essay about national identity

Why National Identity Matters

• Francis Fukuyama

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Read the full essay here .

National identity has been pivotal to the fortunes of modern states. When channeled in the form of an exclusive and intolerant ethnonationalism, it can drive acts of persecution and aggression. Yet national identities can also be built around liberal and democratic political values, and around the shared experiences of diverse communities. Contrary to arguments that the concepts of national identity and state sovereignty have become outmoded, such an inclusive sense of national identity remains critical to maintaining a successful modern political order. National identity not only enhances physical security, but also inspires good governance; facilitates economic development; fosters trust among citizens; engenders support for strong social safety nets; and ultimately makes possible liberal democracy itself.

About the Author

Francis Fukuyama is Olivier Nomellini Senior Fellow at Stanford’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. 

View all work by Francis Fukuyama

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7.2: What is National Identity?

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• Page ID 135857

• Dino Bozonelos, Julia Wendt, Charlotte Lee, Jessica Scarffe, Masahiro Omae, Josh Franco, Byran Martin, & Stefan Veldhuis
• Victor Valley College, Berkeley City College, Allan Hancock College, San Diego City College, Cuyamaca College, Houston Community College, and Long Beach City College via ASCCC Open Educational Resources Initiative (OERI)

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Learning Objectives

By the end of this section, you will be able to:

• Define National Identity and related terms including Nationalism and Citizenship
• Describe how Citizenship is different from National Identity and Political Identity
• Describe how National Identity and Nationalism impact rules about Citizenship
• Explain how Nationalism fuels separatist movements
• Explain how National Identity is important in the study of comparative politics

Introduction

Is "political identity" the same as "national identity".

These two concepts are not the same, but are interrelated. Political identity is how we see ourselves in a political sense: our political interests, affiliations and priorities. National identity is how we see ourselves as members of a nation of people. This can range from a relatively narrow ethnic identity to a broader civic identity that encompasses many ethnic and religious groups. In Canada, for example, there is the concept of a 'cultural mosaic' of many different types of people, including immigrants, who make up the nation of Canada. This is a broad and inclusive definition. On the other end of the spectrum, some South Asian nations are viewed as practicing an exclusionary form of national identity. (Chakraborty, 2014).

Our national identity is not our only identity and it is common for all of us to have multiple identities. An American may have a racial and/or ethnic identity, such as African American in the US or identification with an indigenous group in Mexico, such as the Nahuatl. There are also gender identities, which over time have shifted from a binary understanding to a more nuanced approach. Also included are age, sexual orientation, and occupation. Identities are ever evolving and identity formation takes place even now. In the pandemic, we saw the formation of identities revolving around one’s vaccination status, with people proud to say they either were vaccinated or chose not to vaccinate. Whether or not these new identities will remain depends on how the pandemic ends. More than likely, they will not.

Researchers often study the impact of these identities on politics separately, with various subfields in political science reflecting this development. Examples include Gender and Politics, or Race, Ethnicity and Politics, or Religion and Politics. Political scientists are keen on understanding the experiences of these groups, who have traditionally been left out of mainstream political science discourse. Over time, the discipline has come to understand that identities can interact with each other in ways that affect politics differently. This is referred to as intersectionality , where the interconnectedness of various identities and categories can lead to the marginalization or to the privilege of particular people and/or groups.

More About "National Identity"

Yet even though all the above listed identities are important for politics and can help predict political behavior, comparative political scientists are quite interested in how national identity affects politics. National identity, like other aspects of identity, creates a feeling of belonging. Symbols are commonly used to reflect the values and priorities of a nation’s identity. Think about the meaning of the colors and design of a national flag, or the choice of a national bird, and the words of a national anthem. People identify with those symbols, colors and words. They can inspire and bind people together. When new nation-states form and after losing a war it is common for countries to choose new symbols. However, this is not always the case, at least not entirely. For example, a number of southern states in the US still have imagery reminiscent of the Confederate Battle flag. Germany, on the other hand, changed its flag away from the Nazi flag [back to one used previously] after World War 2. In the United States, the Pledge of Allegiance was adopted and popularized after the Civil War as a means to unite the country “one nation indivisible” with references to the “flag”.

National identity clearly impacts contemporary politics. It has become a key aspect of one’s core identity and the sense of attachment one has for their nation or country can help us better understand certain behaviors. A good example includes the September 11th terrorist attacks. On that day, Americans from every part of the country felt something terrible. Even though a person may have lived 3,000 miles away in California, and did not physically experience the trauma of this event, the shock, dread, and then anger that person felt was still palpable. Logically, one can say why should events that did not personally happen to me matter. However, this is how powerful national identity can be, where we can internalize what others have experienced and have us affect us in our political behavior. National identity implies a "principle of identity based on impersonal ties, remote ties, vicarious ties", that are arbitrated through common symbols and forms of communication (Hass, 1986).

What is Nationalism?

Nationalism is defined as an ideology where devotion and loyalty to one’s state proves more important than other interests. It is the natural development of having a national identity. The stronger the national identity, the stronger the sense of nationalism. Hass (1986) says that nationalism is “the convergence of territorial and political loyalty irrespective of competing foci of affiliation”. By this Hass means that a national identity may matter more than one’s other identities.

Another analysis comes from Hechter who distinguishes between 'nation' and 'nationalism'. Hechter (2001) defines a nation as "highly solitary, territorially concentrated, culturally distinctive groups". He defines nationalism as "collective action designed to render the boundaries of the nation congruent with those of its governance unit." In other words, when a nation of people has a strong sense of nationalism they work to ensure the boundaries of the state [governance unit] match the geographic boundaries of the nation. Hechter identifies five types of nationalism: state-building nationalism, peripheral nationalism, irredentist nationalism, unification nationalism, and patriotism.

While there are differing theories and views on nationalism, one thing is clear: nationalism can mean different things. Liberal nationalism , for example, is the idea that every group of people with a clear national identity should have their own state; their own country to call their own. This sort of nationalism can lead to independence movements [or even develop during and after independence movements motivated by other factors]. However, nationalism can also imply a sense of superiority or exceptionalism. This is referred to as exclusionary nationalism and can lead to violence. O’Neil and Fields (2020) note that nationalism can be a powerful substitute for democracy. Because it is hierarchical and inclusive, authoritarian states can weaponize nationalism.

Nationalism, as mentioned above, can be a force for the creation of a new and independent state. Examples of nationalism being the inspiration for separatist movements can be seen across the globe. Separatist movements are defined as attempts by members of a group of people who seek to establish their own government, separate from the country they reside in. In Canada, there have been calls for secession by Quebec, also thought of as the “French Canada”. Supporters of this effort are represented by a political party called Bloc Quebecois. According to the New York Times, about 30% of Quebec citizens support secession. Far more, however, are focused on maintaining the values, language and identity of French Canada.

Another example of a separatist movement fueled by nationalism is Catalonia, a wealthy area of Spain that has a history of special autonomy. Violence and prison terms for separatist politicians have reinvigorated the debate. Similar to Quebec:

Catalonia has its own language and distinctive traditions, and a population nearly as big as Switzerland's (7.5 million). It is one of Spain's wealthiest regions, making up 16% of the national population and accounting for almost 19% of Spanish GDP. (BBC)

While separatist movements can be centralizing forces (forces that bring people together), they also can be decentralizing and damaging. According to the Economist Intelligence Unit, as quoted by the BBC, “Spain risked being downgraded from a 'full democracy' to a 'flawed' one over its handling of the situation.” In this case, it was not the separatist movement itself as much as the Spanish government’s reaction to it.

Is Nationalism the Same as Patriotism?

Patriotism is best described as pride in one’s state. Often when one thinks of patriotism, thoughts turn to flags, marches, national anthems and other types of displays. Yet these displays could be better understood as expressions of nationalism. In a country like the US, Americans tend not to separate between their nation and state. Indeed, we often refer to countries such as the U.S. as a nation-state. A nation-state is a state where all or most of the people in that state belong to a single nation. Other examples of nation-states include the central European countries of Poland and Hungary. A multinational-state will be where a state contains multiple nations. Examples of multinational states include Russia and India.

Given these definitions, can one have pride in their nation, but not in their state? The answer is yes. Catalonia, discussed above, is a great example. Catalonians have pride in their nation, but generally not in their state, which is Spain. Being a citizen of a country does not automatically make that person patriotic. Ethnic, racial, and/or religious minorities that have been oppressed or have not been incorporated into a country’s political system will often struggle with outward expressions of patriotism. Often, they will develop their own sense of nationalism. Countries such as Spain have several nations. This includes the aforementioned Catalonia, but also Galicia and the Basque country.

One form of nationalism described by Hechter is irredentist nationalism. Irredentism is when one state wants a territory that previously belonged to it to rejoin. This is interesting in light of recent events in Ukraine. Russia’s president, Vladimir Putin, sees Ukraine not as a sovereign state, but rather as a piece of the former Soviet Union that should be returned to the fold.

What is Citizenship?

Citizenship is different from national or political identity because it implies a legal status rather than a feeling of belonging. A person can feel a sense of belonging to a nation without being a citizen of that country. Roughly thirty countries grant citizenship at birth (Serhan and Friedman, 2018). Almost all countries have a process whereby a person can become a citizen even if they are not born a citizen. Being able to -- as well as choosing to -- become a citizen are influenced by not just the laws and procedures within a country, but also the ‘human capital’ and ‘social capital’ of the immigrants (Huddleston, 2020). In other words, not all immigrants have the same ability or interest in becoming naturalized citizens. This is true across different immigrant groups and different destination countries. Citizenship typically brings certain legal rights and privileges such as voting and holding elected office, as well as the right to be issued a passport.

Some countries make it quite difficult to become a citizen or a legal resident. The process in the United States, for example, is quite lengthy with very specific requirements - at least for most people. The United States provides an alternative path for those with money, known as the EB-5 or ‘investor visa’. Switzerland also makes it difficult with a 10-year residency requirement to be eligible to apply for citizenship. On the other end of the spectrum, the Dominican Republic allows legal permanent residency if you can demonstrate a monthly income of $2,000 (or just $1,500 if you are retired). Yet, becoming a citizen of the Dominican Republic is very expensive. Ireland also makes it quite easy - especially if you can show Irish ancestry.

How Is Patriotism Related to Citizenship?

Citizenship is closely tied to patriotism, which is described above. This is because even though being a citizen confers certain rights and privileges, it also involves special duties. For example, many countries have an enrollment program that requires young men, and in a few cases young women, to compulsory enlist in their militaries through a draft referred to as conscription . This is not the case in most Western countries, such as the US or in most European Union countries. But this is the case in countries such as Israel, Turkey and Russia. There are over 100 nationalities in the Russian Federation. Regardless if they are ethnic Tartar, the Yupik of Siberia or other smaller minorities, all male citizens between the ages of 18-27 are required to serve 12 months.

Interestingly, one does not need to have legal citizenship to have a sense of patriotism. Any person can see the country that they live in as their homeland, and develop a strong sense of affection. There are quite a few examples of people having moved to another country, and either chose not to become a citizen or were not given the chance to, and still strongly supported the state they resided in. Patriotism entails a sense of obligation to care for the country of residence. While citizenship is directly correlated with patriotism, it is not causal.

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2 Theories of Nationalism and National Identity

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This chapter addresses how liberal nationalist theorists have constructed an argument to the effect that sub-state national societies constitute a distinct category of group, distinguishable from both the majority of ‘dominant’ national society of the host state, and other ‘minority’ groups within the state. It explores the objective and subjective features of identity which liberal nationalists have identified as characteristic of a national society, and which help to explain the resilience of national identity at sub-state level. The chapter examines how different traditions have emerged in the study of nationalism. In particular, it discusses the dominant ‘modernist’ school of nationalism which has attempted to explain nationalism as an essentially instrumental device.

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National Identity and Globalization: Findings from Cross-National Surveys

• First Online: 12 February 2021

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• Gal Ariely 40  

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The impact of globalization on national identity is accounted for by various theoretical perspectives, while the empirical studies also reveal contradictory results. While some have suggested that globalization prompts a decline in national identity, others maintain that it reinforces national identity. Rather than seeking to offer a novel theoretical perspective, this chapter set out to examine nationalism ‘from below’ in an attempt to ascertain whether globalization is related to different dimensions of national identity. The key findings from cross-national surveys analyses demonstrated that higher levels of globalization are negatively related to patriotism and ethnic identity. This chapter illustrates that any definitive conclusions concerning the relationship between globalization and national identity cannot be justified. It may well be that different measures of national identity or globalization will lead to different findings, especially when considering the evolving and changing multidimensional nature of national identity.

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Ariely, G. (2021). National Identity and Globalization: Findings from Cross-National Surveys. In: Zajda, J., Majhanovich, S. (eds) Globalisation, Cultural Identity and Nation-Building. Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research, vol 23. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-2014-2_2

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Australian identity: What does it mean to you?

Trying to define national identity is like searching for the end of a rainbow.

It isn’t something that can be found or a place we can collectively reach; it’s something that unfolds over time and through generations. It’s also something that is contested and evokes a sense of belonging individually.

“I think different groups would have different senses of national identity and I think it means different things to different people, so it’s a very slippery topic to try and pin down.”

The idea of national identity as an abstract and ever-changing concept is not lost on Monash Professor of History Alistair Thomson, who cautions that trying to define it is both problematic and self-serving.

It is also, he says, a deeply personal concept, and so if we do try to be prescriptive and define it, we run the risk of excluding people.

“As soon as you start talking about a distinctive national identity or character, you begin to exclude and you define those who are in and those who are out and that’s a problem,” he says.

“If you tried to list all the things that Australians in the street would say were archetypically Australian, you would find contradictions. You would find fair-minded and tolerant and yet exclusive and xenophobic.

“You would find egalitarianism and yet massive inequalities. You would find this notion that we’re shaped by the bush, yet this has been an urban society since early in the nineteenth century.

“There are all these contradictions in our sense of what it is to be typically Australian, so much so that it’s probably better to get rid of that notion altogether. We are too diverse.”

In trying to articulate Australia’s identity, words and phrases and values like mateship, a fair go, the Aussie battler, egalitarianism, multiculturalism, larrikinism, and the lucky country are often cited, but do they all really apply today?

Jacinta Elston doesn’t think so.

The Pro Vice-Chancellor (Indigenous) at Monash University describes Australia’s national identity as “complex and fractured”.

“I think a decade or two ago we could have said that we were the lucky country, we were the place of a fair go and I might have been able to go along with that, but from what I see now and what I have seen of things in society, that doesn’t ring true for me anymore.

“Now, we’ve got things like people walking down the street king-hitting somebody at 10 o’clock at night that they don’t even know – that’s not mateship. That’s not giving people a fair go, that’s bullying. We’ve got women in Australia suffering domestic violence and being killed by their partners.

“And we’ve still got refugees on Nauru and Manus Island. In our hearts and minds I think most people feel and believe this is wrong.

“Why is it so hard for us as a country to deal with this properly?”

The debates and discussions, and indeed the decisions we ultimately make around issues such as refugees and Australia Day and Indigenous recognition inevitably help to shape our national identity, as does our immigrant history, and even our landscape and seascape, and geographic position in the world. But it is not a static concept.

“Our national identity - such that it is – is an unfurling and becoming type of identity,” says Monash Vice-Chancellor, Professor Margaret Gardner.

“It’s shaped by what has come before, how that is incorporated, it’s shaped by the confluence of the profile of who makes us up now. And it’s also made up of the sorts of decisions we make.”

Melissa Castan, who is Deputy Director of the Castan Centre for Human Rights Law at Monash University, says one of the problems Australia continues to face is its difficulty in articulating the place of Indigenous Australians within its identity and that this can be traced back to how our legal, social and political structures were founded.

“The so-called discovery by Captain Cook and the way the British acquired the territory denied the reality of Indigenous life and culture and law and has created a fundamental flaw in our structures,” she says.

“Until we can repair those faulty foundations, we’re going to remain in this trap or this difficulty in properly relating to Indigenous identity as part of Australia’s national identity.”

Read: Celebrating and saving Indigenous Australian stories through film

She says it is possible to repair these things but that it will take good will and political willpower and “bravery on the parts of politicians”.

“Not every political leader is going to be in a position, personally or politically, where they can run with it, but eventually we’re going to get someone with a big picture kind of attitude who is capable of doing it and they’re going to drag the naysayers along with them.

“One day we will advance Australia fair, (but) we’re not quite there yet.”  

Watch: Reimagining Australia Day (Episode 10: A Different Lens)

• Australian identity
• australian culture
• a different lens
• Australia day
• Indigenous culture

Professor, Law Resources, Monash University

Jacinta Elston

Pro Vice-Chancellor (Indigenous) and Head, William Cooper Institute

Brian Martin

Associate Dean (Indigenous), MADA

Graeme Davison AO

Emeritus Sir John Monash Distinguished Professor

Melissa Castan

Professor, Law Faculty, Monash University

Alistair Thomson

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Margaret Gardner AC

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A society shaped by discontents

The contributions of convicts to Australia's progressive political traditions have been largely and unfairly forgotten.

That's what I'm talking about

A series of animated films is future-proofing Indigenous culture, language and knowledge for generations to come.

What became of the working class?

Once seen as shapers of national identity, these days they're thought of as little more than disadvantaged. What changed?

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Jai Zhang-ke’s film is based in Fen yang, a small provincial town said to be in the backwaters of Shanxi province. Jai Zhang-ke grew up in this small town. The lead character in the film Xiao Wu is a member of a gang of pickpockets in the area. As the film progresses he appears to become one of the older and more mature members of the gang as many of his colleagues move on to other things. One of his former pickpocket friends, Jin is getting married and chooses not to invite Xiao Wu to his wedding as he does not want to be associated with his former co-criminal friend. Xiao Wu floats around, unhappy about this betrayal, but makes no effort to change his ways as he still continues to go about with his pickpocketing lifestyle. He finds himself a girlfriend, a prostitute called Meimei who appears to be very interested in him but however drops him when she finds someone better. Xiao Wu then visits his poor family but ends up getting into an argument with his parents over their use of his ring which he had previously bought for Meimei as a gift to his brother’s fiancé. He gets kicked out of the family house and he threatens to never come back. At the end of the film he is arrested and the last we see of him is when he is handcuffed to the lamp post in the middle of the street with a condemning crowd observing him judgementally. At the beginning of the film, we have seen that there is an immense clampdown on crime in the area. It, therefore, follows that Xiao wu has a tough time ahead of him.

In the first scene of the film, we see random bystanders waiting for a bus in what seems like a documentary style of shooting. These characters represent the average citizens of China going along with their everyday lives. We then get the same shot, but however, this time it is of Xiao Wu standing at a bus stop waiting for a bus. We notice a factory which is in the background of the shot. During the 1990s the Chinese economy was expanding rapidly as a result of mass privatisations and capitalism and the opening of the country to foreign investments for the first time in modern times. Companies from other countries were rushing to build factories in China to take advantage of low labour and other production costs. As stated earlier at this time capitalism was being introduced to China after a long era of communism. In 1997, a lot of the Chinese population were low paid workers which informed their relative poverty. The film properly depicts the National Identity of China at this stage of the 1990s as shown by the poor lifestyle of the people in the midst of invigorated economic activity.

When Xiao Wu gets on the bus he refuses to pay the bus fare. He lies by insisting that he is a Policeman. At this point in China’s history being a Policeman carried a strong sense of authority and indeed invoked fear. We can see that though the Bus Conductor did not entirely believe Xiao Wu’s story about being a Policeman he would not take the chance of incurring the Policeman’s wrath if indeed Xiao Wu turned out to really be a Policeman. He, therefore, walks away and Xiao Wu gets away with not paying the fare. It is evident therefore that in the 1990s there would have been dire consequences following from offending a Police Officer. The Chinese society is structured on ‘Confucianism’. Confucianism is based on the teachings of the Chinese scholar Confucius who lived from 551BC – 479BC. ‘Confucius developed a system of inter-reliant relationships— a structure in which the lower level gives obedience to the higher (extending from the family level to the national). As a result, Chinese culture tends to give a considerable amount of reverence for authority and age (though not necessarily sincere, especially in a changing modern China).’ A very important element of Chinese National Identity is shown here as exemplified by the fear and awe of authority which had its roots in Confucianism.

In the bus, as Xiao Wu attempts to pickpocket the man that is sitting beside him, the camera switches to a little picture of Mao Zedong which is hanging from the rear-view mirror in front of the bus. This brings us to the fact that China in 1997 was yet adjusting to its new capitalist nature after the end of the Mao era. Mao Zedong in his many years of rule over

China had achieved a god-like stature in the eyes of the Chinese people. He was the supreme leader. Seeing therefore Xiao Wu in this scene stealing in the presence of Mao Zedong appears to be mocking the presence of chairman Mao especially at this time were the era of his rule had come to an end. This is not the only time in which Mao’s politics is mocked in the film. When Xiao Wu goes to visit his friend in his shop, his friend’s daughter is seen playing with a mango. This can be seen as the representation of ‘The Mango Fever’ – On the 4th of August 1968, Mao had been gifted with some mangoes by the Foreign Minister of Pakistan, Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada in what was supposed to be a diplomatic gesture of friendship. Chairman Mao described the mangoes as a “spiritual time bomb”. Not too long after, Mao had had his assistant distribute them to the Mao Zedong Propaganda Teams throughout Beijing, beginning with the one started at Tsinghua University and thereafter an article was published in the People’s Daily. I Quote:

“In the afternoon of the fifth, when the great happy news of Chairman Mao giving mangoes to the Capital Worker and Peasant Mao Zedong Thought Propaganda Team reached the Tsinghua University campus, people immediately gathered around the gift given by the Great Leader Chairman Mao. They cried out enthusiastically and sang with wild abandonment. Tears welled up in their eyes, and they again and again sincerely wished that our most beloved Great Leader lived then thousand years without bounds … They all made phone calls to their own work units to spread this happy news; and they also organised all kinds of celebratory activities all night long, and arrived at [the national leadership compound] Zhongnanhai despite the rain to report the good news, and to express their loyalty to the Great Leader Chairman Mao.”

This article shows how the mango became a symbolic fruit in China and the fact that a mango has been tactfully placed in the film also represents how politics in China has been represented in this film. Outside of the two scenes mentioned above depicting the Mao era we also see that throughout the film many people are dressed in Mao jackets. This also further exemplifies the National Identity of China in the 1990s.

When Xiao Wu visits his friend, they have a di scussion about the construction that is going on all around the town and how the building in which his friends’ shop is located is going to be torn down. This shows the economic transformation that was occurring in China at that time and its effect on the Chinese landscape as well as the ongoing industrialisation in the various provinces of China. Most of the redevelopments that were going on in various scenes in the film were as a result of the United Kingdom’s return of Hong Kong to China in 1997. At midnight on June 30 to July 1 in 1997 which is the year in which this film was released, the crown colony of Hong Kong was officially returned to China bringing an end to 156 years of British occupation and rule. After an official handover ceremony on the 1st of July, the colony became the Hong Kong special administrative region (HKSAR) of the People’s Republic of China. The information of the return of China was announced over the towns loudspeakers for the town to hear. Xiao wu hears of this when he goes to visit his parents. National identity is once again shown through the events of the transfer of Hong Kong from the United Kingdom to China.

When looking at how the film represents National Identity in terms of customs and traditions, Xiao Wu’s friend’s wedding is a very good example. This is because it shows us how weddings are traditionally done in China. In preparation for a Chinese wedding the groom is responsible for all the costs of the wedding and this is what we witness when Xiao Wu goes to visit his friend to inquire about why he had not received a wedding invitation. In this scene, we see the staff preparing various Chinese traditional dishes required for the wedding ceremony and all the different drinks and refreshments that will be served to the wedding guests the following day. It is important that we observe that the bride is not present and that the groom is overseeing all the work put into the preparations for the wedding. This film represents the vast explorations of various genres of Chinese traditional music which is played throughout the film – A good example of National Identity.

The film highlights the apparent poverty among the lower classes in China of the 1990s. When Xiao Wu accompanies Meimei to make a long-distance call to her mother, it is revealed that Meimei was sent by her family to school in Beijing but because of the pervasive poverty, she is unable to pay her fees and therefore begins to work as a prostitute in a small Hostess Bar in Fen yang. From this illicit work, she is able to scrape funds together to make a living for herself and to meet the most important needs of her family. However, she lies to her mother saying she is at school. Her drive to make money to feed her family could be the main reason why she was quick to leave Xiao Wu when she meets a more affluent person. Meimei’s family is representative of the excruciating poverty experienced by the lower-class Chinese.

This film further provides a peak into a lower-class Chinese household and allows us to see the way they go about with their daily lives. In the scene were Xiao Wu goes to visit his family the father calls all the children together and asks them to contribute money for the elder son’s wedding. This reminds us that in Chinese marriages the groom’s family bares the entire costs of the wedding. Xiao Wu’s family is poor and struggles to put the funds together. No member of the family is forthcoming in making contributions. This angers his father especially as Xiao Wu is also making a big issue over his mother re-gifting the ring that he gave her to his brother’s bride. This is the ring that was previously Xiao Wu’s gift to Meimei before she jilted him. An argument ensues over Xiao Wu’s lack of ‘Filial piety’. In China, Filial piety mandates that the parents are to be provided for by their children. The pillar of the Chinese family structure is the concept of Filial piety. Filial piety is a central value in traditional Chinese culture. Its importance goes far beyond that of the biblical commandment “Honour thy mother and thy father”. Filial piety was and still is a value based on strict principles of hierarchy, obligation, and obedience. This is a classic example of Chinese National identity as shown in the film.

At the end of the film, Xiao Wu is made to suffer public disgrace as he is handcuffed to a lamppost in the middle of the town because he had finally been caught stealing. This form of justice was very common in China from times past. It must be borne in mind that this largely symbolic punishment of being handcuffed to a lamppost in the middle of the town is only for a short time. This is because Xiao Wu is a notorious criminal and therefore is likely to face a stiffer penalty upon conviction for his crimes. Xiao Wu’s punishment, especially in the handcuffing to the public lamppost, is another example of National Identity being brought into play. Essentially this shows the Chinese criminal justice system.

In conclusion, National Identity of the Chinese is portrayed significantly in several places in the film. National identity is represented in the culture; in their traditions; in the history of the people; in their values; in their politics; in the music; in the justice system; in the economy and in other areas mentioned above.

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National Identity

Updated 12 April 2021

Subject Identity ,  Love ,  Politics

Downloads 110

Category Government ,  Life ,  Sociology

Topic Foreign Policy ,  Relationship

A country's political identity is strongly linked to its foreign policy. National identity can be characterized as the idea of a country as a common society embodied by various cultures, customs, and languages, while a foreign policy can be identified as policies of the government that favor the mandate of the nation when negotiating with other nations. In order to establish an interpretation of the dialectical relationship between national identity and foreign policy, the paper expands the literature presented by numerous influential writers. Identity and Foreign Policy: Canada as a Nation of the Americas Jean-Philippe Thérien and Gordon Mace have explained the conceptual issues encountered by nations while constructing separate national identity. According to Thérien and Mace (2013), there is no functional politics or international system without identity. Identity is an essential concept deeply embedded in a nation’s framework. International relations field has emphasized on the importance of identity. The authors have tried to explain the importance of identity as an essential element in the nation building process. Moreover, the authors have emphasized on the Canadian approach to identity and foreign policy. Canadians adopted a certain foreign policy towards the United States (US). According to Thérien and Mace (2013), Canada’s approach to the nation’s identity and foreign policy regarding the United States has changed remarkably over the past 20 years. Dynamics of regional affairs and political agenda of a party have changed. Moreover, Canada’s foreign policy has adopted continuity rather than change toward the United States. In 1990, Canada had tried to construct a regional system by implementing the inter-American system. However, Canada’s attempt to integrate the American system with the nation stopped in 2003. Canadian officials initiated the creation of the nation’s identity by maintaining bilateral relations with nations like Mexico and Chile along with the supporting summit of America. The authors have emphasized on the importance of the nation’s identity and foreign policy as simultaneous procedures. Canadian nation’s identity as a collective American policy of the government to overcome the gap between the two states has been explained extensively in the article. The main objective is to create an understanding of the importance of the nation’s identity embedded in the ideology of the state (Thérien & Mace, 2013). The foreign policy represents the nation’s identity and interests as a collective nation. Canada’s stance on improving the relationship with the United States indicates the public’s interest. The Canadian government has tried to integrate the nation’s identity with the US to formulate a better foreign policy. However, public is of view that officials forget the essence of the nation’s identity while considering US interest in the foreign policy process. Foreign policy should be purely based on the nation’s identity aligned with external forces (Thérien & Mace, 2013). Identity Theory and Foreign Policy: Explaining Japan’s Responses to the 1991 Gulf War and the 2003 U.S. War in IraqAmy L. Catalinac in the article has explained deeply embedded concepts of nation’s identity and foreign policy by highlighting Japan’s response to the 1991 Gulf War and the 2003 U.S. war in Iraq. Japan’s response to Gulf War was different than the U.S war in Iraq. The author has explained the complexity of the approach of Japanese and various other states in response to the U.S war in Iraq. Catalinac (2007) has described neorealist, and neoliberalism approaches. Moreover, Catalinac (2007) has elaborated constructivism, nation’s identity, and foreign policy based on standard explanations of foreign policy. Catalinac (2007) has tried to explain the identity theory and varying perspectives of nations toward different situations. For instance, the Japanese government reaction to Gulf War differed from the reaction to the U.S war in Iraq. Catalinac (2007) has explained Japanese stance on two different wars that took place in history. Moreover, Catalinac (2007) has emphasized on varying responses of the Japanese government to two different wars contradicting neorealism and neoliberalism. International relation conventional paradigms failed to elaborate the Japanese government’s responses to different wars. However, it is essential for policymakers to implement identity-based approaches to developing a foreign policy. The nation’s identity can be considered as a pivotal element in defining a foreign policy. Catalinac (2007) has tried to elaborate the importance of considering the nation’s identity while drafting a foreign policy. Japan’s response to Gulf War under the supervision of President Toshiki Kaifu was prompt, whereas the response to the U.S war in Iraq was slow and stagnant. The two different approaches of Japan towards historical wars indicate the nation’s interest and contribution of the public in formulating the foreign policy of the state. Catalinac (2007) also has tried to explain that neorealism and neoliberalism play an essential part in the state’s foreign policy. However, Japan’s varying responses to two different wars have raised questions regarding conventional paradigms. Japan’s stance on two different wars has highlighted the importance of internal forces in defining a foreign policy. Foreign policy making in the Middle EastAccording to Raymond A. Hinnebusch (2003), the foreign policy in the Middle East is made by considering foreign policy determinants including interests and challenges. The Middle East’s foreign policy making procedure is dominated by either dictatorship approaches adopted by leaders or unreasonable outcome of the domestic instability of the state. Hinnebusch (2003) has tried to explain the importance of the nation’s identity and foreign policy in clearing its stance in the political world. Foreign making policy procedure is carried out by think-tanks that have the ability to understand the domestic and underlying demands of the population before formulating a foreign policy. Hinnebusch (2003) has indicated both national level and international level relationships to be important determinants while formulating a foreign policy. It means authorities have to consider the nation’s interests at the regional level and the ongoing trend at the international level while making a valid foreign policy. However, the Middle East’s regional militarization has posed greater threats which policymakers must consider in foreign policy agendas. Hinnebusch (2003) provides explanation for the motive of states for formulating a foreign policy. Hinnebusch (2003) has explained autonomy and security of the regime to be essential factors of states’ interest in a foreign policy. However, different states adopt different agendas to defend the state’s autonomy and security that varies with time considerably. Identity is a complex concept in the Middle Eastern states which compels authorities to consider different identities while formulating a foreign policy. Hinnebusch (2003) has explained officials involved in foreign policy making are required to consider each and every aspect including domestic level demands or threats or external forces while formulating a stringent policy that safeguards interests of the state. In the Middle Eastern states, the foreign policy process considers public views as well as external forces while drafting a stable policy. It is essential for officials to address all necessary requirements of drafting a policy. Officials consider economic interests, public opinion, and external threats in the foreign policy process. However, capitalists influenced by economic interests also contribute to the foreign policy agenda. Nevertheless, states carefully consider socio-economic infrastructure along with nation’s cultural identity while making foreign policy (Hinnebusch, 2003). Russian National Identity and Foreign PolicyIgor Zevelev (2016) has attempted to explain Russian perspective of national identity and foreign policy. Each country represents collective ideas approved by a nation which is conveyed to other nations through adequate foreign policy. National identity and foreign policy are well blended to form a stable state. Moreover, an appropriate combination of national identity narratives, international security discourses, and domestic security goals explains Russian approach. The author has explained that Russia considers domestic demands to be an integral part of its foreign policy rather than west conceptualization that considers domestic demands and external threats equally. Russia emphasizes on defining the nation’s identity to be an essential consideration. Zevelev (2016) has explained that Russian approach towards drafting a foreign policy has complicated its relations with western states and post-Soviet states. Moreover, the author believes that President Vladimir Putin’s approach towards policy developed considers the nation’s history and traditions to be essential elements of policy making (Zevelev, 2016). Zevelev (2016) has explained Russian foreign policymaking procedures have created doubts throughout the world. Russian’s approach towards considering national identity to be an important factor dates back to the nineteenth century. However, Zevelev (2016) has highlighted the growing concern of the Westernized world towards Russian’s approach in foreign policy. Westerners are of the view that Russia needs to consider national identity as well as external threats while making foreign policy. The rationalism of the West should be considered by Russian policy makers to mitigate problems encountered by the Russian government. The universal character of Russian’s national identity and emphasis on universalism were main highlights of the nineteenth century. The Russian policy adopted by officials in the nineteenth century indicated the doctrine of official nationalism. Zevelev (2016) has explained that a British historian, Geoffrey Hosking believed Russia to be an eligible empire. Moreover, the author has explained the disintegration of the Soviet Union was a setback for the country’s foreign policy. The country lost its identity with the collapse of the Soviet Union (Zevelev, 2016). In conclusion, it could be stated that the literature review highlighted and discussed the importance of a nation's identity and foreign policy from different prominent countries’ perspectives. The nation’s identity is deeply embedded in the foreign policy. Moreover, it can be said that the nation’s identity is a cornerstone of the foreign policy, and officials consider it as an integral element while formulating a country’s foreign policy. ReferencesCatalinac, A. L. (2007). Identity theory and foreign policy:explaining Japan’s responses to the 1991 Gulf War and the 2003 U.S. War in Iraq. Politics & Policy, 35(1), 58-100.Hinnebusch, R. (2003). The international politics of the Middle East. Manchester: Manchester University Press.Thérien, J. P., & Mace, G. (2013). Identity and foreign polity: Canada as a nation of the Americas. Latin American Politics and Society, 55(2), 150-168.Zevelev, I. (2016). Russian national identity and foreign policy. Washington: CSIS Russia and Eurasia Program .

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