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Get to know Narendra Modi!

Mr. Narendra Damodardas Modi is the present and 15th Indian prime minister. He has been serving our nation since 26th May 2014. From the year 2001 to 2014, before taking over Delhi, he served the role of Honourable Chief Minister of Gujarat. He is a Member of the Parliament (MP), who represents the city of Varanasi. He is the leader of the popular Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). 

In the 2014 general election, BJP, led by Narendra Modi, gained the majority in the Lok Sabha. This was the first such major win for a political party since 1984. 

All About Narendra Modi

Early life .

Prime Minister Narendra Modi was born in a lower-middle-class family at Vadnagar, Gujarat. He had a keen interest in politics since the early days of his childhood. After completing his higher education in his hometown, he decided to join Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. This is popularly known as RSS in our country. During his earlier ages of life, he was headstrong and was not that keen on the concept of marriage. Since then, he has dedicated his entire life to his motherland. At the age of 17, Narendra Modi decided to travel around the country and gain knowledge while helping others. Mr Modi is a great admirer of the ideologies of Swami Vivekananda. 

He always emphasizes,  "Coming age is the age of knowledge. However, rich, poor, or powerful a country be, if they want to move ahead, only knowledge can lead them to that path." 

The Life Story 

Narendra Modi is a motivation for every Indian. He became the prime minister of India after breaking the bar of a poverty-stricken tea-selling boy. He has seamlessly become a development-oriented leader. Narendra Damodardas Modi was born on 17th September 1950. He is a prominent figure who showed us success is not related to the caste system. It doesn’t matter from where a person belongs or what his or her background is. 

Narendra Modi is considered a master strategist and becomes a ray of hope for billions of lives in India. He is one of the leaders who stay focused on developments. With him, the dignity of labor is respected, and the working class is supported greatly. Narendra Modi is the glorious son of Late Damodardas Mulchand Modi and Heeraben Damodardas Modi. None of the prime ministers had taken office when their mother was alive. It is Mr. Modi who created history. 

Eradicating Black Money from Our Country 

Dealing with strong hands, Narendra Modi has a significant role in eradicating black money from India. He demonetized the currency notes of 500 and 1000 rupees and later introduced a complete new semblance of Indian currency notes. This helped a lot in eliminating corruption, terrorism, and counterfeit currency from India. Our 15th Prime Minister is considered to be a stern administrator and leader with strict and protective discipline. These can be seen through his works, policies, speeches, and initiation of various schemes. He maintains a great image when it comes to rising from humble beginnings and moving to become the Prime Minister of India. 

Campaigns led by Modi 

Poverty in a farmer's life has been reduced to a great extent, thanks to the helping hands offered by our Prime Minister. Not only poor farmers, but he also helped reduce the poverty level from other sectors. He has eliminated the problem of water from India. Carrying the work to the next stage after Mr. Atal Vihari Vajpayee, Modi showed a great interest in the construction of infrastructure in India.  

A generous and recognized campaign, "Make in India," was started by Mr. Narendra Modi. In this campaign, he conveyed the message to manufacturers that it is best to use Indian materials and products rather than depending on foreign goods. This way, our money will circulate within the country and it will help to reduce the inflation rate. 

To end with, India has benefitted like never before under the leadership of Honourable Prime Minister Mr Narendra Modi. He has taken all the initiatives to make our country great and appreciable on the global standard. 

Recent Endeavours of Narendra Modi  

In April 2020, Narendra Modi, an Indian politician and the current Prime Minister of India, overtook US President Donald Trump as the most popular world leader on Facebook. He has ranked first among all international leaders in the fight against the Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, ensuring the safety and security of Indian citizens and offering all essential help to other countries. 

In the aftermath of the pandemic, Prime Minister Narendra Modi decided to create a distinct Ministry of AYUSH, now selling medications to other countries. 

Article 370, which granted special status to the former state of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), was repealed under his strong leadership. Narendra Modi's leadership has been hailed by world leaders, international agencies, philanthropists, Nobel laureates, and many more. 

Modiji earned the UN's top environmental accolade, the Champion of the Earth, in October 2018. On February 22, 2019, Narendra Damodardas Modi was awarded the prestigious Seoul Peace Prize 2018 to contribute to international collaboration and global economic prosperity. On April 12, 2019, he was also awarded the Order of St. Andrew, Russia's highest civilian decoration. 

For his second term as Prime Minister of India, he ran on "Nationalism" in the 2019 general election and earned a large mandate. 

Benchmarks of Modi’s Success

After being elected to his second term as Gujarat's chief minister in 2002, he focused on the state's economic development and an attractive location for business people and industrialists. 

In 2007, during his third term as CM, he increased agricultural growth rates, provided power to all villages, and bolstered the state's rapid development. 

When he was Gujarat's chief minister, he launched groundwater conservation initiatives with the government’s help. This aided in the cultivation of Bt cotton by providing irrigation through tube wells. 

 Gujarat's governor, Narendra Modi, has provided power to every village. In addition, he modified the state's power distribution system by dividing agricultural and rural electricity. 

Narendra Modi introduced honouring the Interworldwidenational Day of Yoga during his speech to the United Nations General Assembly. Thanks to his efforts, the International Day of Yoga is observed on June 21st all over the world. 

Modi's book 'Aankh Ka Dhanya Che' has a compilation of his poems. The Madame Tussauds Wax Museum in London has a wax statue of Modi. In 2015, he was placed sixth on Fortune magazine's list of the world's most powerful leaders. 

Narendra Modi was designated one of the top 30 most influential individuals on the Internet and one of Forbes' top ten most powerful people on the planet. He earned the United Nation’s highest environmental honor, 'Champions of the Earth,' in October 2018. He is the first Indian to get the 2018 Seoul Peace Prize. 

He is a beacon of hope for billions of Indians and one of the most popular leaders who focus on development. Even our Prime Minister Narendra Modi's slogan, "Main Bhi Chowkidar," emphasizes the dignity of labor and seeks the support of the working people. He used this term because he believes he, too, is standing steadfast and doing his job as the nation's "chowkidar." He further stated that any Indian fighting against corruption, filth, social evils, and other issues for India's prosperity is a 'Chowkidar.' The slogan 'Main Bhi chowkidar' became famous as a result of this.

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FAQs on Narendra Modi Essay

Q1. Give a short brief on the background of Narendra Modi.

Narendra Modi was born on 17th September 1950. He belonged to a family of grocers. His hometown is located in Vadnagar, Mehsana district, Gujarat. Late Damodardas Mulchand Modi is the father of Narendra Modi. His mother’s name is Heeraben Damodardas Modi. Narendra Modi has 5 brothers and sisters and he is the third eldest among them. Modi is known to help in selling tea at his father’s tea stall at the Vadnagar Railway Station.

Q2. Why is Mr. Narendra Modi considered among the world's best leaders?

How Mr. Narendra Modi has emerged in Indian politics certainly makes him an influential leader. He changed the direction of politics uniquely, setting an example in every aspect through his path. Mr. Modi has achieved remarkable success when it comes to the highlighting of public welfare. From the public-oriented perspective, he has successfully introduced nationalism in a completely new way by introducing an innovative course of politics. 

Q3. What has Narendra Modi done for India?

Narendra Modi has done so many great things for India. The list is unending. To name a few, the Modi government made laws for triple talaq, strict punishment law against child abuse, fraud prevention law, etc. In addition to this, he shows great support for our sports team. Most of the popular tweets made by Modi have been on cricket. He congratulated Team India when the national team lifted the World T20 Cup by defeating Pakistan. He took noteworthy decisions for our country’s greater good. Such qualities and principles of a prime minister have certainly helped India to grow globally.

Essay On Narendra Modi for Students and Children

500+ words essay on narendra modi.

Narendra Modi as a person has always been a great inspiration for the people of India. Furthermore, his ideologies and beliefs have recognition. Narendra Modi not only gained popularity in India but also in countries like the USA and Russia. That is one of the most powerful and leading countries in the entire world.

Essay On Narendra Modi

Narendra Modi’s optimistic nature and challenging capabilities have led to an impact on our nation. Moreover, his way of turning the crowd and expressing his thoughts is making him a remarkable politician.

Narendra Modi has may fan in the country as well as in other nations. This is because he travels in different countries throughout the year. To discuss India’s financial and friendly relations with other countries.

Life Story of Narendra Modi

Narendra Modi was born on 17th September 1950. The birthplace of Narendra Modi is Vadnagar, Mehsana district, Bombay State (present-day Gujarat). For your information, Narendra Modi’s full name is Narendra Damodardas Modi.

Moreover, his father’s name was Mool Chand Modi and his Mother is Hiraben. Narendra Modi always belonged to a middle-class family. His engagement with Jasoda Ben Chaman Lal took place at the age of 13. However, he got married at the age of 17.

Furthermore, Modi joined RSS( Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh). He worked in it for several years. Also during his service, he played important roles in serving the people. Narendra Nodi started working really hard from an early age. Moreover, he has also represented as a true Hindu, because of which he is a role model for many Hindus .

Narendra Modi joined B.J.P. ( Bharatiya Janta Party) in the year 1987. From this time his career in the political world started. After a year only his appointment took place as a general secretary in Gujarat. Through his hard work and diligence, he took the party to a milestone. Where the party got great recognition.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Narendra Modi – The Prime Minister of India

In the 2014 General Elections Narendra Modi won by the vast majority. He became the 15th Prime minister of India. Modi became the first prime minister after many years to get the whole majority of votes. On the day of 26th May 2014, he swore the oath as a prime minister. From that day onwards various amendments in our constitution took place. Modi is a man of vision, he had a dream of digital India.

prime minister essay of india

Because of which he started various campaigns to promote it. Furthermore, he wanted a corruption-free India and to imply this he took a major step. He ordered demonetization in the entire country.

Under it the current currency became invalid. In order to get the new currency, people have to exchange it from the old ones. This was only possible by depositing all the money in the respective bank accounts. This was a major event in the history of India.

Furthermore, various campaigns for the safety of women also were initiated. Campaigns like Anti- Romeo Squad were in action to catch the eve-teasers on the roads.

Also, a major amendment was made in the country, the punishments for a pedophile rapist was been declared as hang till death. These were the steps that made him an outstanding prime minister. Because of which he was again elected as a prime minister in the 2019 general elections.

Q1. When was Narendra Modi born?

A1 . Narendra Modi was born on 17th September 1950.

Q2. In which year Narendra Modi became the prime minister of India

A2. Narendra Modi took the oath as a prime minister of India on 26th May 2014.

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Essay on Narendra Modi

Narendra Damodardas Modi is the current and 15th Prime Minister of India. He has been serving our country since May 26, 2014. Before taking over Delhi, he held the position of Honorable Chief Minister of Gujarat from the year 2001 to 2014 . He serves as the Varanasi city's MP and is a member of parliament. Here are a few sample essays on ‘Narendra Modi’.

Essay on Narendra Modi

100 Words Essay On Narendra Modi

Narendra Modi is the current Prime Minister of India , having taken office in 2014. He is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) . Modi is known for his strong leadership and his focus on economic development and national security. He has implemented several policies aimed at improving the lives of the Indian people, such as the 'Make in India' initiative and the 'Digital India' campaign. Modi has also focused on improving relations with other countries, particularly through his 'Act East policy' and initiatives like the 'International Yoga Day'. He has been a controversial figure due to his party's ideology and some of his decisions, but his supporters believe he has been successful in improving the country's economy and infrastructure.

200 Words Essay On Narendra Modi

Narendra Modi is the current Prime Minister of India, having taken office in 2014. He is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) . Modi has been a Member of Parliament from Varanasi and a Member of the Gujarat Legislative Assembly. He served as the Chief Minister of Gujarat from 2001 to 2014 .

Leadership And Policies

Modi is known for his strong leadership and his focus on economic development and national security. He has implemented several policies aimed at improving the lives of the Indian people, such as the Make in India initiative, which aims to boost the country's manufacturing sector and create jobs. He also launched the Digital India campaign, which aims to increase access to technology and improve governance through the use of digital tools.

Foreign Policy

Modi has also focused on improving relations with other countries, particularly through his Act East policy which aims to strengthen ties with Southeast Asian nations, and initiatives like the International Yoga Day, which promotes the ancient practice as a means of fostering healthy, peaceful relationships among nations.

Criticism And Controversies

Modi's tenure as Prime minister of India has been controversial, with criticism for his handling of certain issues like the economy, the COVID-19 pandemic , and the farmers' protest. Despite the criticism, Modi remains a popular leader among his supporters, who believe he has been successful in improving the country's economy and infrastructure.

500 Words Essay On Narendra Modi

Modi has been credited for bringing a new perspective to India's foreign policy. One of the key events that highlights his success in this regard is the surgical strike that was conducted in 2016 in response to the terrorist attack on an Indian army base in Uri, Jammu and Kashmir. The terrorist attack resulted in the death of 19 soldiers and was considered as one of the worst terrorist attacks in India's history. Modi, as the Prime minister of India, decided to take a strong stance against the attack by ordering a surgical strike on the terrorist camps in Pakistan-administered-Kashmir. This move was seen as a bold and decisive action taken by the Indian government, which was well received by the Indian public.

Act East Policy

Modi has also focused on improving relations with other countries, particularly through his Act East policy which aims to strengthen ties with Southeast Asian nations. He has made a number of visits to Southeast Asian countries, strengthening India's economic and strategic ties with these nations. The Act East Policy has been credited for improving India's trade relations with Southeast Asia and also increasing Indian soft power in the region.

Criticism and Controversies

Modi's leadership and foreign policy decisions have not been without controversy. Critics have raised concerns about the implications of the surgical strike on the relations between India and Pakistan, as well as the human rights situation in Jammu and Kashmir. However, despite the criticism, Modi remains a popular leader among his supporters, who believe he has taken decisive action to protect India's national security and improve relations with other countries.

The Story Behind URI

The terrorist attack on an Indian army base in Uri, Jammu and Kashmir in 2016 was a defining moment in the leadership of Narendra Modi. The attack resulted in the death of 19 soldiers and was considered one of the worst terrorist attacks in India's history.

In response to the attack, Modi ordered a surgical strike on the terrorist camps in Pakistan-administered-Kashmir. This move was seen as a bold and decisive action taken by the Indian government, and it was well received by the Indian public. The surgical strike was a clear signal to Pakistan and to the world that India would not tolerate terrorism on its soil.

Modi's handling of the Uri attack showcased his leadership skills and his determination to protect the country's national security. He made a bold and unpopular decision, but one that was necessary to safeguard the country's security. This incident proved that Modi is a leader who is not afraid to take difficult decisions and is committed to protecting the country's national security.

Moreover, his decisiveness in dealing with the URI incident also gained him support from the public, who were looking for a leader who would take a strong stance against terrorism. It was a defining moment that solidified Modi's image as a strong leader who will not hesitate to take action to protect the country's security and interests.

It was a defining moment that solidified Modi's image as a strong leader who is not afraid to take difficult and decisive actions to protect the country's security and interests. This incident has proven that Modi is a great leader who can handle crisis situations with courage and determination, and that he is committed to safeguarding the country's security and interests.

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The New Idea of India

Narendra modi’s reign is producing a less liberal but more assured nation..

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This article appears in the Winter 2024 print issue of FP. Read more from the issue.

From the middle of April until early June, staggered over the course of several weeks, the world’s biggest election will take place. More than 960 million Indians—out of a population of 1.4 billion—are eligible to vote in parliamentary elections that polls strongly suggest will return Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to power for a third consecutive term.

Modi is probably the world’s most popular leader. According to a recent Morning Consult poll , 78 percent of Indians approve of his leadership. (The next three highest-ranked leaders, from Mexico, Argentina, and Switzerland, generate approval ratings of 63, 62, and 56 percent, respectively.) It is not hard to see why Modi is admired. He is a charismatic leader, a masterful orator in Hindi, and widely perceived as hard-working and committed to the country’s success. He is regarded as unlikely to turn to nepotism or corruption, often attributed to the fact that he is a 73-year-old man without a partner or children. Modi has few genuine competitors. His power within his party is absolute, and his opponents are fractured, weak, and dynastic—a quality usually equated with graft. Whether it is through maximizing his opportunity to host the G-20 or through his high-profile visits abroad, Modi has expanded India’s presence on the world stage and, with it, his own popularity. New Delhi is also becoming more assertive in its foreign policy, prioritizing self-interest over ideology and morality—another choice that is not without considerable domestic appeal.

Modi’s success can confuse his detractors. After all, he has increasingly authoritarian tendencies: Modi only rarely attends press conferences, has stopped sitting down for interviews with the few remaining journalists who would ask him difficult questions, and has largely sidestepped parliamentary debate. He has centralized power and built a cult of personality while weakening India’s system of federalism. Under his leadership, the country’s Hindu majority has become dominant. This salience of one religion can have ugly impacts, harming minority groups and calling into question the country’s commitment to secularism. Key pillars of democracy, such as a free press and an independent judiciary, have been eroded.

Yet Modi wins—democratically. The political scientist Sunil Khilnani argued in his 1997 book, The Idea of India , that it was democracy, rather than culture or religion, that shaped what was then a 50-year-old country. The primary embodiment of this idea, according to Khilnani, was India’s first prime minister, the anglicized, University of Cambridge-educated Jawaharlal Nehru, who went by the nickname “Joe” into his 20s. Nehru believed in a vision of a liberal, secular country that would serve as a contrast to Pakistan, which was formed explicitly as a Muslim homeland. Modi is, in many ways, Nehru’s opposite. Born into a lower-caste, lower-middle-class family, the current prime minister’s formative education came from years of traveling around the country as a Hindu community organizer, sleeping in ordinary people’s homes and building an understanding of their collective frustrations and aspirations. Modi’s idea of India, while premised on electoral democracy and welfarism, is substantially different from Nehru’s. It centers culture and religion in the state’s affairs; it defines nationhood through Hinduism; and it believes a powerful chief executive is preferable to a liberal one, even if that means the curtailment of individual rights and civil liberties. This alternative vision—a form of illiberal democracy—is an increasingly winning proposition for Modi and his BJP.

Hindus represent 80 percent of India’s population. The BJP courts this mega-majority by making them feel proud of their religion and culture. Sometimes, it aids this project by stirring up resentment of the country’s 200 million Muslims, who form 14 percent of the population. The BJP also attempts to further a version of history that interprets Hindus as victimized by successive hordes of invaders. Hindus hardly comprise a monolith, divided as they are by caste and language, but the BJP requires only half their support to win national elections. In 2014, it secured 31 percent of the national vote to gain a majority of seats in Parliament—the first time in three decades a single party had done so. It did even better in 2019, with 37 percent of the vote.

An illiberal, Hindi-dominated, and Hindu-first nation is emerging, and it is challenging—even eclipsing—other ideas of India, including Jawaharlal Nehru’s.

At least some part of the BJP’s success can be attributed to Modi’s name recognition and tireless performances on the campaign trail. But focusing too much on one man can be a distraction from understanding India’s trajectory. Even though Modi has acquired a greater concentration of power than any Indian leader in a generation, his core religious agenda has long been telegraphed by his party, as well as by its ideological parent, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a Hindu social society and paramilitary group that counts more than 5 million members. While Modi has been the primary face of the BJP since 2014, the party itself has existed in its current form since 1980. (The RSS, to which Modi traces his true ideological roots, is even older. It will mark its 100th anniversary next year.) The BJP’s vision—its idea of India—is hardly new or hidden. It is clearly described in its election manifestos and, combined with Modi’s salesmanship, is increasingly successful at the ballot box.

Put another way, while India’s current political moment has much to do with supply—in the form of a once-in-a-generation leader and few convincing alternatives—it may also have something to do with shifting demand. The success of the BJP’s political project reveals a clearer picture of what India is becoming. Nearly half the country’s population is under the age of 25. Many of these young Indians are looking to assert a new cultural and social vision of nationhood. An illiberal, Hindi-dominated, and Hindu-first nation is emerging, and it is challenging—even eclipsing—other ideas of India, including Nehru’s. This has profound impacts for both domestic and foreign policy. The sooner India’s would-be partners and rivals realize this, the better they will be able to manage New Delhi’s growing global clout. “The Nehruvian idea of India is dead,” said Vinay Sitapati, the author of India Before Modi . “Something is definitely lost. But the question is whether that idea was alien to India in the first place.”

Watch a live discussion about the magazine’s India issue with editor-in-chief Ravi Agrawal here .

Indians bristle at reports of how their country has fallen in recent years on key markers of the health of its civil society. It is nonetheless worth contending with those assessments. According to Reporters Without Borders, India ranked 161st out of 180 countries for press freedom in 2023, down from 80th out of 139 countries in 2002. Freedom House, which measures democracy around the world, marked India as only “partly free” in its 2024 report, with Indian-administered Kashmir receiving a “not free” designation. Only a handful of countries and territories, such as Russia and Hong Kong, experienced a greater decline in freedom over the last decade than India. The World Economic Forum’s 2023 Global Gender Gap Index ranks India 127th out of 146 countries. The World Justice Project ranks India 79th out of 142 countries for adherence to the rule of law, down from 59th in 2015. As one legal scholar wrote in Scroll.in , the judiciary has “placed its enormous arsenal at the government’s disposal in pursuit of its radical majoritarian agenda.” Consider, as well, access to the web: India has administered more internet shutdowns than any country in the last decade, even more than Iran and Myanmar.

The social indicator that worries observers of India the most is religious freedom. Troubles between Hindus and Muslims are not new. But in its decade in power, Modi’s BJP has been remarkably successful in furthering its Hindu-first agenda through legislation. It has done so by revoking the semi-autonomous status of majority-Muslim Kashmir in 2019 and later that year—an election year—passing an immigration law that fast-tracked citizenship for non-Muslims from three neighboring countries, each of which has a large Muslim majority. (The law, which makes it more difficult for Indian Muslims to prove their citizenship, was implemented in March. The timing of this announcement seemed to highlight its electoral benefits.)

Perhaps more damaging than these legislative maneuvers has been the Modi administration’s silence, and often its dog whistles of encouragement, amid an increasingly menacing climate for Indian Muslims. While Nehru’s emphasis on secularism once imposed implicit rules in the public sphere, Hindus can now question Muslims’ loyalty to India with relative impunity. Hindu supremacy has become the norm; critics are branded “anti-national.” This dominance culminated on Jan. 22, when Modi consecrated a giant temple to the Hindu god Ram in the northern Indian city of Ayodhya. The temple, which cost $250 million to build, was constructed on the site of a mosque that was demolished by a Hindu mob in 1992. When that happened three decades ago, top BJP leaders recoiled from the violence they had unleashed. Today, that embarrassment has morphed into an expression of national pride. “It is the beginning of a new era,” said Modi, adorned in a Hindu priest’s garb at the temple’s opening, in front of an audience of top Bollywood stars and the country’s business elite.

“The BJP’s dominance is primarily demand-driven,” Sitapati said. “Progressives are in denial about this.”

Modi’s vision of what it means to be Indian is at least partly borne out in public opinion. When the Pew Research Center conducted a major survey of religion in India between late 2019 and early 2020, it found that 64 percent of Hindus believed being Hindu was very important to being “truly Indian,” while 59 percent said speaking Hindi was similarly foundational in defining Indianness; 84 percent considered religion to be “very important” in their lives; and 59 percent prayed daily. “The BJP’s dominance is primarily demand-driven,” said Sitapati, who also teaches law and politics at Shiv Nadar University Chennai. “Progressives are in denial about this.”

Sitapati has critics on the left who claim his scholarship underplays the militant roots of the BJP and RSS, helping to rehabilitate their image. But on the question of demand and supply: The BJP’s dominance is limited to the country’s north, where most people speak Hindi. In the wealthier south, where tech firms are flourishing, literacy rates are higher, and most people speak languages such as Tamil, Telugu, and Malayalam, the BJP is decidedly less popular. Southern leaders harbor a growing resentment that their taxes are subsidizing the Hindi Belt in the north. This geographic cleavage could come to a head in 2026, when a national process of redistricting is expected to take place. Opposition leaders fear the BJP could redraw parliamentary constituencies to its advantage. If the BJP succeeds, it could continue winning at the polls long beyond Modi’s time.

Despite all this, Sitapati contends that the country remains democratic: “Political participation is higher than ever. Elections are free and fair. The BJP regularly loses state elections. If your definition of democracy is focused on the sanctity of elections and the substance of policies, then democracy is thriving.” In Indian society, he said, culture is not centered on liberalism and individual rights; Modi’s rise must be viewed within that context.

Liberal Indians who might disagree are vanishing from the public eye. One clear exception is the Booker Prize-winning novelist Arundhati Roy. Speaking in Lausanne, Switzerland, last September, she described an India descending into fascism . The ruling BJP’s “message of Hindu supremacism has relentlessly been disseminated to a population of 1.4 billion people,” Roy said. “Consequently, elections are a season of murder, lynching, and dog-whistling. … It is no longer just our leaders we must fear but a whole section of the population.”

Is the mobilization of more than a billion Hindus a form of tyranny of the majority? Not quite, says Pratap Bhanu Mehta, an Indian political scientist who teaches at Princeton University. “Hindu nationalists will say that theirs is a classic nation-building project,” he said, underscoring how independent India is still a young country. Populism, too, is an unsatisfying term for describing Modi’s politics. Even though he plays up his modest background, he is hardly anti-elitist and in fact frequently courts top Indian and global business leaders to invest in the country. Sometimes, they directly finance Modi’s success: A 2017 provision for electoral bonds brought in more than $600 million in anonymous donations to the BJP. The Supreme Court scrapped the scheme in March, calling it “unconstitutional,” but the ruling is likely too late to have prevented the influence of big donors in this year’s election.

Mukul Kesavan, a historian based in New Delhi, argues that it would be more accurate to describe the BJP’s agenda as majoritarianism. “Majoritarianism just needs a minority to mobilize against—a hatred of the internal other,” he said. “India is at the vanguard of this. There is no one else doing what we are doing. I am continually astonished that the West doesn’t see this.”

What the West also doesn’t always see is that Modi is substantially different from strongmen such as Donald Trump in the United States. While Trump propagated an ideology that eclipsed that of the Republican Party, Modi is fulfilling the RSS’s century-old movement to equate Indianness more closely with Hinduism. Surveys and elections both reveal this movement’s time has come.

“People aren’t blinkered. They’re willing to accept trade-offs,” said Mehta, explaining how growing numbers of Indians have accepted the BJP’s premise of a Hindu state, even if there are elements of that project that make them uncomfortable. “They don’t think the majoritarian agenda presents a deal-breaker.” For now, at least. A key question is what happens when majoritarianism provokes something that challenges public acceptance of this trade-off. The greatest risk here lies in a potential surge of communal violence, the likes of which have pockmarked Indian history. In 2002, for example, 58 Hindu pilgrims were killed in Godhra, in the western state of Gujarat, after a train that was returning from Ayodhya caught fire. Modi, then chief minister of Gujarat, declared the incident an act of terrorism. After rumors circulated that Muslims were responsible for the fire, a mob embarked on three days of violence in the state, killing more than a thousand people. An overwhelming majority of the dead were Muslim. Modi has never been convicted of any involvement, but the tragedy has followed him in ways both damaging and to his advantage. Liberal Indians were horrified that he didn’t do more to stop the violence, but the message for a substantial number of Hindus was that he would stop at nothing to protect them.

Twenty-two years later, Modi is a mainstream leader catering to a national constituency that is much more diverse than that of Gujarat. While the riots once loomed large in his biography, Indians now see them as just one part of a complicated career in the public eye. What is unknown is how they might react to another mass outbreak of communal violence and whether civil society retains the muscle to rein in the worst excesses of its people. Optimists will point out that India has been through tough moments and emerged stronger. When Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared a state of emergency in 1975, giving her the license to rule by decree, voters kicked her out of power the first chance they got. Modi, however, has a stronger grip on the country—and he continues to expand his powers while winning at the ballot box.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi greets a crowd in Varanasi, India, on March 4, 2022. Ritesh Shukla/Getty Images

Just as citizens can’t subsist purely on the ideals of secularism and liberalism, it’s the same with nationalism and majoritarianism. In the end, the state must deliver. Here, Modi’s record is mixed. “Modi sees Japan as a model—modern in an industrial sense without being Western in a cultural sense,” Sitapati said. “He has delivered on an ideological project that is Hindu revivalism mixed with industrialization.”

India is undertaking a vast national project of state-building under Modi. Since 2014, spending on transport has more than tripled as a share of GDP. India is currently building more than 6,000 miles of highways a year and has doubled the length of its rural road network since 2014. In 2022, capitalizing on a red-hot aviation market, New Delhi privatized its creaky national carrier, Air India. India has twice as many airports today than it did a decade ago, with domestic passengers more than doubling in quantity to top 200 million. Its middle classes are spending more money: Average monthly per capita consumption expenditure in urban areas rose by 146 percent in the last decade. Meanwhile, India is whittling down its infamous bureaucratic hurdles to become an easier place for industry. According to the World Bank’s annual Doing Business report, India rose from a rank of 134th in 2014 to 63rd in 2020. Investors seem bullish. The country’s main stock index, the BSE Sensex, has increased in value by 250 percent in the last decade.

Strongmen are usually more popular among men than women. It is a strange paradox, then, that the BJP won a record number of votes by women in the 2019 national election and is projected to do so again in 2024, as voter participation , and voting by women, continues to climb. Modi has targeted female voters through the canny deployment of services that make domestic life easier. Rural access to piped water, for example, has climbed to more than 75 percent from just 16.8 percent in 2019. Modi declared India free of open defecation in 2019 after a campaign to build more than 110 million toilets. And according to the International Energy Agency, 45 percent of India’s electricity transmission lines have been installed in the last decade.

The most transformative force in the country is the ongoing proliferation of the internet, as I wrote in my 2018 book, India Connected . Just as the invention of the car more than a century ago shaped modern America, with the corresponding building out of the interstate system and suburbia, cheap smartphones have enabled Indians to partake in a burgeoning digital ecosystem. Though it didn’t have much to do with the smartphone and internet boom, the government has capitalized on it. India’s Unified Payments Interface, a government-run instant payment system, now accounts for three-fourths of all non-cash retail transactions in the country. With the help of digital banking and a new national biometric identification system, New Delhi has been able to sidestep corruption by directly transferring subsidies to citizens, saving billions of dollars in wastage.

Modi is projecting an image of a more powerful, muscular, prideful nation—and Indians are in thrall to the self-portrait.

The private sector has been a willing participant in India’s new digital and physical economy. But it has also been strangely leery of investing more, as two leading economists describe in this issue. Businesses remain concerned that Modi has a cabal of preferred partners in his plans for industrialization—for example, he is seen as too cozy with the country’s two richest men, Mukesh Ambani and Gautam Adani, both of whom hail from his native state of Gujarat. Fears abound that New Delhi’s history of retroactive taxation and protectionism could blow up the best laid corporate plans.

Because he has corralled great power, when Modi missteps, the consequences tend to be enormous. In 2016, he suddenly announced a process of demonetization, recalling high-value notes of currency as legal tender. While the move attempted to reduce corruption by outing people with large amounts of untaxed income, it was in fact a stunt that reduced India’s growth by nearly 2 percentage points. Similarly, panicked by the onset of COVID-19 in 2020, Modi announced a sudden national lockdown, leading to millions of migrant workers racing home—and likely spreading the virus. A year later, New Delhi largely stood by when the delta variant of COVID-19 surged through the country, killing untold thousands of Indians. No amount of nationalism or pride could cover up for the fact that, on that occasion, the state had let its people down.

Now, with a population hungry for good news, India is looking to take advantage of the best foreign-policy deals. There are plenty to be struck in a shifting global order. The United States’ power is in relative decline, China’s has risen, and a range of so-called middle powers are looking to benchmark their status. Modi is projecting an image of a more powerful, muscular, prideful nation—and Indians are in thrall to the self-portrait.

Modi is seen through a video camera as he speaks at the final session of the G-20 summit in New Delhi on Sept. 10, 2023. Dan Kitwood/Getty Images

One window into India’s newfound status on the world stage came last September, after Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau made the stunning announcement that Ottawa was investigating “credible allegations” that Indian government agents had orchestrated the murder of a Sikh community leader in British Columbia. New Delhi flatly denied his accusations, calling them “absurd.” The person who was killed, Hardeep Singh Nijjar, had sought to establish a nation called Khalistan, carved out of territory in his native Punjab, a state in northwestern India. In 2020, New Delhi declared Nijjar a terrorist.

A Canadian leader publicly accusing India of a murder on Canadian soil could have been a major embarrassment for Modi. Instead, the incident galvanized his supporters. The national mood seemed to agree with the government line that New Delhi didn’t do it but with an important subtext: If it did, it did the right thing.

“It’s this idea that ‘We have arrived. Now we can talk on equal terms to the white man,’” Sitapati said. It’s not just revisionism to examine how colonial powers masterminded the plunder of India’s land and resources; even the word “loot” is stolen from Hindi, as the writer and parliamentarian Shashi Tharoor has pointed out. The BJP’s project of nation-building attempts to reinstill a sense of self-pride, often by painting Hindus as the victims of centuries of wrongs but who have now awoken to claim their true status. This is why the Jan. 22 opening of the Ram temple took on epic significance, reviving among Hindus a sense that they were rightfully claiming the primacy they once enjoyed.

The flashier the stage, the better. For much of 2023, India flaunted its hosting of the G-20, a rotating presidency that most other countries see as perfunctory. For Modi, it became a marketing machine, with giant billboards advertising New Delhi’s pride in playing host (always alongside a portrait of the prime minister). When the summit began in September, TV channels dutifully carried key parts live, showing Modi welcoming a series of top world leaders.

Weeks earlier, Indians united around another celebratory moment. The country landed two robots on the moon, making it only the fourth country to do so and the first to reach the moon’s southern polar region. As TV channels ran a live broadcast of the landing, Modi beamed into mission control at the key moment of touchdown, his face on a split screen with the landing. The self-promotion can seem garish, but it feeds into a sense of collective accomplishment and national identity.

Also popular is New Delhi’s stance on Moscow, thumbing its nose at Western countries seeking to sanction Russia after its invasion of Ukraine. While Russia exported less than 1 percent of its crude to India before 2022, it now sends more than half of its supplies there. China and India are together purchasing 80 percent of Russia’s seaborne oil exports—and they do so at below-market rates because of a price cap imposed by the West. There is little consideration for morality, in part because Indians, like many in the global south, now widely perceive the West as applying double standards to world affairs. As a result, there’s no moral benchmark. For India, an advantageous oil deal is just that: good economics and smart politics. (India and Russia also share a historic friendship, which both sides are keen to continue.)

New Delhi’s growing foreign-policy assertiveness stems from a knowledge that it is increasingly needed by other countries. Allies seem aware of this new dynamic. For the United States, even if India doesn’t come to its aid in a potential tussle with China in the Taiwan Strait, merely preventing New Delhi from growing closer to Beijing represents a geopolitical win that papers over other disagreements. For other countries, access to India’s growing market is paramount. Despite the BJP’s hostility to Muslims, Modi receives a red-carpet welcome when he visits countries in the Persian Gulf.

India’s embrace of its strategic interests—and its confidence in articulating that choice—is of a piece with broader changes in how the country views itself. Modi and his BJP have succeeded in furthering an idea of India that makes a virtue of sacrificing Western liberalism for a homegrown sense of self-interest. By appealing to young people’s economic aspirations and their desire for identity in an increasingly interconnected world, the BJP has found room to advance a religious and cultural agenda that would have been unimaginable a generation ago. This vision cannot be purely top-down; the will of a nation evolves over time. In the future, there will likely be further contests among other ideas of India. But if Modi’s BJP continues to win at the ballot box, history may show that the country’s liberal experiment wasn’t just interrupted—it may have been an aberration.

Ravi Agrawal is the editor in chief of Foreign Policy . Twitter:  @RaviReports

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TriumphIAS

Understanding the Role of the Prime Minister of India: Appointment, Powers, and Responsibilities

Table of Contents

Prime Minister of India

(relevant for polity section of general   studies paper prelims/mains).

Understanding the Role of the Prime Minister of India: Appointment, Powers, and Responsibilities, Best Sociology Optional Coaching, Sociology Optional Syllabus.

PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA

The Prime Minister plays a pivotal role in India’s political framework as the head of the government and de facto head of state.

Appointed by the President of India, the Prime Minister leads the party or coalition that holds the majority of seats in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of India’s parliament. The Prime Minister holds the responsibility for government administration and acts as the primary spokesperson for the government’s policies. As per Article 75, the President appoints the Council of Ministers based on the Prime Minister’s advice. Additionally, Article 74(1) stipulates the presence of a Council of Ministers led by a Prime Minister to offer guidance and recommendations to the President. Consequently, other ministers function under the guidance of the Prime Minister. Consequently, within India’s parliamentary system, the Prime Minister’s role has assumed immense importance, to the extent that India’s form of government is referred to as a ‘Prime Ministerial Government’.

Appointment of the Prime Minister

  • The Constitution does not outline a specific procedure for the selection and designation of a Prime Minister.
  • Article 75 states that the appointment of the Prime Minister is carried out by the President. However, this provision doesn’t imply that the President can select any individual as the Prime Minister.
  • In accordance with the norms of a parliamentary system, it is customary for the President to appoint the leader of the majority party in the Lok Sabha as the Prime Minister.
  • In instances where no party holds a clear majority in the Lok Sabha, the President has the discretion to decide on the appointment of the Prime Minister.
  • In such scenarios, the President generally opts for the leader of the largest party or coalition in the Lok Sabha to assume the role of Prime Minister. This leader is then asked to secure a vote of confidence from the House within a span of one month.

Oath, Term, and Salary

  • Oath: Prior to assuming the role of the Prime Minister, the President administers the oaths of office and confidentiality to the Prime Minister-Elect.

As a component of this oath-taking, the Prime Minister pledges:

  • To hold true faith and loyalty to the Constitution of India,
  • To uphold the sovereignty and unity of India,
  • To conscientiously fulfil the responsibilities of the office with dedication,
  • To treat all individuals fairly and equitably in line with the Constitution and the law, without any fear, bias, favouritism, affection, or animosity.
  • Term: The duration of the Prime Minister’s tenure is not fixed; they serve in the capacity at the discretion of the President. Nonetheless, this does not imply that the President has the authority to dismiss the Prime Minister at any point. As long as the Prime Minister maintains the majority’s backing in the Lok Sabha, the President cannot terminate their position. However, if the Prime Minister loses the confidence of the Lok Sabha, they are obligated to resign, or the President may opt to dismiss them.
  • Salary: The Parliament periodically establishes the Prime Minister’s compensation and additional benefits. This encompasses the remuneration and advantages provided to a Member of Parliament, along with supplementary privileges like an allowance for personal expenses, furnished housing, travel allowances, and access to medical facilities

The authority of the Prime Minister of India can be broadly classified into the following areas:

  • Executive Authority: Serving as the head of the Union Council of Ministers , the Prime Minister holds the responsibility for governing the administration. This includes chairing cabinet meetings and orchestrating the activities of various ministries and departments.
  • Legislative Influence: As a member of either the Lok Sabha or the Rajya Sabha, the Prime Minister has the right to participate in the proceedings of both houses. Additionally, they provide counsel to the President regarding the convening, concluding, and dissolving of parliamentary sessions, particularly that of the Lok Sabha.
  • Diplomatic Role: The Prime Minister serves as the representative of India on the global stage, engaging in negotiations with foreign nations. Furthermore, they receive foreign dignitaries and diplomats on behalf of the President.
  • Emergency Prerogatives: During periods of national crisis, the Prime Minister offers advice to the President concerning the necessary steps to safeguard India’s security.
  • Appointment Responsibilities: The Prime Minister, along with the Council of Ministers, advises the President regarding the appointments to prestigious positions in the higher judiciary and critical administrative roles. These roles encompass those of Governors, the Chief Election Commissioner, the Comptroller and Auditor General of India, and the Attorney General of India.
  • Financial Oversight: Taking charge of the overall economic and financial administration of the nation, the Prime Minister’s government presents the annual budget to the parliament and ensures its successful passage.

To master these intricacies and fare well in the Sociology Optional Syllabus , aspiring sociologists might benefit from guidance by the Best Sociology Optional Teacher and participation in the Best Sociology Optional Coaching . These avenues provide comprehensive assistance, ensuring a solid understanding of sociology’s diverse methodologies and techniques.

Prime Minister of India, Indian Government, Lok Sabha, Parliamentary System, Executive Authority, Legislative Influence, Diplomatic Role, Appointment, Oath, Term, Salary, Article 75, Article 74, Council of Ministers, Governance, Financial Oversight, Best Sociology Optional Coaching, Sociology Optional Syllabus.

prime minister essay of india

Choose T he Best Sociology Optional Teacher for IAS Preparation?

At the beginning of the journey for Civil Services Examination preparation, many students face a pivotal decision – selecting their optional subject. Questions such as “ which optional subject is the best? ” and “ which optional subject is the most scoring? ” frequently come to mind. Choosing the right optional subject, like choosing the best sociology optional teacher , is a subjective yet vital step that requires a thoughtful decision based on facts. A misstep in this crucial decision can indeed prove disastrous.

Ever since the exam pattern was revamped in 2013, the UPSC has eliminated the need for a second optional subject. Now, candidates have to choose only one optional subject for the UPSC Mains , which has two papers of 250 marks each. One of the compelling choices for many has been the sociology optional. However, it’s strongly advised to decide on your optional subject for mains well ahead of time to get sufficient time to complete the syllabus. After all, most students score similarly in General Studies Papers; it’s the score in the optional subject & essay that contributes significantly to the final selection.

“ A sound strategy does not rely solely on the popular Opinion of toppers or famous YouTubers cum teachers. ”

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The choice of the optional subject should be based on objective criteria, such as the nature, scope, and size of the syllabus, uniformity and stability in the question pattern, relevance of the syllabic content in daily life in society, and the availability of study material and guidance. For example, choosing the best sociology optional coaching can ensure access to top-quality study materials and experienced teachers. Always remember, the approach of the UPSC optional subject differs from your academic studies of subjects. Therefore, before settling for sociology optional , you need to analyze the syllabus, previous years’ pattern, subject requirements (be it ideal, visionary, numerical, conceptual theoretical), and your comfort level with the subject.

This decision marks a critical point in your UPSC – CSE journey , potentially determining your success in a career in IAS/Civil Services. Therefore, it’s crucial to choose wisely, whether it’s the optional subject or the best sociology optional teacher . Always base your decision on accurate facts, and never let your emotional biases guide your choices. After all, the search for the best sociology optional coaching is about finding the perfect fit for your unique academic needs and aspirations.

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Essay on If I Were The Prime Minister of India

Students are often asked to write an essay on If I Were The Prime Minister of India in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on If I Were The Prime Minister of India

Introduction.

If I were the Prime Minister of India, I’d strive to bring significant transformations in our nation. My main focus would be on education, healthcare, and the environment.

I’d ensure that every child gets quality education. I’d work towards improving the infrastructure of schools and introducing modern teaching methods.

I’d invest in healthcare, ensuring everyone has access to affordable and quality medical services. I’d promote preventive healthcare and healthy lifestyles.

Environment

I’d take steps to protect our environment. I’d promote renewable energy and implement strict regulations to prevent pollution.

In conclusion, as a Prime Minister, I’d work tirelessly for the betterment of our nation.

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  • Speech on If I Were The Prime Minister of India

250 Words Essay on If I Were The Prime Minister of India

If I were the Prime Minister of India, my primary objective would be to foster a society where every citizen can thrive. Navigating a nation as diverse and complex as India would require a comprehensive understanding of its cultural, social, economic, and political fabric.

Education and Skill Development

My first initiative would be to revolutionize the education system. I would emphasize skill-based learning, fostering a culture of innovation and creativity. A well-rounded education system would be my priority, encompassing not just academics, but also life skills and ethical values.

Economic Growth and Sustainability

Next, I would focus on driving sustainable economic growth. I would promote entrepreneurship and small businesses, creating an ecosystem conducive to innovation. Moreover, I would strive towards a green economy, emphasizing renewable energy and sustainable practices.

Healthcare and Social Welfare

Healthcare would be another key area of focus. I would work towards universal healthcare, ensuring every citizen has access to quality medical services. Additionally, social welfare programs would be strengthened to uplift the underprivileged sections of society.

Unity in Diversity

Lastly, as the Prime Minister, I would strive to uphold India’s ethos of ‘Unity in Diversity’. I would work to ensure that every citizen, irrespective of their caste, religion, or socioeconomic status, feels valued and included in the nation’s progress.

In conclusion, if I were the Prime Minister, my vision would be to create an inclusive, progressive, and sustainable India. This role would require balancing diverse interests while fostering a sense of unity and shared purpose among all citizens.

500 Words Essay on If I Were The Prime Minister of India

If I were the Prime Minister of India, my tenure would be characterized by a deep commitment to national development, social justice, and global cooperation. As the head of the world’s largest democracy, I would strive to ensure that the aspirations of every citizen are addressed, and India’s rich cultural heritage and diversity are celebrated.

My first priority would be to revamp the education system. I would prioritize digital literacy, critical thinking, and skill development to prepare our youth for the jobs of the future. I would also ensure that education reaches the most marginalized sections of society, thus bridging the rural-urban and rich-poor divide.

Healthcare and Sanitation

Next, I would focus on healthcare and sanitation. I would work towards making quality healthcare accessible and affordable for all, irrespective of their social or economic background. I would also launch cleanliness drives and awareness campaigns to ensure that every citizen understands the importance of sanitation for personal and public health.

To ensure robust economic growth, I would encourage entrepreneurship and innovation. I would foster an environment conducive for startups and facilitate small and medium enterprises’ growth. Simultaneously, I would ensure that our growth does not come at the cost of the environment. I would promote renewable energy, green technologies, and sustainable agricultural practices.

Social Justice and Equality

As the Prime Minister of a diverse nation, I would strive to promote social justice and equality. I would work towards eradicating caste-based discrimination and gender inequality. I would also ensure that the rights of the LGBTQ+ community are protected and respected.

Foreign Policy and Global Cooperation

On the international front, I would aim to strengthen India’s position as a global leader. I would foster relationships with other nations based on mutual respect and cooperation. I would also ensure that India plays a proactive role in addressing global challenges such as climate change, terrorism, and poverty.

In conclusion, if I were the Prime Minister of India, my goal would be to create a progressive, inclusive, and sustainable nation. I would use my position to foster growth, equality, and justice, ensuring that every citizen feels valued and has the opportunity to contribute to our nation’s development. The journey would be challenging, but with the collective effort of all citizens, I believe we can transform India into a beacon of hope and prosperity.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

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Speech on If I were the Prime Minister of India in English in simple and easy words

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“If I were the Prime Minister of India” – Doesn’t this thought comes to your mind or doesn’t anyone ask you this question? Either of the situations definitely arises with us. If not, then let’s pose this question to ourselves and see what comes from our mind. Interesting, isn’t it? However, if you are perplexed and nothing triggers your mind, then don’t worry as here we bring you “If I were the Prime Minister of India” speech which will definitely help you with the topic.

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Long and Short Speech on If I were the Prime Minister of India in English

Here we have both short speeches as well as long speeches on “If I were the Prime Minister of India” which are comprehensively written and easy to understand. If you are a student, you can be benefited out of it and prepare one for any appropriate occasion. So do read through them!

If I were the Prime Minister of India – Speech 1

Good Morning to the Principal, Vice Principal, Loving Colleagues and My Dear Friends –Warm Greetings to Everyone!

Being a teacher of this school, I realize the importance of making my country proud and achieving great heights. I would like to thank all of you for this wonderful opportunity given to me to deliver a speech on the topic if I were to become the Prime Minister of India one day.

If my luck and destiny supports me and this miracle happens then I would like to make long lasting changes in certain fields of our society:

  • Firstly, I would make India a proud country by developing its strengths and capabilities. We can all achieve this by spreading literacy campaigns and making people educated. Once the population is educated we can climb the ladder of success especially with the educated youth. I really feel bad when young students like you leave your home country and travel abroad for better opportunities. This leads to brain drain. This is what needs to be changed. We need to inculcate in every young mind that serve your society and achieve success, fame and money. This could only happen if the country provides employment to the younger generation.
  • Secondly, the biggest problem in our society has been the problem of malnutrition. The solution to this is to improve our Public Distribution System (PDS) which is imbalanced due to the presence of middlemen. Once people receive the right amount of food grain that is assigned by the government nobody will sleep without food.
  • The campaign “Beti Bachao Beti Padhao” launched by recent government would also be progressed by me but at a fast pace so that the narrow mindset and superstitions in Indian minds can be washed away and make them realize the importance of girl child as educating one girl educates the entire family.

Thus, India needs to give more respect to girl child and its education as they are our future generation who will make us proud. Still girl child is ignored in various rural families and this thinking needs to broaden up. Sex determination tests have also added complexity. If I did become the Prime Minister the issue of sex determination will be looked at by creating stringent norms against those practicing it.

How can you decide what future a girl will bring to your family? Societies need to be educated that girls are also human beings, they too are the creations of god, and they should not be killed just to reduce the burden of the families bearing them. Campaigns and awareness can teach them that superstitions are just created by human beings only and we all need to wash them away from our minds and its only then our country would achieve an overall growth and development.

I hope someday I become the prime minister of India and contribute my share in the growth and development of our country.

Thank you all for your precious time!

If I were the Prime Minister of India – Speech 2

Respected Class Teacher and My Dear Friends – Good Morning to one and all!

Welcome to yet another speech ceremony and I, Srishti Gupta, is going to present before you a speech on the topic “If I were the Prime Minister of India”. I hope everyone present before me would understand the reason why our teacher has allotted this topic to me. Being the citizens of India we all need to understand that India is a functioning Democracy and head of the government is the Prime Minister who has all the governance powers.

Since early years of my growing stages, I nurtured the dream of becoming the P.M. of our country. There are certain thoughts in my mind that I would speak before you and if I get the opportunity I would turn them into practice by achieving the dream of becoming the Prime Minister.

India can be prosperous once it’s free from all the evils present in our society. These social evils include not only the age old caste system, but also corruption that is very much present in our country’s administration. Corruption can be fought when everything in the government becomes transparent before the eyes of the people. Right to Information Act (RTI) is a great initiative, but it needs much more stringent norms so that it can be well implemented.

We all must agree that our head bends down when somebody call us a poor country due to its population. There is a need of rigorous Family Planning norms in place so that people realize their mistakes. This could be solved through awareness campaigns about family planning measures and rules.

India has been always dependent on agriculture for their subsistence. India’s agriculture gets affected due to the uncertainty in our weather conditions which ultimately leads to agricultural losses and farmers are forced to commit suicides as they are not able to repay their agricultural debts. This is also a major reason for unemployment and criminal activities in our country. As a Prime Minister, I would promote a balanced growth of agriculture and other industries in our country so that we are not entirely dependent on agriculture. We need to make people realize that other non-agricultural activities could also help sustain an individual.

At the end I would like to say that no country could be prosperous when there is a huge gap between its rich and poor population. There is a need of social equality and justice which would reduce the gap between rich getting richer and poor getting poorer. There would be an equitable distribution of wealth in my governance. I would make India into a place worth living which will be free from all social evils and superstitions that blocks a country’s growth and development. Please pray to god that this dream of mine gets fulfilled and my objectives could be achieved.

If I were the Prime Minister of India – Speech 3

Respected Vice Principal, Teachers and My Dear Students – A Sincere Welcome to All of You!

Today I take the opportunity to thank you all for giving me a chance to deliver a speech on If I were the Prime Minister of India. Being the Principal of this school, I understand the responsibilities that I need to take in order to shape your well-being as students.

In a similar pattern the Prime Minister of India has equal responsibilities of its own country. Students, with my experience I want to share one thing with you all that it’s never easy whether you are handling a school or a country. We need to take certain decisions that are even out of our purview and each decision taken by me or the P.M. should be with utmost care as it would directly affect you and the people of the country. We always need to be aware about our decision capability and to what extent it will change the current scenario.

To be the P.M of India will be a matter of great pride for me as I had always respected and loved my country and it will be a matter of great responsibility serving it. The Prime Minister is always placed at the highest pedestal in the government and a representative of a country. Though the position of President too is considered to be very eminent but the involvement of prime minister in government activities is more as he is the leader of the government chosen by the citizens of India and every major decision for the country is taken by him.

Being the P.M of India I would serve my country with utmost responsibility and devotion. The first thing that our country needs is high literacy rate like other developed countries who have achieved 100% literacy rate. Making the education sector powerful and creating passionate young students like you all would enhance the growth and development of our country.

The focus will be made on creating new opportunities within our country so that students don’t go abroad searching for better job prospects. We need to develop those opportunities in our own country so that we can stop them from leaving our country and also provide them with best attainments in our country itself.

I would make the primary education free so that people from rural areas can send their children to school without any financial worries of fees, books and stationary. They will also be provided mid-day meals so that their families can send them to school without any hassle.

India would always be on the list of nations to maintain peace even during internal conflicts. We all together have to make sure that we make India self-reliant so that India can pursue the objective of non- alignment without any pressure from external world. At the end, we all should understand that it is our own country and whatever it takes to build it strongly we would put in all efforts and energy to any extent possible.

If I were the Prime Minister of India – Speech 4

Good Morning Everyone and a warm welcome to our class teacher who has rejoined us long after a 3-months period.

I, Shikha Agarwal, stand in front of you all today to not only extend our greetings to her, but to also kick start the Monday speech giving ceremonies. Interestingly, the topic that I have chosen for my own self is “If I were the Prime Minister of India”. I am pretty sure that at one point or the other each one of us must have asked this question to ourselves given the deteriorating condition of our nation-state. Isn’t it?

There is much to mull over in our country, such as the growing cases of violence against women, unchecked state of corruption at various governmental and non-governmental organizations, nepotism, etc. And at one high point, we do envisage and wish if we could hold the reign of this country in our hands and make every wrong thing right.

So I would like to take this opportunity and address the same subject in my speech topic. Friends, this is a very pertinent topic and more so in today’s times because we are more enlightened today right from the beginning than our predecessors were and more aware of the social and political currents of the time. Thanks to the social media platforms and the pro-active role of our media.

Now, addressing the speech topic, I would say that if I were to be given this big opportunity, I would try to resolve the burning issues that the people of our country are grappling with, particularly the ever growing cases of sexual molestation against women. Being a woman myself, I can actually relate with other women out there who have to put up with the incidents of eve teasing, stalking, etc. often while being on the go. A nation cannot achieve a holistic development where the women of its country are not safe and secure.

Secondly, I would like to do something for the marginalized sections of our society, which continues to remain at the periphery simply because they do not have enough money to even meet their bare minimum needs. It is extremely essential to tap their energy and talent and harness it for the maximum benefit of their personal growth as well as that of the nation. Then, I would like to keep a check on the public distribution system and make available the essential commodities to the needy people at the subsidized prices while ensuring that the prices of the commodities remain fairly under control.

While the rich people should be made to pay a heavy tax; the middle class on the other hand should be spared. If anyone was to take my opinion, I would say that even the salaried people should be exempted from paying the tax. The next most essential thing is the strengthening of our education system and raising its standard from the grass root level. Every student should be entitled to take admission based on his/her merit and no student should be debarred from taking admission on financial grounds. Besides, I would want to do away with all the reservations based on caste system, but rather on economic grounds.

There is so much more to say on this, but I would like to end my speech on this note and would rather want to invite others opinion on the same.

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Essay on If I Were The Prime Minister!

August 10, 2021 by Sandeep

If I were the Prime Minister! Essay: The famous quote by John Quincy Adams, “If your actions inspire others to dream more, do more and become more, you are a leader,” encouraged me to have a strong desire to become a Prime Minister of India so that my actions not only inspires people but creates a progressive change.

Essay on If I were the Prime Minister

Below we have provided If I were the Prime Minister Essay in English, written in easy and simple words for class 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10. This article is helpful for school students who are participating in essay or speech writing competitions.

I have the most magnificent dream that could make me forget my ordinary life. I would love to become the Prime Minister of our country to alter and modify things that need urgent attention and improvement.

Holding the position of India’s Prime Minister brings with it great power and even greater responsibilities. Though it is a distant dream beyond my reach, expressing my ideas won’t cause any harm. If ever my fortune smiles on me, then I could acquire the position of Prime Minister. I have my ideal of what a Prime Minister should possess.

My first target will be to appoint qualified and non-corrupt ministers who would work honestly like me for the nation’s growth and development. Heavy taxes will be charged on the rich and middle class, and the poor will be exempted from taxes. Furthermore, I would eliminate black money circulation in the market by strictly monitoring people who stack money in secret places and do not pay taxes.

The entire education system needs refinement because we create young minds for whom we cannot arrange jobs. Moreover, rote learning will be eliminated, and a practical approach will be adopted. Vocational skills will be introduced to productively utilize their time and produce useful things in school and college workshops. I would maintain a friendly relationship with the neighbouring countries and other nations to receive the necessary help at the time of emergency or crisis.

  • Essay On Indira Gandhi

Essay on Indira Gandhi

500+ words essay on indira gandhi.

In Indian political history, Indira Gandhi was the first and, to date, the only female Prime Minister of India. In India, she is popularly addressed as the ‘Iron Lady of India’. She was the sole face of the Indian National Congress and the daughter of the first Prime Minister, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. Initially, she worked as an assistant and hostess of her father and was later elected as President of the Indian National Congress and a Member of the Rajya Sabha. Indira Gandhi worked under the cabinet ministry of Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri. After her father died, she became the Information and Broadcasting Minister. In 1966, after the unexpected death of the then Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri, Indira Gandhi came to power as the Prime Minister of India. She held the minister’s office for 17 years.

When we talk about Indian Politics, she is still termed one of the most powerful characters. One of her most unforgettable actions was the war against Pakistan during her tenure, which helped Bangladesh get freedom. She even declared an emergency in India, which resulted in her downfall.

On 19th November 1917, Shrimati Indira Gandhi was born at Anand Bhawan in Uttar Pradesh.

She completed her primary education in Allahabad. In 1938, she went to Oxford University in London for higher studies. She received her schooling from various places because her parents constantly shifted from one place to another. In 1942, she married Feroz Gandhi and had two sons, Rajiv and Sanjay. Her husband died in 1960.

During her term as the Prime Minister of India, she helped our country to reach greater heights. In 1920, she took the drastic step of nationalising the banks and abolished the privy purses. In 1971, under her leadership, India won the war against Pakistan. In 1975, when she was in tenure, one crucial decision came to light when opposition parties spoke against the judgment of Justice Sinha. So, to neutralise the effect of the country’s opposition, she declared a national emergency.

The state of emergency resulted in her defeat in 1977. She remained silent for a few years, and in January 1980, she came back as the Prime Minister of India during the midterm poll.

National Emergency in India and Indira Gandhi

After her success, in the war against Pakistan, in 1972, her New Congress Party group succeeded in the State Legislative election. But, the opposition parties filed a case against her, blaming that she violated the election laws.

Unfortunately, in 1975, the High Court gave the verdict against Indira Gandhi. Due to this, she was deprived of a seat and was told to be out of politics for six years. So, she went against the court’s decision and appealed to the Supreme Court. But there, the decision went against Indira Gandhi.

Indira Gandhi made all the opposition party’s leaders imprisoned. She couldn’t accept the decision and imposed the National Emergency. During this period, the Freedom of Expression for the newspaper was abolished.

Many new laws were enacted that limited personal freedoms. She also implemented many infamous rules like large-scale sterilisation as a birth control measure.

Second Term of Indira Gandhi

When she came to power again, she faced many challenges. She became restless as the demand for ‘Khalistan’ was rising, resulting in the attack of the Golden Temple. So, she instructed the army to carry out rescue operations and protect the temple from the terrorists.

Indira Gandhi was a woman with vision, courage and foresight. She was a woman who made history as the Prime Minister of India.

Death of Indira Gandhi

In the early phase of the 1980s, there was building tension regarding the disintegration of India. The other religions, especially Sikhs, threatened to disturb the country’s unity. They started a huge outcry and moved to the Sun Temple in Amritsar to launch an attack against the Government.

Gandhi ordered a military operation in the temple, which resulted in the death of 450 Sikhs. As revenge, she was assassinated in New Delhi inside her garden by her Sikh bodyguard on October 31st, 1984. This event shook the entire nation profoundly.

Frequently Asked Questions on Indira Gandhi Essay

Why is indira gandhi spoken about even today.

Indira Priyadarshini Gandhi was the first ever female prime minister of India. She served our country continuously for 3 terms and also elected for her fourth term in 1980.

What was the famous slogan popularised by Indira Gandhi?

“Garibi Hatao Desh Bacho” (Remove poverty and Save the country), was the slogan popularised by Indira Gandhi.

How was Indira Gandhi assassinated?

She was assassinated on the 31st of October 1984, by two of her own bodyguards named Beant Singh and Satwant Singh.

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Free Food? Modi Makes Sure Every Indian Knows Whom to Thank for It.

India’s welfare programs improve lives. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s party uses its vast machinery to ensure the handouts also create loyal voters.

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A political official, with the top of his head covered in orange fabric, kneels as he talks with an older man seated outdoors, near a potter’s wheel. Other people stand or sit nearby.

By Suhasini Raj and Alex Travelli

Suhasini Raj reported from Amethi district in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh and from Pushkar in the state of Rajasthan. Alex Travelli reported from New Delhi.

Durga Prasad, an 80-year-old farmer, was resting under the shade of a tree in front of his home when the party workers came. An app on their smartphones could tell them in an instant who Mr. Prasad was, whom he might vote for — and why he should be grateful to India’s prime minister, Narendra Modi.

“You get installments of 2,000 rupees, right?” asked a local official from Mr. Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party, or B.J.P. Mr. Prasad concurred. He receives $72 a year through a farmers’ welfare program started and branded by Mr. Modi.

“Do you get rations?” the official then asked, though he already knew the answer. He had made his point.

Such handouts are among the most distinctive parts of Mr. Modi’s mass appeal. The country’s new airports, diplomatic prestige and booming stock markets may look like Mr. Modi’s calling card, but for the 95 percent of Indians who earn too little to file income taxes, small infusions of cash and household goods matter more. And Mr. Modi’s party is organized to make the most of them in the national election that ends early next month.

India’s welfare programs are vast in reach and scope. Under the biggest, 821 million Indians are entitled to five-kilogram (11-pound) sacks of free rice or wheat every month. The government started doling out grain to prevent hunger early in the pandemic and has since committed $142 billion to the program. Mr. Modi’s face began appearing on the sacks in January.

Another prime minister-branded program has helped people build 15 million homes since 2015, at a price tag of $3 billion a year; home improvements and additions are covered, too. The government has also footed the cost of millions of toilets, and it is working to provide piped drinking water to every home.

The foundation of this expanded welfare system was laid soon after Mr. Modi became prime minister in 2014. Bank accounts, also “P.M.” branded, became available to all Indians who lacked them, meshed with a universal-ID program started by the previous government.

The accounts gave the state valuable information about the financial lives of even its poorest citizens. And they opened the way for “direct benefit transfers,” money that bypasses the sometimes corrupt local officials who once distributed welfare — appearing to come instead from Mr. Modi himself.

These transfers grew to $76 billion in the last fiscal year . But Mr. Modi’s budgets have not become profligate. That is in part because government spending on education and health care — long-term investments — has shrunk as a share of the economy as branded welfare programs have proliferated. Spending on a guaranteed-employment program associated with Mr. Modi’s opponents has also fallen.

Whatever the motivation behind them, the tangible food and household benefits prioritized by Mr. Modi have relieved Indians’ pain as the economy slowed before the pandemic, collapsed during its first year and then recovered unevenly. The Hindu-nationalist government distributes the assistance equally among all religious groups, even if it does not receive many votes from some of them.

The handouts are perhaps the most powerful thing Mr. Modi can point to when claiming credit for improving the lives of his fellow Indians, hundreds of millions of whom remain desperate for reliable jobs with decent pay.

Vinod Misra, the local B.J.P. official who recently visited Mr. Prasad in Amethi, a district in the state of Uttar Pradesh, explained that in poorer places where people once died of hunger, “our party is working especially for programs that touch everyone.”

“All we have to do is go and tell the family, ‘Brother, this roof you got, who made it happen?’” Mr. Misra said.

In a country where 80 percent of the population is either rural or poor, people are dead serious about getting something in exchange for their votes, said Pradeep Gupta, the director of Axis My India, a polling outfit. If a politician delivers on promises, “the people elect you again and again and again,” Mr. Gupta said. Everything else is “marketing.”

The B.J.P.’s follow-up with voters is the end result of a gargantuan effort that leverages its ideologically committed core membership, its funding , its nationwide organization and, increasingly, its sophisticated management of data.

In the temple town of Pushkar, west of Amethi within the Hindi-speaking “cow belt” that is a stronghold of the B.J.P., another local party worker explained the virtue of an app called Saral. With a few swipes and taps, the worker, Shakti Singh Rathore, shared a bird’s-eye view of his neighbors, whom he intended to marshal for Mr. Modi.

There are 241 “booths,” or polling stations, in Pushkar’s constituency, each with its own mapped boundaries. Mr. Rathore flicked open the information for one of the booths he was supervising. His targets were not just voters, but beneficiaries, or “labharthis” — an important new term of art in the ground campaign.

“The labharthis’ names are all listed here,” Mr. Rathore said. One man he named had received a cooking gas cylinder — “here is his address and postal code and phone number.” Another had gotten cash from the farmers’ welfare program.

“All the data is here,” Mr. Rathore said.

Anyone can download Saral through the Apple or Google Play stores for campaign updates, though only enlisted B.J.P. workers get to explore its databases. The party’s national leadership has said it uses Saral to connect more than six million of its workers. They can both retrieve and upload data about voters and beneficiaries.

Voters do not seem bothered, or are at least not surprised, that so much information about their relationships with the national government is carried door to door by political workers.

Mr. Misra said he did not know exactly how all the personal information made its way into the app. Other local-level workers said they assumed that the data had been provided by the government itself, given its accuracy. Amit Malviya, the B.J.P.’s head of information and technology, said at a start-up conference in December that the 30 terabytes of data had been collected manually by the party over the past 10 elections.

Saral does many other things that are useful for the party’s ground game. It tracks workers’ outreach and measures them against one another by their performance, in effect “gamifying” the hard slog of canvassing.

It also gives the workers the chance to help smooth out voters’ receipt of their benefits, erasing the distinction between partisan politics and government work.

Mr. Modi himself said to a TV crew this month that he had told party workers to gather information about voters who had not received their benefits and to “assure them that it’s the Modi guarantee — they will get it in my third term.”

Ajay Singh Gaur, a B.J.P. worker who accompanied Mr. Misra for the doorstepping around Amethi, found himself drawn into a long exchange with Dinesh Maurya, a farmer who complained that a faulty electrical wire had fallen onto his wheat field.

“My whole crop was burned down, and I haven’t got a single coin’s worth of compensation,” Mr. Maurya said.

Mr. Gaur assured Mr. Maurya that he would get him the money the state owed him. “I have spoken to the officer in charge” at the generating station, he said. “I will get it done.”

Mujib Mashal contributed reporting.

Suhasini Raj is a reporter based in New Delhi who has covered India for The Times since 2014. More about Suhasini Raj

Alex Travelli is a correspondent for The Times based in New Delhi, covering business and economic matters in India and the rest of South Asia. He previously worked as an editor and correspondent for The Economist. More about Alex Travelli

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Essay on “If I Become The Prime Minister of India” Complete Essay for Class 10, Class 12 and Graduation and other classes.

If I Become The Prime Minister of India

If In Become An All Powerful Person in India for a Year

Essay No. 01

  Pen in hand, I wonder, what I should write.  What an idea!  Can I become the Prime Minister of India? Well, why not? There are no basic qualifications for that.  I am a citizen of free India.  I have all the qualifications of a modern leader.

                If, by some stroke of luck, I become an all- powerful person in India even for a short period, I am going to change the face of this country.  The first thing I shall lay my hand on would be education.  I will  change the entire system of education and make it purposeful, useful, interesting and easy.  I will change the entire system of education.  There will be no pass-fail system.  Everyone who completes his courses will be declared successful.  Teaching and testing will go hand in hand.  More stress will be laid on practical work and vocational training.  Education will be free and universal.  Open textbook system of examination followed by viva-voce test will be introduced at all levels.  Teachers will be asked to re-orient themselves for the new challenges and steps will be taken to make the teaching profession really attractive.  Sub-standard and ill-equipped teachers will be thrown out and really talented people will be inducted into the profession.

                I shall introduce some drastic changes in the system of elections.  No person who is not educated up the matriculation stage, will be allowed to contest an election.  Elections will be financed by the State.  Defection will not be allowed. Elections will be free and fair.  Really, capable men will be encouraged to come forward and join the government.  All parties will be allowed a free use of the All India Radio and the Doordarshan.  Independents and regional parties will not be allowed to contest.

                There will be equality of opportunity for all.  The system of reservations of jobs will be scrapped.  Merit will be the only criterion for jobs and admissions.  There will be no place for nepotism, corruption and recommendations.

                I shall try to establish a truly socialistic pattern of society. The gap between the rich and the poor will be narrowed down.  Nobody will be allowed to hold more than one house.  Right to property will be taken away.  The rich will not be allowed to become richer beyond a certain limit and the poor will be taken away.  The rich will not be allowed to become richer beyond a certain limit and the poor will not be allowed to become poorer.  Medical treatment will be free. There will be no unemployment.  Agriculture will be given the highest priority.  Family planning will be strictly enforced to achieve a target of zero growth.  Cottage and small scale industry will grow simultaneously with heavy industries.  More and more hydel power projects and solar power sets will be installed so that there is no shortage of power in the country.

                Character building will also receive an important place. Textbooks will be re-written to build up character, a sense of nationalism and patriotism. Every student will be made to feel that he is an Indian first and an Indian last.  They will be made to participate to constructive activities and will be called upon to build a new India free from poverty, dirt and lethargy.  Sports and cultural activities will be encouraged on a big scale.  Sportsmen would be caught young and given an intensive training so that they bring a fair name to the country in various international meets.

                Under my able stewardship, the country will march on the greater and greater prosperity.  Evils like corruption, smuggling and hoarding will become things of the past.  Our country will be a heaven of peace and prosperity.  In the international field, India will occupy a place of honour.  All this is no bragging or self-praise.  Nothing is impossible.  I shall do my best to fulfill the dreams of Mahatma Gandhi the Father of the Nation.  In a very short time, my country will become a land of peace and prosperity where every head is high, where every hand is busy, and where every heart is happy.

Essay No. 2

If I were the Prime Minster of India

I wish I were the Prime Minister of India so that I might serve my country in most  humble manner. The Prime Minister enjoys the highest place in the Government of Minister who has the real power invested in him by the people of the country. he is the captain of the team of ministers who head various departments of the country. a Prime Minister should be a person with all the quantities of head, heart and soul. He should be the benefactor of the masses. Any selfish motive on behalf of the Prime Minister can put the country into irrepairable  losses.

As a Prime Minister  of India I would see that the poverty is vanished from this land for ever and people get at least two square meals a day.

As a Prime Minister I would work to bring about communal harmony in the country. People  would not fight in the name of religion. Caste or language. I would take effective steps to check communal riots. My next step would be to fight corruption which is rampant these days throughout the country.

My next priority as a Prime Minster would be that India continues to acquire strength so that she can face internal disturbances and external aggression from any quarters. I would not allow any complacence in this regard, because a weak nation always invites invaders. Armed forces of the country would be well – provided in all respects so that no enemy dares have evil designs against our sovereignty.

However, I would continue to follow the policy of peaceful co-existence and  maintain friendly relations with our neighboring countries like China, Pakistan, Srilanka and Bangladesh. India would not join any power blocs but she would always  take keen interest in the non- aligned  movement. She would work for the welfare of mankind and endeavour to bring about a new economic order so that the developed countries of the world may not exploit the developing countries.      

India is a country with a glorious past and it should be our effort to preserve our cherished culture and safeguard our independence and integrity through all possible effort. The spirit of true nationalism needs to be improved in the people to work for its progress by leaps and bounds and fulfil the dreams of our great leaders who sacrificed their lives for her freedom.  

Essay No. 03

If I were the Prime Minister of India

India is a democratic republic, in which the legislators are elected through a direct election. Prime Minister is the leader of the Party that wins the election at the centre.

It means that the person, who is to become the Prime Minister, must have a strong and long active political career. I have no such background and I’m not sure if I’ll be having such a background as I grow up. Therefore, the chances of my becoming the Prime Minister of India are almost nil. In spite of this, I do not find anything wrong in imaging myself to be the Prime Minister of India.

Thus, if I become the Prime Minister of India, I’ll do certain daring things which will be very useful for the Indian nation and the Indian people.

First of all, a country must be very strong in military and economic terms. So, I’ll start many factories in India itself to manufacture the latest and most supplicated weapons for the defence of the country. As for the economic development I’ll pay more attention to rapid industrialization and exports to make India a rich country.

The common people are more concerned with their comforts. I’ll start several social safety measures like old age and widow pension.

I’ll try to tackle some knotty problems on war-footing. Among such problems I’ve listed poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, female foeticide, corruption, fake currency, terrorism etc.

I’ll pay special attention to the problems of women, children, youth and senior citizens. I hope you’ll all cooperate with me to make India strong and the Indian people rich and happy. I’ll however, give full attention to national intergratism and world peace also.

Essay No. 04

If I Were the Prime Minister of India

The Prime Minister of India is the most powerful man in the country. He rules the root. Though the highest office is that of the President, yet the Prime Minister is more powerful. The President is a ceremonial head. The Prime Minister rules over about 85 crore men, women and children of the country. No doubt, if wishes were horses, beggars would ride, but who knows a stroke of good luck may elevate me to this high position in the country. For example, take Shri Lai Bahadur Shastri, who has been one of our Prime Ministers. When he was a student, he too, thought this high office beyond his reach. But by dint of hard work and a stroke of good luck he became the Prime Minister of India after Pt. Nehru ‘s death.

Even if I never become a Prime Minister, I have my own views of a Prime Minister and what he should do in the present circumstances. But I wish I were the Prime Minister to put my ideals and ideas into practice. If I were the Prime Minister of India, I would first of all root out corruption. Corruption is a great bane. It has spread over all walks of life, including the administration, like a wild fire. Let alone the petty government servants, even people in high authority and government positions are not free from it. The politicians and political leaders have virtually vitiated the whole atmosphere. Every now and then there are corruption charges against them in the Parliament, State Assemblies and in public. You cannot get any work done unless you grease the palm of the concerned officials. Similarly, businessmen, traders and others indulge in dishonest, unethical and corrupt trade practices. They evade taxes, adulterate commodities, and influence people in power with their money and bribery. Nepotism, favoritism, etc., have become the order of the day. I would like to eradicate corruption by rewarding honest and sincere government and public servants. The black marketeers, hoarders and corrupt officials would be dealt with very strictly and suitably punished. People stoop too low to have money. They are ready even to betray India in order to get rich overnight. I would do my utmost as the Prime Minister to control and then to eradicate corruption.

Our successive governments and their leaders have had been following the policy of ‘divide and rule’ inherited from the British rulers. They have been using different classes, castes and communities as their vote banks. It has given rise to inter-caste fights, quarrels, communal riots and disturbances. I would see that there are no reservations of any kind on the basis of caste and community. The concept of minority and majority is basically wrong. It creates tensions, divisions and heart-burning. Everybody is equally an Indian. Then why should there be-any discrimination in the name of minority, backwardness and castes. I would create job opportunities for all. Every unemployed person would be given suitable job according to his or her qualifications and merits. In giving jobs merit would be given the highest priority. On this point there would be no compromise. The people who are really financially and socially weak would be given sufficient and far better opportunities to improve their lot through education, training and financial aid in the form of liberal stipends, scholarships and other allowances. Moreover, there would be a uniform civil code for all. I would make the registration of marriages compulsory and devise effective means to eradicate the evils of dowry. Special efforts would be taken for education and professional training of the women, handicapped and economically weaker sections of the society. But as far employment is concerned there would be no reservations at all.

I would leave no stone unturned to raise the prestige of India in the world community. I would make India strong, self.. reliant and sufficient on every front. I would see that India becomes a major world power in terms of defense and financial position. We would produce our own war-planes, guns and other defense equipment and even earn foreign exchange by selling them in the international market. The pace of industrialisation and agricultural production would be accelerated and exports would be given much impetus. 1 would see that people are hard working, honest, full of the sense of pride being Indians, that they become prosperous through honest and industrious means. I would improve the living standards of the masses and see that the disparity between the rich and the poor is minimized.

In the field of education and training, everything would be job-oriented. The use of English will be minimized and the students would be taught through their mother tongues only. The standards of education would be improved in every respect and there would be nothing like public schools. Admissions would lie purely on the basis of merit and on no other consideration. There would be greater expansion in technical education. It would help in reducing unemployment. I would encourage self-employment. I would promote both cottage, small-scale and large-scale industries. Further the migration from the villages to the towns and cities would be checked by promoting village industries.

I will do these and many more good things to alleviate the social, economical, cultural and educational condition of the masses of India, if I were the Prime Minister. I would see that there is more and more participation of the labour in the management to eradicate the problems of strikes, lockouts, etc., in the factories and mills. Black money would be uncovered and used for national good; smugglers would be severely dealt with and extremists eradicated. The more I think about India, her people and present lot, the more strongly I wish I were the Prime Minister of India, so as to re-establish the moral and human values in every walk of our life.

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prime minister essay of india

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Millions vote in India’s grueling election, with Prime Minister Modi’s party likely to win third term

People queue up at a polling booth

Millions of Indians voted Saturday in the next-to-last round of a grueling national election with a combined opposition trying to rattle Prime Minister  Narendra Modi’s campaign for a third-consecutive term  for himself and his Hindu nationalist party.

Many people lined polling stations before the start of voting at 7 a.m. to avoid the blazing sun at the  peak of Indian summer . The temperature soared to 43 degrees Celsius (109 degrees Fahrenheit) in the afternoon in the Indian capital.

“This (election) is also like a festival, so I don’t have a problem voting in the heat,” said Lakshmi Bansal, a housewife.

Saturday’s voting in 58 constituencies, including seven in New Delhi, will complete polling for 89.5% of 543 seats in the lower house of Parliament. The remaining 57 seats will be decided on June 1,  wrapping up a six-week election . The votes will be counted on June 4.

President Droupadi Murmu and External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar were among the early voters. Opposition Congress party leaders, Sonia Gandhi and her son Rahul Gandhi, also voted in New Delhi.

A volunteer gives packets of coconut water to Indian National Congress party leaders.

Mehbooba Mufti, a former top elected official of Indian-controlled Kashmir, held a protest with her supporters Saturday claiming that scores of her party workers were detained by police to prevent them from voting. Mufti, the chief of the People’s Democratic Party who is contesting the parliamentary election in the Anantnag-Rajouri district, said she complained to election officials.

In West Bengal state, workers belonging to the All India Trinamool Congress party blocked the car of Agnimitra Paul, one of Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party candidates, as she proceeded to vote in the Medinipur constituency. The two parties are rivals in the state and their activists often clash on the streets.

Trinamool leader and state’s top elected official Mamta Banerjee accused the BJP of launching an attack that left one activist dead on Friday in the Purba Medinipur district. Several houses and shops were burned in the area, the Press Trust of India news agency quoted Banerjee as saying.

Suvendu Adhikari, a BJP leader in the state, accused Trinamool members of attacking and killing an activist on Thursday, an accusation rejected by his rivals, PTI reported.

A policeman gives directions as voters queue up at a polling booth.

The election is considered one of the most consequential in India’s history and will test Modi’s political dominance. If Modi wins, he’ll be only the second Indian leader to retain power for a third term, after Jawaharlal Nehru, the country’s first prime minister.

Most polls predict a win for the BJP, which is up against a broad opposition alliance led by the Congress and  powerful regional parties . But a less-than-expected turnout in the previous five rounds of voting has left some doubts about the BJP’s projected margin of victory.

“When the polls began it felt like a one-horse race, with Modi leading from the front. But now we are seeing some kind of shift,” political analyst Rasheed Kidwai said. “The opposition is doing better than expected and it appears that Modi’s party is rattled. That’s the reason you see  Modi ramping up anti-Muslim rhetoric  to polarize voters.”

Kidwai said the opposition had challenged Modi by centering its campaign narrative on social justice and rising unemployment, making the contest closer than expected.

A voter with hennaed hands gets her finger marked after voting.

Modi ran his campaign like a presidential race, a referendum on his 10 years of rule. He claimed to help the poorest with charity, free health care, providing toilets in their homes, and helping women get free or cheap cooking gas cylinders.

But he changed tack after a poor turnout in the  first round of the election  and began stirring Hindu nationalism by accusing the Congress party of pandering to minority Muslims for votes.

Hindus account for 80%, and Muslims nearly 14%, of India’s over 1.4 billion people.

Manish Bhatia, a New Delhi voter, said that “politics on the basis of caste and religion is dangerous for the country,” adding that voting should be based on how candidates perform.

Narendra Modi.

Nearly 970 million voters — more than 10% of the world’s population — were eligible to elect 543 members to the lower house of Parliament for five years.

Voters’ relative apathy has surprised some analysts. In the five rounds of polling, turnout ranged between 62.2% to 69.16% — averaging 65.9%. By comparison, India’s 2019 national election registered the highest-ever turnout — 67.11%. Modi’s BJP won 303 seats in Parliament in 2019.

Modi’s  inauguration of a massive Hindu temple  for the god Rama, his massive roadshows and big public rallies raised the BJP’s hopes of a massive surge in voters’ support.

The current prime minister came to power in 2014, dislodging the Congress party that governed the country for nearly 55 years after India won independence from British colonialists in 1947.

A voter leaves after casting her vote.

Before the election, the  opposition INDIA alliance  was seen bickering, but it has since held together, particularly after two chief ministers of two opposition-controlled states were sent to jail on corruption charges. Both deny the accusations.

One of them — New Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal — has since been released on bail and returned to the campaign trail.

In March, Gandhi completed a 6,713-kilometer (4,171-mile)  walk across the country , starting in the violence-hit northeastern state of Manipur, to raise awareness on issues of poverty, unemployment, and democracy with voters.

“The walk helped Gandhi boost his image as a serious politician among the voters, and that is helping the opposition,” Kidwai, the analyst, said.

Essay on the Prime Minister of India

prime minister essay of india

In this essay we will discuss about the prime minister of India. After reading this essay you will learn about:- 1. Role of the Prime Minister of India 2. Prime Minister in Indian Constitution 3. Appointment of the Prime Minister 4. Fourth Lok Sabha Election and After 5. 1975 Emergency and Prime Minister 6. Struggle during Janata Rule 7. Prime Minister and Re-Shuffling of the Ministers and Other Details.

List of Essays on the Prime Minister of India

Essay Contents:

  • Essay on the Position of Prime Minister

1. Essay on the Role of Prime Minister of India:

Prime Minister is the real head of the government in India and key-stone of cabinet arch. He is the real authority in the country and in the political field his position is so supreme that he has no other parallel.

As long as he enjoys the confidence of majority of his party colleagues in the Lok Sabha he need not fear, much less care for the criticism which may be made against his policies and programmes both inside and outside the Parliament.

All that he is to see is that he has full grip over his party colleagues at all forums and can convince them of the righteousness of his policies.

If possible he should create an image that the party is surviving because of his personality, policies and programmes. Whether he is first among the equals or much above his cabinet colleagues, of course, depends on the individuality and personality of the Prime Minister.

But gradually the Prime Minister is gaining in his position and all over the world where there is parliamentary form of government, the personality of the Prime Minister helps in shaping the future of the nation.

Today the theory of Primus inter Pares is proving to be outdated and supra ministerial power of the Prime Minister is gaining more and more strength.

During the post war period the position of the Prime Minister in England and after independence that of his counterpart in India has so much increased that today the Parliament, the Council of Ministers and even the cabinet colleagues look towards him for initiative and guidance. In fact, because of growing powers of Prime Minister, Cabinet system of government is now called Prime Ministerial form of government.

2. Essay on the Prime Minister in Indian Constitution :

Under the Indian constitution there is a specific provision for the Prime Minister and as such Prime Ministership is not an informal institution, as it used to be the case in England for a very long time.

In fact, in the Constituent Assembly there was a great deal of discussion whether India should have a parliamentary or presidential form of government, but ultimately the decision went in favour of the former, taking into consideration one basic fact that India was familiar with the working of parliamentary institutions as these obtained in England and also that presidential system of government had leanings towards dictatorship.

Articles 74 and 78 of the constitution deal with Council of Ministers and Prime Minister. These provides that there shall be a Prime Minister in India and it shall be his duty to communicate to the President all the decisions which the Council of Ministers takes relating to the administration of the affairs of the Union and also all proposals for legislation.

The President can also call for any information from the Prime Minister, and it shall be his duty to supply that to him.

The constitution also provides that if the President so requires to submit for the consideration of the Council of Ministers any matter on which decision has been taken by a Minister but which has not been considered by the Council, he can do so. But what has been said in the letters of the constitution is quite misleading because the Prime Minister is much more powerful and wields a lot of authority and position.

3. Essay on the Appointment of Prime Minister:

Under the constitution the President has full powers and authority to call any person to form the government. But in actual practice he has no option but to call for the leader of the majority party in the Lok Sabha to form the government. In other words, the first step after the election of the Lok Sabha, for the selection of the candidate for Prime Ministership lies with the party itself.

In 1946, when interim government was formed in India, Pandit Nehru was invited to head the government because at that time he was undisputed leader of the Congress Party, which was then the vanguard of India’s freedom struggle.

Nehru’s position as undisputed leader of the party was of course challenged by Sardar Patel and later by Rafi Ahmed Kidwai, but after the death of both these stalwards, Nehru became the undisputed leader of the party and he commanded a very high position both in the party as well as in government with the result that his leadership was not challenged.

But in India there has been a continuous struggle for supremacy between the leader of the legislature party in the Lok Sabha and the Party President. As long as Nehru was alive he himself even held the office of the president of the party. When he left that charge, he made U.N. Dhebar as the party chief, ensuring that there was no challenge to his authority within the party.

But this struggle became very keen after the death of Nehru, when the question of the selection of his successor came. In fact, during his life time the problem of ‘After Nehru who’? had assumed considerable significance. Even during his life time when India suffered heavily in 1962 during Chinese invasion and price rise in the’ country could not be checked.

Nehru’s position as undisputed leader of India and also that of the party began to be challenged.

It was at this time that Kamraj gave his plan and wanted Prime Minister to relieve some of his senior party colleagues from the government so that they could devote themselves for organisational work. Nehru immediately caught the idea and relieved all those from ministerial posts who were likely to challenge his authority and position of power.

He also relieved some state Chief Ministers who were likely to challenge his authority or likely to co-operate with those who were his challengers. His death on 27th May, 1964, created a new situation.

The party bosses had all along remained under the control of Prime Minister Nehru who was both the leader of the government as well as that of the party. Now that heavy political weight had been lifted, they wanted to play their role and decided to put some person in position as Prime Minister, who was a light political weight so that he could remain under the domination of party president and hierarchy and looked to them both for guidance and strength.

The main contestants for Prime Ministership at that time were Morarji Desai and Lal Bahadur Shastri. There was every hope that on this issue the party will certainly be divided. But party president and his associates, known as ‘Syndicate’ controlled the situation and managed to bring a light political weight, Lal Bahadur Shastri, as Prime Minister in preference to Moraiji Desai, who was considered to be a heavy political weight.

But once elevated to the office of Prime Minister of India this weak physique Prime Minister proved to be very strong and a powerful person. He soon controlled the situation and began to run the show without caring for political bosses in the party.

In Indo-Pakistan undeclared war in September, 1965 he showed supreme courage and became undisputed leader of Indian masses. But that apart his elevation to the Prime Ministership proved that a person could become Prime Minister with the backing of those who mattered in the party and that he owed much not only to the members of Parliament but also to the party.

Shastri died on 10 January, 1966, at Tashkant and again the question of selecting his successor arose. This time the main contestants in the field were Moraiji Desai and Smt. Indira Gandhi. Syndicate headed by Party President Kamaraj, decided to support Smt. Indira Gandhi, who they thought would prove a light political weight. In 1964, consensus formula had been adopted, but this time Moraiji was not prepared to accept that.

In fact, he addressed a letter to all Congress Members of Parliament in which he made it amply clear that it was the right of every member of Congress Parliamentary Party to contest the election of leadership of the party. One significant feature of this election was that state Chief Ministers also tried to put their pressures and play their role m the election of the Prime Minister.

Smt. Indira Gandhi was elected as Prime Minister by a big margin of 355 votes in her favour and 169 against. It was hoped that she would work under the influence of party leadership, being then politically less experienced.

But the hopes of party bosses again got belied, when she began to work as effective Prime Minister, without much carrying for those who wanted to impose themselves on her. She included several new faces in her first cabinet, much against the wishes of the party bosses over some names, particularly those of Ashok Mehta and G.S. Pathak.

Conflict between the party and the Prime Minister gradually came to the surface. At its Jaipur Session held in February, 1966, party passed a resolution condemning government’s food distribution policy.

In turn in June 1966, Prime Minister devalued rupee without consulting Party President Kamraj, who expressed displeasure over this measure, which Prime Minister took without consulting him. In turn the party refused to give ticket to V.K. Krishna Menon for contesting election which Prime Minister very much wanted and it was imply clear that the latter wanted the former to be returned to the Lok Sabha.

4. Essay on the Fourth Lok Sabha Election and After :

Then came fourth general elections which proved very critical for the Congress party. The party lost very heavily not only at the centre but as well as in the states. In many states it was not even in a position to form Ministries where opposition parties in the name of Samyukta Vidhayak Dal and United Front formed governments.

Many important Congress leaders lost at the poll and there were wide spread rumours that some of the prominent Congress men might even join the opposition. Finding the time appropriate, Morarji Desai again decided to contest parliamentary leadership position.

This time Young Turks sided with Mrs. Gandhi whereas old and stalwarts sided with Desai. There were visible signs that in the struggle for supremacy between the party and the government former will get divided.

In order to save the situation party bosses again came forward with the idea that Mrs. Gandhi should continue to remain as the Prime Minister of the country, whereas Morarji Desai should become the Deputy Prime Minister.

He will be given the important portfolio of Finance. In this way a compromise formula was arrived at, but that was not of lasting duration. Moraiji Desai could not reconcile himself to the situation because for the third time he was not allowed by party bosses to become the Prime Minister of the country.

The straggle between the Prime Minister and the party took a new turn in 1969, when the so-called syndicate group got angry with Mrs. Gandhi both on account of failure of government policies and Prime Minister’s attitude towards them. They now decided to side with Desai. There were angry exchange of views between the party bosses and Prime Minister group, as a result of which the party got divided.

The Prime Minister declared that her Finance Minister, Desai was standing on the way of her progressive policies, including that of bank nationalisation. Without consulting party and the Finance Minister she relieved Desai of his finance portfolio, though the Prime Minister offered him to continue as Deputy Prime Minister, without that portfolio. Desai resigned in protest.

The split was complete. Motions were moved against her by the Congress (O) expressing no-confidence in her government, but she survived every such motion with the co-operation of CPI, DMK and PSP groups in the Lok Sabha. It was at this difficult time that in December 1970 she got the Lok Sabha dissolved and new elections were held in the country in 1971.

This time she gave the slogan of ‘Gribi Hatao’ i.e., remove poverty. This was very attractive and an appealing slogan. There was every possibility of Prime Minister’s losing heavily at the polls, because of old stalwards being opposed to her. But all hopes were belied when as a result of the polls her party got absolute majority in the Lok Sabha.

It was believed that this victory was exclusively due to her own personality. Subsequently when elections for the state Assemblies were held, her party again got absolute majority almost all over India. This very much enhanced her prestige.

This victory almost ended party and government conflict because she was accepted as an undisputable leader of both the government and the party. She now began to name the state Chief Ministers and in many cases she was fully authorised to select candidates for contesting elections as and when necessity arose. No Chief Minister could now stay in office after developing differences with the Prime Minister.

In 1972, M.M. Choudhry had to resign on account of his differences with the Prime Minister and he was succeeded by Sarat Chand Sinha who was favoured by her. In 1973, she nominated J. Vengal Rao, as Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, when two factions within the party could not reconcile their differences.

In Haryana she nominatted B.D. Gupta for Chief Minister’s post, after Bansi Lai was inducted in the Union Cabinet as Minister.

In this connection it may be mentioned that Bansi Lal, being in good books of Prime Minister, continued to remain as state Chief Minister in spite of the fact that many MLA’s of the state were against him and had levied serious charges against his government.

Similarly in Himachal Pradesh all efforts to dislodge Chief Minister Y.P. Parmar failed because he was man of the Prime Minister. In 1975, H.N. Bahuguna lost the confidence of the Prime Minister and had to lose Chief Ministership of U.P.

In fact, her grip over party organs like the Working Committee, Election Committee and Parliamentary Board was so strong that no resolution or decision could be passed without her approval. All party bosses approached her for her mature advice. At the time of every election the party bosses in every state depended on her canvassing for success in the elections.

The control of Prime Minister over the government and party was so complete that Congress President D.K. Barooah used to say that ‘Indira is India and India is Indira’. But when the gap between the party and the government was coming to an end, infighting within the party were increasing. Some party members were feeling that the contacts between the party and the masses were practically non-existent.

They began to create an atmosphere in which failures of the government were to be brought to focus. It was at this time that Late Jai Prakash Narayan also started his campaign to consolidate the masses against increasing corruption, unemployment and rising prices.

He gave a call to the people all over India that they should consolidate themselves as a force against these problems and force the government to find their solution.

The Prime Minister felt that this was a challenge to her authority from outside. She made many counter allegations against the organisers of the movement.

5. Essay on the 1975 Emergency and Prime Minister:

A new phase in the struggle between the Prime Minister and the party started in 1975, when emergency was declared in the country. It was declared even without consultation of the cabinet. With this Prime Minister became more powerful and the government and the party became practically one.

The emergency continued for 19 months, but when it was lifted in 1977 and general elections for the Lok Sabha were held. Congress Party under Mrs. Gandhi was dislodged from power even at the centre.

The party for the first time since independence was completely wiped out almost from whole of North, West and East India and retained her control only in South India. This again raised conflict between the party and the government. Many party leaders felt that party’s debacle was due to emergency excesses and on account of excesses committed by the government during this period of emergency.

The party wanted to hold the Prime Minister responsible for this. The party leaders also charged her with perpetuating dynastic rule and ruling the country in an authoritarian manner. But Mrs. Gandhi refuted every such charge and there was again split in the party.

Those who did not see eye to eye with her parted ways and the remaining accepted her leadership in the party, the government being in the hands of the newly created Janata Party. Not much time passed when Dev Raj Urs, a close associate of Prime Minister and then Chief Minister of Karnataka developed differences with her and all efforts to reconcile the differences between the two failed.

Dev Raj Urs joined the old stalwards, including S. Swaran Singh, Y.B.Chavan, Dr. Karan Singh and many others and formed Congress (U).

Mrs. Gandhi and her associates remained in Congress (I) with her as the party president.

Due to political developments in the country the Lok Sabha was dissolved in 1979 and general elections in the country were held early in 1980. In an atmosphere of great uncertainty it was then hoped that no political party in the country would come out with clear majority at the centre.

It was speculated that the balance will be held by the regional parties in the Lok Sabha. But as a result of elections, to the surprise of all, Congress (I) was returned to the Lok Sabha with thumping 2/3 majority.

This time party slogan was ‘elect the government that works’. Such a great victory was again attributed to the personality of Mrs. Gandhi, who was elected by the party as leader and thus, Prime Minister of the country. She combined in herself the leadership of the party and also, that of the government and thus, conflict between the party and the Prime Minister and struggle for supremacy came to an end.

She was assassinated in October, 1984. At that time in some parts of the country, particularly in Punjab, terrorism was on the increase. Ruling Congress party chose Rajiv Gandhi as leader of the party in the Parliament.

His being new to politics, at that time many kept their fingers crossed about his own and party as well as country’s future. But when elections were held in the country in 1985, his party won 3/4 majority in the Lok Sabha.

In the party none dare challenge his authority. Thus, during his time there has been no government and party conflict. He continued to hold both the positions of toe Prime Minister and party President. After his assassination a vacuum was created. The party decided to elect P.V. Narsimha Rao as its leader.

Many, at that time doubted his ability to control both the party and government. Soon he, however, proved that he was up to the task. But after some time his cabinet collegue Arjun Singh and his followers laid stress on one man, one party rule, which meant that Rao should leave either Prime Ministership or position of party President but he could not get much support from his party colleagues.

Subsequently he developed major differences with the Prime Minister and was joined by another senior party leader N.D. Tiwari. Both of them were expelled from the party and formed a new political party called Congress (T), which was subsequently re-named as Indra Congress. It has been recognised as a national party and given an election symbol.

6. Essay on the Struggle during Janata Rule :

The same story of struggle continued during Janata rule. In 1977, after the emergency was lifted and elections were held in the country, for the first time in the history of independent India. Congress party was dislodged from authority at the centre and instead a newly formed Janata Party came to power.

It elected Morarji Desai as leader of the parliamentary party, i.e., the Prime Minister and Chander Shekhar as the Party President. Janata Party consisted of political parties which were already in existence and had decided to merge themselves into this newly formed party.

But soon after the formation of the party it became clear that the weight of infighting of constituent units of the parties was so heavy that the new party was itself burying itself under this weight.

This time the role of the party bosses was to keep the government united. The nature of struggle was quite different from the previous struggle. It was now not the question of supremacy of government over party or vice-versa but that of saving the party from its collapse. The situation became serious when Prime Minister Desai called for the resignation of his Health Minister Raj Narain and Home Minister Charan Singh.

It was after great persuation by the party bosses that the Prime Minister agreed to take Charan Singh back in the cabinet only and that too as Finance and but not as Home Minister and did not take back Raj Narain in his cabinet. Since the party collapsed suddenly and during 2.5 years of its remaining in power it got involved in infightings, there was no struggle for supremacy between the party and the government.

Elections to the Lok Sabha were again held in 1989 and National Front of which Janata Dal was the main constituent was invited to form government. Janata Dal President, V.P. Singh, took over as Prime Minister of the country. He himself announced that he did not wish to retain two positions i.e., that of Party Presidentship together with that of Prime Ministership.

The old story was once again repeated. Due to factional disharmony the party could not pull on well and the government collapsed after remaining in power for less than a year. Thereafter there have been splits and splits in the party. Since the party is not in power at the centre, therefore, the question of one person, one post does not arise.

Though according to the letters of the constitution, the President decides to whom he should invite to form the government; yet in reality political drama is played at the party level by the party bosses, who always try to exert themselves. But as long as there is unity in the party and that can settle its differences amicably within the party itself, there is no problem for the President.

But the President comes to the fore to use his discretion and get an opportunity of playing discretionary role only when there is no single political party in majority in the Lok Sabha. It is in such a situation that he can use his discretion. He is then to decide who should be invited to from the Government. President played his role quite well in 1979.

This time due to politics of defection Janata Party started tottering when several leaders and their followers started leaving the party and finding himself in minority. Prime Minister Morarji Desai tendered resignation of his government. At that time there was no political party in absolute majority, and the President had to use his discretionary powers to whom to invite for the formation of the government.

He decided to invite the leader of the opposition Y.B, Chavan to form the government.

He regretted his ability and instead suggested the name of Charan Singh to whom he; assured his full support. This again provided the President an opportunity to use his discretion. He used that-and invited him to form the government when the Lok Sabha was not in session. With the help of AIADMK, Congress (U), Congress and Akali Dal, etc. Charan Singh formed his government.

But when the Lok Sabha was called to session, Congress (I) decided to withdraw its support from the government, and the Prime Minister decided to resign without facing the Lok Sabha.

Now Janata Party leader Jagjiwan Ram staked his claim to form the government. He claimed that he enjoyed the confidence of the majority party in the House. President was again to use his discretion whether to invite him to form the government or not. This time he decided not to invite him because he felt that Janata Party leader shall not be in a position to form a stable government in the country.

Thus, the President can use his discretion only under such situations only and not otherwise, In 1979, it was hoped that similar situation would quite often arise, but hopes belied because the electorates returned Congress (I) with thumping majority thereby not ushering the era of coalition governments at the centre.

The President again used his discretion in 1989 when he invited the leader of the second largest party, V.P. Singh to form the government. He assured the President that with the outside supports of BJP and left parties he could provide stable government.

Thus, for the first time a minority government was formed at the Centre. The government however, could remain in power only for about a year, when it went out of power and fresh elections for the Lok Sabha were hold.

Whether a political party can provide a stable government and enjoys majority of the House is to be decided on the floor of the House, as per ruling of Supreme Court in S.R. Bomai case. This will perhaps reduce discretion of the President in future. The time alone will tell.

7. Essay on the Prime Minister and Re-Shuffling of Ministers :

It is of course the prerogative of the Prime Minister to invite any person to join his/her cabinet though, as already mentioned, several considerations weigh with the leader of the parliamentary party while chosing cabinet colleagues. But nothing prevents the Prime Minister in inducting new persons of his liking in the cabinet.

Prime Minister Shastri appointed T.N. Singh and Sachin Choudhry, in the cabinet, though by that time they were not well known on the political scene of the country.

Similarly Mrs. Gandhi as Prime Minister took comparatively new faces in cabinet as T.A. Pali, Dr. Karan Singh, Mohan Kumar Manglam and D.P.Dhar, about whom it is said that their initiation in politics started with their induction in the cabinet.  Prime Minister Rao inducted several new faces, who represented youth, in his 1995 cabinet reshuffle.

Even otherwise when he inducted Man Mohan Singh as Finance Minister in his cabinet, he was new to politics and did not belong to any political party.

The Prime Minister is primarily and exclusively responsible to see with whom he can smoothly pull on in the cabinet and who shall help him in promoting party programmes and policies. It is also exclusively the prerogative of the Prime Minister to decide to whom what portfolio is to be given.

But as already pointed out certain party colleagues feel that they are cut for a particular portfolio and insist that these alone should be allocated to them.

It is equally for the Prime Minister to decide whether a person once indicted in the cabinet is to remain there till the next general elections are held or till the Prime Minister remains in office. These go on changing with the time as the political and other circumstances warrant.

Though everyone who is inducted in the cabinet is interested in having some key portfolio, yet normally he will not insist on having a particular portfolio to a breaking point, for everyone knows that such an insistence could result in his being excluded from the cabinet or Council of Ministers.

Such an exclusion might cause some sensation in the party for some time, but after the dust has been settled, nobody bothers about him.

Reshuffles in cabinet can be due to several reasons. One such reason can be that due to some peculiar circumstances Prime Minister, at a point of time, may induct a person in the cabinet and may also be forced to allocate him a particular portfolio but finding an opportunity such a person may be turned out of the cabinet or Council of Ministers or deprived of his portfolio, thereby resulting in re-shuffling of the cabinet.

Then another reason could be that a cabinet colleague may not find it convenient to pull on with the Prime Minister and develop differences either with style of his functioning or may disagree with him on some policy issues and tender resignation, as happened with M.C. Chagla and C.D. Deshmukh. Their posts fall vacant and need be filled up for smooth working of the government as a whole.

In such a situations both portfolio as well as the personnel in the cabinet are to be re-shuffled. Then another reason can be that at the time of formation of the cabinet and allocation of portfolios the Prime Minister may have pinned very high hopes on a particular person but with the passage he may discover that the Minister concerned does not possess the necessary talents or is not useful and helpful in the furtherance of party’s policies and programmes and thus call for his resignation, thereby resulting in cabinet re-shuffle and re­allocation of portfolios.

The reverse can also happen. The Prime Minister might have under-estimated or not fully assess the talents of a ministerial colleague and after some time he may like to assign him more responsibility, thus necessitating a reshuffle.

But sometimes it is not possible to immediately identity a suitable person to fill the gap and either the Prime Minister himself or some of his cabinet colleagues may be asked to take charge of some particular departments till suitable persons are inducted in the cabinet to take charge of the departments.

Still another cause can be that the Prime Minister may feel the need and necessity of either merging two already existing departments or creation of a new department and consequent changes in the portfolios of the cabinet colleagues may become unavoidable to meet the needs of the changed situation.

Then re-shuffle can also be due to state politics. In some cases when it may be found that a particular Chief Minister is not pulling on well with his cabinet colleagues and there is danger of split in the party due to its continuance t Such a situation is controlled by inducting the concerned Chief Minuter in the central cabinet to remove tensions.

Similarly it may be found that the talents of a state Chief Minister can better be used by inducting him in the union cabinet Morarji Desai. Y.B. Chavan, Gobind Ballabh Pant, Fakhruddm Ah Ahmed, Bansi Lal. Kamlapati Tripathi, Brahmananda Reddy, Bindeshwari Dube, Motilal Vora, Bhajan Lal are few such examples to quote, v. ho w ere brought from the states and inducted in the central cabinet.

The others in this category include K. Karunakuran, Misra and A.R. Auntulay of Bihar and Maharashtra respectively.

There can also be cabinet re-shuffle or changes in the portfolio to bring more credibility to the party in the eyes of the public. Sometimes the Prime Minister may feel that by changing the portfolio of a Minister who has i n charged of corruption, etc., the people may feel more satisfied or the image of the party may improve.

Similarly the credit of the party in the eyes of the public will go up if in the cabinet those persons from the party are inducted who are known for their character and integrity on the one hand and administrative capability on the other.

Then re-shuffle also becomes unavoidable when a cabinet colleague holds himself morally responsible for the failure of bureaucracy of his department and tenders his resignation, which is accepted by the Prime Minister thus, creating a vacancy in the cabinet.

Pt. Nehru accepted the resignation of T.T. Krishnamachari, as Finance Minister in Mundra Deal and G.L. Nanda resigned as Home Minister as a result of tactless handling by police of the demonstration organised by the people demanding ban on cow slaughter. M.C. Chagla resigned from the cabinet on account of his differences on Education policy of the government.

But each re-shuffle creates many problems for the Prime Minister. Those who are not satisfied with what they have got in the cabinet again stake their claims putting many strains on the Prime Minister and resulting in subsequent problems of adjustment and harmonious working.

Therefore, every Prime Minister selects only those colleagues for his cabinet who are his confidants and not likely to create problems for him. Re-shuffling as well as changes in the portfolios becomes a very difficult task in the case of coalition governments where each party to the coalition tries to get maximum share and advantage.

Though Janata Party, which came to power at the centre in 1977, was technically not a coalition government yet subsequently when constituent units did not forget their identity, for all practical purposes it proved to be a coalition and Prime Minister found it difficult to change the portfolios of his cabinet colleagues.

Changes came only when Raj Narain was made to leave his Health portfolio or Charan Singh was shifted from Home to Finance or when Prakash Singh Badal decided to leave his portfolio of Food and Agriculture to join as Chief Minister of Punjab.

Once two tier Desai cabinet was formed, Prime Minister did not use his discretion to re-shuffle the cabinet, due to differences in the party, which otherwise would have been aggravated.

For various reasons, as said earlier Prime Minister P.V. Narsimha Rao could not make major changes in his Council of Ministers, though on several occasions rumours about such changes spread and news appeared prominently in the press media.

This however, does not mean that when a Minister has resigned and his portfolio has fallen vacant it must immediately be filled. The Prime Minister may keep it unfilled for any period. When C.K. Jaffar Sharieff resigned as Railway Minister, Prime Minister Rao decided to keep this portfolio with himself.

Similarly when several Ministers of the resigned because of their alleged involvement is Hawala case. Prime Minister decided to keep the portfolios of these Ministers not be filled by any new incumbent.

8. Essay on the Cabinet Re-Shuffles in Practice:

In India cabinet re-shuffles have been quite frequent. The Ministers have been coming and going and so have been the case with the portfolios which Prime Ministers have been changing. The cabinets were re-shuffled at the time of the resignations of C.D. Deshmukh, M.C. Chhagla. Dr. Shyama Parsad Mukherjee and many others.

When the resignation of six cabinet Ministers was accepted by the Prime Minister under Kamraj Plan there was reshuffling of the whole cabinet. In 1962, when V.K. Krishna Menon was forced to resign on account of India’s debacle in a war against China subsequent changes in portfolio were made and this is what happened when. T.T. Krishnamachari the then Finance Minister was made to resign due to Mundra deal.

In 1972, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi reshuffled her cabinet when she brought in D.P.Dhar as Planning Minister and changed the portfolios of several of cabinet colleagues. She at that time also inducted new faces in her cabinet. C. Subramaniam the then Planning Minister was made Minister of Industrial Development.

K. Hanumanthaya the Railway Minister was relieved of his portfolio which was given to T.A. Pai then a Member of the Rajya Sabha. I.K. Gujral was made Minister of Information and Broadcasting in place of Smt. Nandini Satpati who was sent to Orissa to take over as state Chief Minister.

In February 1973 she again reshuffled her cabinet when she added few Ministers and Deputy Ministers in the cabinet. There were cabinet reshuffles in January 1974 and December 1976 when some younger persons were promoted and inducted in the cabinet. It was at this time that Hitendra Desai the then Gujarat P.C.C. chief was added to the cabinet.

There were frequent changes in the portfolios of Minister as well. Railway portfolio was for example held by Jagjiwan Ram, Kamlapati Tripathi Ram Subhagh Singh, T.A. Pai, C.M. Poonacha and L.N. Misra.

Similarly Ministry of Industrial Development was held by Manubhai Shah, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, Dinesh Singh Maniul Haq Choudhry and C. Subramaniam. During his long career of active politics Swaran Singh held several portfolios and each time his portfolio was changed, subsequent changes in the portfolios of other Ministers had to be made. Prime Minister Narsimha Rao has too been re-shuffling his cabinet.

But the responsibility of Prime Minister and his problems do not end once the portfolios have been allotted. Before reshuffle many aspirants feel that they will get Ministerial post but their grudges increase when their names do not appear.

In fact these continue to bother him. The Prime Minister is to see that each department of the government works very smoothly and each Minister remains within the sphere of its own activity. He is to see that there is no over-lapping and one does not interfere in the affairs of the other.

From time to time Prime Minister sends circulars and letters to the Ministers) pointing out certain matters which need his/their attention but which have not been attended to properly. Similarly the Prime Minister holds discussions with the members of the Council of Ministers individually and collectively in a bid to find out their difficulties.

He attempts to find out whether any Minister due to one reason or the other is nurturing any grudge, which can be removed or position clarified. Similarly the Prime Minister can suggest a Minister to change the style of his functioning.

But it is not an easy task because theoretically Prime Minister among the equals. He can interfere in the working of a department extent but too much interference will never be cherished particularly by senior Ministers and those Ministers who have some following either in the party or in the Lok Sabha. A wise Prime Minister will, therefore, travel to some safe limits in this regard.

9. Essay on the Prime Minister and President :

It is constitutional responsibility of the Prime Minister to keep i President posted of all the cabinet decisions and as such he is a link between the President and the cabinet on the one hand and the government on tic other. He is also required to provide the President all information that latter may need.

In India Presidency has by and large been offered to those who have long outstanding political career or have earned name and fans on account of their outstanding achievements in their own fields.

One finds that Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Fakhruddin Ah Ahmed and Giani Zail Singh were politicians in their own right whereas Dr. Radha Krishnan and Dr. Zakir Hussain were educationists of international repute. V.V. Giri was nation’s top trade union leader.

Therefore, all these leaders could give mature advice to their Prime Ministers and that was very much heeded as well by them Dr. Rajendra Prasad advised Prime Minister Nehru to go slow with Hindu Code Bill and land reform schemes but wanted him to promptly act on the suggestion of Deshmukh for setting up a tribunal to investigate the charges of corruption against Ministers and top level officials in the government.

Dr. Radha Krishnan gave out his feelings about corruption in administration and V.V. Giri showed concern about mishandling by police of railway men strike.

Each Minister can see the President individually and discuss with him the affairs of his department but this he can do so only with the permission of the Prime Minister. It is, however, the duty and responsibility of the Prime Minister to advice the President and that alone will be taken cognisance by the President about what had happened in cabinet meetings.

President can, of course, send any matter for the reconsideration of the cabinet but how the President will act in a given situation will very much depend on the equation which the defecto and de jure heads have developed with each-other.

It also depends on the personality of incumbents of two offices as well. Pandit Nehru and President Rajindra Prasad had together struggled for India’s freedom and thus, had good personal equation. Moreover President Prasad realised that he was constitutional head of the state whereas Nehru with a towering personality represented will and wishes of the people.

Though Nehru felt about President Prasad as religious revivalist or conservative feudal agrarian and differences were there about the use of Hindi in offices, Hindu Code Bill or co-operative farming.

The President did not like Nehru’s China policy when Tibet was silently given to that country. Similarly he showed his resentment and expressed his strong feelings because of his not being taken into confidence by Prime Minister on the controversial resignation of Gen. Thimayya, yet in view of their personal equation they never created any difficulties for each other.

Similarly sometimes President did not like Prime Minister’s coming late to him for a meeting even after fixing an appointment but realising his difficulties and engagements he did not make these delays as issue involving dignity and prestige of his office though knowing fully well that Nehru was not in favour his remaining in Rashtrapati Bhawan, both in 1952 and 1957.

Dr. Radha Krishnan, the Philosopher President of India, was a different type of person. Pt. Nehru had gone out of his way to the maximum extent to bring him to the Rashtrapati Bhawan. During his Presidency both Nehru and his daughter Smt. Indira Gandhi were the Prime Minister of the country.

It was hoped that President and Prime Minister Nehru will have very happy and cordial relations and personal equation will be excellent.

But that did not happen because from the very beginning the President wanted to exert himself and within constitutional limits tried to come to the forefront to the furthest limits. The President, much against the wishes and to the annoyance of the Prime Minister, began to openly express his views on political issues, which as nominal head of the state were not his concern.

He was not only dissatisfied with that but began to gather support privately for what he said openly on political issues. It is believed that the President tried to impress upon the Prime Minister that Shaikh Abdullah was undependable person, which of course was none of his business.

He was also much critical of Nehru foreign policy and became vehement after India’s debacle in war against Chin: Under the circumstances equation between the two could not be expected to grow.

The deferences between the President and the Prime Minister so much widened that at one point of time, the President wanted the Prime Minister to quit Major C.L. Datta in his ‘With Two Presidents’ opines that Kamraj Plan – the exist of Nehru from the government.

It was thoroughly discussed at Hyderabad till late hours in the night between the President and Congress President K. Kamraj before it was put in the Congress Working Comminee.

When the proposal was being discussed in the committee, the President very anxiously waiting in the Rashtrapati Bhawan about the new s that the resolution about the exit of Nehru from the government under the Plan had been passed and that he had agreed to that.

It is believed that President’s anxiety was so much that he even could not sit comfortably either in his library or in his drawing room But the things did not move in the way the President liked these to go.

Nehru had sensed the secret aim of the plan and from the very beginning he twisted the whole plan in a manner that at the end he not only saved his own position and authority but could manage to get the resignation of his whole cabinet and ultimately relieved K.L. Shrimali, Lai Bahadur Shastri and B. Gopal Reddy from cabinet responsibilities, though all the three were President’s favourites.

The President also could not develop the desired personal equation with Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi. That also again perhaps was because the President himself wanted to have some personal image in the public.

On the Republic Day in January, 1967 not acting merely as nominal head of the state, but as active politician as if, the President in his message on the occasion vehemently criticised the government for its incompetence and mismanagement. In this way the relations between the two got marred and the equation which should have developed did not develop.

10. Essay on the Relations after Fourth General Elections :

But the situation very much changed after the fourth General Elections, when Congress Party did not enjoy that much confidence of the people, as it used to enjoy earlier. There was, therefore, within the party much challenge to the authority of the Prime Minister and she did not wish that there should be even a little criticism from the Rashtrapati Bhawan, that could flare up any controversy and thus weaken her position.

Therefore, the need for the Prime Minister was to have a President who was not ambitious and least anxious to develop his image as a political personality. It was only then at equation between the two could develop.

Prime Minister’s choice fell Vice-President Dr. Zakir Hussain. During his life time for two years he was in Rashtrapati Bhawan, practically nothing happened- which; personal equation between the President and the Prime Minister.

But problem again arose after his sudden death. This time some of her own party men were keen that there should be a Rashtrapati who could circumvent the authority of the Prime Minister.

It is believed that these leaders wanted to act as a balancing wheel between the President and the Prime Minister, in the name of adjustment and compromise, so that Prime Minister’s authority some-what weakened and could be taken away in the guise of understanding.

The party bosses sponsored N. Sanjiva Reddy for the Presidency, but Prime Minister could get V.V. Giri elected to the high office. He was obviously obliged to her. During his stay as President Giri maintained personal equation with Prime Minister, except of course on one occasion when he openly declared that he did not like government’s way of handling railway men’s strike.

Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed was again the choice of the Prime Minister and during his stay in Rashtrapati Bhawan, he did not annoy the Prime Minister in any manner. He pulled on well and that too without any apparent reservations on many occasions during those difficult days of national emergency.

He never openly criticised the government for any action, which she would not have liked and thus, personal equation between the two was quite good and cordial.

B.D. Jatti, the acting President in 1977 when Janata Party came to power, was not the choice of Prime Minister Desai and as such cordiality which comes by way of choice of a candidate for Presidency and steering that through, obviously was missing. It appears that he was favourably inclined to Congress though he did not openly express himself in this regard.

It is said he met the Chief Justice of India on the issue of dissolution of state Assemblies, though subsequently it was denied and said that the Acting President had gone to Chief Justice’s residence to invite the latter for a marriage party.

The cordiality was further marred when the Acting President delayed the signing of Proclamation dissolving state Assemblies, though earlier the Supreme Court had declared such a dissolution valid. But the situation did not worsen because the Acting President was replaced by the duly elected President N. Sanjiva Reddy.

He too maintained cordial relations with Prime Minister, Moraiji Desai. These relations were marred to a great extent when late in 1979, he did not invite Janata Party nominee Jagjiwan Ram for forming government at the centre. Party criticism of President’s action was so vehement that party President Chander Shekhar publically announced that in case his party was returned to power the President would be impeached.

Next to occupy Rashtrapati Bhawan was Giani Zail Singh. He was the choice of Smt. Indira Gandhi with whom see had very cordial relations. After her death, Rajiv Gandhi became Prime Minister. It was during the last few months of Giani Zail Singh’s term as President that he openly came out to say that he was not being kept informed by the Prime Minister about state matters.

He also said that several reports submitted by Commissions of Enquiries set up by the government were not shown to him. Several opposition leaders began to contact him and it was in the air that he might contest as an opposition supported independent candidate in the next Presidential election, against official Congress candidate.

It was also in the air that he was going to dismiss Rajiv Government. Thus, the relations between the two were not at all cordial.

In 1987, when Presidential election fell due Congress (I) decided to field R. Venkatraman as its candidate, who defeated opposition supported candidate Justice V. R. K. Iyer and independent candidate M. Sinha. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, had very happy relations with the President.

He also pulled well on with National Front Prime Minister V.P. Singh. He and his successor Dr. Shankar Dayal Sharma pulled on nicely with Prime Minister Narsimaha Rao.

11. Essay on the Prime Minister in International Politics :

Today interests of one country are closely linked and involved with those of every other country. There is no country in the world which can even afford to annoy the smallest and tiny country in the world, because the world has become short and inter-dependence of state has very much increased.

It is, therefore, the duty and responsibility of the Prime Minister to see that the country maintains very good and cordial relations with all the countries of the world. Since independence India has decided to follow policy of non-alignment based on the principle that India has all friends and no foes.

Of course, the very policy itself was criticised and some leaders at the very early stages wanted India to join power blocs, but this was not preferred over non-alignment Subsequently non-alignment attracted the imagination of many other nations and India’s Panchsheel became appealing for the world. India’s decision to remain in the Commonwealth was the master mind of Nehru.

All the Prime Ministers in India have all along tried to maintain cordial relations with world nations. Prime Minister Nehru very widely travelled all over the world and during his period of Prime Ministership there was perhaps no important world leader, who did not visit India. Since Nehru had great interest in external affairs, therefore, he remained his own Foreign Affairs Minister.

During his meetings with foreign dignitaries, whether he himself went abroad or some one visited India, he explained India’s position on every world issues. Not only this, but he also used international forums to explain India’s stand on every issue which faced the world.

He so much expressed himself that at times the critics went to the extent of saying that India was unnecessarily speaking. But he created an image for India in the international world. He ensured that India’s policy of non-alignment really continued. He did not hesitate to criticise the formation of SEATO and Bagdad Pact and also the interference of USSR in the affairs of Hungary.

After his death maximum stress is being laid on maintaining healthy relations with the world. Both Prime Minister Morarji Desai and Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi as well as Rajiv Gandhi and P.V. Narsimha Rao travelled in many parts of the world to explain to world leaders India’s stand on major international problems.

Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi also visited many parts of the world to explain to the peoples of the globe basic principles of India’s foreign policy. India continues to remain a member of non-aligned world and has helped in making it a movement.

Not only this but the country has taken a leading part in setting up African Fund. India also continues to follow policy of Panchsheel on the one hand and that of non-alignment on the other.

12. Essay on the Prime Minister and Parliament :

Prime Minister being the leader of the House and that of the majority party very greatly influences the working of the Parliament. No official business can come before the House without his explicit approval. All resolutions and bills can be moved only with his approval.

It is the responsibility of the Prime Minister to make all policy statements on the floor of the House and in case any other cabinet Minister makes such statement it is implied that that has his approval.

On 28th October, 1974, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi desired that in order to avoid unnecessary troubles in the House it would be better, if all controversial statements to be made on the floor of the House are sent to her first, so that these can be gone through, before these are actually made on the floor of the House.

As a leader of the House it is also his responsibility to see that failings and falterings of Minister are not surfaced in the House and the cabinet appears as a body before the Parliament. Therefore, several times Prime Minister is required to intervene in the debates, when it is found that Minister concerned is not in a position to convince the House or is going off the point with the danger that he may land himself in an awkward position, out of which it may become difficult to retreat. Many a time such interventions satisfy the agitated members, who otherwise would not have left the Minister alone.

Of course, it is the responsibility of the Speaker to see that the House conducts its business in an orderly manner. He is to see that decorum in the House is maintained. But Prime Minister has the backing of majority of the members in the House. He is supposed to control his party members and see that the chair is fully respected.

The precedent set by him is followed by the others as well. Prime Minister Nehru never used to enter or leave the House without bowing before the chair and his example was followed by his party, colleagues as well. It is the responsibility of the Prime Minister and of his cabinet colleagues to see that all privilege motions are moved and successfully carried through, against unruly members of the house.

As Prime Minister of the country he is to ensure that all important matters should have unanimous approval of the House. Lal Bahadur Shastri started the practice of consulting the leaders of the opposition parties on all important matters, such as problems concerning national defence, inflation, food shortage, election of the Speaker of the Lok Sabha, flood and famine havocs and so on.

This practice was continued by his successors in office. Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi consulted the opposition on finding a solution of Assam problem over the issue of foreign resident issue and problems created by the agitation started by All Assam Student Union and Assam Sangram Parishad.

Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and his successor P.V. Narsimha Rao consulted several times opposition parties for finding a solution to the problem of terrorism in Punjab.

Whenever opposition is not consulted on any important matter of national importance that is made an issue in the Parliament.

It may, however, be pointed out that it is not obligatory on the part of the Prime Minister to consult the opposition but a matter of convenience. Such a consultation is only an indication of respect for opposition parties and an effort in possibly finding out an agreed solution to the problem under consideration.

The Prime Minister defends every action of his cabinet colleagues on the floor of the House and does not provide an opportunity to the Parliament to attack a Minister as defenceless individual. Nehru all along defended Krishna Menon and T.T. Krishnamachari, in spite of the whole nation being against them on defence preparedness of India against China and latter’s role in Mundra Deal.

Similarly in our recent time Prime Minister Narsimha Rao ensured that his Finance Minister was fully defended from opposition attack being made in the wake of security scam and Food Minister in the case of sugar deal.

India is a federal polity with over centralised centre. The states quite often have disputes and thus inter-state disputes, can create many problems for the country as a whole. When there is monolithic political system, the problems are different, as compared with a situation in which one political party is in power at the centre, whereas the same party is not in position in the state(s).

For the sake of promoting unity, the Prime Minister uses Parliament as a forum to inspire the confidence of the states.

For example, Prime Ministers have, time and again, repeated in the Lok Sabha that Hindi will not be imposed on the non-Hindi speaking states. Similarly it has been repeatedly declared that central government will not have any discriminatory treatment with any state where there is non-Congress government. Similar assurances were also given by Janata Government to non-Janata ruled states.

It has also been said on the floor of the House by the Prime Ministers that the government will do everything within its limits to develop hill states and end regional imbalances. When there are fires, floods and famines the Prime Ministers have been assuring Parliament that the centre will do everything possible to provide relief to the people of these states.

Thus, Prime Minister uses this important forum in forging national unity and integration

13. Essay on the Prime Minister as Leader of Lok Sabha :

Then comes the role of the Prime Minister as leader of the Lok Sabha. In case a situation ever arises in which he does not belong to that House, he appoints one of his senior cabinet colleague who belongs to that House, as the leader of the House. So far in India all the Prime Ministers, except when Mrs. Gandhi was first elected as Prime Minister belonged to the Lok Sabha.

In case he is required to remain away from the country for a long time, the Speaker is informed, through the Minister of Parliamentary Affairs as to who shall be the leader of the House during his absence. Since the Prime Minister is leader of the both the Congress Parliamentary Party, as well as that of the House, therefore, his significance and importance has very much increased.

As a leader of the House Prime Minister has very many duties to perform. His important duty is to see that he should give an image that he is not the leader of the party alone but that of the whole House, including all opposition parties and independent members. Thus, he should try to adjust and accommodate the view point of the opposition and others to the extent possible.

He is to decide when the House should be summoned and prorogued. He is again responsible for deciding what business will be transacted during the course of the session and what time shall be allocated to each item on the agenda paper.

He daily and weekly reviews how far the work has been going on smoothly and to which extent it needs adjustment. He also fixes priorities for the business so that all important items are first disposed of. All official business must come before the House with his approval. He is also to decide which non-official measure should or should not have government’s support.

Then comes the question of issuing whips. Each party issues whips on such important matters on which it feels that its members should be present. Those who remain absent, after the issue of whips, are called upon the explain. Prime Minister is to decide when to issue a whip, though that is officially issued by the Whip of the party.

He also decides whether a particular session of the House should or should not be held in camera and when the House decides to meet in camera all the visitors galleries are closed and no strangers are allowed to enter the House. Similarly the Prime Minister decides about secret cabinet meetings and items on agenda to be discussed in such meetings.

In this way the Prime Minister is supposed to assist the Speaker in maintaining decorum in the House. It is expected of him to win the co-operation of the opposition parties and groups by appreciating their view point and consulting their leaders them from time to time.

It is his duty to declare policies of the government on the floor of the House. In this connection it may be pointed out that by courtesy it is expected of him that all policy statements should be made first on the floor of the House before these are made anywhere else.

As a leader of the House and that of his party he watches the performance of each member. That helps him in selecting colleagues for the Council of Ministers.

There is always heavy business before the House and many a time it is difficult for the Parliament to complete that. Of course, every effort is made to see that items treated as priority are disposed of first. But some items even then remain un-dispose of. There is, therefore, no other alternative but to issue ordinances.

Prime Minister decides on which items of legislation should an ordinance be got issued. As already pointed out that under Art 12 of the constitution the President has power to promulgate an ordinance when the Parliament is not in session but he is to act on the advice of the Prime Minister in this regard.

These ordinances have the same force of law as an Act passed by Parliament and are usually condemned by the opposition, though every time the government justifies its issuance. This becomes important when viewed from the fact that quite a good number of ordinances are promulgated by the President each year.

Since Independence about 500 ordinances have been promulgated by the presidents from time to time because of one reason or the other.

Each ordinance having the force of law assumes great significance and as such the opposition charges the government of denying the parliament opportunity of free discussion not only to them but also to the ruling party members who are forced to have a close mind, because they cannot discredit their government by disapproving an ordinance already promulgated without consulting them. 

Prime Minister is required to satisfy the Parliament about their need and necessity.

14. Essay on the Prime Minister and Dissolution of House :

Normal life of Lok Sabha in India is five years and it is hoped that each. House will work for that period, because elections in India are both costly as well as time consuming. In a vast country like India it is not possible to hold frequent elections.

It was, however, in 1970 that for the first time the Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi advised the President to dissolve the Lok Sabha when it had not as yet completed a full term of 5 years.

At that time though Prime Minister’s party was in majority, yet she felt that she should not rule the country with a thin majority. She expected that after the elections she would have massive mandate of the people. Again dissolution of the House came in 1977.

During emergency Forty-Second Constitution Amendment Act was passed and with that normal life of the Lok Sabha was increased to 6 years. But in 1977 when Lok Sabha was dissolved, it had not completed its 6 year term though it had lived a full life of 5 years.

But an interesting dissolution of the Lok Sabha came in 1979. On both the earlier occasions when the Lok Sabha was dissolved President acted on the advice of the Prune Minister, who enjoyed the confidence of the House.

But in 1979, Moraiji desai who was then the Prime Minister of the country, lost majority in the Lok Sabha due to defections in the party. He tendered his resignation without providing the House an opportunity to pass vote of no- confidence against his government. He, however, did not advice the President to dissolve the House.

He was succeeded Charan Singh as Prime Minister. At that time the Lok Sabha was not in session. But when session was called, Congress (I) which earlier extended its support to the government, decided to withdraw that. Thus, the government was reduced to minority. The Prime Minister tendered his resignation and did not even attend the Lok Sabha.

But he decided to advice the President to dissolve the House and the President accepted that.

Thus, a controversy arose that since the Prime Minister had lost the confidence of the House, and as such he had no business to advice the head of state to dissolve the House and if the advice had been tendered the President should not have accepted that, because the Prime Minister was a defeated one.

There was thus a demand that healthy tradition should have been developed that only the Prime Minister who commands majority of the Lok Sabha should have a right to recommend the President to dissolve the House.

In 1989, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s government decided to hold Lok Sabha elections in November of that year, though the life of eighth Lok Sabha was to last till January, 1990. But a peculiar situation was created when after the elections the House was not dissolved. As long as the old Lok Sabha was not dissolved, new one could not be brought into existence, though the elections had been held and results declared.

Since the ruling Congress (I) had been defeated at the polls there were rumours that some problems might be created by the defeated party in the formation of Ninth Lok Sabha. The situation, however, did not arise because in November 1989 itself Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi advised the President the dissolve eighth Lok Sabha.

On the basis of ninth Lok Sabha elections National Front Government headed by V.P. Singh came to power at the centre but after about a year the Prime Minister because of cracks in governments advised the President to dissolve the Lok Sabha, thus, this proved so far to be the House of shortest duration.

Dissolution of the Lok Sabha as said earlier is a threat to many members who are indisciplined to remain disciplined because pushing the Prime Minister to the extreme comer may result in dissolution of the House. After next election they may not be in the House again and thus their political career may receive a set back.

Similarly after the next election even if the same party may return to power the new Prime Minister may not induct many outgoing Ministers in his new cabinet.

Loss of life long pension is another adverse effect on the members. Many of them do not wish to lose this lifelong benefit. Therefore, most of the ruling party members wish to keep the Prime Minister in good humour. They criticise his policies but not to the extent that he may feel irritated to the extent of taking the extreme step of dissolving the Lok Sabha.

15. Essay on the Prime Minister and Power of Patronage :

Prime Minister enjoys a great power of patronage. Once elected as leader of the majority party it falls on him to induct any person in the cabinet. In India there are no educational or other qualifications for holding a ministerial post, except that the person concerned should be eligible to become a member of the Lok Sabha.

As soon as a person is inducted in the cabinet he becomes a person of national and even international fame. One who was not known to the country as a whole, becomes a policy maker of the nation. T.N. Singh, D.P. Dhar, T.A. Pai and host of others before they joined the cabinet, many in the country did not know them. Similarly when a person is relieved of cabinet responsibility the people gradually begin to forget him.

The glamour got attached to their name gradually begins to vanish. Who, for example, bothers to know where one time country’s Home Minister G.L.Nanda today is. For that matter who today bothers to know where Sachin Chaudhry and host of others who were once luminaries of the cabinet and it was felt that without their wise guidance the country would receive a serious setback at present are.

In India several times the Prime Ministers have also combined the office of the party president as well. Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru was also for some time the President of Indian National Congress. Smt. Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi combined the office of the Prime Minister with that of the president of her party.

Prime Minister Narsimha Rao is also Congress (I) President. As party president the Prime Minister selects candidates who are to be given party tickets for contesting elections. Political career of those who are not given party tickets is killed even at that stage.

Since in India there is a practice that all lists sent by district or state party committees are to be scrutinised by the Central Parliamentary Board which includes Prime Minister’s men, therefore, patronage of the Prime Minister extends at this level as well.

Prime Minister takes initiative in the appointment of ambassadors and High Commissioners, who are to be sent abroad to represent the country. Similarly initiative lies with him for picking up persons as Governors, who will represent the centre in the states and through whom former exercises his control over the states. Of course, these appointments are approved by the cabinet.

There is no senior appointment in the government which can be made without cabinet approval—cabinet which is headed by the Prime Minister. Prime Minister approves the selection of persons for all such important posts e.g., the Chairmanship of UPSC, Chief Justice and Judges of the Supreme Court; Chairman and Members of the Minority Commission and such Commissions as Finance Commission, Languages Commission, Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, etc., before these are placed before the cabinet or are made public.

It is, of course, seen that these positions are manned by those who can deliver the goods and do not invoke any political controversy, yet, there is, no doubt, that to some extent power of patronage counts in these appointments.

As already said by his power of patronage the Prime Minister can bring any individual on the national scene. But as head of the team he can dismiss any of his cabinet colleague, who does not see eyes to eye with him.

In addition, he can even demand his resignation and if any of the colleague does not oblige him by tendering the resignation, he can suggest the President to take the extreme step of dismissing such a defiant member of the cabinet.

He can also tender his own resignation on political grounds which in effect means the resignation of the whole cabinet. Once the same has been accepted by the President, he being the leader of the majority party, will again be invited to form the government in which he may include all his previous cabinet colleagues, except the one to whom he wanted to drop.

In the ‘Constituent Assembly Dr. Ambedkar said about cabinets collective responsibility and Prime Minister’s role that, No person shall be retained as a member of the cabinet, if the Prime Minister says he shall be dismissed.

It is only when the members of the cabinet, both in the matters of their appointment as well as in the matter of their dismissal, are placed under Prime Minister that it would be possible to realise our ideal of collective responsibility.’

16. Essay on the Position of the Prime Minister :

Since independence India till 1995 India had nine Prime Ministers, namely, Jawaharlal Nehru, Lal Bahadur Shastri, Smt. Indira Gandhi, Morarji Desai, Chander Shekhar, Charan Singh, Rajiv Gandhi. V.P. Singh and P.V Narsimha Rao in addition to G.L. Nanda who officiated for some time as Prime Minister.

Under the British parliamentary democracy Prime Minister is first among the equals. But in India since the very beginning a question has been engaging the attention of senior politicians whether Prime Minister is the first among the equals or moon among the stars or sun round which whole planet revolves.

Prime Minister Nehru always asserted that Prime Minister has supreme position, as compared with other cabinet colleagues. He said, “To say that Prime Minister is linchpin of government, to say that Prime Minister cannot make a statement is a monstrous statement in itself.”

Once when his Deputy Prime Minister Sardar Patel wrote him that, “The Prime Minister’s position, according to my conception, is certainly pre-eminent, he is first among the equals. But he has no over-riding powers over his colleagues, if he had any, cabinet and cabinet responsibility would be superfluous.”

Nehru did not agree with his view point. He very forcefully asserted that Prime Minister must have the power of giving directions and also judge what was proper and improper in a given situation. He very forcefully protected and defended the rights of the office of the Prime Minister. He went to the extent of threatening to resign, if the freedom of the Prime Minister was to be restricted in any manner.

In his reply to Sardar Patel he said, “I am myself very much unhappy on the trend of events and the difficulties that have risen between you and me. It seems that our approaches are different, however, much we may respect each other and the issues that have arisen have to be considered very carefully and objectively by all of us. If I am, to continue as Prime Minister I cannot have my freedom restricted and I must have a certain liberty to direction. Otherwise, it is better for me to retire.”

Of course, differences between the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister were settled with the intervention of Mahatma Gandhi and Lord Mountbatten and both of them pulled on well; but Nehru never stepped down from the stand that office of the Prime Minister had great responsibilities and Prime Minister was not merely first among the equals.

Of course, he accommodated the wishes of his cabinet colleagues to the extent, possible on the one hand and that of the President on the other, yet he never compromised with the idea that inclusion and expulsion of a Minister in the cabinet was exclusively not prerogative of the Prime Minister and in that his freedom could not be restricted by any extraneous authority.

Credit goes to him for establishing healthy traditions round this great office and maintaining all along that the Prime Minister is the leader of the House, leader of the Parliament, and occupies a unique position in the party and is the coordinator of the government’s policies and party programmes and as such in no way his position can be under-estimated.

Then came his successor, Lal Bahadur Shastri, a person with weak physique but strong determination. It was felt by many that under him prestige and position of the office of the Prime Minister may come down. He had neither that towering personality which Nehru had, as first ranker freedom fighter, nor that much of control over the party which his glorious predecessor had.

But soon all these doubts and suspicions were belied.

He exercised his full right and constituted his cabinet with full freedom, without caring for the party bosses, who wanted to dominate him indirectly and restrict his choices in many ways. He fully well justified his selection as a leader of the Congress parliamentary party during Indo-Pakistan war. He certainly would have elevated the office of the Prime Minister had death not taken him so soon.

But during his life time he always wanted to have full freedom of action though he accommodated the wishes of the President on language issue and about the inclusion of some suggested persons in his cabinet.

He, however, surprised the President by ordering his armies to enter Lahore Sector, without Worming him He negotiated with courage, which a Prime Minister should have, at Tashkant He equally did not oblige the President by deferring action against T.T. Krishmachari, for some time.

Office of the Prime Minister received new prestige and position under Smt. Indira Gandhi. She asserted that Prime Minister had a big role to play in taking the nation forward or backward and she should be free to pick up her cabinet colleagues and give them directions on all important matters.

She also asserted that she had a right to guide the cabinet and that there was always great need for close co-ordination between the party and the government.

It has been discussed separately how in the struggle for supremacy between the party and the Prime Minister, she managed to establish her authority.

She was picked up as Prime Minister by party bosses, as a light political weight and it was hoped by party stalwarts, that there will be some sort of compromise between the Prime Minister and the party on the one hand and the President on the other, thereby the power of the Prime Minister will be shared and freedom restricted.

But she proved to be the strongest Prime Minister of India. In her struggle with the party bosses, she came out victorious. Many stalwarts had to leave the party. She could successfully install those in Presidency, who had strong personal equation with her. On account of thumping victory in 1971 general elections her grip both over the party as well as the Lok Sabha became very tight.

Both the country, the party as well as the government began to feel that without her leadership; the country will very much suffer and her reputation at the national and prestige at international level will receive a serious set back. On account of her full control over the situation many critics came out with the argument that Prime Minister was trying to establish her personal rule.

Rumours were also spread that India was abandoning parliamentary form of government and instead establishing presidential type of government in the country. Some of the critics went to suggest that her cabinet colleagues were her delegates rather than supporting stones of the arch which sustains the Prime Minister.

M.C. Chhagla, the eminent jurist and Foreign Affairs Minister under Nehru, expressed his views about the position of cabinet Ministers in her cabinet, by saying that, “The cabinet has become as it were, a registering body which registers and gives formal sanction to the decrees issued by the Prime Minister.”

Then another issue which irritated the critics was that the Prime Minister had her inner cabinet which took all important decisions. Even such far-reaching decisions as the abolition of the privy purses and imposition of emergency were taken by this inner cabinet. The members of this decision-making body were of course her cabinet colleagues.

Then there was a powerful secretariat of the Prime Minister which advised her on all matters.

Dharma Vira one time Governor of Bengal and very senior bureaucrat once said about this secretariat, “The Ministers and the Ministries have to take directions from the Prime Minister and the Prime Ministers secretariat sometimes in very small matters in which in times of her predecessors nobody would have ever thought of taking directions from them.”

Her powers considerably increased during 19 months of emergency when all important decisions were taken by some of her cabinet colleagues, who worked in very close co-operation with her secretariat.

Some of the government decisions taken during emergency were not liked by the people with the result that when elections were held in the country in 1977 her party was ousted out of power. But during her stay as Prime Minister she elevated the office which she occupied and did not allow anyone to interfere in what she felt was right for the Prime Minister to do.

She established beyond doubt that what shall be the Prime Minister of India, will very much depend on the personality of the Prime Minister, and the rapport, which the incumbent and the ruling party had with the masses.

Then came Prime Minister Desai. He had come to hold the position under very peculiar circumstances. His party had five constituents, each having its own leaders. As such it was difficult to think that he would be, a powerful Prime Minister. In fact, his important task was to bring unity and homogeneity in his own party and to keep his cabinet as a well-knit and united body.

In addition, he had come to power after the emergency had been lifted and as such both inside and outside the party there was no atmosphere for tolerating personal rule.

The Prime Minister on the other hand, used to say to the people to pull him up if they felt that he was erring in any direction. But he is believed to be last politician of Gandhian era. He was not prepared to do anything which left an impression that he was doing something unconstitutional or illegal. It is said that he wanted to become immortal in history.

What Desai wanted of a Prime Minister, really could not be (achieved. It was primarily because there were so frequent in-fights in the party that there was no time for the Prime Minister to attend to the difficult but important task of setting healthy conventions and traditions. Ultimately these in-fights resulted in the collapse of his government, bringing Smt. Indira Gandhi back to power, with still more thumping majority.

After the fall of Morarji Desai, for a short while Charan Singh became Prime Minister. He too had to spend his time in keeping his position strong and ensuring so that he continued to enjoy majority support in the Lok Sabha. Obviously in such a situation he could not emerge as a powerful Prime Minister.

After the passing away of Smt. Indira Gandhi her son Rajiv Gandhi occupied the chair of Prime Minister of India. He was reluctant to join politics. He had not been trained as politician. It was hoped that he would not be a successful Prime Minister.

But after crossing initial hurdles, he established himself as a successful Prime Minister. He established full control both over the party MPs and as a President of ruling Congress (I) over party units.

In 1989, general elections for the Lok Sabha were held and as a result of which ruling Congress (I) party lost its majority. V.P. Singh became next Prime Minister of India. He was in office for about a year and throughout this period he was busy in dealing with agitations and demonstrations.

He had to quit his office suddenly and as it is difficult to say what type of Prime Minister he would have proved had he remained in office for a full term of five years.

To succeed him as Prime Minister was P.V. Narsimha Rao. When he was elected as Prime Minister he had not the glamour and family background of Nehrus. He also did not have much hold on the party. He was elected as leader of Congress parliamentary party because at that time the Congress had no other top ranker national leader.

His party in the Lok Sabha also did not enjoy absolute majority. At that many political pandits in India held the view that his government was not likely to complete full term of five years and that he will not be a very successful Prime Minister. There were some initial difficulties for him as well.

Many senior Congress people looked towards Mrs. Sonia Gandhi for guidance in preference to Prime Minister. There were few in the cabinet who considered that they were better in all respects to the Prime Minister.

But as the time passed he consolidated his position. Both as Prime Minister as well as party President he established himself firmly. He changed his parliamentary party from a minority to a majority party. He introduced economic liberalisation policy, which many even in the party felt was against Nehru’s economic policies, to which congress was committed.

He tactfully dealt with his critics both inside and outside the party by keeping political silence. He did not waste his energies by involving himself in controversies even with his cabinet colleagues. Though not in a very strong position, yet he established that Prime Minister has supreme position and he has right to give direction and provide leadership.

Of course, nine Prime Minister which India had till 1995, each one had his own character and qualities. But it has rightly been said that what the Prime Minister will be, very much depends on his personality. About Nehru, K.R. Srinivasa Iyengar once said, “Prime Minister when he enters an assembly, be it a select committee or a mass rally, the effect is invariably the same. All eyes converge towards him, all hands clap in eager affectionate, welcome as if to a preordained tune and a hushed expectancy watches his intrepid movements and everyone strains to catch his words and whispers. The men are a little out of breath, the women are almost overwhelmed.”

Such being the personality of the Prime Minister Nehru and he commanded so much respect that it needed courage to even question his decisions. His era was known in the history of India as Nehni era. Shastri became a hero Prime Minister after Indo-Pakistan War and the slogan of this short structured Prime Minister, who became the embodiment of courage, Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan’ was on the lips of every Indian.

As Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi glorified that great office and she became undisputed leader of India. Opposition which combined together and challenged her authority, being a house badly divided in itself miserably failed for long to check his authority. Both Rajiv Gandhi and P.V. Narsimha Rao, as Prime Ministers fully well controlled the party and the government.

The position of Prime Minister in India is that of undisputed supremacy and his leadership and authority is accepted and recognised both inside and outside the Parliament.

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Millions vote in India’s grueling elections with Prime Minister Modi’s party likely to win third term

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Millions of Indians voted Saturday in the next-to-last round of grueling national elections with a combined opposition trying to rattle Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s campaign for a third consecutive term for himself and his Hindu nationalist party .

Many people lined up at polling stations before the start of voting at 7 a.m. to avoid the blazing sun. The temperature soared to 109 degrees in the afternoon in the Indian capital.

“This [election] is also like a festival, so I don’t have a problem voting in the heat,” said Lakshmi Bansal, a homemaker.

Saturday’s voting in 58 constituencies, including seven in New Delhi, will complete polling for 89.5% of 543 seats in the lower house of Parliament. The remaining 57 seats will be decided June 1, wrapping up a six-week election. Votes will be counted June 4.

President Droupadi Murmu and External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar were among the early voters. Opposition Congress Party leaders, Sonia Gandhi and her son Rahul Gandhi, also voted in New Delhi.

FILE- Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has sandalwood paste and vermilion applied on his forehead during the inauguration of Kashi Vishwanath Dham Corridor, a promenade that connects the Ganges River with the centuries-old temple dedicated to Hindu god Shiva in Varanasi, India, Dec. 13, 2021. Hindu nationalism, once a fringe ideology in India, is now mainstream. Nobody has done more to advance this cause than Modi, one of India’s most beloved and polarizing political leaders. (AP Photo/Rajesh Kumar Singh, File)

World & Nation

Once a fringe Indian ideology, Hindu nationalism is now mainstream

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, one of India’s most beloved and polarizing political leaders, has advanced the cause of Hindu nationalism.

April 18, 2024

Protests and violence marred voting in the elections that are considered some of the most consequential in India’s history and will test Modi’s political dominance. If Modi wins, he’ll be only the second Indian leader to retain power for a third term, after Jawaharlal Nehru, the country’s first prime minister.

Most polls predict a win for Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP, which is up against an opposition alliance led by the Congress and regional parties. But a less-than-expected turnout in the previous five rounds of voting has left doubts about the BJP’s projected margin of victory.

“When the polls began it felt like a one-horse race, with Modi leading from the front. But now we are seeing some kind of shift,” political analyst Rasheed Kidwai said.

“The opposition is doing better than expected and it appears that Modi’s party is rattled. That’s the reason you see Modi ramping up anti-Muslim rhetoric to polarize voters,” Kidwai said.

On Saturday, Mehbooba Mufti, a former top elected official of Indian-controlled Kashmir, held a protest alleging that scores of her party workers were detained by police to prevent them from voting. Mufti, the chief of the People’s Democratic Party who is contesting the parliamentary election in the Anantnag-Rajouri district, said she complained to election officials.

In West Bengal state, workers belonging to the All India Trinamool Congress Party blocked the car of a BJP candidate as she went to vote. Activists of the rival parties often clash on the streets.

FILE- Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi listens to Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) President JP Nadda speak during an event organized to release their party's manifesto for the upcoming national parliamentary elections in New Delhi, India, April 14, 2024. India's main opposition party is accusing Modi of hate speech after he called Muslims “infiltrators" and used some of his most incendiary rhetoric to date about the minority faith.(AP Photo/Manish Swarup, File)

India’s prime minister accused of using hate speech after calling Muslims ‘infiltrators’

India’s main opposition party has accused Prime Minister Narendra Modi of using hate speech at an election rally against Muslims.

April 23, 2024

Mamata Banerjee, Trinamool party leader and the state’s top elected official, accused Modi’s party of an attack that left one activist dead on Friday. Several houses and shops were burned in the Purba Medinipur district, the Press Trust of India news agency quoted Banerjee as saying.

Suvendu Adhikari, a BJP leader in the state, accused Trinamool members of attacking and killing an activist on Thursday, an accusation rejected by his rivals, the news agency reported.

Kidwai, the analyst, said the opposition challenged Modi by centering its campaign on social justice and rising unemployment.

Modi ran his campaign like a presidential race, a referendum on his 10 years of rule. He said he helped the poorest with charity and free healthcare, providing toilets in their homes and helping women get free or cheap cooking gas cylinders.

But he changed tack after a low turnout in the first round of the election and began stirring Hindu nationalism by accusing the Congress party of pandering to minority Muslims for votes. The opposition accused Modi of using hate speech after he called Muslims “infiltrators” — some of his most incendiary rhetoric about the minority faith — last month.

Hindus account for 80%, and Muslims nearly 14%, of India’s over 1.4 billion people.

Manish Bhatia, a New Delhi voter, said that “politics on the basis of caste and religion is dangerous for the country,” adding that voting should be based on how candidates perform.

Nearly 970 million voters — more than 10% of the world’s population — were eligible to elect 543 members to the lower house of Parliament for five years.

Voters’ relative apathy has surprised some analysts. In the five rounds of polling, turnout averaged 65.9%. By comparison, India’s 2019 national election registered the highest-ever turnout — 67.11%. Modi’s BJP won 303 seats in Parliament that year.

Modi’s inauguration of a massive Hindu temple for the god Rama, his massive roadshows and big public rallies raised the BJP’s hopes of a massive surge in voters’ support.

The prime minister came to power in 2014, dislodging the Congress party that governed the country for nearly 55 years after India won independence from British colonialists in 1947.

Before the election, the opposition INDIA alliance was seen bickering, but it has since held together, particularly after two chief ministers of two opposition-controlled states were sent to jail on corruption charges. Both deny the accusations.

One of them — New Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal — has since been released on bail and returned to the campaign trail.

In March, Rahul Gandhi completed a 4,171-mile walk across the country, starting in the violence-hit northeastern state of Manipur, to raise awareness among voters about poverty, unemployment and democracy.

“The walk helped Gandhi boost his image as a serious politician among the voters,” Kidwai said, “and that is helping the opposition.”

Sharma writes for the Associated Press. AP journalists Sheikh Saaliq, Shonal Ganguly and Piyush Nagpal contributed to this report.

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