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Transformation of the indian armed forces: future challenges.

Early in his second term, Prime Minister Narendra Modi embarked on an ambitious vision for defense reforms. By creating the post of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), whose first incumbent was the late General Bipin Rawat, the government is currently undertaking arguably the greatest post-independence transformation of the Indian military. Central to this initiative is the debate surrounding integration of the armed forces. Integration refers to the process by which the army, air force, and the navy discard their single service approach and embrace a joint vision. Such integration has occurred in most large militaries, such as the United States and China. A process as complex as this is bound to have its share of challenges. However, perhaps the most critical one relates to the challenge of India transitioning from a single service approach to a joint entity.

Modi’s decision to create a CDS has created significant change and generated debates within the Indian military. One of the more consequential debates pertains to the precise role of the CDS. In a December 2019 note, the government clearly indicated that the CDS will not exercise military command “so as to provide impartial advice to the political leadership.” This implied that the CDS would not be a part of the command chain. This chain, in any military hierarchy, flows from a battalion or its equivalent in the army, a squadron in the air force, or a ship in the navy, to the top echelon of the organization. In India, this culminates at the level of the chiefs of the three services. However, with the creation of integrated headquarters (which have representatives from all three services), as has been envisaged and announced, no single chief will be in a position to exercise command over them. And the CDS who represents all three services will not exercise military command over them. Within this organizational arrangement, how will military commanders interact with political decision makers?

The Indian military has been a relative latecomer to creating integrated military structures. There have been misgivings regarding entrusting command of all three services to a single individual—in this case, the CDS. Over the decades, this played a major part in not going in for the appointment despite repeated recommendations in its favor. By appointing the CDS, this government successfully overcame these objections. However, the operational role of a CDS remains unclear, with two major options available to the government to ensure clarity in this regard.

The first option is for the CDS to remain in an advisory role without being a part of the chain of command. In this case, the highest joint structure that gets created (the proposed joint theatre command) will report to the defense minister. This is, in some ways, how the political leadership in the United States interacts with the military, wherein the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (the CDS counterpart), only has a coordinating and advisory role.

The second option is to bring the CDS and the team of service chiefs within the chain of command to function as a collective command body, with the CDS as its head. This group, called the Chiefs of Staff Committee (COSC) in the Indian context, then becomes an intermediary between civilian leadership and subordinate military commanders. This will ensure the CDS has a clear mandate and is responsible for its execution. However, doing so runs contrary to the guidance issued by the government in December 2019 (which needs rectification). 

A CDS-led empowered COSC would be better suited for India—at least in the immediate future—for two reasons. First, the ongoing process of integration would likely result in a period of dissonance prior to settling down, requiring greater oversight by a professional body than was the case in the past. Eventually, once the newly created integrated structures matured, one could consider granting a coordinating and advisory role to the CDS and COSC. Second, such a step-by-step approach would smoothen the transition, especially during a period when India faces serious challenges along the unresolved borders with Pakistan and China.

If a CDS-led COSC does take on command responsibilities, then it becomes even more important that the distinctiveness the services have maintained and zealously guarded over the years is better integrated. This operates at multiple levels, from the most fundamental at the level of the soldier to the operational domain. Differences among services commence with the educational levels of soldiers, sailors, and airmen being recruited. While soldiers in the army continue to be recruited after clearing Class 10 examination, sailors and airmen need to qualify Class 12, with mathematics and physics as their subjects. Such differences continue within the services as well. For instance, orders on ships are passed in English, including technical terms used to describe various actions. On the other hand, in the army, despite vast linguistic differences, Hindi is more commonly used when communicating with soldiers.

Additionally, over the years, each service has created its human resource parameters to suit their conditions. Air force fighter pilots retire at 54, naval officers at 56, and army officers at 54, with the provision for re-employment thereafter for four years. Naval officers who get promoted to the rank of captain (equivalent to colonel in the army) are automatically eligible for promotion to the next rank as commodores (equivalent to brigadiers in the army). However, this is not followed in the air force and the army. Annual confidential reports of all three services follow a different format and grading parameters. What is considered outstanding in one service may well lead to supersession in another, as the rating is likely to be viewed poorly.

While these and many more aspects can still be overcome through sustained effort, what really sets the services apart is their distinct service culture. While this is understandable and even desirable when related to specific responsibilities, it is most likely to become evident during military operations when cultural differences come to the forefront. A soldier who has operated in the grey zone of counterterrorism thinks and functions very differently from one who has followed the peacetime rule book, wherein, the black and white are clearly delineated. Over time, this becomes a character trait with officers as well, making officers from the three services look at operational, and by extension, routine peacetime situations very differently. This does not imply that structural integration, and more importantly, the meeting of hearts and minds is a lost cause. On the contrary, these challenges suggest that decision makers and especially the services need to take these aspects into account as they press on with the reforms.

With the creation of the CDS, India embarked upon a much-delayed process of integration of the armed forces and the defense establishment. The success of this initiative depends, to a large extent, on clarifying the mandate of the CDS and the ability of the military to set aside its service-specific perspectives and define a singular approach to its professional responsibilities. Politicians need to imagine the appointment of the CDS, and other associated reforms, as the first step toward military transformation, not an end. That, above all else, is perhaps the greatest takeaway from this process.

Colonel Vivek Chadha (Retd) is a Research Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and the author of CDS and Beyond: Integration of the Indian Armed Forces (Knowledge World Publishers, New Delhi, 2021) .

This article is the first in a two-part guest-edited IiT series. The articles in this series seek to make sense of the changing dynamics of India’s security and foreign policies. On August 15, 2019, soon after returning to power, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced his decision to create a Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) with an explicit mandate to carry out much needed defense reforms. This fulfilled a long-pending demand from military reformists and initiated the process for perhaps the most significant post-independence defense reforms. However, despite some progress, as highlighted by author Colonel Vivek Chadha, “the operational role of a CDS remains unclear.” For this initiative to succeed, he contends that “politicians need to imagine the appointment of a CDS, and other associated reforms, as the first step toward military transformation, and not an end.”

(guest editor: anit mukherjee , rsis, nanyang technological university).

India in Transition ( IiT ) is published by the Center for the Advanced Study of India (CASI) of the University of Pennsylvania. All viewpoints, positions, and conclusions expressed in IiT are solely those of the author(s) and not specifically those of CASI.

© 2022 Center for the Advanced Study of India and the Trustees of the University of Pennsylvania. All rights reserved.

Indian Army Has 93 Modernization Projects in Progress: Report

India is rapidly upgrading its defense capabilities with 93 military modernization projects worth $18.4 billion currently in progress, according to a report by The Times of India .

Some of the ongoing projects focus on longer-range weapons, multi-purpose drones, night-fighting capabilities, disruptive technologies, and early warning and detection systems.

As part of the initiative, the Indian military will soon induct high-volume firepower that includes a mix of artillery guns, upgraded Pinaka rocket regiments, longer-range BrahMos supersonic cruise missiles, and loitering munitions.

The country could also have runway-independent unmanned aircraft systems and enhanced surveillance and weapon-locating capabilities once the projects are complete.

The military has already inducted 110 of 145 M-777 ultra-light howitzers ordered from the US, with the rest to be delivered over the next five months.

“The aim was to make up for operational deficiencies, even as the re-balancing of additional forces to the northern borders and infrastructure upgrade was fast-tracked to counter the China threat,” a military source told the Indian English-language news site.

More Military Equipment Coming

India’s increased investment in high-powered weapons and equipment comes amidst a 20-month standoff with China on its border in eastern Ladakh.

The Indian armed forces have received their first batch of 70,000 AK 203 assault rifles from Russia. The service intends to procure 670,000 rifles, with the remaining 600,000 to be manufactured in India under a joint venture .

The Indian government is also expected to order 200 new K-9 Vajra (Thunder) 155-millimeter self-propelled howitzers for $1.5 billion under a joint project with Larsen & Toubro and South Korea’s Hanwha Defence.

In addition to rifles and self-propelled howitzers, the country plans to acquire “future-ready mechanized platforms” with advanced weapons, enhanced night-fighting and cross-country capabilities to survive deserts and mountainous terrain.

Around 1,750 of these futuristic infantry combat vehicles and 1,770 advanced main-battle tanks will be acquired for the armed forces.

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Modernisation of Indian Army: Future Challenges

Curated By : Lt Gen Philip Campose

Edited By: Bijaya Das

Last Updated: February 02, 2017, 19:28 IST

In this file photo, Army officers stand on Indian Army's Pinaka multi-barrel rocket launcher system. (Photo: Reuters)

India has to concurrently build on its military power, in the modern context, to thwart the threats and challenges that it is likely to face in near future from our adversaries.

New Delhi : The Indian Army is the third largest army in the world in terms of size, based on the number of personnel. But this description obfuscates the fact that it is not as powerful as what such a portrayal should signify, in terms of its capacity to undertake military operations optimally in the multi-domain, technology dominated battlefields of the future.

The Indian Army essentially remains a force largely organised, equipped and trained to fight wars of the past. That is not to say that the Army cannot carry out its role and tasks successfully in the current context, more so, if it is provided the requisite means. Nonetheless, it needs no emphasis that the Army needs to modernize expeditiously if it has to be prepared to take on the security challenges of the future.

As India rises in stature economically and technologically towards a more eminent position in the region and the world, it has to concurrently build on its military power, in the modern context, to thwart the threats and challenges that it is likely to face along the way, from our potential adversaries. However, building up military power is not easy, given the budgetary constraints, especially when the country needs to concurrently meet the important requirement of economic development to provide human security and a better quality of life for its people.

The inadequacy of funds is compounded by bureaucratic prevarication and risk averseness, frequent changes in qualitative requirements by the Army and occasional corruption charges which result in blacklisting of vendors in an unplanned manner. Hence, not only is there a need to correctly identify the future orientation and equipment needs of the Army, in its role as the largest and most powerful component of the Indian military, but it is also important to find a way forward to build capacity and speed up the procurement process, while addressing the problems which invariably come in the way.

Future Security Scenarios

India's threats and challenges in the military realm primarily emanate from the historically inherited territorial disputes involving its two nuclear armed neighbours, over which five wars have already been fought. The growing nexus on military and nuclear matters between our potential adversaries suggests that, unlike in the past, India may face a ‘two front threat’, the next time round. The fact that the existing territorial disputes are ‘land-centric’ highlights the pre-dominant role of the Army in the Indian security context.

Further, one of these countries, Pakistan, has been running a sub-conventional campaign against India since the early 1990s which essentially involves stoking militancy in Muslim majority areas of Jammu and Kashmir and pushing terror modules across the border to cause casualties among civilians and security personnel, to keep the Kashmir issue alive.

Nuclear ‘sabre-rattling’ is used in conjunction with the cross-border terror strikes, to prevent India from ‘raising the ante’ and retaliating with a punitive conventional response. The last war fought in this backdrop was the Kargil War in 1999, limited in scope and duration, which was launched by the Indian Army, with support from the Air Force, to evict an ‘hybrid’ intrusion by the Pakistan Army across the Line of Control in the Ladakh sector of J&K.

Changing Nature of Conflicts

In the aftermath of the Afghanistan and Iraq wars of the first decade of this century, the world has witnessed a reduction in full fledged ‘state vs state’ wars. Hybrid wars appear to be the new norm, involving a combination of two or more of the following:

- Conventional / Regular warfare – state vs state wars, primarily waged by conventional forces or regular troops on both/ all sides. In case of India, all such wars will be fought under a nuclear overhang, implying that escalation to the level of nuclear exchanges is possible, and must be planned for.

- Irregular warfare – conflict against a state by employing trained combatants who are not regular military. Pakistan has launched such ‘irregulars’ in all its wars against India.

- Asymmetric warfare – war between sides whose military power differs greatly, waged by the weaker side using non-traditional means like terrorism. Wars waged by insurgents/ terrorists against nation states, its government or people fall in this category, eg, 9/11 attack by al-Qaeda, Afghanistan war by the Taliban, and so on.

- Unconventional warfare- war waged by a country using means other than established forms of armed conflict, to make the adversary capitulate even without a classical war (economic wars, water wars, legal warsetc).

- Technological/ Informational warfare – combination of cyber, space, electronic, propaganda, psychological, media and social media wars.

The Indian Army, as the largest component of the military, should be prepared to deal with asymmetric, informational and/ orconventional threats in the backdrop of nuclear coercion from across our Western border in the short to middle term, and additionally, from the Northern border in the long term. Thus, the Indian Army must aim to achieve cross-spectrum (nuclear, conventional, counter sub-conventional) war fighting capability to achieve a favourable outcome even in a ‘two front war’ scenario, which would concurrently achieve credible or punitive deterrence, as required, against our potential adversaries.

Capability Building in the Indian Army

India is not the member of any traditional military alliance and thus has to maintain an independent military capability in keeping with the critical need to retain its strategic autonomy while protecting itself against possible threats to its unity and integrity. The Indian Armed Forces are structured to deal with the possible threats from potential adversaries as part of its capability to carry out its mandated role and tasks.

The primary role of the Indian Army is to ensure the territorial integrity of the nation by deterrence or by waging war. The secondary role of the Army is to provide assistance to civil authorities, when requisitioned, to respond to heightened law and order situations, for disaster management or for providing essential services.

In keeping with its mandated roles, the Army has to ensure multi-dimensional capability to deal with the external threats from our potential adversaries as also be prepared to assist in dealing with internal security threats of a heightened nature, especially those involving secessionist uprisings against the state.

Accordingly, as most of our current threats pertain to conventional conflict over disputed land borders and sub conventional challenges like insurgencies and cross-border terrorism, the Indian Army has been structured as a ‘two and a half front’ force, whereby, not only has the Army built up conventional capabilities to deal with threats along the Western and Northern Fronts, but it has also the capacity to deal with the lesser ‘sub-conventional front’, by employment of the ‘Rashtriya Rifles’ independently or in combination with regular, paramilitary or police forces.

Capability building of the Army is a continuing process, where budget, especially capital funds, are requested for annually, based on the projected needs for implementing a 15 year long term perspective plan. However, it has been the experience for many years now that adequate capital funds for modernisation are not allotted, and consequently, there are majorshortfalls in acquiring new equipment and other war-fighting capability in a time bound manner.

Modernisation Needs of the Army

The Army of the future will have to be technologically oriented, with many more specialists, as compared to generalists. It will have to be equipped progressively with modern weapons and weapon systems, supported by technology based processes and automation to meet the needs and challenges of the future battlefield.

Accordingly, the Army will need to replace or upgrade its ageing inventory of weapons and equipment while also restructuring and right-sizing in a transformational way. However, considering that the modernisation plans of the Army are lagging far behind already, budgetary constraints will play an important part in formulating and executing plans for the future.

As far as weapons and equipment are concerned, the Army needs the following on priority to replace or rejuvenate vintage equipment as part of the capability development programme:

- Infantry - The infantry, which is continuously being employed in counter-terrorist or counter-insurgency operations, needs to be empowered immediately by provision of new generation lightweight assault rifles, bullet proof jackets and helmets, hand held thermal imagers (HHTIs) as well as a host of other modern weapons like carbines, machine guns, rocket launchers, anti-tank guided missiles (ATGMs), mortars, night vision devices, radio sets and better back packs, to replace the older generation weapons and equipment. Further, the infantry needs to reduce the number of general duty (GD) soldiers, by replacing them with specialists. To that extent, it is worth serious consideration that many more infantry battalions be converted as Special Forces Battalions and further, the fourth company of each infantry battalion needs to be converted as a Special Operations company.

- Artillery–Adequate quantities of new 155 mm artillery guns, including indigenously manufactured Dhanush systems, as well as more lethal, precision artillery systems like BrahMos cruise missiles, Smerch and Pinaka rocket systems, need to be inducted immediately to replace its earlier vintage 105mm and 130 mm guns and vintage rocket systems. Also, the procurement of M-777 light howitzers must be expedited, for early deployment along the mountainous terrain of the northern borders.

- UAVs – More quantities of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) of latest technology must be inducted in adequate numbers for surveillance and precision attack operations in both peace and war.

- Mechanised Forces–Additional quantities of ‘current technology’, T-90 tanks and ICVs,night enabled and equipped with long range ATGMs,need to be inducted on priority. Older generation T-72 tanks and ICVs must be refurbished and technologically upgraded at the earliest. The Future Ready Combat Vehicle (FRCV) and Future Infantry Combat Vehicle (FICV) projects must be pursued with vigour so that the next generation ‘state of art’ replacements of tanks (FRCVs) and ICVs (FICVs) are inducted within the next 10 years or so.

- Army Aviation–Acquisition of three squadrons worth of new generation Apache attack helicopters into the Army Aviation has been reportedly sanctioned, as a follow up of the Air Force order. Further, the Kamov replacement helicopters, indigenous Light Utility Helicopter (LUH) and Light Combat Helicopter (LCH) projects must be pursued vigorously so that they start delivering reliable helicopters to the Army at the earliest.

- Air Defence(AD) –The Army AD is undergoing a total revamp of equipment. The various army air defence weapon acquisition projects for acquisition of all types of surface to air missile systems as well as upgrading old generation systems must be provided fresh impetus so that these materialise at the earliest.

- Engineers - The combat engineers need to be provided new generation of bridging equipment,mine-laying equipment as well as mine clearance equipment. Where possible, old equipment must be upgraded indigenously.

- Night Vision Devices -All arms of the Army have to be night equipped with light weight, long range and easily usable night vision devices.

Challenges in Capability Building

There are huge ongoing challenges in the process of capacity building of the Indian Army. The more important of these are discussed as follows:-

- Currently, military planning is hamstrung by lack of a clearly articulated and integrated military strategy.In such a situation, the three wings of the military are left to devise their own strategies and military philosophies, which could end up being at cross purposes with each other. The reasons that can be ascribed to this state of affairs is the absence of military expertise at the apex level of national security and defence matters, exacerbated by non-institution of the appointment of Chief of Defence Staff to coordinate defence policy and strategy more meaningfully.

- Lack of modernisation. An alarmingly large percentage of equipment is of old vintage, due to many proposals for acquisition and upgradation of new equipment having been inordinately delayed.

- Expanding hollowness in arms and ammunition over the years, due to quality issues related to indigenous production of modern ammunition, compounded by inadequate budgetary support, especially the revenue component.

- Lack of ‘capital budget’ for new procurement schemes, especially ‘big ticket’ items. This is due to the fact that there has been inadequate allocation of defence budget for many years now. Whereas at least 2.5% of the GDP should be allotted for defence expenditure other than pension, in actual fact, only 1.5 to 1.7% is allotted, resulting in reduction of budget allocation in real terms, after taking into account the annual inflation component. The Army’s inter-Service share within the defence budget has taken a dip – from 60% in 1990-91 to about 52% in the current budget. The problem is exacerbated by the burgeoning ‘revenue’ expenditure,especially on pay and allowances, as also the alacrity displayed by the Finance Ministry in withdrawing defence capital funds year on year, apparently for balancing shortfalls and deficits under other heads of budget expenditure, cleverly projecting these as ‘surrenders’. Whereas at least 40 % of the Army’s budget should be spent on Capital procurement, including committed liabilities, this has slipped to a meagre 15 percent in the last two years.

- Over the decades, the Indian Army has continued to expand, in manpower terms, in its quest to build up capability to deal with potential threats and challenges. The problem was compounded by some faulty human resources (HR) policies of the Army in recent years, which had incentivised holding of more manpower by linking it to calculation of senior rank positions in the Army. The total strength of the Army stands at more than 1.3 million, including the new raisings for the northern front. The ‘manpower problem’ has been exacerbated by lack of serious control over the ever expanding size of civilians under the Defence Ministry, who suck up a large percentage of the revenue budget of the Armed Forces, without proportionate returns in ‘capability’ terms. All this has adversely affected the Army’s efforts at optimisation and modernisation in an era of overwhelming budgetary constraints. In fact, matters have reached a serious pass, where, within the next two to three years, there may be no money left in the Army budget for new ‘capital’ purchases, after expending budget under the revenue head, combined with the committed liabilities of the capital budget.

- There is lack of expertise within the Army in the field of weapon designs and technology, resulting in lack of meaningful inputs for the indigenous defence industry. An Army Design Bureau (ADB) has been inaugurated recently to address this shortfall. As of now it is still too early to determine whether the ADB will be able to produce the desired results towards providing guidance to the indigenous defence industry for producing new weapons and equipment for the Army. The Army must continue to study the experiences of the Navy’s Design Bureau to draw lessons for developing the ADB on similar lines, or even better.

- There is lack of sustained effort within the Army to develop expertise on defence procurement and financial issues. The Army remains rooted to the outdated policies of employing ‘generalists’ rather than ‘specialists’ to man the weapon procurement functions at Army Headquarters. Unless serious efforts are made to create a cadre of specialists to man critical functions related to procurement of Army weapons and equipment, starting with the Apex level, the situation is not likely to improve. Formulation of General Staff Qualitative Requirements (GSQR) and conduct of trials are two specific areas of weakness within the Army, which need constant efforts at improvement.

- Inefficiency and apparent lack of accountability of various organs of the Defence Ministry responsible for indigenous design and manufacture of weapons, equipment and ammunition for the Army, namely the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), Ordnance Factory Board (OFB) and Defence Public Sector Units (DPSUs). It is obvious that the vibrant private industry of the country is yet not being provided a ‘level playing field’ to compete fairly with the public sector. Consequently, the indigenous defence industry, mostly based on the public sector, is unable to provide items of desired quality in a timely manner. Most procurement through this route isaffected by huge cost overruns.

As a consequence of the above problems, especially lack of capital budget, the Army’s modernisation plans are running far behind schedule.The only saving grace has been the continued acquisition of the relatively modern and robust T-90 tanks for the Armoured Corps and the continuing production of BMP-II infantry combat vehicles, which are the mainstay of the mechanised infantry, which taken together, continue to provide a combat edge on the Western front.

Concluding Observations and Road Map for the Future

India needs to progressively build capability of hard military power, soft power and demonstrated power in its quest to be recognised as a ‘regional power with global influence’, which can deter threats to its stability and integrity. The Army, as the largest component of the Indian military, has to be prepared to play its mandated role in the interests of defence and security of the country. However, budgetary constraints, combined with the disproportionate stress on ‘sub conventional warfare’ has had adverse effects on building capability for conventional deterrence and war fighting.

Some of the measures that need to be put in place are discussed below.

- The Indian military of the future,backed by nuclear capability, is essentially meant for conventional deterrence and war fighting, to the extent of even taking on the worst case scenario of a ‘two and a half front threat’ concurrently.The Indian Army’s deterrence posture must be based on flexible ‘capability based’ structures to deal with various forms and levels of conflict, overall,a technology pre-dominant capability for prosecuting ‘hybrid’ conventional and informational wars,under the nuclear shadow. We need to prepare for the same in the immediate (3 years), medium (7 years) and long term (15 years) perspective.We must develop appropriate ‘retaliatory’ counter-sub conventional threat capability within existing resources by raising the Special Forces Command.

- The Indian Army needs to undergo transformation and ‘right-sizing’ towards becoming an optimised modern force, with a more efficient ‘teeth to tail’ ratio. Whereas it provides ‘comfort’, from the military commanders’ point of view, to have an independent capability for each front, it would make more pragmatic and economic sense to have only a minimum essential capability on either front, while maintaining a suitably large ‘dual-front capable’ central reserve, possibly under the aegis of a Strategic Reserve Command, to reinforce the front where the actual threat develops. Our logistics need to be integrated and optimised on priority.

- Enhanced jointness with the Air Force and the Navy,appointment of a Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) and formation of ‘theatre commands’, would definitely contribute to optimisation of resources. However, for such a system to succeed, the structure of each ‘theatre command’ and the Service background of the commander must reflect operational necessity and not ‘political’ or ‘mathematical’ correctness. In the latter case, the repercussions would be disastrous.

- The Indian Army must fully operationalise the concept of the Reorganised Army’s Multi-role Quick Reaction Force (RAMFOR), by creating a highly mobile, assault division as a strategic reserve, consisting of modular brigades capable of being transported swiftly by air, land or sea. This must be done within its existing resources.

- The Army must review its ‘big ticket’ needs and prioritise them periodically, as has been done since the last three years and ensure sustained push with the Government and bureaucracy to ensure timely procurement of items listed as ‘most critical’. Modernisation of equipment must involve not only replacement of vintage equipment but also upgradation of selected quantities of old serviceable equipment in a phased manner. Maximum priority must be accorded to acquisition of 155 mm towed artillery guns, air defence weapons for mechanised formations, assault rifles and ATGMs for the infantry, and replacement helicopters for the Army Aviation, as well as for technological upgradation of T-72 tanks and ICVs. Fresh review of quantities of each ‘big ticket’ item must becarried out, keeping in view the enhanced effectiveness of newly procured systems.

- The government must closely monitor capability building of the Services, especially the Army, and vigorously support plans to address ‘hollowness’ of weapons, equipment and ammunition. Where necessary, the government must not hesitate to sanction ‘one time import’ of ammunition against critical deficiencies.

- The government must increase allocation for defence (less pensions) to 2.5% of GDP initially, and further raise it gradually to 3%, till modernisation of the Armed Forces is completed. Concurrently, the government must introduce a system of ‘roll-on’ budget, whereby, funds once allotted to defence cannot be re-appropriated for any other purpose. It should even consider re-allotting previously withdrawn or surrendered budget to the Armed Forces, to help catch up with their modernisation needs.Further, the proposed defence expenditure must be aligned to the NITI Ayog’s three, seven and 15 year vision and budget allocation perspective.

- The Indian Army must cap its overall numbers at the current level of 1.3 million, while making fresh efforts at making up the shortfall of officers. New structures for expanding the Army Aviation, enhancing informational warfare capability and for raising Headquarters for the proposed Special Operations, Cyber and Space Commands must be provided manpower from within the existing establishment.

- The government must stop protecting the defence public sector and must create a genuine ‘level playing field’ for entry of the private sector into indigenous defence manufacturing. The private industry must be provided all possible incentives and encouragement to not only manufacture components or sub-systems for the Defence PSUs and Ordnance Factories, or just take over their assembly lines, but to manufacture full systems independently.

- The Army Design Bureau must be fully operationalised on priority, under guidance and support from the Ministry of Defence. It must be empowered to contribute effectively towards creation of futuristic designs of all types of weapons and equipment for the Army. A separate cadre of officers must be deputed to this organisation and specialisation, once created among them, must be retained. Care must be taken, however, to protect their promotional prospects and career interests.

- All functions within the procurement set-up at Army headquarters must be manned by specialists rather than by generalists, thus making drastic improvements in the existing system. Specialists can be created by focussed selection, followed by extended and repeated tenures in the Army Design Bureau and ‘procurement’ related postings at army headquarters.

- The Indian Army must introduce measures to restructure as well as cut down ‘revenue’ expenditurewith a view to generate more funds for ‘capital’ procurement. The first step would be to integrate and, where possible, outsource its logistic functions. A good beginning was made on this account in 2011-12 as part of initial implementation of the Army’s Transformation Study ordered at that time, but the process was stalled and reversed due to vested interests and lack of sustained resolve. Further, concurrent to induction of new big ticket items and automated processes as part of the Army’s modernisation, the Army must restructure its units and cut down manpower, where warranted. Plans for the same must be approved well in advance.However, efforts to reduce manpower must follow (and not precede) the equipment modernisation process.

- And last but not the least, the government must provide guidance to the military through issue of national security strategy, defence policy and military strategy so that the three Services, including the Army, can align their respective policies and doctrines to these formulations in a coordinated manner.

There can be no doubt that the Indian Army needs to be modernised on priority. To achieve this objective, the Government and the Army will have to take a look at the entire issue afresh and come up with innovative solutions to address the various obstacles standing in the way. Unless the identified challenges are addressed imaginatively, the modernisation plan will continue to flounder, as has been the experience over the past few years. Nonetheless, if the government of the day is seriously interested in modernising its Army, it must start off by allocating additional budget and starting a system of ‘roll on’ budget so that money once allotted for modernisation cannot be re-appropriated for any other purpose whatsoever.

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India's Indigenization and Modernization of Defence and Military Technology: Strategic Ramifications for Pakistan

2018, Global International Relations Review

India is arming and modernizing its military with its land forces receiving equipment in an unprecedented manner while its navy is growingly becoming a blue water navy capable of projecting power way beyond its shores and is rapidly arming its air force to become a strategic force capable of playing an independent role. The international environment is favourable for India, which is further adding impetus towards indigenization and modernization of Indian defence and military capabilities while providing an opportunity for the economy to flourish even more. The paper is an endeavour to analyze, assess, predict and prescribe the potential upshots and outcomes of indigenization, local and licensed manufacturing and joint ventures initiated by India in defence and military sectors – and the likelihood of such choices and actions in becoming a vital strategic and security concern for Pakistan.

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Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs

Arun Vishwanathan , Priyanka Patel

India, like all major military powers, has been making sustained attempts at indigenously meeting its defence requirements. However, when one looks at the macro picture, it is apparent that the country has had limited successes in inducting defence platforms or weapon systems that are indigenously designed, tested, manufactured and inducted into the military. There have been some exceptions to this like the HF-24 Marut fighter jet, the Light Combat Aircraft Tejas, the Main Battle Tank Arjun, Leander class frigates, Indigenous Aircraft Carrier Vikrant, Kolkata and Vishakhapatnam class destroyers and the Arihant nuclear submarine. While these examples only prove the general rule, they also point out India's relative success in creating domestic capacity to build naval platforms. As India embarks on the path of Atmanirbharta (self-reliance), it is crucial for the political and military decision-makers to understand what, why and how the above-mentioned projects, particularly the naval ones, became successful, so that their success can be replicated elsewhere. The article attempts to understand the reasons behind the Navy's successes. These successes have been the result of an institutionalised-as opposed to an individual-centric-approach by the Navy to create in-house design capabilities, organisational structure, planning procedure, capacity building efforts and linkages with other stakeholders like naval Defence Public Sector Units, Defence Research and Development Organisation and other scientific establishments and industry. This has made the Indian Navy more successful as compared to the other two services of the Indian military when it comes to designing, testing, constructing and inducting indigenous naval platforms.

Likhachev, K. A. (2024). Key aspects of India’s arms export policy amid military-industrial complex reform. Vestnik RUDN. International Relations, 24(1), 92–106.

Kirill Likhachev

The study examines the key features and areas of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government's policy aimed at boosting the export of weapons, military and special equipment (WMSE) within the broader strategy of reforming the Indian military-industrial complex (MIC). The long-term goal of the Indian government is to achieve "strategic autonomy" in the defence sector. In the short term, Indian arms exports serve as the driving force behind the "Make in India" and "Self-reliant India" programmes-pivotal components of Prime Minister Modi's political agenda. The significant amplification factor for India's export ambitions has been conditioned in part by the escalating border tensions with China since 2017. The export of WMSE is emerging as a crucial tool to strengthen India's bilateral relations with countries in the Asia-Pacific region to counterbalance China. Nonetheless, to propel India into the group of the world's leading arms exporters, as well as to gain full "strategic independence," may be hard to achieve even in the long run. Despite systemic reforms in the military-industrial complex, efforts to engage private businesses and attract foreign capital, a number of challenges impede the growth of the defence industry and the export potential of the Indian military-industrial complex. These include the inadequate development of India's manufacturing sector, dependency on foreign technologies, and insufficient funding for military-technical advancements. At the same time, the policy of supporting defence exports and reforming the MIC has been a stable trend in the strategy of the BJP government, playing a crucial role in the fulfillment of its short, medium and long term goals.

Ashley J . Tellis

Kalyanaraman S

Military change in India has been a function of the evolving capabilities of Pakistan and China and the limited resources available for modernisation. Consequently, most changes in military goals and organisational structures have been incremental and adaptive. Limited resources have also meant that India’s military effort has principally focused upon the immediate threat from Pakistan. The more latent challenge from China has been dealt with mainly through diplomacy at the bilateral and multilateral levels. Major change has occurred only in India’s strategy and service doctrines vis-à-vis Pakistan. India’s strategy towards Pakistan has evolved from annihilation in full-scale war until the late 1980s to exhaustion in limited war since then, mainly as a result of Pakistan’s acquisition of nuclear weapons capability. And given the imperative of attaining a swift victory before international diplomatic or military intervention ensued, the Army’s doctrine has evolved from attrition to manoeuvre and now, in the Cold Start doctrine, to a creative combination of attrition, manoeuvre and surprise. The Air Force doctrine has successively evolved from attaining a favourable air situation to command of the air to in-theatre air superiority. And the Navy’s doctrine has evolved from security of the coast to limited command of the sea.

Muhammad Ali

aerospaceindia.org

Rahul Mishra

Peter Layton

The Journal of Political Science

Furqan Khan

The Indian Armed Forces have been witnessing a major strategic shift in the recent years. The codified version of Indian doctrinal mapping has been manoeuvred to entertain offensive military posture with less emphasis on strategic restraint. The strategic shift, however, is visible not only in the Indian Defence Policy but also pragmatically enforced with the acquisition of advanced weapons and its practical demonstration. Its aggression from Balakot strikes against Pakistan to more recent incursions in Eastern Ladakh against China aims to integrate its offensive military posture with wider geostrategic ambitions in the region. India is utilizing its bilateral strategic partnerships with powers including Russia, the United States, and Israel to augment its military capacity and credibility. The enhanced synergy is consistent with the revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) philosophy which reflects India's will to adopt proactive and offensive strategy in orderto emerge as the leading power in Asia.The methodology used in the paper is qualitative in nature, based on exploratory researchmethod and used both primary and secondary resources. It unveils India's growing military modernization in the theoretical context of 'Offensive-cum-Defensive' Strategy. The paper argues that India's doctrinal shift in favour of offensive military postures combines with its regional assertiveness against Pakistan and China, is potentially threatening strategic stability in South Asia.

Journal of Business and Social Review in Emerging Economies

Dr. Shahid Bukhari

In a world of Realpolitik, each state in the world always looks for increasing its power; some for the purpose of their survival and some seek to fulfill their hegemonic ambitions. Having a huge population, territory, economy, and military, the states like India usually desire to establish their hegemony; therefore, it is not surprising that India wants to achieve a Great Power status in world politics. Although India has great numbers in each area of strategic significance it lacks qualitative capacity in terms of military strength where the advanced weapon systems are the backbone of a country’s military power. In order to fill this gap, the Indian government has announced very ambitious military modernization programs and is concluding various military procurement programs around the world bearing huge costs while the big arms-exporting countries are getting involved in such ambitious military modernization programs of India. Over the past few years, it has been observed that the...

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Introduction

• Published: October 2013
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The focus of this chapter is to understand how India’s defence and security policy has evolved since the country’s independence in 1947 in order to better appreciate the challenges it currently faces. After looking into the evolution of India’s defence and security policy in its various phases during the Cold War period and its aftermath, this introductory chapter outlines the rest of the volume’s chapters, which cover developments relating to the navy, the air force, nuclear forces and central paramilitary forces, defence industry, defence offsets, civil-military relations, India’s defence relationships with the U.S. and Russia, and the overall nature of India’s military modernization.

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• Indian Army Day 2024 Essay

Introduction

The Indian Army , the world's second-largest standing army, marks Indian Army Day 2024 theme as the Year of Technology Absorption, signifying a focused commitment to incorporating and harnessing technological advancements. when is Indian Army Day? The celebration of Indian Army Day occurs annually on the 15th of January. As we approach Indian Army Day 2024 , let's delve into the forces that safeguard our nation's security and why Indian Army Day is celebrated, exploring their evolving role in a rapidly changing world. The Indian Army's dedication to absorbing cutting-edge technology adds a dynamic dimension to their capabilities, reflecting a strategic vision for a modernized defense.In this context, we will explore the importance of celebrating Indian Army Day 2024 and examine the role of technology in shaping the future of our armed forces.

Essay on Indian Army Day 2024

The Indian Army is the land-based branch of the Indian Armed Forces. It is the world's second-largest standing army and the largest army. The President of India is the Supreme Commander of the Indian Army, and it is commanded by the Chief of Army Staff (COAS), who is a four-star general. Two battalions of the Indian Army have been awarded the "Nations in conflict" peacekeeping medal.

The Indian Army has a regimental system but is operationally and geographically split into seven commands, with the basic field formation being a division. It is an all-volunteer force and comprises more than 81,000 active troops and a support element of close to 1,160,000 troops.

The primary objective of the Indian Army is to safeguard the nation's territorial integrity from external aggression and threats and maintain peace and security within its borders. It conducts humanitarian rescue operations during natural calamities and other restlessness, like Operation Surya Hope, and can also be requisitioned by the Government to assist in national emergencies. The Indian Army has been involved in four wars with neighbouring Pakistan and one with China. It has also conducted numerous peacekeeping operations across the world.

Indian Army consists of many regiments which are territorially based, and each regiment has its own cap badge, traditions and history. The units that make up the Indian Army are not all permanently based in one location. They are rotated between deployments in India and other countries as part of peacekeeping or training missions.

The Indian Army is a very disciplined force and follows a strict hierarchy. Officers must salute their seniors, regardless of rank, and must obey orders from their superiors without question. The soldiers are also expected to maintain a high degree of personal hygiene and be physically fit.

The Indian Army is one of the largest armies in the world. It has more than 1,160,000 troops who are available for deployment at short notice. These troops come from all over India and are drawn from all religions and regions. They are paid according to their rank and duration of service.

The Indian Army is the largest volunteer army in the world. It has more than 1,160,000 troops who are available for deployment at short notice.

India became independent from Britain in 1947. It was then ruled by the British Indian Empire. The independence day of Pakistan is on 14 august 1947. There was a lot of violence and bloodshed between the Hindus and Muslims in the partition of British India into India and Pakistan. 

The British Indian Army was divided between the two countries. The British Indian Army in Pakistan became the Pakistani Army. The British Indian Army in India became the Indian Army.

A Long Indian Army Day 2024 Essay

The Happy Indian Army Day originated from armies of the East India Company's which at last became the British Indian Army, and the Princely States Army, which after its independence in 1947, merged into the National Army of India. The units of the Indian Army have fought many battles in the past where they gained honor for the country with their bravery. One will find out more facts about the Indian Army through this essay on the Indian Army in English.

The Indian Army has the sole objective of protecting the nation from any foreign aggression that arises, ensuring the nation's security. They also try to prevent the nation from internal threats. During natural calamities, the Indian Army conducts humanitarian rescue operations to save many people's lives. There are a total of 65 regiments in the Indian Army that are divided based on their skills. These are some facts that one can learn from the essay on the Indian Army. 

There are various medals presented by the President of India to different Indian Army recruits for their bravery on the battlefield. The medals awarded for the valor shown on the battlefield in the face of the enemy are Param Vir Chakra, Maha Vir Chakra, and Vir Chakra, and the medals awarded for bravery and courage shown away from the battlefield are Ashoka Chakra, Kirti Chakra, and Shaurya Chakra.

The Indian Army, till now, has fought four battles, from which three were with Pakistan, and one was with China. Some other operations that are performed by the Indian Army are Operation Vijay, Operation Meghdoot, Operation Cactus, and Operation Brasstacks. One can also learn about some more missions conducted by the Army from this essay on the Indian Army, as they were also involved in many peacekeeping missions organized by the United States. Some of these peacekeeping missions were conducted in Lebanon, Angola, Cambodia, Vietnam, and many other countries.

The Government is now planning to increase the capabilities of the Indian Force by introducing some new policies. Recently, it has been planned that the Indian Army with the Indian Navy will set up a marine brigade. 

The current formations that the Army follows are holding formations and combat formations. Holding formations are meant for holding and containing the enemies, and combat formation is meant for counter-attacking the enemies in order to neutralize them and stop them from attacking.

One can gain knowledge of the Army's uniform from this Indian Army essay. The Indian Army camouflage uniform includes a shirt, trousers, and a synthetic material cap. The Indian Army's camouflage dress has a jungle camouflage pattern that is designed to be used in woodland environments. 

Regiments that are posted in the desert or dusty area have desert camouflage pattern uniforms. The modern recruited armies are required to wear distinctive parade uniforms, which are classified by variegated turbans and waist-sashes in regimental colors.

The Indian Army gives the perfect example of gender inequality by recruiting women in different regiments of the Army. The first women were appointed in the Indian Army when the Indian Military Nursing Service was formed in the year 1888. These women nurses have served the Army in both World War I and II.

With all the facts relating to the Indian Army covered in this essay, one can understand the importance of the Indian Army essay. The essay about the Indian Army gave an overview of the Army as a whole. The Indian Army is the third-largest on the globe, and has many features that one can see from this essay. It is also visible how the Government has planned to make the Army better every passing day so that they are ready to face any danger, be it internal or external.

A Short Note on Happy Indian Army Day 2024

Indian Army is the third-largest Army in the globe, is one of the most powerful and strongest among the armies of other countries. In the past, they have proved their superiority in different battles and missions that have been conducted. Through this short essay on Happy Indian Army Day in English, one will be able to see the power and strength that the Indian Army possesses.

The Indian Army has only one goal, which is to safeguard the nation's security and maintain unity in the country. All the recruits in the Army perform to achieve this one goal. The Indian Army consists of a total number of 65 regiments that are classified or divided based on their skills and capabilities. They are trained with two formations that are holding formation and combat formation. Holding formation is meant for defense, and combat formation is meant for an attack.

The Indian Army improves its skills by conducting training missions with different powerful countries such as The United States, Russia, and Israel.

Through this essay on the Indian Army Day 2024 in 100 words , it is clear that the Indian Army is well prepared for any unwanted situation in the future and has the capability to deal with it. The Indian Army epitomizes unwavering commitment and valor, safeguarding our nation's sovereignty with courage. Beyond borders, they contribute to disaster relief and peacekeeping, embodying humanity's spirit. Their sacrifices inspire national pride. Let us honor and support our armed forces, recognising their pivotal role in preserving our cherished freedom and unity. Jai Hind!

FAQs on Indian Army Day 2024 Essay

1. What is the Indian Army?

The Indian Army, which is one of the strongest armies in the world, and has all the features that make it an efficient army. The Indian Army has a total number of 65 regiments which are divided based on their skills and capabilities. These soldiers undergo training with two formations: holding formation and combat formation, which consists of the following: Holding Formation: This is meant for defense, Combat Formation: This formation is meant for attacking. For more information, read this Indian Army essay on Vedantu.

2. What are the different types of uniforms in the Indian Army?

The Indian Army has two types of uniforms: a camouflage uniform and a parade uniform. The camouflage uniform includes a shirt, trousers, and a synthetic material cap, while the parade uniform consists of a variegated turban and waist-sash in regimental colors. The color of the uniform differs according to the regiments. The Indian Army's uniform is a combination of different colors, which represents the culture and tradition of the country. Army uniform is a matter of pride for every soldier because it gives the mental satisfaction that on a special occasion, they are given a chance to wear their best uniform.

3. What is the role of the Indian Army in India?

The Indian Army has been playing many different roles from protecting its borders from any external danger; apart from this, they have also played a crucial role in the development of the country. Indian Army helps to build infrastructure, assists in natural calamities and provides medical assistance during any emergency. The Indian Army is one of the most powerful armies in the world. It has all the features that make it an efficient army. The Army consists of a total number of 65 regiments grouped and divided based on their skills and capabilities. These soldiers go through training with two formations holding formation and combat formation, which is described in the wiki. The Indian Army improves its skills by conducting training missions with different powerful countries such as the US, Russia and Israel.

4. What are the roles played by women in the Indian Army?

The first women were appointed in the Indian Army when the Indian Military Nursing Service was formed in 1888. These women nurses served the Army in both world war I and II. Women have also participated in the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, the Sri Lankan Civil War and the Kargil War. Presently, women are recruited in the Army as doctors, engineers, lawyers, air warriors etc., and they are performing their duties efficiently. The Indian Army has only one goal, which is to safeguard the nation's security and maintain unity in the country. All recruits in the Army perform to achieve this one goal. The Indian Army has all it takes to face any challenges in the future if any arise. The Indian Army essay covers all these points.

5. What is the role of the Indian Army in development?

The Indian Army plays a crucial role in the development and progress of the country. The main aim of this research paper on the Indian Army is to make people aware of the Indian Army and its roles. India, which is considered one of the biggest democratic countries, has faced many internal conflicts throughout its history. It is the Indian Army that has protected the country from any external danger and guarded its borders. The Indian Army not only defends India's land but also gives medical assistance to people during emergencies such as floods, earthquakes etc.

6. How Many Regiments Are There in the Indian Army?

The Indian Army has a total number of 65 regiments in which army recruits are divided according to their skills. Some of the important regiments are Gurkha Regiment, Dogra Regiment, Kumaon Regiment, Ladakh Scouts Regiment, and many others.

7. Who Started the Army in India?

Mohan Singh established the first Indian National Army. He was an officer in the British Indian Army, and he was captured in the Malayan Campaign. The nationalist sympathies of Mohan Singh led him to find an ally in Fujiwara that helped him a lot.

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A Brief History of the 2,000-Pound Bombs Central to U.S.-Israeli Tensions

The one-ton Mark 84 bomb was designed shortly after World War II. Adding guidance kits has kept it in use for more than 70 years.

• Share full article

By John Ismay

Reporting from Washington

When President Biden threatened to pause some weapons shipments to Israel if it invaded the southern Gaza city of Rafah, the devastating effects of one weapon were of particular concern to him.

“Civilians have been killed in Gaza as a consequence of those bombs,” Mr. Biden said in remarks to CNN this week.

He was referring to U.S.-made 2,000-pound aerial weapons, the largest in the Pentagon’s Mark 80 series of bombs.

In the military’s banal lexicon, the Mark 80s are “general purpose” bombs, meaning that they can be used on almost any target the military typically expects to encounter in war. In addition to the 2,000-pound Mk-84, they also come in 250-pound, 500-pound and 1,000-pound versions — the Mk-81, Mk-82 and Mk-83.

The president has already delayed a shipment to Israel of 3,500 bombs in the Mark 80 series that he feared could be used in a major assault on Rafah, where more than one million Palestinians have taken refuge.

A New York Times investigation in December found that American 2,000-pound bombs were responsible for some of the worst attacks on Palestinian civilians since the war in Gaza began after Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7.

According to a U.S. Army office that manages ammunition for the Pentagon, the ideal targets for weapons of that size are “buildings, rail yards and lines of communication.”

However, Defense Department data indicates that U.S. warplanes typically use far less powerful munitions for supporting ground troops engaged with enemy fighters.

The explosive warheads of these bombs have changed little since the U.S. Navy created them shortly after World War II, but the Pentagon has kept them in service by developing new parts and pieces that can be attached for a variety of purposes.

About 40 percent of each one’s weight is composed of a high explosive mixture; the rest comes from its steel case. When detonated, the bomb’s smooth skin shatters into razor-sharp fragments that can shred human bodies and unarmored vehicles alike.

Course guides used in teaching American troops how to call in airstrikes state that anyone within 115 feet of a 250-pound bomb’s impact has a 10 percent chance of being incapacitated or killed. That lethal radius jumps to nearly 600 feet for a one-ton version that explodes just above the ground.

For a time, the United States held a monopoly on these bombs. But now Mark 80s are made and sold by a number of countries, including Australia, Brazil, Canada, France, India, Italy, Pakistan, Spain, Switzerland, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates.

Israel makes its own versions, but export data suggests that the country purchases most of its bombs from the United States through an annual $3.5 billion grant of American taxpayer money.

How have the bombs evolved?

Classified through much of the 1950s, the Mark 80 came fully into public view during the Vietnam War.

Most Mark 80s dropped over Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos from 1965 to 1973 were unguided weapons that cost a few hundred dollars each. Under the best of conditions, about half of them could be expected to land within 400 feet of their target.

When they missed, whether because of pilot error or winds pushing them around after being dropped, they sometimes killed American troops in large numbers in addition to killing civilians .

The use of radar signals to better determine the right place to drop these unguided bombs sometimes failed spectacularly, such as one incident when five jets flying in bad weather mistakenly dropped 34 Mark 82 500-pound bombs on the American air base in Da Nang.

But in the late 1960s, Texas Instruments developed a kit called Paveway that gave the Mark 80 far greater accuracy by adding parts to the bomb’s nose and tail that allowed the bomb to steer itself to a target using lasers shined from warplanes above. That shrank the average miss distance to about 10 feet. Because of their high cost, though, Paveways made up only a tiny fraction of the bombs dropped by the U.S. Air Force during the Vietnam War.

These weapons were commonly called “smart bombs” during the Persian Gulf War in 1991 , and the term has endured to describe a host of guided weapons fielded in the decades since.

But the laser-guided weapons often failed in bad weather and sandstorms, leading military officials to develop a new guidance kit for the Mark 80 in the early 1990s. Called JDAM — for Joint Direct Attack Munition — they cost half as much as Paveway and used radio signals from the military’s nascent constellation of GPS satellites in outer space to guide them. They can generally hit within 30 feet of their targets.

How often are 2,000-pound bombs used?

For American forces, not that often.

During the Vietnam War, Air Force warplanes dropped more Mark 82s than all other kinds of aerial weapons combined, including cluster bombs — and usually reserved Mark 84s for destroying large buildings or infrastructure like bridges. In the decades since, the Mark 82 has remained the most commonly used warhead by Americans in combat, especially when combined with a Paveway or JDAM guidance kit.

By comparison, Israel reaches for its 2,000-pound bombs far more often.

In the first two weeks of the war, roughly 90 percent of the munitions Israel dropped in Gaza were satellite-guided bombs of 1,000 to 2,000 pounds , according to a senior U.S. military official. The rest were 250-pound small-diameter bombs .

Israel also uses a slightly different kind of 2,000-pound bomb called the BLU-109 that can penetrate underground to reach buried targets like Hamas tunnels. Like all so-called bunker-busters, most of that weapon’s weight comes from a much thicker steel case than general-purpose weapons, and it explodes with the force of just 525 pounds of TNT — far closer to the power of the 1,000-pound Mark 83.

Are there even larger bombs?

The United States makes very few conventional bombs larger than 2,000 pounds. Israel has acquired one of them, an even thicker-cased 5,000-pound bomb built for attacking targets deeper underground.

Israel purchased 50 such bombs from the United States in 2015. Each carries the equivalent of just 625 pounds of TNT.

The other two weapons have never been sold or provided to allies.

One is a 21,000-pound bomb called the Massive Ordnance Air Blast, or MOAB, which explodes just above the ground with the force of 18,700 pounds of TNT and can only be dropped from cargo planes. It was used once in Afghanistan in 2017 , in what is the sole publicly acknowledged use of that weapon in combat.

The service also has a 30,000-pound bomb called the Massive Ordnance Penetrator capable of punching even farther underground before exploding, but it can only be carried by the B-2 stealth bomber. It explodes with the force of 5,600 pounds of TNT.

What’s the opposition to Israel’s use of the Mark 84?

Many politicians and activists say 2,000-pound bombs are too powerful to be used responsibly in Gaza, a densely populated enclave.

“The U.S. cannot beg Netanyahu to stop bombing civilians one day and the next send him thousands more 2,000 lb. bombs that can level entire city blocks,” Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont posted on social media on March 29 , referring to the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. “This is obscene,” he added. “We must end our complicity: No more bombs to Israel.”

In May 2021, Mr. Sanders, an independent who caucuses with the Democrats, attempted to block a $735 million sale of American bombs to Israel for similar reasons.

Israel has used these weapons before. Israel relied on Mark 80s during another “all-out war” against Hamas in 2008 and used them again in 2021 to destroy a building in Gaza City that housed the offices of The Associated Press, Al Jazeera and other news media organizations.

Israel’s Ministry of Defense did not respond to multiple calls and emails asking for comment on transfers of American-made bombs, including questions about the provision of Mark 84s.

John Ismay is a reporter covering the Pentagon for The Times. He served as an explosive ordnance disposal officer in the U.S. Navy. More about John Ismay

Our Coverage of the Israel-Hamas War

News and Analysis

Benny Gantz, a centrist member of Israel’s war cabinet, presented Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu with an ultimatum , saying he would leave the government if it did not soon develop a plan for the future of the war in Gaza.

At least 64,000 Gazans have been displaced from the northern town of Jabaliya as Israel’s military launched a new offensive there .

Trucks of aid began moving ashore into Gaza via a temporary pier built by the U.S. military , but the new shipments fall far short of what humanitarian groups say is needed.

Gaza’s Wartime Economy: In the seven months since Israel started bombarding Gaza, the enclave’s economy has been crushed. In its place, a marketplace of survival has arisen focused on the basics .

Protest in Brooklyn: A large pro-Palestinian protest in Brooklyn erupted into a chaotic scene , as the police arrested dozens of demonstrators and at times confronted them violently.

FIFA Delays a Vote: Soccer’s global governing body postponed a decision to temporarily suspend Israel  over its actions in Gaza, saying it needed to solicit legal advice before taking up a motion from the Palestinian Football Association.

PEN America’s Literary Gala: The free-expression group has been engulfed by debate  over its response to the Gaza war that forced the cancellation of its literary awards and annual festival. But its literary gala went on as planned .