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ISSN : 0368-492X

Article publication date: 21 April 2023

Issue publication date: 15 August 2024

The purpose of this study is to review cyberbullying incidents among students in higher education institutions (HEIs). Cyberbullying has become a threat to students' wellbeing as it penetrates one life due to the pervasive availability of digital technologies.

Design/methodology/approach

Through a bibliometric analysis, this study analyzes 361 journal publications from the Web of Science (WoS) based on bibliographic coupling and co-word analysis.

Significant themes were found related to cyberbullying in HEIs, particularly related to the impact and determinants of cyberbullying on students. Bibliographic coupling produces three clusters on the current research fronts, while co-word analysis produces four clusters on the prediction of future trends. Implications of this phenomenon warrant comprehensive intervention by the HEIs management to dampen its impact on students' wellbeing. Findings would enhance the fundamental understanding through science mapping on the prevalent and potential incidence of cyberbullying.

Practical implications

Crucial insights will benefit the government, HEIs’ management, educators, scholars, policymakers and parents to overcome this dreadful phenomenon of cyberbullying. Several managerial interventions and mitigation strategies are proposed to reduce and control the occurrence of cyberbullying.

Originality/value

This study presents a bibliometric review to uncover the knowledge structure of cyberbullying studies in HEIs.

  • Cyberbullying
  • Higher education
  • Bibliometric analysis
  • Web of Science

Fauzi, M.A. (2024), "Cyberbullying in higher education: a review of the literature based on bibliometric analysis", Kybernetes , Vol. 53 No. 9, pp. 2914-2933. https://doi.org/10.1108/K-12-2022-1667

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  • DOI: 10.1108/k-12-2022-1667
  • Corpus ID: 258295680

Cyberbullying in higher education: a review of the literature based on bibliometric analysis

  • Muhammad Ashraf Fauzi
  • Published in Kybernetes 21 April 2023
  • Education, Psychology

6 Citations

Investigating the adverse effects of social media and cybercrime in higher education: a case study of an online university, understanding the influence of cybercrime law absence on cyberbullying in higher institutions of learning: a case of the international university of management, transforming higher education institutions through edi leadership: a bibliometric exploration, green information technology and green information systems: science mapping of present and future trends, creating a positive environment for finding and asking questions in class, medical tourism in south east asia: science mapping of present and future trends, 95 references, cyberbullying: a systematic literature review to identify the factors impelling university students towards cyberbullying, cyberbullying in higher education: a literature review, bullying and cyberbullying: a bibliometric analysis of three decades of research in education, management of cyberbullying: a qualitative exploratory case study of a nigerian university, cyberbullying among university students: gendered experiences, impacts, and perspectives, knowledge hiding behavior in higher education institutions: a scientometric analysis and systematic literature review approach, study of cyberbullying among adolescents in recent years: a bibliometric analysis, cyberbullying: the hidden side of college students, cyberbullying in elementary and middle school students: a systematic review, factors affecting cyberbullying involvement among students of northwestern university, related papers.

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  • Abarna S Sheeba J Pradeep Devaneyan S (2023) A novel ensemble model for identification and classification of cyber harassment on social media platform Journal of Intelligent & Fuzzy Systems: Applications in Engineering and Technology 10.3233/JIFS-230346 45 :1 (13-36) Online publication date: 1-Jan-2023 https://dl.acm.org/doi/10.3233/JIFS-230346
  • Wang C Li X Xia L (2023) Long-term effect of cybervictimization on displaced aggressive behavior across two years Computers in Human Behavior 10.1016/j.chb.2022.107611 141 :C Online publication date: 1-Apr-2023 https://dl.acm.org/doi/10.1016/j.chb.2022.107611
  • Achuthan K Nair V Kowalski R Ramanathan S Raman R (2023) Cyberbullying research — Alignment to sustainable development and impact of COVID-19 Computers in Human Behavior 10.1016/j.chb.2022.107566 140 :C Online publication date: 1-Mar-2023 https://dl.acm.org/doi/10.1016/j.chb.2022.107566
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  • Cyberbullying awareness
  • Cyberbullying prevalence
  • Higher education cyberbullying
  • Social media cyberbullying
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  • Gümüş M Çakır R Korkmaz Ö (2023) Investigation of pre-service teachers’ sensitivity to cyberbullying, perceptions of digital ethics and awareness of digital data security Education and Information Technologies 10.1007/s10639-023-11785-7 28 :11 (14399-14421) Online publication date: 1-Nov-2023 https://dl.acm.org/doi/10.1007/s10639-023-11785-7
  • Celuch M Savela N Oksa R Latikka R Oksanen A (2022) Individual factors predicting reactions to online harassment among Finnish professionals Computers in Human Behavior 10.1016/j.chb.2021.107022 127 :C Online publication date: 9-Apr-2022 https://dl.acm.org/doi/10.1016/j.chb.2021.107022
  • Kaur M Saini M (2022) Indian government initiatives on cyberbullying: A case study on cyberbullying in Indian higher education institutions Education and Information Technologies 10.1007/s10639-022-11168-4 28 :1 (581-615) Online publication date: 4-Jul-2022 https://dl.acm.org/doi/10.1007/s10639-022-11168-4
  • Quayyum F Cruzes D Jaccheri L (2021) Cybersecurity awareness for children International Journal of Child-Computer Interaction 10.1016/j.ijcci.2021.100343 30 :C Online publication date: 1-Dec-2021 https://dl.acm.org/doi/10.1016/j.ijcci.2021.100343
  • Kopiś-Posiej N Cudo A Tużnik P Wojtasiński M Augustynowicz P Zabielska-Mendyk E Bogucka V (2021) The impact of problematic Facebook use and Facebook context on empathy for pain processing Computers in Human Behavior 10.1016/j.chb.2021.106936 124 :C Online publication date: 1-Nov-2021 https://dl.acm.org/doi/10.1016/j.chb.2021.106936
  • Sarmiento A Herrera-López M Zych I (2019) Is cyberbullying a group process? Online and offline bystanders of cyberbullying act as defenders, reinforcers and outsiders Computers in Human Behavior 10.1016/j.chb.2019.05.037 99 :C (328-334) Online publication date: 1-Oct-2019 https://dl.acm.org/doi/10.1016/j.chb.2019.05.037
  • Kokkinos C Antoniadou N (2019) Cyber-bullying and cyber-victimization among undergraduate student teachers through the lens of the General Aggression Model Computers in Human Behavior 10.1016/j.chb.2019.04.007 98 :C (59-68) Online publication date: 1-Sep-2019 https://dl.acm.org/doi/10.1016/j.chb.2019.04.007

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cyberbullying in higher education a literature review

Lynette K. Watts

  • Radiologic Sciences Department, Midwestern State University, 3410 Taft Blvd., Bridwell Hall Office 201E, Wichita Falls, TX 76308, USA

Jessyca Wagner

  • Radiologic Sciences Department, Midwestern State University, 3410 Taft Blvd., Bridwell Hall, Office 216, Wichita Falls, TX 76308, USA

Benito Velasquez

  • Athletic Training Department, School of Allied Health, Lincoln Memorial University, 6965 Cumberland Gap Parkway, Harrogate, TN 37752, USA

Phyllis I. Behrens

  • University of Missouri Extension, 3950 Newman Road, Plaster Hall 107A, Joplin, MO 64801-1512, USA

Higher education cyberbullying Cyberbullying prevalence Cyberbullying awareness Social media cyberbullying

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  • Social Psychology
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Cyberbullying: A Systematic Literature Review to Identify the Factors Impelling University Students Towards Cyberbullying

  • August 2020
  • IEEE Access 8(99):2020

Farhan Shaikh at Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman

  • Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman

Mobashar Rehman at Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman

  • University of Portsmouth

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Conceptual map of personal factors associated with cyberbullying.

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Cyberbullying: A Systematic Literature Review to Identify the Factors Impelling University Students Towards Cyberbullying

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Beth Sockman

cyberbullying in higher education a literature review

Helen Cowie , Carrie Myers

Students within the university sector are ‘digital natives’. Technology is not ‘new’ or ‘alien’ to them, but rather it is an accepted and normalised part of everyday life (Simmons et al., 2016). With this level of expertise and competence, we could assume that university students are relatively happy with their online relationships. However, in recent years there has been a growing realisation that, for some students at least, the online world is a very dangerous place. The age of the students is of key importance here too, as those in higher and further education are young adults, rather than children in need of parental support. From this perspective, the university as an institution has a duty of care to its students in their learning environment regardless of their age. In this article, we consider the social and cultural contexts which either promote or discourage cyberbullying among university students. Finally, the implications for policies, training and awareness-raising are discussed along with ideas for possible future research in this under researched area. Key words: bullying/cyberbullying at university; bystanders; bullies; victims; cyberbullying and the law, cyberbully/victims, cultural context

Pakistan Journal of Psychological Research

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The purpose of the study was to explore modes, strategies, and consequences of cyberbullying perpetration and victimization among university students. In-depth interviews of 14 volunteer university students (8 male and 6 female) were conducted who volunteered to participate in the study in which 10 participants were “cybervictims” whereas 4 were “cyberbully-victim”. Interview guide was used for conducting unstructured interviews. Thematic analysis of the interviews revealed different experiences in cyberspace with respect to gender and role (cybervictim and cyberbully-victim) in experiencing cyberbullying and cyber-victimization. Three themes emerged that is psychological consequences (emotional, behavioral, and cognitive), social consequences (family and peers), and change in lifestyle (online, offline, and academic). Facebook was found to be the most prevalent mode of cyberbullying. The cyberbully-victim participants derived more happiness while bullying and had revengeful attitud...

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Technology has many positive effects on education, but negative effects also exist. One of the negative effects is cyberbullying spreading out of school boundaries to the social networks. The increasing popularity of social media among youngsters engenders cyberbullies who exploit the virtual environment besides the usual emails. This distresses the students and adversely affects their families, teachers, and others around them. Although research studies mainly concentrate on prior education, there seems to be a need to investigate the situation in higher education. This study focuses on students studying technology and related disciplines, who are hence likely to be well connected with cyberspace, and explores their awareness about cyberbullying. The findings reveal that female students have significantly less awareness than males. This study will help address some gender issues in cyberbullying.

Cem güzeller

The aim of this study is to determine and analyse the relationships between the cyberbullying perceptions of university students and their psychological aggression behaviours. The population of the study in the relationship survey model included 250 university students from different Faculties at Akdeniz University (Antalya/TURKEY). In order to measure the cyberbullying perceptions and psychological aggression behaviours of these university students, the "Cyberbullying Questionnaire" and the "Psychological Aggression Questionnaire" were used. Pearson correlation coefficients were calculated to evaluate the relationships among the variables used in the study. Results of this study revealed that there is a positive and moderate level relationship between cyberbullying perceptions and psychological aggression behaviours. Moreover, there is a negative and high-level relationship between cyberbullying perceptions and gender.

International Journal of Multidisciplinary: Applied Business and Education Research

John Mark R . Asio

In the advent of the "new normal" during the pandemic era, strategies to teach and learn switched to online. Students' behavior and attitude also shifted from face-to-face to online. This study aims to assess the students' profiles and the prevalence of cyberbullying in the higher education institutions in Central Luzon, Philippines. The study used a descriptive-correlational technique with the help of an online survey to gather data. Using a convenience sampling technique, 300 higher education students participated in the online survey during the first semester of 2021-2022. In order to attain the objective of the study, the investigators used a standardized instrument. With the help of SPSS 23, the data analyst analyzed the gathered data using the following statistical tools: frequency, weighted mean, and non-parametrical tests like Kruskal-Wallis, Mann-Whitney U, and Spearman rho. The investigator found that the studentrespondents were "never" cyberbullying victims or offenders. Furthermore, statistical inferences showed a variation for cyberbullying offenders as to age and sponsorship/scholarship and a weak indirect relationship between cyberbullying offenders and sponsorship/scholarship characteristics of the students. The investigators recommended pertinent implications for the new normal of learning among students and the institution from the study results.

Information Systems Education Journal

Jiyoon Yoon

Carlos P . Zalaquett

Cyberbullying is commonly presented as affecting K-12 populations. Current research suggests cyberbullying continues in college. A diverse sample of 613 university students was surveyed to study their cyberbullying experiences in high school and college. Nineteen percent of the sample reported being a victim of cyberbullying in college and 35% of this subsample reported being cyberbullied in high school. Additional findings and practical implications are presented.

Fatin Athirah

Participants were 439 college students who were asked how often they had experienced each of a series of bullying behaviors since they have been in college. Results indicated that 38% of college students knew someone who had been cyberbullied, 21.9% had been cyberbullied, and 8.6% had cyberbullying someone else. It was apparent that some forms of electronic media are more commonly used to cyberbully others than are other forms. All the cyberbullying behaviors and traditional bullying behaviors were significantly positively inter-correlated. There were no significant gender or ethnic group differences in any of the cyberbullying behaviors.

The Investigation of Predictors of Cyberbullying andCyber Victimization in University Students

Gizem Akcan

Information and communication technologies catch the attention of people via media that some problems like cyber bullying and cyber victimization are also increased with technological developments. The aim of this study is to examine the effects of gender, frequency of internet usage, perceived academic achievement on cyber bullying, and victimization. The research sample consisted of 151 (76 female,75 male) high school and university students. Demographic Information Form, Cyber Bullying and Cyber Victimization Scales were administered to the participants. According to the results of the Mann Whitney U-test, males were more likely to be cyberbulliers than females; however, they were also more likely to be victims. In the correlational analysis, it was determined that cyberbullying correlated positively with cybervictimization. Furthermore, multi regression analysis showed that cyberbullying was predicted by perceived academic achievement. However, the results of the multi regression analysis indicated that cybervictimization was predicted by frequency of internet usage.

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Cyberbullying and the Faculty Victim Experience: Perceptions and Outcomes

Jillian r. williamson yarbrough.

1 Management Department, West Texas A&M University, 2501 4th Ave, Canyon, TX 79016 USA

Katelynn Sell

2 Nova Southeastern University, 3300 S. University Drive, Fort Lauderdale, FL 33328-2004 USA

3 Bilingual and ESL Education, West Texas A&M University, 2501 4th Ave, Canyon, TX 79016 USA

Leslie Ramos Salazar

4 Business Communication, West Texas A&M University, 2501 4th Ave, Canyon, TX 79016 USA

Associated Data

The data that supports the findings of this study is available from the corresponding auther, JRWY, upon reasonable request.

Cyberbullying affects US youth, adolescents, and adults and can occur in various settings. Among the academic literature exploring cyberbullying, most discuss cyberbullying of youth and adolescents within the K-12 academic setting. While some studies address cyberbullying targeting adults, a limited amount of research has been conducted on the topic of cyberbullying among adults within the higher education context. Of the studies that explore cyberbullying in higher education, a considerable proportion focus on cyberbullying incidents between college students. Less discussed, however, are the experiences of university faculty who have been cyberbullied by either their students, fellow faculty, or administrators. Few, if any, studies address cyberbullying of faculty as the phenomenon relates to the COVID-19 pandemic. The following qualitative study aims to fill this gap through examining the lived experiences of faculty victims of cyberbullying. Utilizing the theoretical lens of disempowerment theory, researchers recruited a diverse population of twenty-five university faculty from across the USA who self-reported being victims of cyberbullying. The study analyzes participants’ interview responses to determine common experiences of faculty and overarching themes concerning cyberbullying in the academic workplace, particularly within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. The research team applied disempowerment theory to support thematic analysis. In addition, the present article offers potential solutions for supporting faculty as they navigate virtual learning environments. The study’s findings hold practical implications for faculty, administrators, and stakeholders in institutions of higher education who seek to implement research-driven policies to address cyberbullying on their campuses.

Introduction

Cyberbullying entails using electronic devices to bully another person through threats, spreading rumors, and/or impersonating others. Cyberbullying can occur in various digital settings such as in email correspondence, text messages, or on social media platforms. Cyberbullying is a component of cyber-abuse, or online abusive interpersonal behaviors that are overly aggressive in nature and that threaten, harass, embarrass, or socially ostracize the victim (Piotrowski, 2012 ). The phenomenon has been growing in prevalence and is on the rise worldwide (Cook, 2021 ). While significant academic research has examined cyberbullying among youth and adolescents (Calvete et al., 2010 ; Hutson et al., 2018 , Li et al., 2016 ; Nikolaou, 2021 ; Patchin & Hinduja, 2010 ), fewer research studies have explored cyberbullying among adults. Yet, most adults have first-hand or second-hand experience with cyberbullying. Indeed, in 2014, the Pew Research Center reported that 75% of US adults have witnessed cyberbullying while 40% of US adults have personally experienced some form of online harassment (Duggan, 2014 ).

The experiences of adult victims of cyberbullying proves distinct from the experiences of youth victims (Scheff, 2019 ). One unique aspect involves adults’ experiences with cyberbullying in the workplace (Chapel et al., 2019 ). Workplace bullying is defined as a systematic, repetitive engagement of interpersonally abusive behavior that negatively impacts the victim and the organization (Sansone & Sansone, 2015 ). While workplace bullying previously occurred primarily face-to-face, technology is enabling a virtual form, cyberbullying. In a large study of workplace conditions, Kowalski et al. ( 2018 ) found that 20% of workers reported experiencing cyberbullying. This proves especially concerning since cyberbullying leads to problematic outcomes for both the individual victim and the organization for which they work. First, the targets of workplace bullying may experience mental distress, sleep disturbances, fatigue, energy deprivation, depression, anxiety, and adjustment disorders. Cyberbullying may even lead to victims’ committing suicide (Alipan et al., 2021 ; Sansone & Sansone, 2015 ). Second, cyberbullying hurts organizational effectiveness by damaging organizational culture, employee well-being, employee work engagement, and employee retention (Karthikeyan, 2020 ; Muhonen et al., 2017 ).

Clearly, the issue of cyberbullying in the workplace is significant and growing. Studying specific work environments can yield targeted solutions to the problem. One industry that is grappling with cyberbullying’s deleterious effects is academia. The literature that has studied cyberbullying within the higher education context has primarily concentrated on the experiences of college students who have been bullied by other students (Cimke & Cerit, 2021 ; Faucher et al., 2014 ; Khine et al., 2020 ; Kowalski et al., 2022 ; Molluzzo & Lawler, 2012 ; Varghese & Pistole, 2017 ; Whittaker & Kowalski, 2015 ). A limited number of peer-reviewed research articles have explored the effects of cyberbullying on college and university faculty who have experienced cyberbullying within a workplace context.

Despite the topic not receiving significant discussion in the academic research, the cyberbullying of college and university faculty proves a pervasive problem. Faculty regularly experience cyberbullying not only from students, but from colleagues, superiors, and the general public (Cassidy et al., 2016 ; Cassidy et al., 2017 ; Cuevas, 2018 ; Lloro-Bidart, 2018 ; Meriläinen et al., 2016 ; Weiss, 2020 ). An examination of whether the COVID-19 pandemic has contributed to augmented levels of cyberbullying against faculty proves especially necessary. Due to the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, faculty are increasingly engaging with students and colleagues through online learning management systems, email, and social media. Apart from engaging in increased amounts of online communication, many faculty saw their work duties shift to a virtual format for several months during the COVID-19 pandemic. Because of the COVID-19 pandemic, various colleges and universities have shifted courses that had been conducted previously “in-person” in brick-and-mortar classrooms to an online format (Clemmons et al., 2022 ; Fogg et al., 2020 ; Kourgiantakis et al., 2021 ). Since the nature of communication, collaboration, and coursework has changed significantly in academia during the COVID-19 pandemic, the forms and amount of cyberbullying of college faculty may have, likewise, been transformed.

One reason this may be the case is that increases in electronic forms of communication contribute to heightened levels of cyberbullying. When people communicate virtually, they receive fewer social cues, have an increased sense of anonymity, and feel less concern over the tone of their message due to the asynchronous nature of the communication (Wildermuth & Davis, 2012 ). When considering the higher education workplace for faculty, the amount of time that faculty spend working online correlates to the likelihood that faculty become cyberbullying victims (Cassidy et al., 2014 ). Since the COVID-19 pandemic has led to greater amounts of electronic communication between faculty and students and increases in the number of job-related duties that faculty perform virtually, faculty may be more likely to experience cyberbullying. However, to the researchers’ best understanding, academic research studies on the topic have yet to be published on the subject. The following study seeks to fill this gap through conducting a qualitative analysis of interviews with 25 university faculty from across the USA who self-reported that they had been victimized by cyberbullying in the workplace. Specifically, this study seeks to explore university faculty’s lived cyberbullying experiences using disempowerment theory as a framework (Kane & Montgomery, 1998 ).

According to the disempowerment theory, individuals who feel inadequate are at risk of employing power assertions, including violence, to control people who they perceive as threatening (Archer, 1994 ). The theory identifies a range of risk factors that may predict the use of violence to re-establish power, authority, or control of others in a relationship (Bosco et al., 2022 ; McKenry et al., 2006 ). Individual factors such as self-esteem, personality, mental health issues, substance misuse, family origin, and insecure attachment can make a person more prone to abuse others. According to disempowerment theory, acts of violence or aggression are ultimately seen as an individual’s attempt to reassert power and maintain control over another individual (Kwong-Lai Poon, 2011 ; Mendoza, 2011 ).

Disempowerment theory offers a theoretical framework to understand cyberbullying perpetration and victimization based on the power dynamics of workplace relationships (Kane & Montgomery, 1998 ). With this theoretical perspective, cyberbullying in the workplace can be at least partially explained by increased feelings of disempowerment among employees. Feelings of disempowerment lead to negative emotions and job attitudes that disrupt work-related goals (Kituyi, 2021 ). When employees feel disempowered in relationships within a work context, employees may attack others to regain a sense of empowerment over their victims. Over time, this creates a negative work environment, which can adversely influence workplace productivity (Farley et al., 2015 ). In higher education, disempowerment theory posits that power imbalances can occur between faculty and students, faculty and staff, and faculty and administrators given varying ranks, positions, and years of work-related experience (Keashly & Neuman, 2010 ; Woudstra et al., 2018 ). From this disempowerment perspective, workplace cyberbullying leads to negative outcomes for victims such as high stress, demoralization, and low mental well-being (O’Donnell et al., 2010 ; Tsang & Liu, 2016 ).

Apart from applying disempowerment theory to examine faculty’s lived experiences of cyberbullying in the academic workplace, the study elaborates on the frequency and forms of cyberbullying that faculty members face. Furthermore, the article details the negative impacts of cyberbullying on faculty. Finally, the authors connect the study’s findings with the extant literature and propose practical solutions to the current issue of cyberbullying in academia.

Literature Review

Cyberbullying is associated with significant negative outcomes such as depression, low self-esteem, emotional distress, and even self-harm (Celik et al., 2012 ; Coyne et al., 2016 ; Eyuboglu et al., 2021 ). There are numerous forms of cyberbullying such as hate speech, harassment, and trolling and each form will have different consequences and outcomes (Park et al., 2021 ; Saladino et al., 2020 ; Xu & Trzaskawka, 2021 ). Various research studies have explored cyberbullying among youth in the K-12 learning environment, concluding that cyberbullying proves prevalent in K-12 schools (Calvete et al., 2010 ; Hutson et al., 2018 ; Li et al., 2016 ; Nikolaou, 2021 ; Patchin & Hinduja, 2010 ). Significant research has also been conducted concerning college students’ cyberbullying experiences. Like K-12 students, a substantial proportion of college students—upwards of half of college students—report experiencing cyberbullying within the last 6 months (Kowalski et al., 2022 ). College students often report receiving cyber abuse from their fellow student peers, causing significant harm to victims’ emotional wellbeing (Cimke & Cerit, 2021 ; Faucher et al., 2014 ; Khine et al., 2020 ; Kowalski et al., 2022 ; Molluzzo & Lawler, 2012 ; Varghese & Pistole, 2017 ; Whittaker & Kowalski, 2015 ). Additionally, there is a growing body of literature examining the adult experience with cyberbullying in the workplace (Chapel et al., 2019 ; Coyne et al, 2016 ; Vranjes et al, 2017 ). As the present paper concentrates on cyberbullying that targets faculty in the workplace, the literature review will primarily focus on this aspect of cyberbullying.

Cyberbullying in the Workplace

Several studies have examined cyberbullying in the workplace among adult populations, concluding that cyberbullying had deleterious effects on worker’s emotional well-being, overall social interactions at work, job satisfaction, and job commitment. Specifically, Kowalski et al. ( 2018 ) found that cyberbullying victimization among employees led to enhanced counterproductive work behavior, depression, and reduced job satisfaction. In a large study featuring 254 white collar employees across several corporations, Loh and Snyman ( 2020 ) determined that workplace cyberbullying led to an increased level of perceived stress, causing reduced job satisfaction. In the study, females reported more negative effects from workplace cyberbullying than males (Loh & Snyman, 2020 ). Another study documented that perceived cyberbullying across industries positively related with social vulnerability and social withdrawal (Qaisar et al., 2020 ). In a cross-sectional study among employees, Makalesi et al. ( 2022 ) concluded that workplace cyberbullying was positively correlated with employee burnout, which indirectly affected employee work engagement in the organization.

Several studies have also explored workplace cyberbullying in the healthcare field. For instance, Farley et al. ( 2015 ) found that 42.2% of trainee doctors experienced cyberbullying, and this negatively impacted their job satisfaction and mental strain. In another study, Park and Choi ( 2018 ) noted that 8% of nurses experienced workplace cyberbullying, which the authors linked to nurses’ intentions to leave their current jobs in general and tertiary hospitals especially in cases where nurse victims received little social support. Another study indicated that the workplace cyberbullying of nurses was shown to lead to increased job stress and reduced self-esteem (Kim & Choi, 2021 ).

Workplace cyberbullying is also evident in online labor fields. D’Cruz and Noronha ( 2018a ) conducted interviews among 13 clients and freelancers who used electronic platforms as part of their jobs. The researchers indicated themes of victims seeking resolution and moving on after the workplace cyberbullying experiences. In a follow-up study, D’Cruz and Noronha ( 2018b ) also interviewed 13 clients and freelancers in online jobs and found that when seeking resolution from the cyberbullying experience, employees focused on maintaining platform mechanisms, implementing interventions, taking initiative, and being cautious. Further, employees overcame cyberbullying through consulting informal social support systems, through avoiding risks, and by increasing their sense of control and personal growth. As can be seen in the aforementioned studies, cyberbullying has become a widespread problem across various industries. The next section of the literature review will discuss the academic literature related to cyberbullying in academia, which can have a direct impact on faculty’s experiences of cyberbullying within the workplace.

Cyberbullying in Higher Education

While the overall amount of academic literature focusing on university faculty’s experiences with cyberbullying proves scant, some studies have researched the perceptions of students and faculty related to cyberbullying in academia. Molluzzo et al. ( 2013 ) examined perceptions of cyberbullying of both full-time and part-time faculty at a large, private metropolitan university. The authors documented that 98% of faculty participants believed cyberbullying was unethical. Further, the researchers identified an overwhelming perception among both faculty and student participants that their university needed to do more to educate students, faculty, and staff about the damaging effects of cyberbullying (Molluzzo et al., 2013 ). Molluzzo and Lawler ( 2014 ) explored both student and faculty perceptions related to cyberbullying at Pace University, a private university. The researchers determined that students were almost twice as likely as faculty to identify cyberbullying as a significant issue affecting them personally (47.4% of students vs. 26.2% of faculty). The researchers’ survey showed that 76.3% of students and 55.6% of faculty agreed that their university is working to address cyberbullying. In another study, Meter et al. ( 2021 ) determined that among the sixteen college student participants in their exploratory, qualitative study, students overwhelmingly viewed cyberbullying as a gray area. Furthermore, students’ definitions of cyberbullying were highly varied. However, there existed a relative consensus among student participants that the distance between the bully and victim empowered the bully (Meter et al., 2021 ).

Other academic research exploring cyberbullying in higher education has documented the substantial prevalence of cyberbullying on college campuses in the USA and Canada. In Molluzzo et al.’s ( 2013 ) study, 12% of faculty participants were aware of the cyberbullying of students at the university, and 10% reported being cyberbullied themselves by a student or another faculty member through social media. In Molluzzo and Lawler’s ( 2014 ) follow-up study, 16.0% of students and 6.3% of faculty were aware of cyberbullying at other institutions. Cassidy et al. ( 2016 ) reported incidents of cyberbullying from four Canadian universities and found that 25% of surveyed faculty members had experienced cyberbullying by students and15% had been attacked by colleagues. Additionally, the study identified that females were more likely to be the target of cyberbullying. Cassidy et al. ( 2017 ) conducted an additional study with a qualitative thematic analysis regarding the impacts of cyberbullying on post-secondary students, faculty, and administrators from four Canadian universities. Interestingly, students primarily reported being cyberbullied by other students, while faculty reported being cyberbullied by both students and colleagues. Hollis ( 2021 ) examined cyberbullying in the higher education workplace among work colleagues. A sample of 578 higher education professionals and faculty members were collected in late 2017/early 2018. Forty-five percent of respondents reported they were targets of cyberbullying in higher education via email, social media, and/or text communication from colleagues in their higher education work environment. Uniquely the study applied social dominance theory to examine whether women, people of color, and the LGBTQ community reported more incidents of cyberbullying. Through a chi-square analysis, it was confirmed that people of color and members of the LGBTQ community were more likely to be targets of cyberbullying in higher education. Meter et al. ( 2021 ) learned that nearly all college student participants in their qualitative exploratory study had observed or experienced cyberbullying.

While academic literature that focuses on the cyberbullying of faculty in the workplace proves scarce, a few academic research studies have documented the negative impacts of cyberbullying on college faculty. In their study of the various episodes of cyberbullying occurring at four Canadian universities, Cassidy et al. ( 2017 ) found that the negative impacts of cyberbullying proved consistent across age and position/title. Participants reported that cyberbullying had negative effects on their mental health, physical health, and perceptions of self. Victims, likewise, reported that cyberbullying harmed their personal and professional lives while also causing victims to have increased concern for their personal safety (Cassidy et al., 2017 ). Blizard ( 2018 ) explored the negative impact of faculty cyberbullied by their students. Targeted faculty experienced negative physical, emotional, relational, and occupational effects. One faculty member even resigned their position and moved to another country due to cyberbullying. The researcher noted that faculty victims encountered detrimental effects in their relationships with others. Indeed, 74% of victims felt their relationships with students deteriorated, while 37% concluded that their relationships with both colleagues and administrators declined (Blizard, 2018 ).

The literature communicates that adults are experiencing cyberbullying in the workplace and, specifically, faculty are experiencing cyberbullying in their role as educational facilitators. While there is emerging research specifically addressing cyberbullying in academia, there is a gap in the literature that identifies faculty victims’ perceptions of cyberbullying. In a similar vein, few studies have explored the lasting, negative impacts of cyberbullying on college faculty. Insight from faculty on viable solutions to cyberbullying has, likewise, been largely unexplored. As such, this study will contribute to existing research by examining the experiences of faculty victims of cyberbullying and faculty victims’ beliefs on how cyberbullying in the academic workplace should be resolved. By conducting and analyzing faculty interviews, the authors gathered new perspectives not addressed in prior research. Moreover, as few studies have utilized disempowerment theory to explain cyberbullying incidents targeting college faculty, the current study adds much to the extant literature.

Research Questions

  • RQ1: What factors explain cyberbullying perpetration against faculty?
  • RQ2: How did faculty cyberbullying experiences change during the COVID-19 pandemic?
  • RQ3: What are the challenges of faculty dealing with cyberbullying?

The mixed-method study employed a phenomenological, qualitative research design with descriptive statistical methods. This methodology was particularly appropriate as it allowed the researchers to acquire, and later convey, the lived experiences of research participants. Life experiences are difficult to study through quantitative inquiry, as individual experiences cannot be replicated (Lloyd et al., 2014 ). While individual experiences are unique, the phenomenological research approach seeks to arrive at a description of the nature of a particular group through understanding commonalities of lived experiences within an identified group (Creswell, 2013 ). Through interviewing individuals who have first-hand knowledge of an event or an experience, researchers seek to understand each participant, what participants have experienced in terms of this phenomenon, and what contexts or situations have typically influenced their experiences (Moustakas, 1994 ).

Participants

The research team consisted of four faculty members from a mid-size, regional state university in the Southwest. Three members of the research team were business professors, while the fourth member was a faculty member in the department of education. All research team members had conducted previous research on the topic of cyberbullying in the workplace. Several members of the research team had published individual book chapters in a book edited by one of the research team members.

The research team selected subjects through purposive sampling, specifically recruiting tenure track and non-tenure track faculty currently teaching in higher education institutions in the USA. Researchers recruited 25 participants to engage in individual qualitative interviews. Recruitment of participants continued until researchers reached theoretical saturation regarding the themes and topics being discussed (Glaser & Strauss, 1967 ). Further, 25 participants are consistent with Creswell’s ( 2013 ) guidelines of between five and 25 participants for a phenomenological study. Participants had to meet the following criteria: at least 18 years old, currently serving in a faculty position at a higher education institution, and having experience teaching at least one online course within the past year. Participants were recruited via email, word-of-mouth, and oral presentations. Researchers examined all forms of cyberbullying. Participant demographics are listed in Table ​ Table1 1 .

Demographics of the participants

ParticipantTitleYears teachingLocationGender
1Adjunct25 + TexasMale
2Adjunct1FloridaFemale
3Faculty and director20 + TexasFemale
4Assistant professor of management8 to 10 yearsTexasMale
5Lecturer16 yearsTexasMale
6CEO Educational Consulting Company27CaliforniaMale
7Adjunct instructor20TexasMale
8Professor11GeorgiaMale
9Professor13TexasMale
10Assistant professor17TexasFemale
11Associate professor and interim chair7TexasFemale
12Assistant professor18TexasFemale
13Associate professor and department chair20 + TexasFemale
14Lecturer4TexasMale
15Lecturer7TexasFemale
16Assistant professor5TexasMale
17Associate9TexasFemale
18Full professor30TexasMale
19Associate professor4TexasFemale
20Associate professor11TexasFemale
21Lecturer6TexasFemale
22Lecturer3TexasFemale
23Clinical associate professor7TexasFemale
24Associate professor5TexasMale
25Professor28TexasMale

After Institutional Review Board (IRB) approval, the researchers recruited participants using purposeful sampling. Researchers recruited participants by emailing announcements to faculty discussion groups and listservs. Researchers also used word of mouth to recruit participants. Faculty self-selected if they had interest in participating in the study based on their perceptions and experiences of workplace cyberbullying in higher education institutions. If faculty members expressed interest in participating in the study, they received a description of the research study via email with the information necessary regarding the study. Participants were asked to confirm interest by contacting one of the researchers and by signing the informed consent document via email or face-to-face. To assess participants’ cyberbullying experiences, they were asked to discuss their specific cyberbullying experiences in performing duties such as teaching, research, and service in their academic job. The research team led semi-structured interviews via Zoom, which were audio–video recorded using the meeting application’s recording feature. Interview questions are listed in Table ​ Table2. 2 . Two of the eight interview questions specifically addressed topics related to disempowerment theory. Specifically, question 5 of the interview protocol asked participants to consider why cyberbullying happens to faculty and why the faculty member, herself/himself, believed that they had been targeted. Based on participants’ answers, the researchers asked follow-up questions related to power dynamics and possible motivations for the abuser to engage in cyberbullying. Question 6 asked participants to reflect on how the COVID-19 pandemic had changed the nature of cyberbullying attacks against faculty. While not directly stated to participants to skew participants’ responses, one intent behind this question was for participants to consider how the COVID-19 pandemic, a natural disaster which left countless people feeling helpless, physically ill, and disempowered, might have influenced the cyberbullying of faculty members. Whenever possible, at least two researchers conducted the interviews. Having multiple researchers attend each interview supported the thematic analysis of the interviews, as it allowed for researchers to compare notes and agree upon central themes. Before each interview, participants were asked if they felt comfortable being interviewed by multiple interviewers or if they preferred to only be interviewed by the primary researcher. Following each interview, the researchers who conducted the interview met among themselves to debrief and compare notes. Each participant was assigned a code to preserve anonymity, and each interview lasted approximately 1 h. Interviews were transcribed and reviewed so that researchers could identify central themes across the interviews and descriptive tables were developed from the interview data.

Interview questions

Demographic information:
Title:
Years teaching:
Years teaching online:
Percentage of work duties moving online based on the pandemic:
Type of institution where you work:
       1. Before we get started, can you tell me about the types of online and virtual academic experiences you have had?
              a) What are your online experiences with teaching, research, and conferences prior to the pandemic?
              b) Do you feel that the amount of time that you spend online for work-related purposes has changed since the COVID-19 pandemic began in March 2020? Why or why not?
       2. We define cyberbullying as “willful and repeated harm inflicted through the use of computers, cell phones, and other electronic devices.” How do you define cyberbullying?
       3. Can you describe a time when you experienced cyberbullying in relation to your teaching, research, service, or other aspects of your job?
       4. How did this experience make you feel?
              a) How did it impact you personally?
              b) How did you deal with each incident of cyberbullying?
              c) Did you find that the person who dealt with the incident of cyberbullying handled the situation effectively? Why or why not?
              d) Do you think the incident (s) of cyberbullying have been resolved? Why or why not?
       5. Why do you think cyberbullying happens to faculty? Explain.
              a) Why do you think you were a target of cyberbullying?
       6. Do you think cyberbullying for faculty has changed at all during the pandemic? Explain.
              a) Do you feel that the amount of time that you spend online for work-related purposes relates to your experiences with cyberbullying? Why or why not?
       7. Based on your experience, describe a specific impact of cyberbullying on the faculty, the student, or the institution.
       8. What are the barriers to reporting cyberbullying to the appropriate authorities at your institution?

Data Analysis

After researchers performed interviews, researchers transcribed the interviews. The data analysis process followed five steps: (1) prepare and organize data, (2) review and explore data, (3) create initial codes, (4) review the codes, and (5) present the themes in a cohesive manner. The first step required the primary researcher to engage in data by creating interview transcripts and reviewing each interview word for word. Next, the primary researcher examined transcripts to explore the data. From the review of transcripts, the primary researcher identified macro-level themes for each interview question. Next, the primary researcher gave the other research team members interview transcripts and a table indicating the cumulative frequency of macro-level themes across the interviews. Each researcher team member individually reviewed the transcripts and considered micro-level theme interpretations. The research team members then met as a group to review the macro-level and micro-level themes. The research team came to a consensus on macro- and micro-level themes, primarily through redefining, associating, or consolidating identified concepts (Alhojailan, 2012 ). As a result, the research team agreed upon three macro-level themes (Table ​ (Table3) 3 ) and several micro-level question themes (Tables ​ (Tables4, 4 , ​ ,5, 5 , ​ ,6, 6 , and ​ and7). 7 ). The three macro-level themes were identified when a clear theme was evident across several interviews (indicated by having a high percentage of participants corroborating the same theme). Through this process, the researchers constructed a collaborative meaning of the participants’ experiences as faculty victims of cyberbullying, particularly within the context of disempowerment theory. Incorporating disempowerment theory to determine meaning of participants’ responses and to explain participants’ responses within a theoretical framework allowed the researchers to develop a greater understanding of the given phenomenon. Inter-theme reliability was tested for the thematic analysis to ensure the themes’ interpretation was maintained between coders (Crabtree & Miller, 1999 ). Any discrepancies between coders and researchers were discussed until a consensus was reached and 100% inter-coder reliability was achieved.

Overall study themes

RQ1:

Subtheme 1: Anonymity fuels cyberbullying.

Subtheme 2: Power dynamics fuel cyberbullying.

RQ2:

The COVID-19 pandemic helped fuel cyberbullying against faculty.

RQ3:

Subtheme 1: Faculty felt vulnerable.

Subtheme 2: Faculty do not perceive that their university has clear cyberbullying policies and procedures in place to protect faculty.

Reasons cyberbullying happens to faculty

Why do you think cyberbullying happens to faculty?PercentageOverall occurrence
Anonymity.0.287
Power.0.246
Blaming others for your problems.0.123
When students don’t get what they want.0.082
Technology availability.0.082
Happens in all workplaces.0.082
Politics.0.041
Grade manipulation.0.041
Lack of communication skills.0.041

Cyberbullying during the pandemic

Do you think cyberbullying for faculty has changed at all during the pandemic?PercentageOverall occurrence
Yes0.820
No0.123
I do not know.0.082

Barriers to reporting cyberbullying

What are the barriers to reporting cyberbullying to the appropriate authorities at your institution?PercentageOverall occurrence
No clear cyberbullying policy at the university.0.287
Retaliation.0.164
There are no barriers.0.123
Lack of trust.0.082
Fear.0.082
Knowing nothing will be done if you report.0.041
Hassel to report.0.041
Intimidation.0.041
Shame.0.041
Expectations that faculty handle their own student situations.0.041
I have no idea.0.041

Bystanders not reporting cyberbullying instances

What do you think might be the reasons bystanders choose to not report cyberbullying instances?PrevalenceOverall occurrence
Not trusting the system.0.164
It does not affect them.0.164
Fear they will be a victim too.0.082
Lack of awareness.0.082
Faculty should handle their own class events.0.082
Power differentials.0.041
Retaliation.0.041
Bystanders.0.041
Embarrassment.0.041
Fear of being ostracized.0.041
Apathy.0.041
I am not involved in this.0.041
It did not happen to me.0.041
Policies not clear.0.041
Do not agree that the event was cyberbullying.0.041
Anonymity.0.041

There were three consistent themes identified across the faculty interviews. First, victims perceived that anonymity and power dynamics significantly influenced cyberbullying incidents. Second, faculty believed that the pandemic led to an increase in cyberbullying against faculty. Third, faculty felt particularly vulnerable to cyberbullying incidents because their universities lacked clear cyberbullying policies and procedures to support faculty victims of cyberbullying. The thematic findings were developed through intense review of participant interview data. The data was examined for key words and similar experiences to support identification of themes.

Anonymity, Power Dynamics, and Cyberbullying

One common theme that addressed RQ1 (factors explaining cyberbullying perpetration against faculty) across many of the interviews was the relationship between anonymity (subtheme 1) and power dynamics (subtheme 2) with cyberbullying. To begin, many participants viewed the aggressor’s perceived sense of anonymity online as a contributing factor to cyberbullying incidents. When asked, “ Why do you think cyberbullying happens to faculty ,” more than a quarter of participants (28% or 7 participants) stated that anonymity was a significant reason for cyberbullying. One participant explained that anonymity provides the cyberbullying perpetrator protection, allowing the cyberbully to “hide behind a computer and say…inappropriate things and things they wouldn’t say face-to-face.” Another participant reiterated this viewpoint: “I think that sort of anonymity or that sense of it’s easier to send this kind of rude email to someone versus saying that to their face. I’ve received [that] from students, for instance.” Descriptive frequency analysis was also used, which pointed to other reasons for why cyberbullying occurs to faculty including power (the second most common explanation with 24% of participants associating cyberbullying with the abuser’s quest for power), blaming others, technological availability, politics, grade manipulation, and lack of communication skills, among others listed in Table ​ Table4. 4 . Several of those reasons—most notably exerting power and attempting to manipulate professors’ grading—directly tie to disempowerment theory, a topic which will be elaborated upon in the “ Discussion ” section of this paper.

Cyberbullying of Faculty During the COVID-19 Pandemic

A major theme derived from RQ2 (cyberbullying changes during the COVID-19 pandemic) highlighted that most participants believed that the COVID-19 pandemic created unique conditions for cyberbullying incidents. In response to the question, “ Do you think cyberbullying for faculty has changed at all during the pandemic ,” four-fifths of participants, twenty participants out of twenty-five, felt that cyberbullying had changed during the pandemic. Of the 80% of participants that perceived cyberbullying had changed during the pandemic, nearly half discussed how cyberbullying had increased during the pandemic. Five participants identified that added stress was a factor for increased cyberbullying. As one participant described, cyberbullying had changed “just based on the additional stresses that people have been dealing with through the pandemic…[This] may not be necessarily anything to do with the faculty member, but maybe just life stresses.” Several participants (12%) believed that increased technology usage had spurred cyberbullying during the pandemic. A participant noted, “Everything is more online, so I think the opportunity is [there] for someone to encounter cyber bullying.” Finally, three participants believed social dissention during the pandemic factored into increases in cyberbullying. As one participant explained, cyberbullying changed because of “the situation that we’ve been brought throughout the pandemic, not necessarily because of COVID, but because of everything that happened through COVID, you know, with the riots and all the unrest that happened.” Descriptive frequency analysis also pointed to those changes that occurred from compounding issues, distance communication, more online interaction, exhaustion, and burnout (see Table ​ Table5). 5 ). As will be addressed in the “ Discussion ” section of the article, participants’ attributing the heightened levels of workplace cyberbullying against faculty during the COVID-19 pandemic to increased stress, social unrest, exhaustion, and burnout further justify the application of disempowerment theory as an analytical tool.

Faculty Vulnerability and a Lack of Institutional Support

A central theme based on RQ3 (challenges of cyberbullying on faculty) from the interviews included many participants’ feelings of vulnerability as faculty (subtheme 1) and dissatisfaction with their institutions’ handling of cyberbullying (subtheme 2). Many participants mentioned faculty’s vulnerability to cyberbullying due to the public nature of their positions and the accessibility to professors through social media. Five faculty participants (20% of all participants) specifically recommended that faculty be cautious with sharing information on social media. One participant provided the following admonition: “Don’t be on social media. I think that is one thing. I just feel like a lot of times when you put everything that is important to you [online] that you’re vulnerable…It does give a person who could harm you or who wants to bully you or to cause you distress that ammunition.” Interestingly, some participants felt particularly powerless to protect themselves from cyberbullying. Two quotes from different participants demonstrate these faculty members’ sense of incapacitation: “I really don’t think we can [prevent cyberbullying]. I think we’re pretty vulnerable. I mean, you’ve got different types of students from different backgrounds” (participant 21). A second participant stated “I really don’t know how you could protect yourself against it [cyberbullying], because how do you stop somebody from bullying you? Right?” (participant 19).

Other faculty felt reporting cyberbullying to their institutions led to negative professional repercussions. In terms of their individual experiences as cyberbullying victims, four of the twenty-five participants (16% of all participants) directly referred to the retaliation that professors could receive for reporting cyberbullying. One participant described choosing to not report the cyberbullying incident out of fear of being further targeted by the cyberbully—an administrator—in retaliation for reporting: “I didn’t want to report it because I didn’t want, you know, him to give me bad feedback on my evaluation.” Another participant detailed specific retribution that she received due to reporting cyberbullying: “Well, as a result of me reporting it, he reported me to the ombudsman person. And so, then I had to meet with that individual about my quote, unquote treatment of him, and I was not willing to go into detail with her on anything.” The connection between “disempowerment” theory and acts of retribution will be detailed in the “ Discussion ” section of the paper.

Related to many faculty’s feelings of vulnerability to cyberbullying were several faculty’s perception that higher education institutions failed to adequately respond to cyberbullying. When participants were asked, “What are the barriers to reporting cyberbullying to the authorities at your institution?” 28%, or seven out of twenty-five participants stated that they were unaware of a clear cyberbullying policy at their university and, without a policy, steps for reporting were difficult to identify. One participant described how there had never been clear guidance in her institution for how to address cyberbullying, while another participant stated that institutions needed a clear policy “…for people to know where to go and how to do it [report cyberbullying], knowing what the processes are, being very clear about those processes, and making it very accessible and easy to do.” From the descriptive statistical analysis, other barriers for reporting cyberbullying included lack of trust, fear, reporting issues, intimidation, and shame (see Table ​ Table6 6 ).

On a related question involving faculty challenges, “ What do you think might be the reason bystanders choose to not report cyberbullying instances ,” four participants (16%) felt that institutions would not address cyberbullying effectively. One participant depicted her lack of confidence in her institution’s ability in blunt terms: “I will say, in my instance…I find that nothing will come from it. It’ll just be filed away under. ‘OK. We’ll just keep an eye on it.’” Another professor detailed both a lack of faith in their institution’s ability to handle the solution as well as a suspicion of retribution for reporting cyber victimization as an outside bystander observing the cyberbullying: “Again, not trusting the system. I’ve seen [that] you’re told that something’s anonymous, but I don’t trust that.” Table ​ Table7 7 provides other reasons faculty believed bystanders failed to report observing cyberbullying (e.g., faculty believing that the cyberbullying did not affect them personally, lack of awareness, fear, concerns about retaliation, etc.).

Apart from these three central themes, the researchers concluded that cyberbullying is a nuanced experience with varied perceptions. Through the interviews, it was clear that cyberbullying can be clinically defined, but that the individuals’ perception of what designates cyberbullying and of their individual experiences with cyberbullying varied. Some faculty members felt the experience of cyberbullying was humorous, they never felt helpless, and they perceived all bullying events as stemming from issues internalized by the bully. While other faculty described their cyberbullying experiences as hopeless, scary, and without potential for resolve. One variation between these two extremes within the group was the victims’ perception of their own ability to bring about a resolution. The faculty that believed they could resolve the issue or that they, through their own power, had resolved it, perceived the cyberbullying attack as less concerning. The faculty that believed their cyberbullying experiences could not be resolved and that they had no administrative support were more fearful for their lives and careers.

The present study documents the lived experiences of 25 faculty who experienced cyberbullying in the university workplace. Participants shared a range of perspectives concerning the cyberbullying incident’s effect on their work life and emotional health. While each faculty’s experiences as a victim of cyberbullying proved unique, the researchers identified three consistent themes through the collective interview process. First, anonymity of the bully is a significant contributor to the rise of cyberbullying as well as the bully’s desire to reassert power. Second, the challenges that arose from the global COVID-19 pandemic spurred increases of cyberbullying against academic faculty. Third, faculty do not perceive that there are clear cyberbullying policies and procedures in place at their universities to support faculty.

As discussed earlier, several participants in the present study believed that the cyberbullying events they had experienced would not occur in a face-to-face environment. The victims perceived that their cyberbullies felt empowered to voice discourteous comments, since the bullies believed they were impervious to repercussions through operating behind the veil of a computer screen and/or a screen name. Cyberbullying literature supports this finding. Wildermuth and Davis ( 2012 ) conclude that the internet provides many aggressors with a perception that they can commit acts of cyberaggression with impunity. The authors explain that the asynchronous nature of many electronic forms of communication and the lack of social cues/context cause many abusers to feel that their communication has less of a “real” effect on victims. Disempowerment theory suggests that anonymity can provide a sense of power over victims given bullies’ perceptions of protection behind a computer screen (Kane & Montgomery, 1998 ). Additionally, the theory that the relative anonymity of the internet influences cyberbullying is further evidenced by the work of Cuevas ( 2018 ) and Lloro-Bidart ( 2018 ), two professors who documented their separate, individual experiences with cyberbullying. Whereas cyber vigilantes targeted Cuevas ( 2018 ), a professor in Georgia, for his politically themed social media posts, Lloro-Bidart ( 2018 ), a Californian academic, received verbal assaults for her published, scholarly work related to ecofeminism. In both cases, most of the vitriolic messages directed at the victims originated from non-university affiliated individuals who absconded their identities on the internet.

Moreover, the fact that 24% of participants cited power as a motivation for cyberbullying against faculty can be explained by disempowerment theory. According to McKenry et al. ( 2006 ), disempowerment theory contends that violence and aggression are an aggressor’s reaction to both real and perceived challenges; the aggressor responds to these challenges by attempting to possess or control others (McKenry et al., 2006 ). Students, staff, faculty, and/or members of the general public that engage in cybervictimization against professors may feel threatened by the professor, and therefore, attempt to reacquire power dynamics through virtual aggression. Furthermore, several participants attributed cyberbullying to students’ attempts to manipulate grading, which also ties to disempowerment theory. Students may feel insecure about their lack of control over professors’ grading, an important factor in students’ ability to graduate and seek future employment, and, as a result, choose to cyberbully in hopes of redistributing power dynamics to students’ advantage. A second central theme in the qualitative interviews involved numerous participants’ contentions that the pandemic fueled cyberbullying. When researchers asked participants why they believed the pandemic had contributed to increases in cyberbullying attacks against faculty, participants had two common explanations. Some participants attributed the rise in cyberbullying to courses moving online during the pandemic. With more courses being held entirely online, online interactions became the predominant form of communication. According to faculty that held this view, bullying that might have occurred face-to-face in a brick-and-mortar classroom was now occurring online in the virtual classroom. A second common explanation for the increases in cyberbullying against faculty among participants was the belief that the compounded challenges occurring during the pandemic—physical health risks, mental health concerns amid increased social isolation, and the political and economic upheaval that resulted—caused increased emotional stress and anger, leading to more acts of cyberaggression. This perception corresponds with Barlett and collaborator’s ( 2021 ) findings that during the pandemic, US adults, as a demographic group, perpetrated more acts of cyberbullying compared to pre-pandemic levels. The researchers further documented that adults were more likely to positively perceive acts of cyber-aggression during the pandemic (Barlett et al., 2021 ). Additionally, from the perspective of disempowerment theory, added stress caused by the uncertainty and devastation caused by the pandemic may have led some students, staff, faculty, and members of the general public to attempt to recapture control over their lives and their situation by cyberbullying college professors. At the same time, the pandemic empowered long-distance bullies who used computer technology to attack faculty without any consequences (Kane & Montgomery, 1998 ). On the receiving end of the cyberaggression, professors, overwhelmed by increased virtual responsibilities during the pandemic, felt disempowered to defend themselves against the digital aggressions. A third common theme that participants discussed was faculty’s lack of awareness of university cyberbullying policies and limited confidence in their universities to respond to cyberbullying. Research conducted by Minor et al. ( 2013 ) and Cassidy et al. ( 2017 ) documented similar findings. In Minor et al.s’ ( 2013 ) study of faculty experiences at a US university with all-online classes, nearly two-thirds of faculty participants believed that there were not adequate support mechanisms for faculty experiencing cyberbullying. Minor et al. ( 2013 ) cited specific faculty concerns such as a lack of knowledge on how to officially report cyberbullying and a distrust of administrators’ ability to effectively resolve cyberbullying incidents. Cassidy et al. ( 2017 ), likewise, found that among Canadian faculty who participated in their study, most participants held negative perceptions of the level of assistance that they received from administrators and colleagues after the faculty participants experienced cyberbullying. What is more, without knowledge and resources to deter cyberbullying, power imbalances between faculty and their aggressors can widen, perpetuating ongoing cyberbullying behaviors in higher education (Kituyi, 2021 ). In a similar vein, the decision of several participants in the study to not report cyberbullying incidents out of a fear of retaliation relates to disempowerment theory. Indeed, considering the tenets of disempowerment theory, these participants’ fear of retaliation may be well-founded. Under the framework of disempowerment theory, reporting a cyberbully to authorities would further threaten the bully’s power and increase the bully’s feelings of insecurity; this could feasibly inspire the cyberbully to engage in further violence as retribution.

In the present study, perhaps because of participants’ limited awareness of university policies that dealt with cyber-aggression, several participants advocated for the adoption of new university cyberbullying policies. One university policy that faculty suggested included the university formally defining cyberbullying. This suggestion corresponds with guidelines from Washington et al. ( 2015 ) that recommend that universities create a cyber code of conduct that specifically outlines appropriate and inappropriate online conduct. Faculty participants of the current study also advocated for universities to establish specific initiatives to prevent cyberbullying. One initiative could be the creation of what Cassidy et al. ( 2014 ) describe as anonymous cyberbullying reporting systems on college campuses, which would allow both students and faculty to report cyberbullying without fear of further retaliation from the bully.

Universities could also consider creating specific university committees to address cyberbullying. These committees might resemble the cyberbullying awareness organizations composed of both faculty, staff, and students, recommended by Weiss ( 2020 ) or the cyberbullying action committees proposed by Smith et al. ( 2014 ) that would assign a particular administrator to oversee dealing with all cyberbullying incidents. Other preventative strategies could include Smith et al.s’ ( 2014 ) recommendation for mandatory orientation training on cyberbullying for students and faculty. The orientation could describe the forms of cyberbullying common on college campuses and how to address aggressive behavior online in appropriate ways (Smith et al., 2014 ).

Implications

This study has implications for a broad array of university stakeholders, namely, university faculty, university administrators, and students. Understanding faculty’s diverse definitions of cyberbullying and experiences with cyberbullying can help university leaders respond to cyberbullying, thus creating positive, academic environments free from incivilities and aggressions. Since the study features participants from diverse regions with several types of tenure-track status, the study further documents the prevalence of workplace cyberbullying occurring in universities across the USA among various faculty groups. Finally, the study’s findings provide college faculty and administrators with the challenges or barriers of addressing cyberbullying. As described earlier in the previous section, ways to reduce (and hopefully, eventually eliminate) cyberbullying include establishing an institutional definition of cyberbullying and providing a means to anonymously report cyberbullying incidents. Other recommendations detailed earlier feature the forming of committees composed of diverse stakeholders to address cyberbullying and mandatory orientation on cyberbullying for students, staff, and faculty. The present article’s authors further propose the sponsorship of campus-wide awareness campaigns and workshops in addition to a mandatory cyberbullying orientation for all students, staff, and faculty. The authors also suggest that higher education institutions design or purchase anti-cyberbullying software that can be installed on campus computers and/or virtual networks.

Limitations and Future Research

Twenty-five university faculty members shared their perspective and their experiences regarding cyberbullying in their work environments. Their experiences are compelling and powerful; however, it is also important to remember that cyberbullying events are nuanced and complicated. The data in this study relies on singular experiences and perspectives. It would be valuable to have a phenomenological case study where several faculty members shared their experiences and perspectives of a particular cyberbullying event so that researchers would have multiple perspectives of a singular episode. Likewise, since the researchers, themselves, are university faculty who bring to the table their own workplace experiences, the researchers could have interpreted interview data based on their own, preconceived notions. Since the validity of qualitative research findings can be limited because of the subjective nature of researchers playing an active role in interpreting data, some possible researcher bias could be a limitation of the present study (Babbie, 2005 ). Also, only descriptive statistics were used in this study. Future researchers may consider using surveys and quantitative measures to identify relationships among variables relevant to this study. This could help provide explanatory data rather than simply descriptive data (Babbie, 2005 ). Finally, the sampling procedure featured purposive sampling, which is a form of non-randomized/non-probability sampling (Babbie, 2005 ). Compared to randomized probability sampling, non-probability sampling could yield sampling bias and provides less generalizability to the population of US faculty members as a whole (Bhattacherjee, 2012 ). Thus, the results of the present study may prove less representative of the general US faculty population compared to studies that employ probability sampling. One illustrative example of this is that 22 of the 25 participants were from Texas. Ideally, in future research studies, randomized, probability sampling should be employed, especially since a more randomized sample of participants may yield more diverse perspectives. Thus, future studies that employ probability sampling may prove more representative of faculty experiences across the USA, especially since cyberbullying policies differ across states and universities.

Conclusions

While bullying has occurred since the beginning of time, cyberbullying is a recent phenomenon that has evolved with the growth of the internet. With only three to four decades of cyberbullying accounts, the literature regarding cyberbullying is in its preliminary stages. Researchers are seeking to understand the cyberbullying experience from both the victim and perpetrator’s viewpoint. This study contributes to the growing body of literature by further illuminating the experiences and perspectives of university faculty who have been victims of cyberbullying. The present study affirms previous research findings on the link between increased online communications in the academic workplace and acts of cyberbullying against faculty. The research study’s findings that faculty are largely unaware of their university’s policies on cyberbullying and that faculty believe universities fail to adequately respond to cyberbullying incidents, likewise, echo findings from earlier studies. However, as the extant literature has yet to comprehensively explore workplace cyberbullying of college and university faculty during the COVID-19 pandemic, the present study contributes much to the literature. The study’s findings demonstrate that the pandemic has spurred heightened levels of workplace cyberbullying against faculty, which the study’s faculty participants attribute to increased levels of electronic communications, shifts toward virtual work during the pandemic, and the added stress caused by the spread of a devastating illness that, likewise, caused significant emotional, political, and economic disruptions.

Finally, the present study provides several practical solutions to prevent cyberbullying against faculty. As illustrated in previous research as well as within the present study’s findings, faculty desire clear cyberbullying policies and procedures from their institutions. Institutions of higher education can adopt proactive policies such as establishing an institutional definition of cyberbullying, cyberbullying committees, anonymous reporting mechanisms, and mandatory training on cyberbullying. Universities could also employ software in system computers and networks that directly restrict cyberbullying behaviors. While cyberbullying is a current issue in many universities, the university stakeholders are uniquely positioned to explore, understand, and create solutions to minimize cyberbullying in academia. The first step begins with awareness, and this study hopes to have provided some beneficial illumination of faculty’s unique experiences as cyberbullying victims.

Author Contribution

Jillian Yarbrough (first full draft), Katelynn Sell (contributed with analysis/proofing), Adam Weiss (contributed with discussion/proofing), Leslie Ramos Salazar (contributed with lit/proofing).

Data Availability

Declarations.

The authors declare no competing interests.

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Bullying in higher education: an endemic problem?

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  • Published: 30 June 2023
  • Volume 29 , pages 123–137, ( 2023 )

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cyberbullying in higher education a literature review

  • Malcolm Tight   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-3379-8613 1  

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We may think that bullying is a childish behaviour that is left behind on finishing school, or that universities and colleges are too cultured and intellectual as institutions to have room for such behaviour, but these hopes are far from the truth. The research evidence shows that bullying of all kinds is rife in higher education. Indeed, it seems likely that the peculiar nature of higher education actively encourages particular kinds of bullying. This article provides a review of the research on bullying in higher education, considering what this shows about its meaning, extent and nature, and reviews the issues that have been identified and possible solutions to them. It concludes that, while there is much that higher education institutions need to do to respond effectively to bullying, revisiting their traditions and underlying purposes should support them in doing so.

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Introduction

It would be nice to think that bullying was a childish behaviour that we left behind on finishing school, or that universities and colleges were too cultured and intellectual as institutions to have room for such behaviour, but these hopes are far from the truth. Even though this topic has only attracted the attention of higher education researchers relatively recently, having picked it up from research into bullying in schools and workplaces, the research evidence shows that bullying of all kinds is rife in higher education. Indeed, it seems likely that the peculiar nature of higher education actively encourages particular kinds of bullying.

The purpose of this article is to explore and examine the research evidence to see what it reveals about the extent and nature of bullying in higher education, the wider issues that this raises, and the possible solutions that have been put forward, trialled and evaluated. The article aims to provide a synopsis of the state of play regarding bullying in higher education at the time of writing – 2023 – which should prove useful to both future researchers and policy-makers in assessing whether and what progress has been made.

As this article presents a systematic review of the research literature on bullying in higher education, it is not organised in a typical or conventional fashion. The next section outlines the methodological approach taken. It is followed by sections that consider the meaning of bullying, the particular context of higher education, the extent of bullying in higher education, and its varied nature. The issues and possible solutions raised in the literature are then discussed, before some conclusions are reached.

Methodology

Methodologically, the article makes use of the techniques of systematic review (Jesson et al., 2011 ; Tight, 2021 ; Torgerson, 2003 ), an approach that seeks to identify, analyse and synthesize all of the research that has been published on a particular topic – in this case, bullying in higher education. In practice, of course, some limits have to be set on the scope of a systematic review, most notably in terms of the language of publication (in this case confined to English), the date of publication and the accessibility of published articles (all available articles, books and other publications identified were examined).

Databases – Google Scholar, Scopus and Web of Science – were searched using keywords – ‘bullying’, ‘higher education’, ‘university’, ‘college’ and related terms—to identify potentially relevant articles, books and reports that had been published on the topic. Those identified were then accessed (mostly through downloads) and examined, and retained for further analysis if they proved to be relevant. The reference lists in the articles and reports were checked for other potentially relevant sources to follow up that had not been initially identified.

These searches reveal an upswelling of interest in bullying in higher education over the last 20 years. For example, a search carried out on Scopus on 22/6/23 identified 698 articles with the words ‘bullying’, ‘higher’ and ‘education’ in their titles, abstracts or keywords, 48 of which had those three words in their titles, indicating a likely focus on the topic of interest. Similar searches using ‘bullying’ and ‘university’ identified 1361 (113) articles, while ‘bullying’ and ‘college’ found 593 (57) articles. This is a substantial and growing body of literature.

The interest in researching bullying in higher education, like the incidence of bullying, is also global in nature. While the focus on English language publications meant that the articles identified were mainly from English-speaking countries like Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States, articles were also found from researchers based in countries on all continents. Within Europe, researchers from Finland (e.g. Björklund et al., 2010 ; Malik & Björkqvist, 2019 ; Meriläinen et al., 2016 ; Oksanen et al., 2022 ; Pörhölä et al., 2020 ) and Greece (e.g. Giovaziolas & Malikiosi-Loizos, 2016 ; Kokkinos et al., 2016 ; Spanou et al., 2020 ) have shown a strong interest in the topic. Other countries where bullying in higher education has been the subject of research include China (Su et al., 2022 ; Zhao et al., 2022 ), India (Kaur & Kaur, 2023 ; Sinha & Bondestam, 2022 ), Pakistan (Ahmed et al., 2022 ), South Africa (Badenhorst & Botha, 2022 ), Spain (Yubero et al., 2023 ), Turkey (Akbulut & Eristi, 2011 ) and the United Arab Emirates (Al-Damarki et al., 2022 ).

With so many publications focusing on bullying in higher education it is essential to be selective in choosing which ones to reference. In part this can be achieved by only referring to examples of the output of prolific authors, and by choosing representative or the most recently published articles on particular issues. Ultimately, however, the judgement on which publications to reference was one of quality or significance; in some cases this was evidenced by the number of times a publication was cited by others, while in others it came down to personal judgement (helped, in problematic cases, by discussion with colleagues).

The analysis presented in the remainder of this article is based on the 74 key articles selected in this way, which are indicated by an asterisk (*) in the references list: 80% (59) of these have been published since 2015.

Meaning of Bullying

Like many key terms, there is no generally accepted definition of what bullying is. It makes sense, therefore, to examine a few of the definitions available to see what they include and how they differ. Here we will compare three definitions given by national organisations—in the UK, Australia and the USA – with a keen interest in the topic.

In the UK, the Anti-Bullying Alliance defines bullying as ‘the repetitive, intentional hurting of one person or group by another person or group, where the relationship involves an imbalance of power. It can happen face to face or online’ ( www.anti-bullyingalliance.org.uk ). There are four key elements in this definition. Two of these, that bullying may involve individuals or groups, or may be face-to-face or online, seem highly pragmatic. However, the other two, that bullying is necessarily repetitive and intentional, and that it involves an imbalance of power, are questionable. Bullies may not, at least initially, know what they are doing, and one incident may be more than enough for those being bullied. And, as social scientists should be aware, power is not a simple, unidirectional force: those lower down the hierarchy may also bully those higher up.

From Australia, the National Centre Against Bullying offers a slightly longer explanation:

Bullying is an ongoing and deliberate misuse of power in relationships through repeated verbal, physical and/or social behaviour that intends to cause physical, social and/or psychological harm. It can involve an individual or a group misusing their power, or perceived power, over one or more persons who feel unable to stop it from happening. Bullying can happen in person or online, via various digital platforms and devices and it can be obvious (overt) or hidden (covert). ( www.ncab.org.au )

This definition usefully introduces a distinction between overt and covert bullying, and nuances the point about power by referring to perceived power. It does, though, repeat the assertion that bullying is always intentional or deliberate, as well as introducing the debatable point that the bullied are unable to do anything about it.

Taking a third example, the American Psychological Association defines bullying in the following way:

Bullying is a form of aggressive behavior in which someone intentionally and repeatedly causes another person injury or discomfort. Bullying can take the form of physical contact, words, or more subtle actions. The bullied individual typically has trouble defending him or herself and does nothing to “cause” the bullying. Cyberbullying is verbally threatening or harassing behavior conducted through such electronic technology as cell phones, email, social media, or text messaging. ( www.apa.org/topics/bullying )

This definition usefully relates bullying to other unpleasant practices, in this case aggression, harassment and threatening behaviour. Reading the literature more widely identifies a whole range of other cognate or more specialised practices, including hazing, incivility, intimidation, mobbing, stalking and victimization, as well as what is now termed cyberbullying (i.e. bullying online). Bullying may also shade into, or overlap with, other behaviours, such as banter and humour (Buglass et al., 2021 ), or be labelled differently: e.g. as hostile and intimidating behaviour (Sheridan et al., 2023 ).

The American Psychological Association definition also gives attention to the bullied as well as the bully, suggesting that they bear no blame for the bullying (which might not always be the case) and that they have trouble defending themselves. There are, of course, many more definitions of bullying available, but the three used here adequately cover the main points and issues.

Drawing elements from these definitions together, then, presents a picture of bullying as unpleasant behaviour committed by an individual or group on another individual or group. The bullying may take a variety of forms, be face-to-face or online, overt or covert, one-off or repetitive, and unintentional or deliberate. The bully may use whatever power they have to harass and intimidate the bullied. The bullied suffers physical, psychological and/or reputational damage, and finds it difficult to defend themselves.

Research into bullying in higher education clearly developed from research into bullying in schools (e.g. Alvarez-Garcia et al., 2015 ; Cretu & Morandau, 2022 ; Gaffney et al., 2019 ; Moyano & Sanchez-Fuentes, 2020 ; Zych et al., 2021 ) and workplaces (e.g. Bartlett & Bartlett, 2011 ; Einarsen et al., 2020 ; Feijo et al., 2019 ; Hoel et al., 2001 ; Nielson & Einarsen, 2018 ); which are both of longer standing, and where a number of systematic reviews have already been carried out. Indeed, part of the interest in bullying in higher education is in assessing whether it translates directly from the experience of bullying in school (for both the bullies and the bullied), and in examining whether higher education, as a particular kind of workplace, attracts particular bullying behaviours. We will address the latter next.

The Particular Context of Higher Education

Higher education is, indeed, a particular kind of workplace. This manifests itself in several interconnected ways. For a start, like most other workplaces, it is hierarchical, with different grades of academic and other staff. Yet it is also hierarchical beyond the employing institution, with academics operating within the networks of their disciplines and sub-disciplines, nationally and internationally. Academic staff have, therefore, split loyalties and responsibilities.

Within the intersecting hierarchies of institution and discipline there operates the principle of ‘academic freedom’, albeit constrained by other expectations and responsibilities. In its ideal state, each academic member of staff is seen as having the freedom to determine what they teach and how they teach it, as well as what they research and how they research it. Of course, it rarely works quite like that in practice, particularly when it comes to teaching, which is today a much more collective and large-scale activity, and constrained by the need to receive good evaluations and the recognition of professional bodies. Research often depends upon gaining specific funding, so is constrained by the funds available and the priorities of funding organisations.

Academic life and careers are also built upon competition. To build a successful academic career, each academic needs to get their name known, even if only within a relatively small field: through conference presentations, through article and book publication, through successfully obtaining research grants. Each of these activities, as well as the gaining of employment and promotion, involves peer review, when a small number of academic peers are asked to make an assessment of your worthiness (Tight, 2022 ).

Critique is at the heart of these activities, in what is effectively a zero-sum game (i.e. there are only so many posts, research grants and publication spots available at any one time). Academics may get their name known not so much for their own work but for their critique of others’ work, and what may be thought of as fair criticism by one academic may be interpreted as an effort to destroy their reputation (as bullying in other words) by another.

Certain academic relationships – notably that between a research student and their supervisor (Cheng & Leung, 2022 ; Grant, 2008 ), but also between junior and senior members of academic staff working in the same area/topic – have traditionally been characterised as master/servant, or even master/slave. The dominant party – the supervisor or the senior academic – tells the junior party what to do and then assesses how well they have done it. Even today these may be strong power relationships, and may last for years.

However, at the level of the undergraduate student, where a similar kind of relationship would historically have been carried over from school, with students not allowed to challenge the academic judgements of their lecturers and professors, practices are changing. The increased privatisation of higher education, with students required to pay substantial fees, has led to a growing recognition of the student as a customer (indeed, the prime customer), with all of the rights that customers have in other circumstances.

All of these structures, practices and assumptions, and the ways they are changing and adapting to accommodate contemporary policies and expectations, would seem to offer plentiful opportunities for different kinds of bullying to take place. In short, higher education is a near perfect environment for bullying; yet, it is also a near perfect environment for the denial of bullying. Accusations of bullying may be dismissed as fair comment or ‘the way we do things around here’, with the person(s) making the accusations themselves accused of bullying those they accuse by making unwarranted complaints.

For bullying is a matter of perception, and not just in higher education but more generally as well. So anyone who feels that they are being bullied and wishes to do something about it will have to engage with a process – of formal complaint, investigation and hopefully resolution – that will take time, be semi-public and effect their working relationships. Neither the bullied not the perceived bully are likely to come out of this process with their reputation enhanced.

Extent of Bullying in Higher Education

Many attempts have been made to estimate the extent of bullying in higher education. Focusing on staff, Keashly and Neuman ( 2013 ) give the following figures:

the estimated prevalence of bullying varies depending on the nature of the sample, the operationalization of the construct, the timeframe for experiences, and the country in which the research was conducted. The rates of bullying range from 18% to almost 68%, with several studies in the 25%-35% range. These rates seem relatively high when compared to those noted in the general population, which range from 2%-5% in Scandinavian countries, 10%-20% in the UK, and 10%-14% in the United States. (pp. 10-11; see also Keashly & Neuman, 2010 )

These figures are, indeed, high, suggesting that most people working in higher education should have direct – as bully, bullied or bystander (and many of us will, of course, have performed in two or more of these roles) – or indirect, through formal roles or relationships, experience of bullying. Indeed, the estimates are so high that we might speculate that, if you are working in higher education and are not being bullied, then you’re highly likely to be either doing the bullying (whether you recognise it or not) or at least aware that bullying is going on.

In a later work synthesizing the international survey evidence, Keashly ( 2019 ) confirms this interpretation:

Using the 12-month framework, approximately 25% of faculty will identify as being bullied. Adding in the witnessing data, the research suggests that 50–75% of faculty will have had some exposure to bullying in the prior 12 months. Extending the timeframe to career, it appears that faculty who have no exposure are in the minority! Further, bullying of faculty is notable for its duration. There is also evidence that rates of bullying differ cross-nationally and institutionally, suggestive of sociocultural influences. (p. 39)

Similar conclusions may be reached regarding non-academic staff working in higher education, though they have been much less studied. Thus, one American study of higher education administrators noted that: ‘Participants from 175 four-year colleges and universities were surveyed to reveal that 62% of higher education administrators had experienced or witnessed workplace bullying in the 18 months prior to the study’ (Hollis, 2015 , p. 1).

The estimates for students also suggest that a significant minority are directly involved in bullying as bully or bullied. In the USA, Lund and Ross ( 2017 ) note that:

Prevalence estimates varied widely between studies, but on average about 20–25% of students reported noncyberbullying victimization during college and 10–15% reported cyberbullying victimization. Similarly, approximately 20% of students on average reported perpetrating noncyberbullying during college, with about 5% reporting cyber perpetration. (p. 348)

In a four-nation comparative study, Pörhölä et al ( 2020 ) draw particular attention to variations in bullying rates amongst students and staff between countries:

The overall rates of bullying victimization and perpetration between students were the highest in Argentina, followed by the USA, Finland, and finally Estonia. However, victimization by university personnel was reported the most in Estonia, followed by Argentina, the USA, and Finland. (p. 143)

We might also, though the data is mostly not available, expect that bullying rates would vary between disciplines and departments (Bjaalid et al., 2022 ), from institution to institution, and in terms of individuals’ demographic characteristics (age, class, gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation, etc.).

The Nature of Bullying in Higher Education

Most of the studies on bullying in higher education that have been identified relate to either bullying amongst academic staff or amongst students. There are a much more limited number of studies concerning bullying amongst professional, administrative or support staff in higher education. More recently, a related literature has grown on cyberbullying.

Bullying amongst academic staff is portrayed as being mainly obstructional or reputational in nature: ‘Of all the types of bullying discussed in the literature, the behaviors most frequently cited in academia involve threats to professional status and isolating and obstructional behavior (i.e., thwarting the target’s ability to obtain important objectives)’ (Keashly & Neuman, 2010 , p. 53). After all, (some) academics are regularly involved in making decisions that impact upon other academics; academic life is judgemental and discriminatory. These decisions may relate to almost any aspect of academic life, from teaching allocations and course responsibilities, to promotions, publication and research grants, to the seemingly mundane but critical issues of office space and car parking.

Bullying impacts on some groups of academics more than others; in particular, and unsurprisingly, on the marginalized: ‘academic culture facilitates the marginalization of particular social identity groups… this marginalization is a reason for higher rates of bullying among gender, racial and ethnic, and sexual identity minorities in academe’ (Sallee & Diaz, 2013 . p. 42). This impact is not, of course, confined to higher education.

Bullying amongst academic staff is also believed to be changing in nature, becoming somewhat more subtle as grievance and appeal procedures are overloaded with complaints:

a shift in negative higher education workplace behaviour is occurring. This change primarily results in the well-defined and identified practice of bullying being replaced with victims enduring the accumulated impact of acts of varied disrespect such as negative comments, under the breath comments, intentionally misinterpreting instructions or spreading rumours, collectively known as incivility . (Heffernan & Bosetti, 2021 , p. 1; see also Higgins, 2023 )

The evidence shows that bullying appears to work both ways, bottom up as well as top down. Thus, deans, who oversee faculties or groups of departments and are a key part of higher education’s middle management, have been identified as particularly subject to bullying: ‘a majority of deans currently experience regular acts of bullying or incivility… Many deans believe that an inherent part of their role is that they will be bullied, and as such, part of their role is to deal with these actions’ (Heffernan & Bosetti, 2021 , p. 16). It might be expected, then, that heads of department would have a similar experience – bullied from above to meet institutional targets and from below by individual academics seeking to get their own way – but this does not appear to have been the direct object of research (yet).

One study that focused on the experience of support staff (i.e. non-academic staff) in one English university (Thomas, 2005 ) found that 19 of 42 respondents had experienced bullying within the last two years, whilst 17 had witnessed colleagues being bullied:

The top four bullying tactics ranked in frequency of reporting were undue pressure to reduce work, undermining of ability, shouting abuse, and withholding necessary information. When bullying occurred it was likely to be by a line manager. (p. 273)

From a North American context, where support staff are more usually termed professional staff, Fratzl and McKay ( 2013 ) make the point that they are ‘sandwiched between students and academics who may display aggressive behavior in order to deal with threats and meet their needs’ (2013, p. 70). Given these added pressures, it is critical that such staff are well supported.

For students, bullying may most commonly be carried out by other students, but also by academic staff. Blizard ( 2019 ), however, shows that the opposite, student-on-staff bullying, is also common. The majority, 22, of her 36 staff respondents in a Canadian university reported that they had experienced cyberbullying by students.

In the Spanish context, Gómez-Galán et al. ( 2021 ) identify the dominant form of student-on-student bullying as relational, as opposed to physical or verbal, and portray this as part of a continuing lifetime experience:

Relational victimization, which manifests itself through defamation, social exclusion, or denigration, persists in the university environment. Moreover, it does so mainly because of a pattern of relational violence that is repeated from the compulsory education stage… It constitutes what we call “the spiral of relational violence”—victimization which runs throughout the student’s life with psychological repercussions that can continue into adulthood, especially in the workplace. (p. 10)

The experience of being bullied, and of being a bully, may be deeply ingrained and lifelong (Manrique et al., 2020 ).

In a comparative study of students in China and Germany, Lin et al ( 2020 ) looked at the roles of social support, resilience and self-efficacy in mediating between bullying behaviours and mental health: ‘It was found that in both countries, higher victimization frequency was associated with lower levels of social support, personal resilience, and self-efficacy, which in turn predicted poorer mental health’ (p. 1). This is, of course, what you would expect.

As with academic staff, bullying amongst students is more often targeted at the less powerful and marginalized. Simpson and Cohen ( 2004 ) argue for the gendered nature of bullying, noting that ‘While sexual harassment is ‘overtly’ gendered, bullying also needs to be seen as a gendered activity — although at a different, and perhaps more deep-seated, level’ (p. 183). Faucher et al. ( 2019 ) confirm this pattern for cyber-bullying, while a recent systematic review carried out by Bondestam and Lundqvist (2020) found that, on average, one out of four female students reported sexual harassment.

A survey of students ( n  = 414) in one Australian university found that non-heterosexual students were much more likely (30% to 13%) to report bullying than heterosexual students (Davis et al., 2018 ). Homophobic and transphobic bullying of students is a concern in both face-to-face (Clark et al., 2022 ; Koehler & Copp, 2021 ; Rivers, 2016 ) and online (Pescitelli, 2019 ) settings.

There is also some evidence that students (and staff) working in particular disciplines, such as medicine (Björklund et al., 2020 ; Seabrook, 2004 ), are more likely to experience bullying. Such professional disciplines are clearly linked to particular kinds of workplaces, within which placements for training will be based. A greater incidence of bullying may also occur in particular kinds or levels of study; thus, the research student experience might seem to lend itself to staff-on-student bullying, but has been little researched from this perspective (Aziz, 2016 ).

Cyber-bullying in higher education is now being increasingly studied. In an international collection, Faucher et al. ( 2019 ) report the incidence of cyberbullying amongst students varying between 3% in Japan and 46% in Chile. They use the term ‘contra-power harassment’ to refer to cyberbullying of staff by students.

Other, nationally focused, studies have noted the relationship between cyberbullying and victimisation in Turkey, with some victims later becoming bullies (Akbulut & Eristi, 2011 ), identified psychological security, loneliness and age as predictors of cyberbullying in Saudi Arabia (Al Qudah et al., 2020 ), correlated cyberbullying with students’ belief in a just world in Germany (Donat et al., 2022 ), and linked the experience of cyberbullying to depression, anxiety, paranoia and suicidal feelings in the USA (Schenk & Fremouw, 2012 ).

Simmons et al. ( 2016 ) prefer the stronger term cyber-aggression to cyberbullying, and note its incidence among the members of American sororities and fraternities, where ‘racism is a theme that undergirds much of the online aggression’ (p. 108). Lee et al. ( 2022 ) examine the role of parental care and family support in moderating cyberbullying at an American university during the Covid-19 pandemic lockdown, when the vast majority of higher education provision went online.

Issues and Solutions

As well as examining the nature and extent of bullying in higher education, researchers have sought to better understand the issues it raises and to put forward possible solutions to it. One key issue that has attracted research is the relationship between bullying at school and bullying in higher education. Pörhölä ( 2016 ) reviews the evidence showing that both bullying and being bullied are fairly stable experiences throughout school, and then commonly continue into higher education, though the identities of the people being bullied and those doing the bullying may, of course, change. Young-Jones et al ( 2015 ) confirm these findings in the American context, and note its consequences:

students are susceptible to bullying after high school, and the effects can negatively impact college life, academic motivation, and educational outcomes. In addition, past victimization can cause academic difficulties for college students, even after the harassment has ceased. (p. 186)

Another key issue researched – turning the focus away from students and towards academics – has been the relation between bullying and the contemporary, neoliberal university. Zabrodzka et al. ( 2011 ) report on the findings of a collective biography group of academics based in the Czech Republic, Iran and Australia. They concluded that ‘bullying is co-implicated in, and justified by, the alleged need for control and improvement of our performance’ (p. 717).

In a similar study, based in Sweden, Zawadski and Jensen ( 2020 ) present their findings from a co-authored analytic autoethnography, arguing that: ‘Academics in contemporary universities have been put under pressure by the dominance of neoliberal processes, such as profit maximization, aggressive competitiveness, individualism or self-interest, generating undignifying social behaviours, including bullying practices’ (p. 398).

Of course, academics are not the only workers finding themselves under increasing pressure today. The particular nature of higher education can, however, serve to channel those pressures in a more aggressive, bullying, way.

Nelson and Lambert ( 2001 ) focus on how academic bullies get away with it, identifying a series of neutralization or normalization techniques that deflect attention away from themselves and towards those they bully:

appropriation and inversion , in which accused bullies claim victim status for themselves; evidentiary solipsism , in which alleged bullies portray themselves as uniquely capable of divining and defining the “true” meaning-structure of events; and emotional obfuscation , which takes the form of employing symbols and imagery that are chosen for their perceived ability to elicit an emotional response on the part of an academic audience. (p. 83)

With these kinds of tactics available, it would be little wonder if, in a sector of work where reputation is all important, most victims of bullying chose not to formally pursue grievances (but, of course, we don’t have this data).

Turning to the research on possible solutions to bullying in higher education, a significant amount of attention has been devoted to examining institutional policies (e.g. Barratt-Pugh & Krestelica, 2019 ; Campbell, 2016 ; Harrison et al., 2020 , 2022 ). Thus, in a relatively early, and small-scale, study conducted in an English further/higher education college, Hughes ( 2001 ) focused on identifying examples of good practice for dealing with bullying of students. He came up with an extensive list:

immediate action; good communication; informal discussions; mediation; giving a talk to a tutor group; trying not to use student nicknames; moving students to other teaching groups; choosing groups for students to work in; including students in groups which are excluding them; use of subtlety; putting complaints into writing; making students aware of their actions; and making students aware of the boundaries of acceptable behaviour (p. 12)

In a more recent study, Vaill et al., ( 2020 ; see also Vaill et al., 2023 ) examined the student anti-bullying policies of 39 Australian universities, concluding that: ‘The overall paucity of information and consistency, as well as the poor user-friendliness of many of the documents, highlights the need for changes to be made’ (p. 1262).

An American study focused on the bullying of staff examined 276 faculty codes of conduct in the context of the first amendment of the American constitution. This also concluded that current arrangements were far from satisfactory: ‘higher education institutions should change their Faculty Codes of Conduct so bullying is defined as a distinctive form of harassment, provide faculty and staff clear communications regarding how to define bullying, and offer guidance for both targets and bystanders of workplace bullying’ (Smith & Coel, 2018 , p. 96).

After providing a psycho-social-organizational analysis of the problem of faculty-on-faculty bullying in the USA, Twale ( 2018 ), like Hughes, comes up with a list of ‘practical remedies’. Her list is, however, rather longer, covering a total of 20 bullet-pointed pages (pp. 171–190). Her ‘practical remedies’ include suggestions for promoting physical and psychological health and well-being; promoting social interaction, professionalism and support; considering institutional obligations; providing institutionally sponsored training and development; giving attention to institutional values, beliefs and attitudes; and using administrative intervention strategies.

Bullying, and dealing with it effectively, is a complex and far-reaching business.

A number of general conclusions may be drawn from this review of research into bullying in higher education.

First, and most fundamentally, bullying is clearly a major problem in higher education. It is extensive, continuing, complex and arguably endemic. It involves both students and staff (academic and non-academic) and deserves much more attention.

Second, its complexity is increased by the varied dimensions in which higher education staff and, to a lesser extent, students, operate. Thus, they not only work within a particular course, department, faculty and institution, but also practice their discipline or sub-discipline nationally and internationally. Given the global nature of the higher education enterprise, and the multicultural character of many universities and colleges, we may also add to this complexity the variations in national and sub-national cultures and assumptions.

Third, bullying is a very broad and inclusive term, which includes behaviours that are now more usually discussed in the more specialised languages of, for example, sexism, racism, anti-semitism, homophobia or transphobia (i.e. affecting those who may feel particularly marginalised). To focus on these more specialised areas, however, risks ignoring the many, more commonplace types of bullying that take place, for example, between straight white men and/or straight white women.

Fourth, the role of perception in bullying has to be acknowledged. Just as the bullied have to recognise that they are being bullied for bullying to be identified, so the bullies may not realise that that is what they are doing until they are called out, and, even then, they may still not accept it for what it is. This also applies, of course, to those – individuals, departments, committees and institutions – called upon to rule on and resolve alleged instances of bullying. Naturally enough, this makes bullying so much more difficult to deal with.

Fifth, and finally, there is the question alluded to earlier in this article; namely, does higher education encourage particular kinds of bullying? Here, we need to acknowledge that universities and colleges are a particular kind of institution, to a considerable extent closed off from the outside world, within which other rules apply and high-stakes decisions affecting individuals’ futures are routinely taken. When we add in the additional pressures imposed by managerialism and neoliberalism, it is little wonder that the scope for bullying is enhanced.

It would be nice to be able to draw out from all of this research some key lessons which we all might usefully learn, and which would go some significant way to resolving the issue of bullying in higher education. But, of course, it is not that simple. Some of the key lessons to be learnt have just been summarised, and, as indicated, many institutions and individuals have set out recommendations for improving practice. And, yet, bullying remains rife in higher education across the globe.

Perhaps, instead, we also need to re-emphasise the cultural and intellectual traditions of higher education. As well as clamping down hard on all kinds of bullying, higher education institutions could usefully stress their expansive and liberatory functions. These include encouraging and supporting learning in all areas and on all topics; extending a warm welcome to all who can benefit from their provision and resources; and bringing people together to cooperate in expanding knowledge and understanding.

The university is a great institution, and one of the longest lasting that humans have created. While it has changed and expanded massively over the years, it still holds onto cherished ideas of, for example, intellectual freedom, fairness and scholarship. We need to strengthen these if we are to have any hope of overcoming bullying.

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Tight, M. Bullying in higher education: an endemic problem?. Tert Educ Manag 29 , 123–137 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11233-023-09124-z

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Imbalance between employees and the organisational context: a catalyst for workplace bullying behaviours in both targets and perpetrators.

cyberbullying in higher education a literature review

1. Introduction

1.1. theoretical approaches—the three-way model, 1.2. theoretical approaches—job demands and resources model, 1.3. theoretical approaches combined—the dimensions of imbalances created by organisations triggering wb, 1.3.1. organisational focus, 1.3.2. organisational atmosphere, 1.3.3. organisational hierarchy, 1.3.4. research hypotheses, 2.1. participants, 2.2. measures, 2.3. procedure, 2.4. data analysis, 3.1. descriptive statistics, 3.2. correspondence analysis on hypothesis, 3.3. correspondence analysis of wb experiences, 4. discussion, 4.1. limitations and future research, 4.2. theoretical and practical implications, 5. conclusions, author contributions, institutional review board statement, informed consent statement, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.

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Click here to enlarge figure

Baseline Characteristicsn% n%
Gender Supervisor
Males40438.7Not a supervisor87283.5
Females64061.3Supervisor17216.5
Sector Civil Status
Education25724.6Single43141.3
Industry969.2Married/Living together52350.1
Trade15114.5Separated/divorced807.7
Services54051.7Widowed101.0
Education Income
No studies141.3Equal or less than €10k22121.2
Basic12311.8€10,001–€20,00033832.4
Secondary40939.2€20,001–€30,00030329.0
Diploma21120.2€30,001–€40,00011711.2
Undergraduate21921.0€40,001–€50,000323.1
Postgraduate686.5More than €50,000333.2
Contract
No permanent contract30429.1
Permanent contract74070.9
Organisational DimensionsContinuumExample Adjectives
1. Organisational FocusTask-FocusedExploitative, obsolete, statistical
Balanced FocusOrganised, participative, supportive
Employee-FocusedUnstructured, disorganised, chaotic
2. Organisational AtmosphereHostile or NegativeControlling, manipulative, inhumane
Balanced or PositiveAmiable, respectful, empathetic
Too InformalOverwhelmed, unmotivated, suffocating
3. Organisational HierarchyToo MuchAuthoritarian, inefficient, dictatorial
Balanced HierarchyHierarchical, cheerful, coherent
Too LittleUncoordinated, little prepared, unclear
VariablesMeanSD12345
1Age35.4310.91-
2Gender1.610.490.06-
3Supervisor1.160.370.10 **−0.08 *-
4WB Target Score0.240.41−0.07 *−0.040.01-
5WB Perpetration Score0.220.39−0.06−0.08 *−0.000.52 **-
WB Perpetration Level
WB Target LevelNo WBPLow WBPMedium WBPHigh WBPTotalNo WBPLow WBPMedium WBPHigh WBPTotal
No WBT29513171244528.3%12.5%0.7%1.1%42.6%
Low WBT173228191543516.6%21.8%1.8%1.4%41.7%
Medium WBT1243174761.1%4.1%1.6%0.4%7.3%
High WBT26282113882.5%2.7%2.0%1.2%8.4%
Total5064306444104448.5%41.2%6.1%4.2%100.0%
CategoriesN%
Target not a perpetrator21120.2
Target perpetrator38837.2
Perpetrator not a target15014.4
Uninvolved29528.3
Total1044100.0
WB CategoriesTask
Focus
Balanced
Focus
Employee
Focus
TotalTask
Focus
Balanced
Focus
Employee
Focus
Total
Target not a perpetrator5566291507.3%8.8%3.9%20.0%
Target perpetrator1121077529415.0%14.3%10.0%39.3%
Perpetrator not a target3054171014.0%7.2%2.3%13.5%
Uninvolved52125272046.9%16.7%3.6%27.2%
Total24935214874933.2%47.0%19.8%100.0%
WB CategoriesNegative ABalanced
A
Too Informal ATotalNegative ABalanced
A
Too Informal ATotal
Target not a perpetrator4078281465.5%10.6%3.8%19.9%
Target perpetrator981326029013.4%18.0%8.2%39.6%
Perpetrator not a target176516982.3%8.9%2.2%13.4%
Uninvolved24153221993.3%20.9%3.0%27.1%
Total17942812673324.4%58.4%17.2%100.0%
WB CategoriesToo Little HBalanced HToo High HTotalToo Little HBalanced HToo High HTotal
Target not a perpetrator2579441483.4%10.8%6.0%20.2%
Target perpetrator68124962889.3%16.9%13.1%39.3%
Perpetrator not a target166122992.2%8.3%3.0%13.5%
Uninvolved17143381982.3%19.5%5.2%27.0%
Total12640720073317.2%55.5%27%100.0%
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Share and Cite

Özer, G.; Escartín, J. Imbalance between Employees and the Organisational Context: A Catalyst for Workplace Bullying Behaviours in Both Targets and Perpetrators. Behav. Sci. 2024 , 14 , 751. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs14090751

Özer G, Escartín J. Imbalance between Employees and the Organisational Context: A Catalyst for Workplace Bullying Behaviours in Both Targets and Perpetrators. Behavioral Sciences . 2024; 14(9):751. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs14090751

Özer, Gülüm, and Jordi Escartín. 2024. "Imbalance between Employees and the Organisational Context: A Catalyst for Workplace Bullying Behaviours in Both Targets and Perpetrators" Behavioral Sciences 14, no. 9: 751. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs14090751

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cyberbullying in higher education a literature review

Generative AI in higher education: Perspectives of students, educators and administrators

  • Sangeetha Kutty + −
  • Ritesh Chugh + −
  • Pethigamage Perera + −
  • Arjun Neupane + −
  • Meena Jha + −
  • Lily Li + −
  • Wijendra Gunathilake + −
  • Nimeshia Chamini Perera + −

cyberbullying in higher education a literature review

With Generative AI’s (GenAI) rapid development and the ability to generate sophisticated human-like text, it has evolved as a powerful technology in various domains. However, its application in the education domain was initially met with resistance due to concerns about disrupting traditional learning and assessment methods, raising questions about academic integrity, and provoking ethical dilemmas related to data privacy and bias. Many schools, higher educational institutions, and governments initially chose to ban the use of GenAI tools due to the disruptions they caused to learning and teaching practices, only to rescind their bans later. This study conducts a literature review to investigate GenAI tools from the perspectives of key stakeholders in the educational domain—students, educators, and administrators—highlighting their benefits while identifying challenges and limitations. The review found several benefits of using GenAI, such as personalised learning, immediate support, language support, and reduced administrative workload. This paper also provides usage guidelines for stakeholders and outlines future research areas to support GenAI adoption in higher education. Our findings indicate that most studies involving students had a positive view of using GenAI. There is a noticeable gap in research focusing on administrators, highlighting the need for further investigation.

IMAGES

  1. (PDF) Cyberbullying: A Systematic Literature Review to Identify the

    cyberbullying in higher education a literature review

  2. (PDF) Cyberbullying in Online Higher Education: Best Practices

    cyberbullying in higher education a literature review

  3. (PDF) 45. Cyber Bullying among School Children: A Review of literature

    cyberbullying in higher education a literature review

  4. PPT

    cyberbullying in higher education a literature review

  5. (PDF) Perceptions of Cyberbullying within Higher Education

    cyberbullying in higher education a literature review

  6. Assessing Cyberbullying in Higher Education: Ali Kamali Kamali

    cyberbullying in higher education a literature review

VIDEO

  1. Lesson 1 Cyberbullying Presentation

  2. Where To Start With Vladimir Nabokov

  3. The Poems of Matsuo Bashō (trans. Andrew Fitzsimons)

  4. 2023 Bookshelf Tour

  5. Book Recommendations From Epigraphs

  6. Expanding perspectives on cyberbullying

COMMENTS

  1. Cyberbullying in higher education: A literature review

    This literature review was created to raise awareness of this continuing trend of cyberbullying among college students with higher education students, administrators, and faculty. Ultimately, the literature presented has led the writers of this review to examine areas for future research as discussed below.

  2. Cyberbullying in higher education: A literature review.

    With the more pervasive use of technology, the prevalence of cyberbullying has increased. Universities and colleges have implemented more ways to reach students over the Internet and by other electronic means; consequently, it is important to investigate the prevalence of cyberbullying in higher education. This literature review was created to raise awareness of this continuing trend of ...

  3. Cyberbullying in higher education: A literature review

    Cyberbullying in higher education: a review of the literature based on bibliometric analysis. PurposeThe purpose of this study is to review cyberbullying incidents among students in higher education institutions (HEIs). Cyberbullying has become a threat to students' wellbeing as it penetrates….

  4. Cyberbullying in higher education: a review of the literature based on

    Purpose. The purpose of this study is to review cyberbullying incidents among students in higher education institutions (HEIs). Cyberbullying has become a threat to students' wellbeing as it penetrates one life due to the pervasive availability of digital technologies.

  5. Cyberbullying in higher education: A literature review

    Washington (2015) provided an overview of cyberbullying within HEIs by examining the state and federal laws to deter the phenomena. Watts et al. (2017) performed a generic literature review on ...

  6. PDF Cyberbullying in Higher Education

    Cases of Cyberbullying in Higher Education A thorough review of literature has identified that limited studies have been conducted identifying the existence of cyberbullying in higher education. A few noted articles, however, have revealed that cyberbullying is directed at instructors. In 2007, a Boston University professor discovered a former

  7. Cyberbullying in higher education: a review of the literature based on

    Additionally, a survey is conducted to get insights into cyberbullying in higher education institutions, discussing multiple factors responsible for youth and adolescents being cyberbullied and a ...

  8. Cyberbullying in higher education: a review of the literature based on

    The study advocates for the implementation of cybersecurity training and the enhancement of social media guidelines to cultivate digital literacy and foster a secure online learning environment, highlighting the importance of comprehensive risk management and student well-being.

  9. PDF Cyberbullying in higher education: A literature review

    Cyberbullying in higher education: A literature review Lynette K. Watts, Jessyca Wagner, Benito Velasquez, Phyllis I. Behrens PII: S0747-5632(16)30861-5 DOI: 10.1016/j.chb.2016.12.038 Reference: CHB 4648 To appear in: Computers in Human Behavior Received Date: 29 January 2016 Revised Date: 10 November 2016 Accepted Date: 15 December 2016

  10. Cyberbullying in higher education

    Universities and colleges have implemented more ways to reach students over the Internet and by other electronic means; consequently, it is important to investigate the prevalence of cyberbullying in higher education. This literature review was created to raise awareness of this continuing trend of cyberbullying among college students.

  11. Cyberbullying in higher education: A literature review

    With the more pervasive use of technology, the prevalence of cyberbullying has increased. Universities and colleges have implemented more ways to reach students over the Internet and by other electronic means; consequently, it is important to investigate the prevalence of cyberbullying in higher education. This literature review was created to raise awareness of this continuing trend of ...

  12. PDF Cyber bullying in Higher Education: Implications and Solutions

    grade sector, there is a distinguishable gap in research related to the cyberbullying of teachers in higher education. The literature available did include notable data related to the bullying of teachers in secondary education. Smith (2007) found that 17% of teachers stated they had been cyberbullied through emails or unwelcomed texts.

  13. An Overview of Cyberbullying in Higher Education

    Bullying is a social problem. The proliferation of electronic technology has provided a new forum for bullies to harm victims. That is, bullies can transmit harmful text messages, photos, or video over the Internet and other digital communication devices to victims. This malpractice of technology-oriented phenomenon known as cyberbullying has ...

  14. Review Cyberbullying in higher education: A literature review

    This literature review was created to raise awareness of this continuing trend of cyberbullying among college students with higher education students, administrators, and faculty. Ultimately, the literature presented has led the writers of this review to examine areas for future research as discussed below. This review defined cyberbullying as any.

  15. Cyberbullying and its influence on academic, social, and emotional

    Those studies focused on examining the prevalence and frequency of cyberbullying. Using "cyberbullying" and "higher-education" as key words in Google scholar (January, 2019) (all in title) yields only twenty one articles. In 2009, 2012 and 2013 one article appeared each year, since 2014 each year there were few publications.

  16. PDF Cyberbullying in higher education: A literature review

    Revised Date: 10 November 2016. Accepted Date: 15 December 2016. Please cite this article as: Watts L.K., Wagner J., Velasquez B. & Behrens P.I., Cyberbullying in higher education: A literature review, Computers in Human Behavior (2017), doi: 10.1016/j.chb.2016.12.038. This is a PDF file of an unedited manuscript that has been accepted for ...

  17. Cyberbullying: A Systematic Literature Review to Identify the Factors

    With the increased access to the internet, technology and social media, the problem of cyberbullying has been on the rise. Since the higher education necessitates access to information technology, university students are found comparatively more exposed and involved in the incidences of cyberbullying. Prior research has heavily focused on school students and has mostly ignored university ...

  18. Exploring the impact of cyberbullying and cyberstalking on victims

    Cyberbullying and cyberstalking in higher education during the pandemic. Existing literature lacks clear evidence on the prevalence of CB and CS in HE both before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. For instance, Faucher et al. (2014) reported that 20% of university students had experienced cyberbullying within the past year.

  19. (PDF) Cyberbullying: A Systematic Literature Review to Identify the

    With the increased access to the internet, technology and social media, the problem of cyberbullying has been on the rise. Since the higher education necessitates access to information technology ...

  20. Cyberbullying in Higher Education: A Review of the Literature Kindle

    Buy Cyberbullying in Higher Education: A Review of the Literature: Read Kindle Store Reviews - Amazon.com Amazon.com: Cyberbullying in Higher Education: A Review of the Literature eBook : Seeley, Paul, Wood, Patricia: Kindle Store

  21. (PDF) Cyberbullying: A Systematic Literature Review to Identify the

    In the advent of the "new normal" during the pandemic era, strategies to teach and learn switched to online. Students' behavior and attitude also shifted from face-to-face to online. This study aims to assess the students' profiles and the prevalence of cyberbullying in the higher education institutions in Central Luzon, Philippines.

  22. Cyberbullying and the Faculty Victim Experience: Perceptions and

    The next section of the literature review will discuss the academic literature related to cyberbullying in academia, which can have a direct impact on faculty's experiences of cyberbullying within the workplace. ... Other academic research exploring cyberbullying in higher education has documented the substantial prevalence of cyberbullying ...

  23. Bullying in higher education: an endemic problem?

    Methodologically, the article makes use of the techniques of systematic review (Jesson et al., 2011; Tight, 2021; Torgerson, 2003), an approach that seeks to identify, analyse and synthesize all of the research that has been published on a particular topic - in this case, bullying in higher education.In practice, of course, some limits have to be set on the scope of a systematic review, most ...

  24. Behavioral Sciences

    Research on workplace bullying from the perpetrators' perspective is limited, leading to few interventions tailored to them. This gap stems from insufficient understanding of how organisational conditions and individual dispositions trigger or amplify perpetrator behaviour. To develop effective interventions in preventing bullying, perceived organisational factors were examined. This study ...

  25. PDF An In-Depth Literature Review of E-Portfolio Implementation in Higher

    This literature review examines the implementation of e-Portfolios in higher education, with a focus on the implementation process, potential barriers, and strategies for overcoming challenges. This review seeks to provide instructional designers and higher education instructors with design

  26. Generative AI in higher education: Perspectives of students, educators

    This study conducts a literature review to investigate GenAI tools from the perspectives of key stakeholders in the educational domain—students, educators, and administrators—highlighting their benefits while identifying challenges and limitations. The review found several benefits of using GenAI, such as personalised learning, immediate ...