching ability in a problematic interaction scene. Dynamic cross-cultural code switching refers to the intentional learning and moving between culturally ingrained systems of behavior in particular situation ( Molinsky, 2007 ).

An Identity Orientation Awareness Viewpoint

Individuals from contrasting cultural or group membership communities often bring with them different value patterns, perceptual biases, and interaction scripts that influence their interpretations of competent versus incompetent communication behavior in a particular situation. Sharpening the situated content knowledge and communication/language skills of the intercultural negotiators can enhance their pragmatic competencies. According to the identity negotiation theory ( Ting-Toomey, 1999 , 2005a ), culture-sensitive knowledge, mindfulness, and constructive communication skills constitute the key features of the intercultural identity competence components.

While incorporating “culture-sensitive knowledge,” for example, such as value content spectrums of individualism-collectivism and small-large power distance issues ( Hofstede, 2001 ; E. S. Kashima & Y. Kashima, 1998 ; Y. Kashima, E. S. Kashima, Kim, & Gelfand, 2006 ; Triandis, 1995 ; Ting-Toomey, 2010a ) or cultural tightness/looseness structural issues ( Gelfand et al., 2011 ; Kashima & Gelfand, 2012 ), communicators can learn to uncover the implicit “ethnocentric lenses” they use to evaluate the ‘bizarre or unfamiliar” behaviors in an intercultural interaction scene. Culture-sensitive knowledge also includes the importance of developing a keen sense of awareness of self-identity issues and other-identity issues in the communication process, and also the willingness to move beyond the actual communication encounter process and taking into consideration the larger immigrants’ acculturation identity change factors and host country’s institutional receptivity factors.

“Mindfulness,” from the intercultural competence framework, means the willingness to attend to one’s internal cultural and personal communication assumptions, cognitions, and emotions and, at the same time, becoming exquisitely attuned to the other’s communication assumptions, cognitions, and emotions ( Ting-Toomey, 1999 ). Mindfulness is about focused meta-cognition, meta-communication, and meta-sensation attunement work ( Ting-Toomey, 2010b , 2013 ; Siegel, 2007 ; see also, Ang, Van Dyne, & Tan, 2011 ). Being mindful of self-identity and other-identity complexity issues can serve as an intermediary link between the integration of “culture-sensitive knowledge” and the execution of “constructive communication skills.”

“Constructive communication skills” refer to our operational abilities to manage a communication situation flexibly via pragmatic verbal and nonverbal adaptive behaviors with an eye to contextual sensitivity. Thus, the development of an intercultural process competence lens includes the intentional integration of culture-sensitive and linguistic-sensitive knowledge, mindful self-reflexivity and other identity-reflectivity, and the enactment of constructive communication skills to connect and relate to culturally dissimilar others. Understanding the role of sociocultural identity membership issues is a major starting step in enhancing verbal and nonverbal interactional competence and developing optimal intercultural and intergroup communication performance.

Identity Negotiation Theory: A Boundary-Crossing Perspective

To develop pragmatic communication competence in intergroup contexts, individuals need to understand deeply sociocultural membership identity struggle issues and personal identity adaptations as they unfold in the communication process and the larger cultural system. In this section, we introduce a theoretical framework, the Identity Negotiation Theory (INT) ( Ting-Toomey, 1999 , 2005a ) to guide us systematically in connecting the relationship among language/verbal style, identity, and culture in the context of minority and immigrants’ acculturation process. In the next section, we forge connection between the Communication Accommodation Theory (CAT) (Gallois, Ogay, & Giles, 2005; Giles, Reid, & Harwood, 2010 ), and INT to further explain the critical role of appreciating language via an intergroup identity lens.

Identity Negotiation Theory: A Synopsis

By understanding how individuals define themselves and how others define them on multiple grounds, persons can communicate with culturally different others appropriately, effectively, and adaptively. Let us first take a look at the following case story ( Ting-Toomey & Chung, 2012 , p. 158) which involved Pauline, a University Assistant Dean and her encounter with a group of strangers in a posh restaurant on campus.

Mistaken Identity: Innocent or Guilty? I was having lunch at the university restaurant with my work colleagues when I glanced over at the other table. The table was beautifully decorated with rose petals and fancy packages. The women that were going to be seated were immaculately dressed. I could see the Couture, Chanel and Gucci. I was curious and walked over to their table. “Excuse me, your table is so beautiful. I was wondering what the special occasion was?” One woman smiled and replied, “We are celebrating friendship day. We do this every year. By the way, may I have a glass of ice tea, no cubes please?” I was totally stunned. “I am so sorry, I did not introduce myself. I am an Assistant Dean in the College of Arts and Sciences.” The White woman apologized and ended with, “I thought you were the Maître D—I mean, the Head Maître D.” As an African American woman who has worked on this campus for over a decade, I am still disappointed and somewhat dismayed, that after all of these years, color matters. It is a daily reminder that I am different…

In reviewing the “Mistaken Identity” real-life case story, it is obvious that multiple identity clashes come into play. The story involves ethnic/racial identity clash, particular identity lens interpretation, historical backdrop, professional identity issues, gender role expectations, and personal identity sentiments, and much more. It also provides us with a compelling argument for why understanding the unfamiliar other’s identity conception is so critical in promoting competent intercultural or intergroup communication. In an identity misalignment communication process, individuals can unintentionally or intentionally insult someone’s sense of social or personal identity self (see next section) as portrayed in the dialogue line in which the White woman ended with— “I thought you were the Maître D—I mean, the Head Maître D.” –thus, inflicting one more verbal insult to the emotional pain that Dean Pauline has just experienced.

According to Ting-Toomey’s (2005a) INT, human beings in all cultures desire identity respect in the communication process. However, what constitutes the proper way to show identity respect and consideration varies from one culture to the next. The INT perspective emphasizes particular identity domains in influencing individuals’ everyday interactions. To illustrate, for example, individuals acquire their sense of cultural/ethnic group membership images through their primary caretakers, peer associations, schools and media influence during their formative years. Furthermore, physical appearance, racial traits, skin color, language usage, self-appraisal, and other-perception factors all enter into the cultural identity construction equation.

The INT has been researched and applied primarily in immigrants’ acculturation contexts and intergroup majority-minority interaction contexts (see, for example, Collie, Kindoh, & Podisadlowski, 2010 ; Jackson, 1999 , 2002 ) to international adjustment and re-adjustment situations (see, for example, Hotta & Ting-Toomey, 2013 ; Molinksy, 2007 ; Onwumechili, Nwosu, Jackson, & James-Hughes, 2003). More recently, it has been applied to bicultural/biracial identity meaning construction and its impact on intergroup communication strategies in various daily situations ( Toomey, Dorjee, & Ting-Toomey, 2013 ).

Identity Negotiation Theory: Core Assumptions

The 2005 INT version consists of the following ten core assumptions, which explain the antecedent, process, and outcome components of intercultural identity-based communication competence:

The core dynamics of people’s group membership identities (e.g., cultural and ethnic memberships) and personal identities (e.g., unique attributes) are formed via symbolic communication with others.

Individuals in all cultures or ethnic groups have the basic motivation needs for identity security, inclusion, predictability, connection, and consistency on both group-based and person-based identity levels. However, too much emotional security will lead to tight ethnocentrism, and, on the converse side, too much emotional insecurity (or vulnerability) will lead to fear of outgroups or strangers. The same underlying principle applies to identity inclusion, predictability, connection, and consistency. Thus, an optimal range exists on the various identity negotiation dialectical spectrums.

Individuals tend to experience identity emotional security in a culturally familiar environment and experience identity emotional vulnerability in a culturally unfamiliar environment.

Individuals tend to feel included when their desired group membership identities are positively endorsed (e.g., in positive in-group contact situations) and experience differentiation when their desired group membership identities are stigmatized (e.g., in hostile out-group contact situations).

Persons tend to experience interaction predictability when communicating with culturally familiar others and interaction unpredictability when communicating with culturally unfamiliar others. Interaction predictability tends to lead to either further trust (i.e., within the optimal level) or rigidified stereotyped categories (i.e., beyond the optimal level). Constant interaction unpredictability tends to lead to either mistrust or haphazard expectancy surprises.

Persons tend to desire interpersonal connection via meaningful close relationships (e.g., in close friendship support situations) and experience identity autonomy when they experience relationship separations—meaningful intercultural-interpersonal relationships can create additional emotional security and trust in the cultural strangers.

Persons tend to experience identity consistency in repeated cultural routines in a familiar cultural environment and they tend to experience identity change (or to the extreme, identity chaos and turmoil) and transformation in a new or unfamiliar cultural environment.

Cultural-ethnic, personal, and situational variability dimensions influence the meanings, interpretations, and evaluations of these identity-related themes.

Competent identity-negotiation process emphasizes the importance of integrating the necessary intercultural identity-based knowledge, mindfulness, and interaction skills to communicate appropriately, effectively, and adaptively with culturally dissimilar others.

Satisfactory identity negotiation outcomes include the feeling of being understood, respected, and affirmatively valued.

Cultural and Ethnic Identity Intersecting Issues

In an accelerated multicultural/multiracial identity formation society—race, ethnicity, religion, social class, and culture—will become an increasingly integrative or fragmented focal point for identity negotiation and re-negotiation. Cultural identity salience can be defined as the emotional significance that members attach to their sense of belonging or affiliation with the larger majority culture (e.g., the larger Australian or U.S. culture). To illustrate, we can talk about the larger Australian or Brazilian cultural identity, or the larger U.S. cultural identity on the macro sociocultural membership analytical level. On the other hand, ethnic identity salience is linked closely with the intergroup boundary maintenance issue across generations (e.g., third-generation Cuban Americans in the U.S.). Ethnic identity salience can be defined as the subjective allegiance and loyalty to a group—large or small, socially dominant or subordinate, with which one has ancestral links. Ethnic identity can be sustained by shared objective characteristics such as shared language or religion. It is also a subjective sense of “ingroupness” whereby individuals perceive of themselves and each other as belonging to the same ingroup by shared historical and emotional ties. Thus, following Berry, Kim, and Boski’s (1987) 2 X 2 cultural-ethnic identity typological model, an immigrant’s identity can be classified as either an ethnic identity maintenance type (weak on cultural identity salience, strong on ethnic identity salience), a bicultural identity type (strong on cultural identity salience, and strong on ethnic identity salience), an assimilated identity type (strong on cultural identity salience, weak on ethnic identity salience), or a marginal identity type (weak on cultural identity salience, weak on ethnic identity salience). To practice pragmatic linguistic competence in an intercultural or intergroup communication situation, one has to move beyond looking at the racial physical traits or dialects/accents of the interactional partner, and learn to observe and listen deeply to the identity stories in the particular encounter scene.

Understanding various sociocultural membership identity issues especially in a pluralistic immigrant society is like beholding a multilayered, marble cake. Cultural-ethnic membership identity issues often inter-mingle or intersect with other group-based and personal-based identity issues to create an ongoing identity kaleidoscope that impacts on language enactment and nonverbal behavioral choices. Whether one is communicating with an ingroup or outgroup member may highly influence the linguistic code-switching process. In a nutshell, the INT assumes that human beings in all cultures desire both positive group-based and positive person-based identities in any type of communicative situation. How individuals can enhance identity understanding, respect, and mutual affirmative valuation via mindful verbal and nonverbal competence practice is the essential concern of this approach. Newly-arrived immigrants, minority members, and biracial/multiracial individuals also often need to learn to use creative and adaptive language code-switching practice to assert their complex identity shifts in the fluctuating intergroup encounter situations ( Collie et al., 2010 ; Toomey et al., 2013 ).

Identity Negotiation Complexity: An Intergroup Perspective

Intergroup perspective augments INT’s perspective on understanding the relationships among language, communication, identity, and sociocultural membership issues. Identity negotiation primarily takes place in intergroup and interpersonal communication contexts in everyday life. Intergroup perspective offers a rich theoretical extension to understand identity negotiation in various contexts.

Intergroup Backdrop: Two Identity Types

According to social identity theory ( Tajfel, 1978 ; Tajfel & Turner, 1979 ), every individual has two types of identity: social identity and personal identity. Social identity is based on his or her membership/s in a group or groups, and personal identity is based on individual idiosyncrasies and unique traits (see Giles, Reid, & Harwood, 2010 ). For example, while social identity or group role membership identity (e.g., Stella as a full professor, female, mother, and Chinese, and Tenzin as an assistant professor, male, unmarried, and Tibetan) shapes intergroup professional interactions, personal identity (e.g., Stella being an optimistic, creative person, and Tenzin being a considerate, empathetic person) shapes personalized relationship development interactions.

Mounting evidence, however, indicates how both social and personal identity can assert simultaneous effect on the evolving dynamics of communication between two or more communicators (see Giles et al., 2010 ) from distinctive identity groups. Theoretically, while these interactional contexts could be clearly distinguished, in actuality, intergroup and interpersonal communication processes fluctuate from one moment to the next—depending on the conjoint social identification and differentiation processes, the conversation topics, interactional goals, and critical interaction turning points that pervade in the ongoing conversation episode.

Given the focus of this chapter, we discuss in this section intriguing relationships between languages and social identity and proffer two theoretical models—one describing the relationship between bilingualism and linguistic identity, and the other understanding verbal/nonverbal convergence and divergence relating to intergroup and interpersonal encounters. While differentiating these two theoretical contexts, we also show how communicative situations can involve high intergroup salience and high interpersonal salience. These situations involve complex negotiation of social and personal identities as well as communication accommodation.

Language and Social Identity Issues

Language and communication issues received early attention from Tajfel and his colleagues (e.g., Bourhis, Giles, & Tajfel, 1973 ; Giles, 1978 ) even though social identity originated in the field of social psychology ( Tajfel, 1978 ; Tajfel & Turner, 1979 ). Giles and colleagues (see Giles and Rakic , this volume) produced substantial work on language, speech, and dialects as markers of social identity and their effect on intergroup relations (e.g., Giles, 1973 , 1978 ; Giles & Johnson, 1981 ; 1987 ). According to Ethnolinguistic Vitality Theory (EthnoVT) ( Giles, Bourhis, & Taylor, 1977 ; Giles, Taylor, & Bourhis, 1977 ), status, demographics, and institutional support not only influence intergroup relations between members of different language groups, but they also play a significant role in language maintenance.

In other words, group vitality—objective vitality or perceived vitality—impact intergroup interaction, particularly communication accommodation. Group vitality can be defined as the strength of a group measured along these dimensions: status, demographics, and institutional support. Status includes social and economic status, demographics include birth and death rates and immigration, and institutional support includes social, economic, and political support from local and central governments as well as other agencies. Group vitality provides a useful theoretical explication for why some languages thrive (e.g., English, Spanish, and Chinese) and many others die every day (e.g., Laghu of the Solomon Island and Old Kentish Sign Language ( Tobin, 2011 ).

Many intergroup scholars (e.g., Giles et al., 1977 ; Giles & Johnson, 1981 ; Sachdev & Bourhis, 1990 ) have suggested that languages, accents, and dialects can be the most salient dimensions of social identity, and “the literature on the centrality of language to group identity is substantial…” ( Sachdev & Bourhis, 2005 , p. 66). Tibetan diaspora in India, for example, presents an illustrative case. Most of the younger generation Tibetans educated in India could speak and write in multiple languages: Tibetan, English, and Hindi, but a recent study ( Dorjee, Giles & Barker, 2011 ) showed that in particular Tibetan language is regarded as a key dimension of the Tibetan social-cultural identity. Recognizing the centrality of Tibetan language to Tibetan identity and maintaining Tibetan culture (see Bernstorff & von Welck, 2004 a; Cabezon & Jackson, 1996 ; Dorjee, 2006 ; Gyatso, 1999 ; Shakabpa, 1967 ) are critical concerns in the ingroup Tibetan community. In recent years, the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) in India has formulated two education policies.

One, CTA implemented Tibetan Education Policy that required most Tibetan schools in India and Nepal to teach all the modern subjects, except English, in Tibetan language from elementary level to middle school ( Dorjee & Giles, 2005 ). Two, CTA has initiated a new policy to design curriculum to teach Tibetan language to the Tibetan children in the Western diasporas (e.g., Tibetan diasporas in the U.S.A. and Canada) as a second language ( www.sherig.org ). This policy is aimed at bilingual education of the Tibetan children in the West so that they do not become linguistically assimilated into speaking just host languages. His Holiness the Dalai Lama, CTA, and most Tibetans emphasize the need to teach, speak, and maintain Tibetan language as a key dimension of Tibetan social-cultural identity from historical and cultural perspectives (see Cabezon & Jackson, 1996 ; Dorjee, 2013 ; Dorjee & Giles, 2009 ; Shakabpa, 1967 ; Stein, 1972 ).

It should be noted, however, that some groups (e.g., Arab Americans in the U.S., see Sawaie, 1986 ; Chinese Canadian students, see Park, Dion, & Dion, 1985 ; see also Edwards, 1985 ) actually may not attach the same importance to their language as Tibetans do. Interestingly, linguistic identity is not necessarily based on speaking the language fluently per se. Linguistic identity can be defined as “that part of an individual’s self-concept that derives from his (or her) knowledge of his (or her) membership in a language (added and italicized) group together with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership” ( Tajfel, 1978 , p. 63). In other words, there is no absolute requirement for individuals to speak their ethnic language, for example, to claim membership in that language group. It can be simply based on these two elements: linguistic knowledge recognition and the keen emotional attachment to that language.

A Relational Perspective on Multilingualism and Social Identity

More recently, intergroup scholars have explored the complex relationship among language, social identity, and communication issues (e.g., Clement, Shulman, & Rubenfeld, 2010 ; Kalbfleisch, 2010 ; Reid & Anderson, 2010 ; Sutton, 2010 ). Interestingly, Clement et al (2010) explored bilingual and multilingual issues between diversity and globalization. EthnoVT can provide distinctive understanding of different types of bilingualism such as balanced bilingualism (due to contextual factors favoring the equal status of each language and so on), additive bilingualism (situations favoring majority or minority group members to acquire a second language in addition to their native language), and subtractive bilingualism (situations pressuring minority group members to lose their ethnic/native language and assimilate swiftly to adopt the dominant/host language) ( Clement et al., 2010 ). Illustratively stated, Tibetan diasporas in India and the U.S. provide contrasting insights into bilingualism.

Due to institutional support from both the Central Government of India and the State Governments (see Dorjee, 2006 ), Tibetan settlers in India have been able to teach young Tibetans to speak and write in Tibetan, English, Hindi or Regional Indian Language (e.g., Kanada). Even though the ethnolinguistic vitality of the Tibetan diaspora in India cannot be compared at all to its host country’s ethnolinguistic vitality, Tibetan language and culture have thrived in India as compared to their status in their home environment—Tibet. Importantly, this case illustrates that minority group members can have balanced or additive bilingualism or even multilingualism (as in the case of Tibetan diaspora in India) provided their systematic language maintenance efforts are aided by host country’s institutional support. This means the minority group members’ acquiring additional second or third languages do not have to be necessarily classified as subtractive bilinguals as some intergroup studies have argued (see Clement et al, 2010 ).

On the other hand, the Tibetan diaspora in the U.S. does illustrate subtractive bilingualism. In the absence of institutional support and low group vitality (about 15,000 Tibetans here), Tibetan parents struggle to teach everything Tibetan—Tibetan traditions, beliefs, and values— and including the Tibetan language to their children. Many of the parents’ themselves, however, speak Tibetan poorly or not at all. This subtractive bilingualism may have dire social and cultural consequences such as the perceived disconnection between the Tibetan culture and language. Some studies (e.g., Rumbaut, 1994 ) suggest language proficiency determines individual’s social identity.

Based on recent intergroup language-based research studies, we can proffer a descriptive model reflecting the complex relationships between bilingualism and linguistic identity. We will use Tibetan diaspora to illustrate different scenarios. Scenario one can be additive bilinguals identifying strongly with their ethnic language identity. Dorjee, Giles, and Barker’s (2011) study indicated many of their participants rating high on their language competencies in Tibetan, English, and/or Hindi, but almost all of them strongly identified with Tibetan identity and Tibetan language as a key dimension of that identity. Scenario two can be subtractive bilinguals identifying with their ethnic heritage or native language identity. While this seems counterintuitive, many young Tibetans in the U.S.A., who either have difficulty speaking Tibetan or do not speak Tibetan due to assimilation into the American English language, tend to hold strong Tibetan ethnic identity including Tibetan language identity attachment. Kulyk (2011) writes, “Moreover, the identification with a language does not always result from its use; people can feel attached to a language they never speak and are hardly able to speak….This pertains in particular to languages of migrants, minorities or otherwise” (p. 629).

In other words, assimilated individuals in a host environment could still claim ethnic linguistic identity attachment. This implied that linguistic identity attachment is different from actual language use and language proficiency ( Libebkind, 1999 ). In the U.S., we find examples among various immigrants (e.g., Mexican Americans, Tibetan Americans) who may not speak their ethnic/native languages fluently but still claim strong ethnic linguistic identity awareness. Many Basque Americans who do not speak the Basque language claim Basque language identity on a group membership level ( Lasagabaster, 2008 ). Possibly, these bicultural U.S. Americans claiming their respective ethnic linguistic identity was informed by the perception that ethnic heritage languages are essential parts of their sociocultural identities as with Irish identity in Northern Ireland (see McMonagle, 2009 ). Lastly, it is also possible that bicultural individuals may not identify (e.g., Yiddish and English) with either of these languages as critical for two plausible reasons: (1) Language does not occupy a strong facet of their social identity, and/or (2) other facets of their ethnic or cultural community such as religious beliefs or rituals, customs, food, cultural artifacts, and distinctive values shape their sociocultural membership contents. While ethnic, racial, or religious group membership can be important to many individuals and offers a sense of meaning, belonging, and a source of pride to these individuals ( Verkuyten, 2010 ), other membership types and role identities (e.g., gender identity, age identity, or professional role) are important to some other individuals in particular situations (see Giles et al., 2010 ). Thus, to be a competent intergroup communicator, we need to be attuned to the individuals’ beliefs and values concerning their perceptions of the degree of interdependence between their cultural/ethnic identity issues and whether they acknowledge the vitality of their native language as part of their group membership identity, and also whether they are capable to code-switch into another language due to their immigration or diaspora experience.

Communication Accommodation Theory: Identity-Based Communicative Strategies

Given the above discussion concerning the relationships between languages and social identity, communication accommodation theory offers useful insight into identity negotiation and linguistic identity issues. In this section we provide a theoretical model that explicates communication convergence (accommodation) and communication divergence (non-accommodation) in interpersonal and intergroup encounters.

Communication accommodation theory (CAT) has a history of over 30 years (see Gallois, Ogay, & Giles, 2006 ), and it has primarily been applied to intergroup contexts including intercultural encounters ( Giles et al., 2010 ; Harwood & Giles, 2005 ). It has delineated the conditions under which communicative convergence and divergence occur in interpersonal and intergroup encounters as well as their social consequences ( Gallois et al., 2006 ; Shepard, Giles, & Le Poire, 2001 ). Convergence can be defined as communicatively accommodating or adjusting to each other’s interests or needs in the encounter. For example, matching each other’s language, accent, nonverbal expressions, and communication styles represent accommodative behaviors. In contrast, divergence can be defined as communicatively non-accommodating or distancing from each other’s interests or needs in the encounter. Specific examples include disengaging from the other via avoidance, silence, and nonverbal facial expression, and intentional dialect or language code switching to exclude the other. We can put the two types of identity: social identity and personal identity on a vertical bar and cross it with communicative convergence and divergence on a horizontal bar. These social identity-personal identity spectrum and convergence-divergence spectrum result in a dynamic model with four quadrants (see Figure 2.1 ). While the model clearly distinguishes intergroup and interpersonal communicative strategies, they can also manifest together in different degrees towards the center of the grid.

Intergroup identity negotiation: Linguistic convergence and divergence issues.

The first quadrant (Quadrant I) on the upper left hand corner represents intergroup membership convergence or accommodative behaviors based on intergroup social approval and other group-based motivations. According to CAT, individuals may initially orient themselves to each other based on group membership such as culture, race, sex, ethnicity, age, sexual orientation, religion, professional role, to name a few. Intergroup convergence is observed in situations where both young and old adapt to each other’s communication style, where females and males accommodate to each other’s relational expectations, and members of interfaith code switch on topics of interest for the sake of intergroup harmony. Perhaps an excellent case of intergroup convergence is people around the world communicating with each other in English in face to face interaction as well as through social media such as facebook, twitter, skype, and email connection. The importance of sociocultural context in this encounter is high regardless of the shared medium of communication.

The second quadrant (Quadrant II) on the upper right hand corner represents intergroup membership divergence due to motivations such as social disapproval and to highlight social identity distinctiveness. Intergroup research provides evidence that members of different social groups use a wide range of non-accommodative strategies such as avoidance and dialect code-switching to distance themselves from each other. From a motivational point of view, while some group members seek positive social identity in intergroup setting, others like to preserve their group membership identity distinctiveness. Therefore, in situations where associating with certain group members undermine their positive social identity they could use divergence strategies to uphold their positive identity distinctiveness such as “Vegans Save Lives!” or “Don’t be Mean, Go Green!” to assert positive distinctiveness for their group.

The third quadrant (Quadrant III) on the bottom of the left hand corner represents personal identity or interpersonal communication convergence. According to CAT, individuals from different sociocultural backgrounds could have an initial orientation towards each other based on their personal identity. For example, individuals accommodate to each other’s needs based on dimensions such as personal appeals, physical attractiveness, liking, and perceived like-mindedness. These dimensions constitute their personal identity. Individuals from different social-cultural backgrounds form interpersonal relationships based upon interpersonal attraction. They accommodate to each other’s needs both verbally (such as code switch, discuss common interests, self-disclosure, and share personal stories) and nonverbally (such as reciprocal smiles and appropriate haptic/touch communication). Interpersonal approval and personal willingness to communicate drive interpersonal convergence in communication. Thus, the importance of individuals’ sociocultural background is minimized or not salient in this particular situation.

Finally, the fourth quadrant (Quadrant IV) on the bottom of the right hand corner represents interpersonal communication divergence. In this divergent communicative situation, individuals either do not seek relational approval for reasons such as personality disagreement, and/or have other competing needs which motivate them to use divergence or non-accommodative verbal and nonverbal styles. Choosing not to interact with some people using a variety of strategies such as code switching, not introducing themselves, pretending to answer nature’s call, and changing their seats are examples of interpersonal divergence. Basically, individuals may use any verbal and nonverbal symbols to communicate social distance in interpersonal encounters.

This model provides a meaningful heuristic insight into the distinction between interpersonal and intergroup communicative strategies. That said, we envision the fluidity of communication across the quadrants and that the communication process can be high or low on both intergroup and interpersonal dimensions ( Giles & Hewstone, 1982 ; Gudykunst & Lim, 1986 ). Intergroup convergence and divergence occur in situations where intergroup salience is high (e.g., police-civilian encounter or intergenerational encounter), but interpersonal salience is low. On the other hand, interpersonal convergence and divergence occur in situations where interpersonal salience is high (e.g., friendship encounters or intimate relationship interactions or twitter interactions), but intergroup salience is low. Of course, the framing or the interpretation of the actual intergroup or interpersonal encounter process is highly contingent on each communicator’s perceptions, evaluative schema, and cultural-racial embodied experiences. This four-quadrant model would assert a profound impact on the linguistic or dialect variations, nonverbal accommodation or non-accommodation postures that individual use in a variety of intergroup interaction situations. Perhaps negotiating identity and communicative interaction is most challenging in situations where both interpersonal salience and intergroup salience are high. For example, Jasmine, a Korean-Irish biracial American, 26, said the following about her White boyfriend:

My boyfriend who was White had all White friends and we would hang out together sometimes. Many of his friends would make slight racial remarks against Asians but in a joking way around me. While I took this as them trying to be funny, it actually really started to bother me. When I told my boyfriend that I did not like his friends making racial jokes against Asians he told me it was no big deal. One time one of his friends told him that since he was dating me he could now say he “had an Asian before” as if it was an accomplishment or a trophy should he ever break up with me. A while after that I broke up with him because he would not stand up for me, and, for hanging around such ignorant people. ( Toomey, Dorjee, & Ting-Toomey, 2013 , p. 123 )

The above reaction clearly indicates the identity challenges in an intimate-interpersonal dating relationship. Given the history of their interpersonal relationship, Jasmine told her boyfriend that she did not appreciate his friends making racial jokes about her Asian sociocultural background. Lacking sensitivity, her White boyfriend simply told her “…it was no big deal.” From an intergroup perspective, minority group members face such identity challenges in their relationship with majority group members and what Jasmine’s boyfriend said is a common reaction from someone in a dominant power-privileged position (see Orbe, 1998 ). Lastly, the situations in which both interpersonal and intergroup salience can be low include tight intragroup interaction and mindless interactions under the influence of alcohol and drugs. These insights from intergroup perspective along with group membership-based communication accommodation and face saving foci can provide further understanding concerning the intricate relationship among language, identity, and sociocultural membership issues.

Problematic Face-Negotiation Dynamics: Intercultural and Intergroup Perspectives

Intercultural face clash.

The following critical incident is an adapted story from Brislin, Cushner, Cherri, and Yong (1986 , pp. 157–158).

Who’s in Charge? The President of XYZ Golf Club Company asked Masako Takai, the 36-year old Chief Executive of the Marketing Division, and her staff (two male MBAs) to go to Japan and close an important contract deal with the Nippon Company. He thought his choice is especially effective as Masako (a third generation Japanese American from California) knows the industry well and could also speak fluent Japanese. Mr. Yamamoto, the 56-year old CEO of the Nippon Company was awaiting them in his office. As Masako and her staff were being introduced, she noticed a quizzical look on Mr. Yamamoto’s face and heard him mumbled “chief executive” to his assistant in an unsure manner. However, they both bowed politely to each other although Mr. Yamamoto felt that Masako should have bowed deeper since she looked so young. They proceeded to the conference room and a female staff poured them all tea. They then started their business talk. After Masako had presented the merits of the marketing strategy in Japanese, referring to notes provided by her staff, she asked Mr. Yamamoto what he thought. He responded by saying that he needed to discuss some things further with the head of her department. Masako explained that was why she was in Japan— to close the contract deal. Smiling politely, Mr. Yamamoto replied that Masako had done a good job of explaining the marketing campaign strategy, but that he wanted to talk things over with the person in charge. Beginning to be frustrated, Masako stated that she had complete authority from her company to sign the contract. At this point, Mr. Yamamoto appeared to be quite confused and glanced at his assistant. Continuing to smile politely, however, Mr. Yamamoto wanted to schedule another meeting with Masako and talk further. Masako was at a boiling point at that stage. Wasted time means wasted money. What went wrong here? Why did Mr. Yamamoto keep postponing signing the contract and wanting to schedule another meeting with Masako?

To analyze the story of “Who’s in Charge?’ and to answer the question of what went wrong—everything went wrong on a culture-level analysis. Mr. Yamamoto was interpreting the role of Masako as either a junior staff or a translator from the XYZ Golf Club Company. He was also not used to dealing with a young, female executive to represent a major firm. Furthermore, since Masako could speak Japanese fluently, Mr. Yamamoto did not take her seriously as an American representative from the U.S. firm. He also did not decode the term “Chief Executive” accurately early on, and he did not have faith that Masako could actually go ahead and sign the contract on behalf of her company. While Mr. Yamamoto came from a large power distance value orientation, Masako came from a small power distance value dimension.

Intercultural miscommunication often involves different face-saving and face-recouping behaviors. Face-saving and face-honoring behaviors are situated discourse. In order to practice competent facework communication in a problematic intercultural situation, the conflict face negotiation theory perspective may help to guide our understanding of the interdependent nature of communicative identity, language, and culture.

Face Negotiation Theory Perspective: A Synopsis

In the context of the conflict face negotiation theory (FNT), face refers to a claimed sense of desired social self-image in a relational or international setting ( Ting-Toomey 1988 , 2005b ). The roots of FNT were inspired by the writing of Goffman’s (1955 , 1959 , 1967 ) work on sociological facework, and Brown and Levinson’s (1987) discourse work on politeness theory. For a brief history that covers the origin and the evolution of the FNT, see Ting-Toomey (1994 , 2009c ). Briefly stated, in any problematic discourse situation, face loss occurs when we are being treated in such a way that our identity claims are being directly or indirectly challenged or ignored. Face loss can occur on the individual level, the group membership level, or both. Repeated face loss and face threat often lead to escalatory conflict spirals or an impasse in the conflict negotiation process. Face gain, in contrast, means an enhanced self-image, other-image, or both.

In fact, Spencer-Oatey (2005 ; van Meurs & Spencer-Oatey, 2010) proposes that the study of facework can be understood via four relational interaction categories: a rapport-enhancement orientation (a desire to strengthen or enhance harmonious relations between interlocutors), a rapport maintenance orientation (a desire to maintain or protect harmonious relations), a rapport-neglect orientation (a lack of concern for the quality of interpersonal relations perhaps because of a focus on the self), and a rapport-challenge orientation (a desire to challenge or hamper harmonious relations between the interlocutors). In particular, when a second language is involved in the facework clash process, the tone of voice, the nonverbal nuances, the situated linguistic codes, and the conflict assumptions that are being enacted in the social disagreement episode can further derail the interaction process.

The FNT was developed as a response to the Western-biased perspective in the study of conflict communication styles. In response to the heavy reliance on the individualistic Western assumptions in framing various conflict approaches, Ting-Toomey (1988) developed a cross-cultural conflict theory, namely, the conflict face negotiation theory (FNT). The conflict FNT included an emphasis on a collectivistic, Asian-orientation perspective to the understanding of intercultural conflict and was intended to expand the theorizing process of existing, individualistic Western-based conflict approaches ( Ting- Toomey & Kurogi, 1998 ).

In sum, Ting- Toomey’s (2005a) conflict face negotiation theory assumes that (a) people in all cultures try to maintain and negotiate face in all communication situations; (b) the concept of face is especially problematic in emotionally threatening or identity-vulnerable situations when the situated identities of the communicators are called into question; (c) the cultural value spectrums of individualism-collectivism ( Ting-Toomey, 2010 ; Triandis, 1995 , 2002 ) and small-large power distance ( Hofstede, 2001 ; House, Hanges, and Javidan et al ., 2004 ) shape facework concerns and styles; (d) individualism and collectivism value patterns shape members’ preferences for self-oriented facework versus other-oriented facework; (e) small and large power distance value patterns shape members’ preferences for horizontal-based facework versus vertical-based facework; (f) the value dimensions, in conjunction with individual, relational, and situational factors, influence the use of particular facework behaviors in particular cultural scenes; and (g) intercultural facework competence refers to the optimal integration of knowledge, mindfulness, and communication skills in managing vulnerable identity-based conflict situations appropriately, effectively, and adaptively.

Self-face concern is the protective concern for one’s own identity image when one’s own face is threatened in the conflict episode. Other-face concern is the concern for accommodating the other conflict party’s identity image in the conflict situation. Mutual-face concern is the concern for both parties’ images and the image of the relationship. Whether we choose to engage in self-face protection or mutual-face protection often depends on our ingrained cultural socialization process, individual trait tendencies, and embedded situational factors.

More specifically, for example, in a direct empirical test of the theory by Oetzel and Ting-Toomey (2003) , the research program tested the underlying assumption of the FN conflict theory that face is an explanatory mechanism for cultural membership’s influence on conflict behavior. A questionnaire was administered to 768 participants in four national cultures: China, Germany, Japan, and the U.S. in their respective languages asking them to recall and describe a recent interpersonal conflict. The major results of the study are as follows: First, cultural individualism-collectivism had direct effects on conflict styles, as well as mediated effects through self-construal and face concerns. Second, self-face concern was associated positively with dominating style and other-face concern was associated positively with avoiding and integrating styles. Third, German respondents reported the frequent use of direct-confrontational facework strategies; Japanese reported the use of different pretending and accommodating strategies and minimize the severity of the conflict situation; Chinese engaged in a variety of avoiding, accommodating, passive aggressive, and third-party appeals’ tactics; and U.S. Americans reported the use of upfront expression of feelings and remaining calm as conflict facework tactics.

Within the pluralistic U.S. sample, multiethnic research by Ting-Toomey and co-researchers (2000) has also uncovered distinctive conflict interaction styles in relationship to particular ethnic identity salience issues. While previous research studies have focused on testing the relationship between individualism-collectivism value dimensions and facework strategies, recent research effort has focused on examining the relationship between small/large power distance values and particular facework practice in the workplace ( Merkin & Ramadan, 2010 ). Beyond broad-based cultural value pattern dimensions, individuals do develop their unique personality attributes due to distinctive family socialization processes and particular lived experiences.

The term, “self-construal,” was coined by Hazel Markus and Shinobu Kitayama (1991) , and is concerned with one’s personalized self-image as emphasizing either an independent or an interdependent self. In individualistic cultural communities, there may be more situations that evoke the need for independent-based actions. In collectivistic communities, there may be more situations that demand the sensitivity for interdependent-based decisions.

The manner in which individuals conceive of their self-images should have a profound influence on the expectancies of what constitute appropriate and effective responses in diverse facework situations. Both dimensions of self also exist within each individual, regardless of cultural membership identity ( Ting-Toomey, Oetzel, & Yee-Jung, 2001 ). For example, Oetzel and Ting-Toomey (2003) and Oetzel, Garcia, and Ting-Toomey (2008) found that independent self-construal is associated positively with self-face concern and the use of dominating/competing conflict strategies. Interdependent self-construal, on the other hand, is associated positively with other-face concern and the use of avoiding and integrating conflict tactics. It would appear that independent self-construal fosters the use of upfront and low-context demanding interaction responses, while interdependent self-construal emphasizes circumspective and high-context yielding interaction patterns.

Two other possible factors that moderate the activation of an independent versus an interdependent self are situational role appraisal and ingroup/outgroup distance factors. Situational role appraisal factors can include the degree of formality of the conflict setting, the interaction climate of the situation, the role relationship between the conflict participants, and the perceived goals of the facework negotiation process. To illustrate, the role appraisal process can include an assessment of the role expectancies between the conflict parties such as professional role identities and other salient group membership and personal identity concerns.

For example, Merkin (2006 ; see also, Merkin & Ramadan, 2010 ) has integrated small/large power distance value dimension to the individualism-collectivism value dimension in explaining face-threatening response messages and conflict styles in multiple cultures. She found that high-status individuals from large power distance cultures tend to use both direct and indirect facework strategies to deal with face-threatening situations—depending on whether they were delivering positive or negative messages. Thus, an accurate assessment of the culture-based situational factors that frame facework strategy usage can be critical in promoting competent conflict management outcome. Integrating the intergroup perspective with the face-negotiation theoretical frame can yield additional insights among identity, face-sensitive concern, and sociocultural membership issues.

Intergroup Face Negotiation Perspective

According to social identity theory, social categories (group memberships) are mechanisms by which individuals relate to each other ( Tajfel & Turner, 1979 ). Even in casual conversations when social identity (group membership) of any conversational partner becomes salient it changes the dynamics of conversations from interpersonal to intergroup interaction (see Giles et al, 2010 ). In this regard, individuals have to constantly negotiate intergroup boundary issues (the intertwined nature of personal and social identity) with others and even in close friendship setting. For example, Gideon, a Chinese/French American bicultural-biracial individual (Male, 25) articulated:

I feel like I have to introduce myself constantly to my friends based on my dual heritage, rather than other deep qualities I have. It is like people only see that mix when first meeting me and they do not really want to take the time to understand the real, inner me. I have to talk about all the cultural background things before we can have a further, deeper discussion. It can get annoying and frustrating at times but I sort of understand why people or even my friends are in a way “fascinated” by it. ( Toomey et al., 2013 , p. 122).

The above statements clearly reflect the salience of social identity/group membership and its impact on communication with others. Notably, this particular bicultural-biracial individual struggles with group membership-based face negotiation—his claim to positive image in the context of social interaction. Importantly, his face and facework are based on social categorization or group membership. Notably, he could not simply bypassed his group membership in encounters because others including his friends de-individualize him with ascribed social identity based on his mixed-feature appearance.

In essence, traditional intergroup scholars have not paid much attention to face negotiation and the relationship between group membership-based facework and communication convergence/divergence issues ( Harwood & Giles, 2005 ). These integrative theoretical concepts can enrich intergroup understanding of identity, language/verbal styles, and communication issues. FNT explicates three types of face concern—self-face concern, other-face concern, and mutual face concern to manage identity-sensitive communication issues in a variety of problematic interactional situations within and across cultures.

From an intergroup perspective, there could be four group membership face concerns: ingroup membership face concern (IGMFC), outgroup membership face concern (OGMFC), intergroup membership face concern (ITMFC), and community membership face concern (CMMFC). IGMFC is the degree of protective concern for the positive communicative image of one’s own ingroup especially when that group-based image is threatened in social interaction. OGMFC is the degree of concern for accommodating the outgroup members’ communicative image in social interaction from being further insulted or challenged. ITMFC is the degree of mutual back-and-forth diplomacy concern for preserving the positive images of both ingroup and outgroup in social interaction. Lastly, CMMFC is the degree of face-identity concern about the larger world stage’s reaction or the surrounding eyewitness community’s reaction. Importantly, these face concerns can provide an explanation for why group members use different accommodative or divergent strategies in international or intergroup facework negotiation setting. These are intimately connected to understanding intergroup categorization process and enacting skillful facework diplomacy tactics.

Additionally, many relational distance factors are important in competent intergroup-intercultural facework discourse practice. One critical factor is recognizing power distance dominance-deference issues in facework negotiation process ( Holtgraves, 2009 ; see also, Holtgraves & Kashima, 2008 ). Another factor is having a good grasp of how a particular cultural community defines in-group and out-group and what constitutes appropriate in-group versus out-group linguistic or verbal exchange processes. Take, for example, from the Japanese communication lens, Midooka (1990) , who categorized four groups of Japanese relationships, noted that the Japanese in-group consisting of kino-okenai-kankei and nakama and the Japanese out-group consisting of najimi-no-tanin and muen-no-kankei .

Kino-okenai-kankei (“intimate ingroups”) consists of very intimate or equal-status relationships in which communication is causal, open, and direct. Examples of such relationships are best friends, family/siblings, close relatives, childhood buddies, and dating relationships. In these relationships, differences in age or seniority are superseded by intimacy, and no hierarchical rituals, especially in the “best friends” category, are heeded. Thus, in Japanese “best friends” conflict situations, the process can involve more heart-to-heart talks to direct conflict self-disclosure. Nakama (“familiar interactive ingroups”), on the other hand, are close-contact in-group relations, especially in terms of everyday familiarity, yet not so much as to override status differences. These typically include everyday colleagues in the same workplace, and here, maximum care must be taken to observe interpersonal rituals and preserving relational harmony even under stressful conflict condition. A certain level of decorum or formality is expected to be maintained in this particular relationship category.

On the other hand, najimi-no-tanin (“acquaintance interactive outgroups”) refers to a less intimate, acquaintance relationship, characterized more as an outgroup rather than as an ingroup relationship. For example, outgroup relationships in this instance could mean acquaintance colleagues in other universities or a friend of a close friend who needs a favor. While being tanin , communication behaviors toward this “familiar” out-group member would differ greatly depending on the perceived value or reward/cost appraisal process of the relationship. However, since Japan is considered as an overall group-oriented society, social ties have interlocking importance and wider interdependent implications from one spectrum of the society to the next ( Ting-Toomey & Takai, 2006 ). If the relationship poses a threat to one’s public face, one is still careful to observe appropriate interaction formality and diplomatic conflict rituals. Cautious formality is exercised in the tanin situation more so than the nakama situation—as one misstep can be costly and can ruin one’s reputation or face beyond just the out-group circle. Finally, muen-no-kankei (“stranger outgroups”) indicates a purely outgroup, stranger relationship, also referred to as aka-no-tanin . Since strangers are way beyond the bounds of accepted social or personalized ties, oftentimes, no form of considerate behavior needs to be extended between the stranger-pair as no preexisting emotional sentiments bind the two people together. Indifference can be part of the conflict ritual in this peripheral outgroup category.

In sum, intergroup identity factors and relational distance parameters have a strong impact on what constitute appropriate and effective communication styles and adaptive facework behaviors in particular situations and in different cultural communities. A culturally competent communicator would need to increase his or her awareness concerning self and other’s social and personal identity issues and the group membership facework issues that are being experienced and displayed in the social discourse situation. The next section will conclude with some suggested directions for future research in the areas of intergroup identity negotiation and intergroup facework negotiation.

Future Research Directions

Researching intergroup identity language issues.

In terms of testing the interdependent relationship among language, identity, and sociocultural membership issues, here are some suggestions along the lines of language and convergence/divergence issues, and language and intergroup communication competence or incompetence issues. In responding to the language and convergence/divergence issues, here are some researchable questions: Under what conditions do different sociocultural identity members seek linguistic convergence or divergence? How do they decode whether the other identity member is capable of code-switching in the intergroup identity negotiation process? What paralinguistic or micro-nonverbal signals do individuals exchange that they would actually interpret as identity approval or liking, or identity insulting or patronizing? How could we better study nonverbal nuances that create a strong impact on the language and verbal style variations in intergroup communication process?

In addressing the language and intergroup communication competence issues, here are some research questions that need some urgent attention: What are some appropriate and effective discourse strategies that can be used to instill super-ordinate identities and interdependent fates among separate cultural/ethnic group circles? What is the role of a competent translator or interpreter in the diplomatic multi-track peace-building process? How can bilingual or multilingual mediators create a secure “third space” through the artful use of language to promote mutual intergroup respect among diverse identity groups?

Researching Intergroup Face Negotiation Issues

The following two research areas hold promise and need future research attention: intergroup facework situations, and intergroup facework competence. The study of face-negotiation in everyday discourse would definitely benefit by examining the relationship among situations, face concerns, and facework verbal and nonverbal codes’ usage. Questions such as the following need more systematic research investigations: Under what specific situational conditions would intergroup communicators be more interested in intergroup mutual-face protection versus ingroup face protection? Under what identity threat conditions would intergroup negotiators be more concerned with mutual-face protection versus mutual-face annihilation? What do the language codes of honor, dignity, respect, insult, and vengeance in different speech communities sound like? How could these codes be translated with optimal fidelity in correspondence to the original speech community?

In connecting the relationship among language, verbal styles, and intergroup facework competence, here are some researchable directions: What particular facework strategies can intergroup members use to promote mutual face respect? How can bicultural-biracial identity members display optimal facework competence in intergroup communication settings? How do they make strategic choices to foster ingroup connection and solidarity with one group without alienating the other group? Do we need to develop particular linguistic process competence theory for each sociocultural group or can we engage in a cross-cultural and cross-situational theorizing process? Beyond communication appropriateness, effectiveness, and adaptability, what are other competence yardsticks we need to incorporate in order for intergroup communicators to reach optimal competence level? What does optimal communication competence look like from a language or verbal communication competence standpoint?

Conclusions

This chapter advocates the importance of understanding complex identity issues and language variation issues from the three theoretical frameworks of identity negotiation theory, intergroup perspective including communication accommodation theory, and face negotiation theory. International bilingual and multilingual researchers are needed to work more collaboratively and systematically to uncover the process competence perspective in the study of language, communication, and sociocultural membership identity issues.

From the narrative approach to the functional- quantitative approach, more theoretical and research efforts are needed for us to truly understand the multiplicity of identity voices and lenses of individuals from diverse sociocultural communities. Dynamic language communicators are individuals who practice culture-sensitive verbal and nonverbal styles and can code-switch fluidly with the strategic use of artful language enactment. At the same time that they adhere to the criteria of communication appropriateness and effectiveness in the intergroup interaction setting, they are also highly attuning to the identity dynamics of their fellow intergroup conversation partners.

In sum, competent communicators are highly creative individuals who can use the art of language and strategic communication styles to convey intergroup membership identity support. They can also display great linguistic reframing skills by de-polarizing intergroup membership tensions. They are the mindful communicators who have a secure and grounded sense of identity and, simultaneously, lending this sense of attunement to core identity issues that are implicitly or explicitly expressed by their intergroup conversation partners. Toward this end, in this chapter, we have unpacked and discussed the complex relationship among language variations, identity, and sociocultural membership from multiple identity-based perspectives. Drawing from the intercultural and intergroup communication literature, we are able to extend some of the existing identity-based frameworks forward and incorporating a wide-angle lens in exploring the intersecting paths of the ever fascinating phenomenon of language, identity, and culture.

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• Jun 6, 2022

Language and Identity: the Construction of the Self

When it comes to language, one of the first words that comes to mind is communication. However, language is also an important part of one's identity and is required for all aspects of interacting with the surrounding world. Identity is what one projects into the world and how one wants to be perceived by others. Moreover, identity formation requires a certain level of awareness as it involves individuals to make a conscious decision that impacts a change in their identity. Family, social interactions with peers, and geographic location are three aspects that show a correlation between language and identity throughout one’s life. This article will discuss this relationship and provide some examples of identity in language use to demonstrate how identity is not static but rather changes over time as a person’s language evolves.

Family Influence on Language and Identity

Family plays the most important role in the development of a child’s linguistic skills. These skills are influenced by the positive verbal input children receive from their parents in their home environment. According to psychologist Catherine Snow (1972), the speech children hear spoken around them is their sole source of information about that language (p. 549). As children grow, they learn their mother tongue – their first language – which gives them the ability to communicate with their parents. Given the amount of time children spend interacting with their parents on a regular basis, it is no surprise that, by transmitting speech skills targeted to develop their own form of communication, parents play a critical role in their children's language development. However, developmental psycholinguists have assumed that, in reality, children hear just a random sample of adult utterances, characterized by all the stutters, mistakes, garbles, inconsistencies, and complexities which are common in adults’ speech to other adults (Snow, 1972). In other words, children are largely exposed to various kinds of speech in a home environment. This process makes them perceptive to everything and, by nature, children are encouraged to imitate their parents’ behaviour, particularly in speech. That is the reason why the mother tongue has a significant impact on the personality and psychological development of an individual: it shapes their distinct identity through childhood, when young speakers are most closely connected with their parents.

Mother tongue is also an important part of a child’s culture, identity, and beliefs. According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), “our values, beliefs and identity are embedded within language” (Farhat, 2018). This implies how the importance of culture is in determining how a person is defined. One's values and beliefs have a significant impact on how they think, behave and see the world. Rovira (2008) states "Language is intrinsic to the expression of culture" (p. 66) implying that it is through expressed language that culture and values are transmitted. There is a strong connection between an individual’s mother tongue and their culture, yet if children do not speak their parents' language, it might be difficult to identify with their roots. In order to better understand this concept, an example is provided below.

According to a case study done by Thomas and Cao (1999), the Linh Cao family, of Vietnamese and Chinese descent, demonstrates how a three-generation family can invoke identity changes. The Cao family immigrated to the U.S. in 1979 from Vietnam due to political and economic instability. While the grandparents spoke Hainanese (a Chinese dialect) and Vietnamese, the father spoke Hainanese, Mandarin, Vietnamese, and a little English. The mother spoke Vietnamese, Hainanese, and very limited English. With these premises, it is interesting to analyze the impact of such a situation on the children. In fact, the age gaps between the children resulted in considerable differences regarding their language experiences. Linh was born in Vietnam and her first language was Hainanese, which she speaks very little of now. She studied Mandarin when she first started school, but following the Communist takeover in Vietnam 1975, Linh had to learn how to read and write Vietnamese. In fact, the Vietnamese government sought to eliminate any Chinese influence and demanded that all Chinese schools in Vietnam teach Vietnamese. Her sister who is one year younger speaks Vietnamese fairly well and has recently improved her Mandarin and Hainanese, even though she prefers English. Their two younger siblings, on the other hand, were two and three years old when they arrived in the U.S. and are now completely fluent in English, but their Vietnamese vocabulary is severely limited and, particularly when communicating with their parents, their conversation is restricted to a “yes/no” dialogue. On the contrary, the older siblings are able to converse with their mother in Vietnamese with ease, but they occasionally get stuck when they have forgotten a specific word or expression. When this happens, their mom offers to assist them as she understands what they are trying to say. Based on this study, it is evident that when a child shifts to a common language spoken outside the home environment, maintaining communication within an immigrant family becomes challenging if the language of origin is not preserved. As children mature, it is important to observe the dynamics of this transition as speakers clarify their values and gain a sense of coherence in their identities.

Identity Development in Adolescence

As adolescents go through changes in their language development, they become more aware of how others perceive them because acceptance by a peer group becomes extremely important. This awareness often affects the way one uses language, specifically how one modifies speech patterns in order to achieve a particular social standing within their peer group (Durkin & Conti-Ramsden, 2007). As a matter of fact, adolescents are often responsible for linguistic innovations and modifications, some of which are built into the general structure of language over time. This is especially true at the lexical level, since young people are generally creative with language and like to borrow new words from other languages and even from other jargons – a specific type of language used by a particular group or profession.

Slang is another type of informal language typically spoken by adolescents within social groups. For example, young speakers might use the words awesome, sick or wicked to mean “really good.” The use of slang represents how young people express what is going on in society and how they are responding to their surroundings, where informal communication is easier than using formal language . Young people speak differently than adults do. Some modifications that occur in their language, such as alterations in speech or grammar, persist, while others diminish over time. When these changes stay, we notice a shift in language. According to Fuller (2007), the fact that adolescents have a specific language makes it easier for them to connect with other adolescents and helps build self-confidence (p. 106). These young people develop a distinctive way of speaking that effectively communicates who they are and how they respond to the social influences they encounter. This clearly demonstrates how language choice creates a powerful bond between social identification and group unity. It is no wonder that as adolescents struggle to find their way in the adult world, their need to be accepted by their peers, displayed by their use of language, makes it simpler for them to blend in and establish a specific identity.

The Influence of Geographic Location on Identity

Numerous studies have found out that geographic location has a significant impact on language variety and dialect emergence. That is, when speakers of the same group are geographically apart, they are more likely to use language differently. According to Abdulfattah and Mansour (2017), all languages have dialectical variations. These dialects can differ in phonology, morphology, spelling, vocabulary, and syntax from the standard language, but with language continually changing, it may not be obvious to an outsider what is considered to be the true language. Abdulfattah and Mansour claim that linguistic diversity is influenced by one’s geographical background (p. 221). For example, geographic location is an essential factor in the variation of dialects spoken throughout England. In the North East region, for instance, English speakers pronounce bus as /bus/, which differs from Received Pronunciation, which is the accent traditionally associated with education and privilege. Abdulfattah and Mansour write "It is also claimed that location has been essential in the emergence of a new variety of English that came to be known as General American English which is different from the UK varieties" (2017, p. 221). When people immigrated from England to America, they brought their language with them. However, as a result of contact, the spoken language began to change in many ways.

Today, there are many different dialects within both British and American English. An expression attributed to Oscar Wilde and George Bernard Shaw is, 'Two nations divided by a common language.' This quote reinforces the idea that barriers of geographic location become linguistic barriers. These barriers can occur between people who speak the same language but are from different regions of the same country. They may have difficulty understanding each other and this can lead to conflict, frustration, offence, and confusion, all of which block effective communication. If one decides to relocate to a city for work purposes where a different dialect is spoken, that person may encounter misunderstandings and misinterpretations with their colleagues, and as a result, a strain in interpersonal relationships might take place. Furthermore, when dialectical and accent differences occur, the use of slang and regional colloquialisms can lead to more misunderstandings and communication gaps, among other issues. Linguistic struggles can alter an individual’s identity entirely, since language barriers can hinder the flux of sharing ideas, thoughts, and feelings. Because of this, successful communication between people should never be taken for granted.

Language is the main instrument used for communicating with others, but it is also a fundamental part of our identity and is required for all aspects of environmental interaction. In considering the amount of time that parents spend with their children in forming their communicative style and building their character, family is without doubt the most significant factor in children's language development, which contributes to the shaping of their identities. As children mature into adolescents, their identities shift as they become more aware of how their peers perceive them, impacting their language use in such a way as to represent their social standings. Finally, geographic location produces dialect differentiation, which can lead to language barriers, making communication between people who speak the same language difficult. Based on these three factors, one can conclude that identity is never static and varies throughout time as a person’s language evolves in a determined social context.

Bibliographical References

Abdulfattah, O., & Mansour, A. (2017). Geographic location and linguistic diversity. International Journal of English Linguistics , 7 (4), 220–229. https://doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v7n4p220

Durkin, K., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2007). Language, Social Behavior, and the Quality of Friendships in Adolescents with and without a History of Specific Language Impairment. Child Development , 78 (5), 1441–1457. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4620714

Farhat, S. (2018). Our values, beliefs and identity are embedded within language . United Nations. https://news.un.org/en/story/2018/02/1003191

Fuller, J. M. (2007). Language choice as a means of shaping identity. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology , 17 (1), 105–129. http://www.jstor.org/stable/43104134

Hobsbawn, E. (1996). Language, culture, and national identity. Social Research , 63 (4), 1065–1080. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40971324

Kallifatides, T. (1993). Language and identity. Harvard Review , 4 , 113–120. http://www.jstor.org/stable/27559761

Romaine, S. (1994). Language in Society: An Introduction to Sociolinguistics (2nd ed.). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

Rovira, Lourdes C. (2008). The relationship between language and identity. The use of the home language as a human right of the immigrant. REMHU - Revista Interdisciplinar da Mobilidade Humana, 16 (31),63-81. ISSN: 1980-8585. https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=407042009004

Snow, C. E. (1972). Mothers’ speech to children learning language. Child Development , 43 (2), 549–565. https://doi.org/10.2307/1127555

Thomas, L., & Cao, L. (1999). Language use in family and in society. The English Journal , 89 (1), 107–113. https://doi.org/10.2307/821364

Valentine, G., Sporton, D., & Nielsen, K. B. (2008). Language use on the move: Sites of encounter, identities and belonging. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers , 33 (3), 376–387. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30131224

Visual References

Figure 1: Bolychevsky, I. (2018). Exploring good common principles for a digital identity system [Artwork]. Opendatainstitute. Retrieved from:

https://theodi.org/article/exploring-good-common-principles-for-a-digital-identity-system/

Figure 2: Roberts, J. (2019). For babies, the process of learning how to speak is a highly interactive one [Photography]. European Commision. Retrieved from:

https://ec.europa.eu/research-and-innovation/sites/default/files/hm/field/image/childlanguage.jpg

Figure 3: Palacios, L. A. (2021). Idioma de Nueva Zelanda [Image]. Growproexperience. Retrieved from: https://growproexperience.com/nueva-zelanda/idioma-de-nueva-zelanda/

Figure 4: Bratcher, E. (2018). How to overcome language barriers when hosting global events [Image]. Associationsnow. Retrieved from:

https://associationsnow.com/2018/04/overcome-language-barriers-hosting-global-events/

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When Talking About Identity, How Much Do Words Matter?

How deliberate are you with the words you use when talking about race, ethnicity, gender and sexuality? Are changes in language a necessary step toward achieving justice?

By Michael Gonchar and Callie Holtermann

Language has always had power. Words can hurt, offend and provoke, but they can also empower, uplift and inspire. They can even change culture. Language has always evolved, and that is certainly true for language related to race, ethnicity, gender and sexuality.

Words and terms like BIPOC, P.O.C., she/her, he/him, they/them, nonbinary, LGBTQIA+, antiracism, white privilege and microaggression might have been unfamiliar to most people even a decade ago. “African American” is sometimes being superseded by “Black,” with a capital “B.” The term “queer” has been reclaimed by some, but still reads as hate speech to others. And debates erupt over whether to use Latinx or Latino for people of Latin American descent.

Have you noticed this kind of evolving language within your school community? How careful are you with the language you use to discuss identity and social issues? Do you think this debate over language is a meaningful social justice imperative, or does it miss what is most important: substantive policy changes?

In “ BIPOC or POC? Equity or Equality? The Debate Over Language on the Left ,” Amy Harmon writes:

In California, a Black college freshman from the South is telling a story about his Latino friends from home when he is interrupted by a white classmate. “We say ‘Latinx’ here,” he recalls her saying, using a term he had not heard before, “because we respect trans people.” In Philadelphia, Emma Blackson challenges her white neighbor’s assertion that Black children misbehave in school more than others. “It’s just my implicit bias,” the neighbor offers, saying that she had recently learned the phrase. In Chicago, Kelsey O’Donnell, 31, wonders why colleagues and friends have suddenly started saying “BIPOC,” an acronym that encompasses individuals who are Black, Indigenous or other people of color. Where had it come from? “There was really nobody to ask,” says Ms. O’Donnell, who is white. “It was just, ‘This is what we say now.’” Americans have always wrestled with language when it comes to describing race, with phrases and vocabulary changing to meet the struggles and values of the moment. But especially in the wake of protests for social justice in the summer of 2020, there is a heightened attention to this language, say scholars and activists, as some on the left try to advance changes in the culture through words. “You can’t change what you can’t name,” Cathy Albisa, vice president of institutional and sectoral change at the racial justice nonprofit Race Forward, said. For some people, though, the new lexicon has become a kind of inscrutable code, set at a frequency that only a narrow, highly educated slice of the country can understand, or even a political litmus test in which the answers continually change. Others feel disappointment, after so many protests last summer demanded far deeper change on issues like criminal justice and voting rights.

Students, read the entire article , and then tell us:

What is your reaction to this article? What do you think about the debate over “language on the left”? Why?

Are you highly conscious of the words you use when discussing race, gender and sexuality? Do you ever start discussions about language or about the labels or pronouns that resonate most with you?

Are there words used to describe elements of your identity that you are more comfortable with than others? Are there words or terms used in your community that, even though they are intended to be empowering, make you uncomfortable or confused?

Rashad Robinson, president of the racial justice organization Color of Change, said, “When you’ve been on the margin, being able to claim a language and a narrative and a set of words to express yourself is incredibly important.” Do you agree?

Kelsey O’Donnell, 31, of Chicago said, “I’m exhausted by the constant need to be wary or you’ll instantly be labeled racist or anti-trans.” Do you ever find language to be a minefield ? In your community, what happens when someone uses the “wrong” word? Is there any reaction? If so, is the reaction proportionate to the offense? Why or why not?

Is the subject of language about race, gender and sexuality a sensitive issue in your community? Has any of the “language of the left” discussed in this article been embraced by the people you know? Or has there been a backlash against it?

Do you agree with those quoted in the article who consider this new attention to language a “dodge” — a way to avoid substantive policy changes, like investing in more affordable housing or quality education? Is this debate over language missing the point? Or do you think changes in language are a necessary step toward achieving justice? Why or why not?

Want more writing prompts? You can find all of our questions in our Student Opinion column . Teachers, check out this guide to learn how you can incorporate them into your classroom.

Students 13 and older in the United States and Britain, and 16 and older elsewhere, are invited to comment. All comments are moderated by the Learning Network staff, but please keep in mind that once your comment is accepted, it will be made public.

Callie Holtermann joined The Learning Network as a senior news assistant in 2020. More about Callie Holtermann

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