background essay what does it mean to be a citizen

Literary Borders

A middlebury blog, claudia rankine’s citizen.

How does Citizen as a text query and challenge the idea of what it means to be a “citizen”? Point to examples in thematic content and/or stylistic effect to support your thinking. You may also address anything else about the text, or pose relevant questions as part of your response.

Please view this Baldwin clip: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T8Abhj17kYU#action=share

Please read this Claudia Rankine interview: https://www.theguardian.com/books/2015/dec/27/claudia-rankine-poet-citizen-american-lyric-feature

13 thoughts on “ Claudia Rankine’s Citizen ”

Here’s the bell hooks article I was talking about in class on Tuesday:

https://de.ryerson.ca/DE_courses/uploadedFiles/6052_Arts/CSOC202/Modules/Module_00/eating%20the%20other.pdf

Claudia Rankine challenges the idea that citizenship equates to human rights for all. She insinuates that citizenship is a fallacy, merely open to those who hold social status. Touching on everyday interactions, Rankine places them in a new light. Narrators in the stories constantly compare their own treatments to those of their friends, acknowledging the disparities between how they are perceived. An action as simple as buying a sandwich, for instance, has underlying connotations of racial inequality. “She” (54) embodies citizenship, while the narrator does not. This discomfort is imbedded in the subtle ways in which people interact. The narrator cannot escape sentiments of discomfort, for micro-racism is always present and non whites are always treated differently than whites. The “real estate woman” (51) exemplifies how biassy is rooted in society, breaking through politeness. How do seemingly meaningless encounters speak volumes louder than outright racism? Rankine shows how art, too, broadens the border between races. Hennessy Youngman notes how the world perceives art depending on the origins of the artist. It doesn’t matter what is produced, but rather who produced it. Youngman vehemently opposes the perspective of Toomer, who suggests that art is a form of liberation for those incarcerated by prejudice. Art forms created by people of color are tied to discrimination and suppression. I also found Youngman’s description of the flower haunting, because he defines “slavery flower” as the “flower de Amistad,” or friendship. Could this oxymoron allude to the relationship between “white viewer and black artist?” (34). Patricia Williams explains how victims of prejudice are never truly free, since no laws can contain racism. Of course, Youngman’s art metaphor is directly applied to Serena Williams, and the troubling double standards she faces in her profession. According to Rankine, a black athlete’s flower is a white athlete’s weed. Pairing Serena’s celebratory dance with Wozniacki’s act of racism, she shows how two drastically different intentions are perceived as the same, merely due to skin color. Citizen contradicts the rights associate with personhood. Art and culture display the dehumanization of certain races.

Claudia Rankine’s Citizen analyzes the formal definition of what it means to be a citizen in contrast to how society defines or disregards what it means to be a citizen. According to the OED, to be a citizen is to be “an inhabitant of a city or town; esp. one possessing civic rights and privileges, a burgess or freeman of a city” (OED). Rankine’s lyric depicts how some citizens lack “civic rights and privileges” due to a lack of confrontation through her sparse yet intimate dialogue, highlighting the lyric’s silence. In order to make changes in ourselves and subsequently the world, we need to be self-aware by reassessing the parts of ourselves that are often predetermined or influenced by society. Rankine highlights that one of the major issues in society is that we live with the illusion that that everyone is a citizen, only making it easier for people to treat others as less than citizens. This illusion is due to a lack of self-awareness, but also due to the fact that humans dislike uncomfort, therefore we dislike most confrontation. In an interview with Claudia Rankine in The Guardian, when asked: “Why is it so hard to call out racism?” Rankine responds, “Because making other people uncomfortable is thought worse than racism.” When we pretend the issues don’t exist in order to remain comfortable, the issues get worse and lead to an inevitable release of tension. Rankine manifests that explosion through Serena Williams’ outburst in the 2009 US Open, when all of her penned up anger regarding her mistreatment – presumably due to her race – burst during an act of confrontation. If confrontation happens regularly, then it does not have the same explosive effect. The lack of confrontation and discussion regarding problems of race is represented by the stark and blank white pages in the lyric. Rankine’s intentional break in the prose represents the silence where tension builds due to a general unwillingness to be uncomfortable, fostering a life without depth, discussion, or progression.

The way in which Claudia Rankine constructs her text alone challenges normalcy and enhances her challenge of what it means to be a citizen. She calls her book a lyric implying it is a different genre than something usual. Rankine, and she speaks about this topic in her interview, did not write Citizen for a black audience, but a white one. By pointing her work at a white audience, she turns their minds to something that white people take for granted: citizenship. There are a few places in the lyric where Rankine especially challenges what it means to be a “citizen.” After describing Serena Williams’ outbreak, she discusses Caroline Wozniacki’s actions in 2012. Wozniacki packs her chest and behind with towels to look as though she has larger features, more like Williams. Rankine says that she is wanted because she represents the greatest tennis player of all time without actually being black (36-37). This appropriation of the Serena’s body especially excludes black bodies from white spaces because it embraces what white people want in a black person without the parts they find unappealing. The exclusion of black bodies challenges what it means to be a citizen because Williams must live on the edge of this white tennis world, yet still technically succeed within it. She exists in the space, yet is not welcome and forced out in every instance. Another instance where Rankine challenges the meaning of citizenship is the huge stenciled image of “I do not always feel colored” “I feel most colored when I am thrown against a sharp white background” (52-53). These two phrases exemplify what it means to feel out of the ordinary and unwanted. In fact, Rankines entire text is “colored” text “against a sharp white background.” She leaves extremely large spaces of only white to exemplify this notion that blackness exists in white spaces, yet is never accepted and is highlighted in a way that makes it dangerous and hurtful to black people. In some of the most dramatic parts of the text, take the list of names of black people that were killed by police for no reason, she leaves the most open space to accentuate the existence of blackness and the rejection of that blackness in white spaces (134). One last time Rankine questions the meaning of citizenship is in the last image of the text (160-161). This image is of a slave ship sinking. This image fundamentally questions what it means to be a citizen because it examines the history of blackness in the United States. Black people were never intended to be citizens by white people. Pre-Civil War, black people were not technically defined as citizens at all and even later all the way into the twentieth century, black people had to live by different rules governing their citizen status than white people. Rankine, here, is drawing the connection between that history and the fact that black people are still excluded from the term “citizen” today because of the way white people still think and act. She brings her entire work together by addressing the most devastating portion of America’s history and making a point that racism is alive and well even today.

Claudia Rankin’s novel Citizen explores what it means to be at home in one’s country, to feel accepted as an equal in status when surrounded by others. However, Rankin explores this idea of citizenship through alienation. In fact, Rankin forces the reader to experience some simulacrum of this alienation through the structure of Part One, as well as the overall structure of the novel. Rankin thrusts the reader into a foreign world, without providing any semblance of an introduction into the context to the characters or setting. Rankin is then able to further immerse the reader through the use of second person, and thereby forcing the reader to experience, or at least empathize on some level, with the sense of the alienation that the speaker experiences through all of the microaggressions accounted in Part One. The staccato accounts, lacking titles or logical transition, create a deeper sense of alienation for the reader by making it more difficult to keep track of where each account starts and ends. This sort of discontinuity is pushed beyond Part One to the general layout of the novel, as each section seems to have no bearing on the previous. This is not to say that each section doesn’t build on the last, but, like Toomer’s Cane, Citizen seems to be more an exploration of an idea, or a series of variations on a theme, as opposed to developing a single, cohesive narrative.

In Citizen, Claudia Rankine challenges the idea of what it means to be a citizen by showing that white Americans continue to play a deciding role in whether or not a black citizen is recognized in any given moment. Thus, citizenship becomes a question of power. Who has the power to strip someone of their citizenship? Who has the power to grant it? Throughout Citizen, this power is often exemplified through examples of sight. In some cases, black people become invisible. In “Stop-and Frisk”, “you are not the guy and still you fit the description because there is only one guy who is always the guy fitting the description”(105-109) is repeated four times to reiterate that the man being arrested is not actually a suspect. In this case the black man is lacking power because white America’s sight is more powerful than his own. What he sees as real is easily overlooked even though it is so literally apparent. In other cases in Citizen, black people are not seen at all. When the narrator describes the man who cuts her in line as he turns around to see her, she says “he is truly surprised”(77). The man then goes on to say he didn’t see her. Even after she offers him an escape from the hurtful dismissal of her existence, he still says, “No, no, no, I really didn’t see you”(77). His adamance that he didn’t see her may seem harmless, but in this context it is a show of his privilege as a white American- he is able miss the human being standing behind him. How can someone feel empowered to be anything, let alone a citizen, if they cannot exist fully, truly, and constantly in the eyes of others? Through the use of sight as a means of showing privilege, Citizen challenges the idea that “paper” citizenship is paramount by saying that privileged white citizens inhabit spaces with black citizens; however, they have and often use their power as creators and upholders of the system to negate the black citizen.

Claudia Rankine’s Citizen presents the struggles that many black people face in America in the brilliant writing of the way that I think many people experience these struggles: through the news, through watching others, through microaggressions, and through extended internal dialogue and meanderings. One of the most potent ways that Rankine challenges the notion of the American “Citizen” is through her tributes, the “In Memory” of X sections. This reminded me again that no, not all citizens are granted equal protection of the law when a certain demographic is much more often subject to violence, whether it be from the state or other citizens. I thought that the way Rankine gathered her script in the chapter on Hurricane Katrina by using quotes from CNN was brilliant — this is, after all, how the majority of the nation receives their news and therefore their microaggressions and assumptions about race. In this event that shook a majority black community, having the ideas put forth through a privileged lens of the news but then reorganized and returned by Rankine in a mode of art and literature that evokes emotion is avant-garde assuming function. The microaggressions in the text were the easiest to follow: these are the stories that we have heard our friends tell, the stories that happen every day. This was nicely contrasted with Rankine tracking racist events against Sarina Williams over the years, because while the microaggressions happen to most people, all of the hope that rests on Sarina is watched by the same people this is happening to. Rankine touches on the most influential people of society and the common person, and in doing so connects them in their struggle against the status quo to become true citizens.

Technically, a citizen is just that— a legally recognized resident. For the most part, black people in America fall under that umbrella term. Yet a sense of otherness pervades Claudia Rankine’s Citizen. The narrator never feels quite at home, quite comfortable. She specifically can’t ever be comfortable in public spaces in America because someone will make her feel uncomfortable. Using these themes, Rankine poses a question for her readers: can a black person ever be American? If your home hates you, it can hardly feel at home. Rankine illustrates this concept in her extended discussion of Serena Williams. A quote from Williams states: “I know this is not proper tennis etiquette, but this is the first time I’ve ever played here that the crowd has been behind me like that. Today I felt like an American, you know, for the first time at the US Open” (31). To Williams and Rankine then, American citizenship does not immediately denote Americanness. Williams could only achieve a state of Americanness by hiding her blackness, which is to say not protesting the racial injustices she faces. Only when she stopped combating unfair referees did the American public finally support Serena Williams. Blackness contrasts directly with Americanness. A couple of years ago, I saw an exhibit of Carrie Mae Weems’ work at an art museum, I don’t remember which one. The exhibit specifically featured pictures of black people in various colors, blue, yellow, purple. I saw Blue Black Boy there. But Weems had other photographs. All along one wall were red photos of slaves and former slaves, overlaid with words. They were pictured of scarred, whipped backs filled with words like sin and monster. I barely made it to a trash can before I threw up. Rankine knew what she was doing picking Blue Black Boy. America doesn’t just strip black people of their citizenship; it strips them of their humanity.

Here’s some of Weems’ photos from the exhibit: https://www.artsy.net/article/artsy-editorial-groundbreaking-photographer-carrie-mae-weems-wins-the-2016-national-artist-award

Also in case anyone missed out, people were racist to Serena Williams again recently. Here’s a link to a cartoon of her and her opponent vs a picture. See a color disparity? https://twitter.com/mm_newscorpaus/status/1039299620780695554/photo/1?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1039299620780695554&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.washingtonpost.com%2Fnews%2Fcomic-riffs%2Fwp%2F2018%2F09%2F13%2Fa-racist-serena-williams-cartoon-went-viral-heres-how-to-caricature-her-the-right-way%2F https://www.nbcnews.com/think/opinion/serena-williams-naomi-osaka-deserved-better-2018-s-sexist-u-ncna908531

Claudia Rankine’s Citizen seems to reflect the question: “How can one belong to a place if one is not seen?” Too often in this compilation of prose, poetry, and picture, the consequences of simply not being seen are the focus. From the vignette where “you are in the dark, in the car” (10) with a man who says he is being forced by his dean to hire a person of color and you ask yourself “why do you feel comfortable saying this to me?” to the vignette telling the story Hurricane Katrina’s aftermath where one man states, “We never reached out to anyone to tell our story, because there’s no ending to our story…Being honest with you, in my opinion, they forgot about us” (84), to countless other instances or snapshots of erasure, Rankine reflects on the relationship between citizenship and what it means to be seen. In Citizen, too often those seen are seen incorrectly seemingly through a veil, or else are not seen at all. One of the most notable segments was when narrator traces the history of Serena Williams and the discrimination against her. Serena Williams and her anger or her resolve are seen by the media without the context. And with prejudices already strictly in place. Because of this, her anger and the subsequent outbursts are seen as “crazy”(25) while her control is seen as “grown up” (35). Serena and her actions are not seen correctly and are therefore not truly seen and are,”…trapped in a racial imaginary, trapped in disbelief” (30). Rankine seems to compare the system of erasure as a way of undermining citizenship, or the right to be of the same standing as another, because it degrades and distorts the reality of personhood and history.

One way that Rankine challenges the idea of what it means to be a citizen is seen in how she shows how black people can feel like they’re only part of the background in the novel, unable to step into the foreground and own their citizenship. She accomplishes this in part by equating citizenship with autonomy and choice. Some of this backgrounding is done literally through artistic choices with the text and pictures: On pages 52-53 the words in black lettering that read “I DO NOT ALWAYS FEEL COLORED” and “I FEEL MOST COLORED WHEN I AM THROWN AGAINST A SHARP WHITE BACKGROUND” are slowly blotted out more and more by black ink the further down they go on the page until it is mostly black. And on page 134, Rankine writes a list of the names of victims of police brutality over the last few years. The names fade away into whiteness as they approach the bottom of the page, eventually leaving nothing but a white background. There is autonomy at the top of these pages, the autonomy to make declarations about race or the autonomy to memorialize victims of police brutality. And autonomy implies citizenship, the freedom to make choices and express oneself. However, by the bottom of both pages, the words are lost, fading into the background, and the autonomy and citizenship are lost with them. On pages 52-53, fading into a black background represents a loss of voice as the words are all dismissively put into one black group. Once there, it is much harder to tell the individual words apart and discern each person’s individual voice. On page 134, the words are surrounded by the whiteness and forced into the background, their voices lost completely. With that, their autonomy and their citizenship disappears.

(Also, another way that the fading words on page 134 could be interpreted which I thought was interesting but not exactly related to citizenship is that the words “In memory” are fading away, implying that the memories of these victims are also fading in real life.)

There are also the individuals who say things to Rankine because they feel like it’s okay to tell her about their problems involving black people just because she’s black, too. The man complaining about having to hire a person of color, the woman complaining about affirmative action. This is a different kind of fade into the background, as here, the complainers are forcing Rankine into the background, making her become a passive receptor to their complaints. Rankine in turn cannot do anything except listen, because she senses that disagreeing with them will not end well. And so her autonomy is stripped away here because she has no real choice, taking her citizenship with it.

In Claudia Rankine’s Citizen, being an (American) “citizen” is being a comfortable, understood, respected, and equal member of society. Rankine challenges the idea of being a citizen with the themes of discomfort, stress, and fear present throughout the text. In parts one and two, the author depicts acts of racism and the profound effect they have on the voice. Rankine writes about this physical feeling of discomfort, “An unsettled feeling keeps the body front and center. The wrong words enter your day like a bad egg in your mouth and puke runs down your blouse, a dampness drawing your stomach in toward your rib cage” (8). Not only experiencing racism firsthand, but viewing it on television as the voice describes watching Serena Williams’ explosive anger detrimentally affects the voice’s internal well-being. The reader can also sense the discomfort when Rankine leaves out descriptions, allowing the silence of certain conversations to evade and be prolonged, providing moments of awkwardness for the reader. By the act of reading such a fragmented text, riddled with poetry, prose, references to YouTube, paintings, photographs, collages, and television frames, the reader further experiences the discomfort of the black voice. The stress experienced by the voice is named as “John Henryism- for people exposed to stresses stemming from racism” (11). And fear, grounded in America’s history of racial profiling; the murdering of blacks “because white men can’t police their imagination,” is another theme (135). Being a citizen is not only not experiencing these feelings, being comfortable and not having to worry about violence due to the color of one’s skin, but being understood and accepted within American culture. By contrasting a legal status as a “citizen” with the realities of racism, Rankine highlights the impacts of daily interactions on one’s physical and mental well-being, making the term’s meaning transcend legal definitions into ones of health and safety.

I definitely agree with Jaden in her expression of the “conglomerate experience” that Citizen presents, structurally, and the way in which the reliving of small events (“microaggressions”) contributes to the larger picture of being a citizen and being valued and protected unequally by your country. Citizen, then, is definitely comparable to Cane in its use of limited, vignette-style stories to tell one broader, thematic narrative about Toomer’s or Rankine’s racial experience in America. One of the most powerful tools used in Citizen to this end was the breakdown of the direct narrative language of chapters one and two, to express confusion or fragmentation.of identity and, potentially, the futility of language for Rankine to express her ideas. In the conversational section of chapter 5, the use of images and other writers’ words in the soccer section, and the entirety of the poetic, sparse language in chapter 7, I understand powerfully that Rankine is expressing the futility of her attempts to connect via polite, narrative language. Just as Serena Williams, after a lifetime of putting up with terrible injustices, is viewed as “insane” when her perfect poise is finally snapped, so too does Rankine appear to finally break under the pressure of constantly dealing with small (and large!) aggressions. I also think that these poetic uses of language contrast themselves with Toomer’s use of poetry in Cane, which draws connections not to futility but to more subtle, colorful evocations, as well as to song.

I feel that Claudia Rankine’s posing of the title as a question exemplifies the fragile state of citizenship featured throughout the work. Although we all fall under the definition of “citizen,” she demonstrates the distinction between this classification and its public implementation. The mix of prose, images, and poetry functions less as the plot of the text and more as the conglomerate experience of existing at the peripheries of society due to racial identity. Rankine alternates between second-person narration and Situation videos, forcing readers to confront the implications of this alienating phenomenon at a more familiar level. She demonstrates this unconscious racism through description of personal encounters, exemplifying the frequency in which small exchanges reveal generalizations and prejudice towards the black community. These intimate revelations are strengthened by her recognition of recipients of discrimination. This ranges from her discourse on Serena Williams and her encountered difficulties as an African-American tennis player, juxtaposing her received scrutiny with the behavior of her white companion, Dana Wozniacki, to the more pointed commemoration of victims of racial chauvinism. Rankine employs Wozniacki’s offensive impersonation of Williams in demonstration of the privilege disparities between those recognized as “citizens” and those outside of social acceptance. While Williams encountered various unwarranted judgments for her black identity, Wozniacki’s whiteness protected her behavior from public scorn. Rankine uncompromisingly remembers those who fell prey to blind acts of violence, surmounting to the poignant memoriam of the individuals lost each day to this alien status. The engaged “you” throughout the work seeks to pull readers into this experience of being unwanted, demonstrating it is a very real state of existence for many individuals throughout America: the acceptance of citizenship, an unsolicited status beyond agency or control.

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What does it mean to be an American?

Sarah Song, a Visiting Scholar at the Academy in 2005–2006, is an assistant professor of law and political science at the University of California, Berkeley, and the author of Justice, Gender, and the Politics of Multiculturalism (2007). She is at work on a book about immigration and citizenship in the United States.

It is often said that being an American means sharing a commitment to a set of values and ideals. 1 Writing about the relationship of ethnicity and American identity, the historian Philip Gleason put it this way:

To be or to become an American, a person did not have to be any particular national, linguistic, religious, or ethnic background. All he had to do was to commit himself to the political ideology centered on the abstract ideals of liberty, equality, and republicanism. Thus the universalist ideological character of American nationality meant that it was open to anyone who willed to become an American. 2

To take the motto of the Great Seal of the United States, E pluribus unum – "From many, one" – in this context suggests not that manyness should be melted down into one, as in Israel Zangwill's image of the melting pot, but that, as the Great Seal's sheaf of arrows suggests, there should be a coexistence of many-in-one under a unified citizenship based on shared ideals.

Of course, the story is not so simple, as Gleason himself went on to note. America's history of racial and ethnic exclusions has undercut the universalist stance; for being an American has also meant sharing a national culture, one largely defined in racial, ethnic, and religious terms. And while solidarity can be understood as "an experience of willed affiliation," some forms of American solidarity have been less inclusive than others, demanding much more than simply the desire to affiliate. 3 In this essay, I explore different ideals of civic solidarity with an eye toward what they imply for newcomers who wish to become American citizens.

Why does civic solidarity matter? First, it is integral to the pursuit of distributive justice. The institutions of the welfare state serve as redistributive mechanisms that can offset the inequalities of life chances that a capitalist economy creates, and they raise the position of the worst-off members of society to a level where they are able to participate as equal citizens. While self-interest alone may motivate people to support social insurance schemes that protect them against unpredictable circumstances, solidarity is understood to be required to support redistribution from the rich to aid the poor, including housing subsidies, income supplements, and long-term unemployment benefits. 4 The underlying idea is that people are more likely to support redistributive schemes when they trust one another, and they are more likely to trust one another when they regard others as like themselves in some meaningful sense.

Second, genuine democracy demands solidarity. If democratic activity involves not just voting, but also deliberation, then people must make an effort to listen to and understand one another. Moreover, they must be willing to moderate their claims in the hope of finding common ground on which to base political decisions. Such democratic activity cannot be realized by individuals pursuing their own interests; it requires some concern for the common good. A sense of solidarity can help foster mutual sympathy and respect, which in turn support citizens' orientation toward the common good.

Third, civic solidarity offers more inclusive alternatives to chauvinist models that often prevail in political life around the world. For example, the alternative to the Nehru-Gandhi secular definition of Indian national identity is the Hindu chauvinism of the Bharatiya Janata Party, not a cosmopolitan model of belonging. "And what in the end can defeat this chauvinism," asks Charles Taylor, "but some reinvention of India as a secular republic with which people can identify?" 5 It is not enough to articulate accounts of solidarity and belonging only at the subnational or transnational levels while ignoring senses of belonging to the political community. One might believe that people have a deep need for belonging in communities, perhaps grounded in even deeper human needs for recognition and freedom, but even those skeptical of such claims might recognize the importance of articulating more inclusive models of political community as an alternative to the racial, ethnic, or religious narratives that have permeated political life. 6  The challenge, then, is to develop a model of civic solidarity that is "thick" enough to motivate support for justice and democracy while also "thin" enough to accommodate racial, ethnic, and religious diversity.

We might look first to Habermas's idea of constitutional patriotism (Verfassungspatriotismus). The idea emerged from a particular national history, to denote attachment to the liberal democratic institutions of the postwar Federal Republic of Germany, but Habermas and others have taken it to be a generalizable vision for liberal democratic societies, as well as for supranational communities such as the European Union. On this view, what binds citizens together is their common allegiance to the ideals embodied in a shared political culture. The only "common denominator for a constitutional patriotism" is that "every citizen be socialized into a common political culture." 7

Habermas points to the United States as a leading example of a multicultural society where constitutional principles have taken root in a political culture without depending on "all citizens' sharing the same language or the same ethnic and cultural origins." 8  The basis of American solidarity is not any particular racial or ethnic identity or religious beliefs, but universal moral ideals embodied in American political culture and set forth in such seminal texts as the Declaration of Independence, the U.S. Constitution and Bill of Rights, Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, and Martin Luther King, Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech. Based on a minimal commonality of shared ideals, constitutional patriotism is attractive for the agnosticism toward particular moral and religious outlooks and ethnocultural identities to which it aspires.

What does constitutional patriotism suggest for the sort of reception immigrants should receive? There has been a general shift in Western Europe and North America in the standards governing access to citizenship from cultural markers to values, and this is a development that constitutional patriots would applaud. In the United States those seeking to become citizens must demonstrate basic knowledge of U.S. government and history. A newly revised U.S. citizenship test was instituted in October 2008 with the hope that it will serve, in the words of the chief of the Office of Citizenship, Alfonso Aguilar, as "an instrument to promote civic learning and patriotism." 9 The revised test attempts to move away from civics trivia to emphasize political ideas and concepts. (There is still a fair amount of trivia: "How many amendments does the Constitution have?" "What is the capital of your state?") The new test asks more open-ended questions about government powers and political concepts: "What does the judicial branch do?" "What stops one branch of government from becoming too powerful?" "What is freedom of religion?" "What is the 'rule of law'?" 10

Constitutional patriots would endorse this focus on values and principles. In Habermas's view, legal principles are anchored in the "political culture," which he suggests is separable from "ethical-cultural" forms of life. Acknowledging that in many countries the "ethical-cultural" form of life of the majority is "fused" with the "political culture," he argues that the "level of the shared political culture must be uncoupled from the level of subcultures and their prepolitical identities." 11  All that should be expected of immigrants is that they embrace the constitutional principles as interpreted by the political culture, not that they necessarily embrace the majority's ethical-cultural forms.

Yet language is a key aspect of "ethical-cultural" forms of life, shaping people's worldviews and experiences. It is through language that individuals become who they are. Since a political community must conduct its affairs in at least one language, the ethical-cultural and political cannot be completely "uncoupled." As theorists of multiculturalism have stressed, complete separation of state and particularistic identities is impossible; government decisions about the language of public institutions, public holidays, and state symbols unavoidably involve recognizing and supporting particular ethnic and religious groups over others. 12 In the United States, English language ability has been a statutory qualification for naturalization since 1906, originally as a requirement of oral ability and later as a requirement of English literacy. Indeed, support for the principles of the Constitution has been interpreted as requiring English literacy. 13 The language requirement might be justified as a practical matter (we need some language to be the common language of schools, government, and the workplace, so why not the language of the majority?), but for a great many citizens, the language requirement is also viewed as a key marker of national identity. The continuing centrality of language in naturalization policy prevents us from saying that what it means to be an American is purely a matter of shared values.

Another misconception about constitutional patriotism is that it is necessarily more inclusive of newcomers than cultural nationalist models of solidarity. Its inclusiveness depends on which principles are held up as the polity's shared principles, and its normative substance depends on and must be evaluated in light of a background theory of justice, freedom, or democracy; it does not by itself provide such a theory. Consider ideological requirements for naturalization in U.S. history. The first naturalization law of 1790 required nothing more than an oath to support the U.S. Constitution. The second naturalization act added two ideological elements: the renunciation of titles or orders of nobility and the requirement that one be found to have "behaved as a man . . . attached to the principles of the constitution of the United States." 14  This attachment requirement was revised in 1940 from a behavioral qualification to a personal attribute, but this did not help clarify what attachment to constitutional principles requires. 15 Not surprisingly, the "attachment to constitutional principles" requirement has been interpreted as requiring a belief in representative government, federalism, separation of powers, and constitutionally guaranteed individual rights. It has also been interpreted as disqualifying anarchists, polygamists, and conscientious objectors for citizenship. In 1950, support for communism was added to the list of grounds for disqualification from naturalization – as well as grounds for exclusion and deportation. 16 The 1990 Immigration Act retained the McCarthy-era ideological qualifications for naturalization; current law disqualifies those who advocate or affiliate with an organization that advocates communism or opposition to all organized government. 17 Patriotism, like nationalism, is capable of excess and pathology, as evidenced by loyalty oaths and campaigns against "un-American" activities.

In contrast to constitutional patriots, liberal nationalists acknowledge that states cannot be culturally neutral even if they tried. States cannot avoid coercing citizens into preserving a national culture of some kind because state institutions and laws define a political culture, which in turn shapes the range of customs and practices of daily life that constitute a national culture. David Miller, a leading theorist of liberal nationalism, defines national identity according to the following elements: a shared belief among a group of individuals that they belong together, historical continuity stretching across generations, connection to a particular territory, and a shared set of characteristics constituting a national culture. 18  It is not enough to share a common identity rooted in a shared history or a shared territory; a shared national culture is a necessary feature of national identity. I share a national culture with someone, even if we never meet, if each of us has been initiated into the traditions and customs of a national culture.

What sort of content makes up a national culture? Miller says more about what a national culture does not entail. It need not be based on biological descent. Even if nationalist doctrines have historically been based on notions of biological descent and race, Miller emphasizes that sharing a national culture is, in principle, compatible with people belonging to a diversity of racial and ethnic groups. In addition, every member need not have been born in the homeland. Thus, "immigration need not pose problems, provided only that the immigrants come to share a common national identity, to which they may contribute their own distinctive ingredients." 19

Liberal nationalists focus on the idea of culture, as opposed to ethnicity or descent, in order to reconcile nationalism with liberalism. Thicker than constitutional patriotism, liberal nationalism, Miller maintains, is thinner than ethnic models of belonging. Both nationality and ethnicity have cultural components, but what is said to distinguish "civic" nations from "ethnic" nations is that the latter are exclusionary and closed on grounds of biological descent; the former are, in principle, open to anyone willing to adopt the national culture. 20

Yet the civic-ethnic distinction is not so clear-cut in practice. Every nation has an "ethnic core." As Anthony Smith observes

[M]odern "civic" nations have not in practice really transcended ethnicity or ethnic sentiments. This is a Western mirage, reality-as-wish; closer examination always reveals the ethnic core of civic nations, in practice, even in immigrant societies with their early pioneering and dominant (English and Spanish) culture in America, Australia, or Argentina, a culture that provided the myths and language of the would-be nation. 21

This blurring of the civic-ethnic distinction is reflected throughout U.S. history with the national culture often defined in ethnic, racial, and religious terms. 22

Why, then, if all national cultures have ethnic cores, should those outside this core embrace the national culture? Miller acknowledges that national cultures have typically been formed around the ethnic group that is dominant in a particular territory and therefore bear "the hallmarks of that group: language, religion, cultural identity." Muslim identity in contemporary Britain becomes politicized when British national identity is conceived as containing "an Anglo-Saxon bias which discriminates against Muslims (and other ethnic minorities)." But he maintains that his idea of nationality can be made "democratic in so far as it insists that everyone should take part in this debate [about what constitutes the national identity] on an equal footing, and sees the formal arenas of politics as the main (though not the only) place where the debate occurs." 23

The major difficulty here is that national cultures are not typically the product of collective deliberation in which all have the opportunity to participate. The challenge is to ensure that historically marginalized groups, as well as new groups of immigrants, have genuine opportunities to contribute "on an equal footing" to shaping the national culture. Without such opportunities, liberal nationalism collapses into conservative nationalism of the kind defended by Samuel Huntington. He calls for immigrants to assimilate into America's "Anglo- Protestant culture." Like Miller, Huntington views ideology as "a weak glue to hold together people otherwise lacking in racial, ethnic, or cultural sources of community," and he rejects race and ethnicity as constituent elements of national identity. 24 Instead, he calls on Americans of all races and ethnicities to "reinvigorate their core culture." Yet his "cultural" vision of America is pervaded by ethnic and religious elements: it is not only of a country "committed to the principles of the Creed," but also of "a deeply religious and primarily Christian country, encompassing several religious minorities, adhering to Anglo- Protestant values, speaking English, maintaining its European cultural heritage." 25 That the cultural core of the United States is the culture of its historically dominant groups is a point that Huntington unabashedly accepts.

Cultural nationalist visions of solidarity would lend support to immigration and immigrant policies that give weight to linguistic and ethnic preferences and impose special requirements on individuals from groups deemed to be outside the nation's "core culture." One example is the practice in postwar Germany of giving priority in immigration and naturalization policy to ethnic Germans; they were the only foreign nationals who were accepted as permanent residents set on the path toward citizenship. They were treated not as immigrants but "resettlers" (Aussiedler) who acted on their constitutional right to return to their country of origin. In contrast, non-ethnically German guestworkers (Gastarbeiter) were designated as "aliens" (Auslander) under the 1965 German Alien Law and excluded from German citizenship. 26 Another example is the Japanese naturalization policy that, until the late 1980s, required naturalized citizens to adopt a Japanese family name. The language requirement in contemporary naturalization policies in the West is the leading remaining example of a cultural nationalist integration policy; it reflects not only a concern with the economic and political integration of immigrants but also a nationalist concern with preserving a distinctive national culture.

Constitutional patriotism and liberal nationalism are accounts of civic solidarity that deal with what one might call first-level diversity. Individuals have different group identities and hold divergent moral and religious outlooks, yet they are expected to share the same idea of what it means to be American: either patriots committed to the same set of ideals or co-nationals sharing the relevant cultural attributes. Charles Taylor suggests an alternative approach, the idea of "deep diversity." Rather than trying to fix some minimal content as the basis of solidarity, Taylor acknowledges not only the fact of a diversity of group identities and outlooks (first-level diversity), but also the fact of a diversity of ways of belonging to the political community (second-level or deep diversity). Taylor introduces the idea of deep diversity in the context of discussing what it means to be Canadian:

Someone of, say, Italian extraction in Toronto or Ukrainian extraction in Edmonton might indeed feel Canadian as a bearer of individual rights in a multicultural mosaic. . . . But this person might nevertheless accept that a Québécois or a Cree or a Déné might belong in a very different way, that these persons were Canadian through being members of their national communities. Reciprocally, the Québécois, Cree, or Déné would accept the perfect legitimacy of the "mosaic" identity.

Civic solidarity or political identity is not "defined according to a concrete content," but, rather, "by the fact that everybody is attached to that identity in his or her own fashion, that everybody wants to continue that history and proposes to make that community progress." 27 What leads people to support second-level diversity is both the desire to be a member of the political community and the recognition of disagreement about what it means to be a member. In our world, membership in a political community provides goods we cannot do without; this, above all, may be the source of our desire for political community.

Even though Taylor contrasts Canada with the United States, accepting the myth of America as a nation of immigrants, the United States also has a need for acknowledgment of diverse modes of belonging based on the distinctive histories of different groups. Native Americans, African Americans, Irish Americans, Vietnamese Americans, and Mexican Americans: across these communities of people, we can find not only distinctive group identities, but also distinctive ways of belonging to the political community.

Deep diversity is not a recapitulation of the idea of cultural pluralism first developed in the United States by Horace Kallen, who argued for assimilation "in matters economic and political" and preservation of differences "in cultural consciousness." 28  In Kallen's view, hyphenated Americans lived their spiritual lives in private, on the left side of the hyphen, while being culturally anonymous on the right side of the hyphen. The ethnic-political distinction maps onto a private-public dichotomy; the two spheres are to be kept separate, such that Irish Americans, for example, are culturally Irish and politically American. In contrast, the idea of deep diversity recognizes that Irish Americans are culturally Irish American and politically Irish American. As Michael Walzer put it in his discussion of American identity almost twenty years ago, the culture of hyphenated Americans has been shaped by American culture, and their politics is significantly ethnic in style and substance. 29  The idea of deep or second-level diversity is not just about immigrant ethnics, which is the focus of both Kallen's and Walzer's analyses, but also racial minorities, who, based on their distinctive experiences of exclusion and struggles toward inclusion, have distinctive ways of belonging to America.

While attractive for its inclusiveness, the deep diversity model may be too thin a basis for civic solidarity in a democratic society. Can there be civic solidarity without citizens already sharing a set of values or a culture in the first place? In writing elsewhere about how different groups within democracy might "share identity space," Taylor himself suggests that the "basic principles of republican constitutions – democracy itself and human rights, among them" constitute a "non-negotiable" minimum. Yet, what distinguishes Taylor's deep diversity model of solidarity from Habermas's constitutional patriotism is the recognition that "historic identities cannot be just abstracted from." The minimal commonality of shared principles is "accompanied by a recognition that these principles can be realized in a number of different ways, and can never be applied neutrally without some confronting of the substantive religious ethnic-cultural differences in societies." 30 And in contrast to liberal nationalism, deep diversity does not aim at specifying a common national culture that must be shared by all. What matters is not so much the content of solidarity, but the ethos generated by making the effort at mutual understanding and respect.

Canada's approach to the integration of immigrants may be the closest thing there is to "deep diversity." Canadian naturalization policy is not so different from that of the United States: a short required residency period, relatively low application fees, a test of history and civics knowledge, and a language exam. 31 Where the United States and Canada diverge is in their public commitment to diversity. Through its official multiculturalism policies, Canada expresses a commitment to the value of diversity among immigrant communities through funding for ethnic associations and supporting heritage language schools. 32 Constitutional patriots and liberal nationalists say that immigrant integration should be a two-way process, that immigrants should shape the host society's dominant culture just as they are shaped by it. Multicultural accommodations actually provide the conditions under which immigrant integration might genuinely become a two-way process. Such policies send a strong message that immigrants are a welcome part of the political community and should play an active role in shaping its future evolution.

The question of solidarity may not be the most urgent task Americans face today; war and economic crisis loom larger. But the question of solidarity remains important in the face of ongoing large-scale immigration and its effects on intergroup relations, which in turn affect our ability to deal with issues of economic inequality and democracy. I hope to have shown that patriotism is not easily separated from nationalism, that nationalism needs to be evaluated in light of shared principles, and that respect for deep diversity presupposes a commitment to some shared values, including perhaps diversity itself. Rather than viewing the three models of civic solidarity I have discussed as mutually exclusive – as the proponents of each sometimes seem to suggest – we should think about how they might be made to work together with each model tempering the excesses of the others.

What is now formally required of immigrants seeking to become American citizens most clearly reflects the first two models of solidarity: professed allegiance to the principles of the Constitution (constitutional patriotism) and adoption of a shared culture by demonstrating the ability to read, write, and speak English (liberal nationalism). The revised citizenship test makes gestures toward respect for first-level diversity and inclusion of historically marginalized groups with questions such as, "Who lived in America before the Europeans arrived?" "What group of people was taken to America and sold as slaves?" "What did Susan B. Anthony do?" "What did Martin Luther King, Jr. do?" The election of the first African American president of the United States is a significant step forward. A more inclusive American solidarity requires the recognition not only of the fact that Americans are a diverse people, but also that they have distinctive ways of belonging to America.

• 1 For comments on earlier versions of this essay, I am grateful to participants in the Kadish Center Workshop on Law, Philosophy, and Political Theory at Berkeley Law School; the Penn Program on Democracy, Citizenship, and Constitutionalism; and the UCLA Legal Theory Workshop. I am especially grateful to Christopher Kutz, Sarah Paoletti, Eric Rakowski, Samuel Scheffler, Seana Shiffrin, and Rogers Smith.
• 2 Philip Gleason, "American Identity and Americanization," in Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups , ed. Stephan Thernstrom (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1980), 31–32, 56–57.
• 3 David Hollinger, "From Identity to Solidarity," Dædalus 135 (4) (Fall 2006): 24.
• 4 David Miller, "Multiculturalism and the Welfare State: Theoretical Reflections," in Multiculturalism and the Welfare State: Recognition and Redistribution in Contemporary Democracies , ed. Keith Banting and Will Kymlicka (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 328, 334.
• 5 Charles Taylor, "Why Democracy Needs Patriotism," in For Love of Country? ed. Joshua Cohen (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996), 121.
• 6 On the purpose and varieties of narratives of collective identity and membership that have been and should be articulated not only for subnational and transnational, but also for national communities, see Rogers M. Smith, Stories of Peoplehood: The Politics and Morals of Political Membership (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
• 7 Jürgen Habermas, "Citizenship and National Identity," in Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy , trans. William Rehg (Cambridge, Mass.: mit Press, 1996), 500.
• 9 Edward Rothstein, "Connections: Refining the Tests That Confer Citizenship," The New York Times , January 23, 2006.
• 10 See http://www.uscis.gov/files/nativedocuments/100q.pdf (accessed November 28, 2008).
• 11 Habermas, "The European Nation-State," in Between Facts and Norms , trans. Rehg, 118.
• 12 Charles Taylor, "The Politics of Recognition," in Multiculturalism: Examining the Politics of Recognition , ed. Amy Gutmann (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); Will Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995).
• 13 8 U.S.C., section 1423 (1988); In re Katz , 21 F.2d 867 (E.D. Mich. 1927) (attachment to principles of Constitution implies English literacy requirement).
• 14 Act of Mar. 26, 1790, ch. 3, 1 Stat., 103 and Act of Jan. 29, 1795, ch. 20, section 1, 1 Stat., 414. See James H. Kettner, The Development of American Citizenship , 1608–1870 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984), 239–243. James Madison opposed the second requirement: "It was hard to make a man swear that he preferred the Constitution of the United States, or to give any general opinion, because he may, in his own private judgment, think Monarchy or Aristocracy better, and yet be honestly determined to support his Government as he finds it"; Annals of Cong. 1, 1022–1023.
• 15 8 U.S.C., section 1427(a)(3). See also Schneiderman v. United States , 320 U.S. 118, 133 n.12 (1943), which notes the change from behaving as a person attached to constitutional principles to being a person attached to constitutional principles.
• 16 Internal Security Act of 1950, ch. 1024, sections 22, 25, 64 Stat. 987, 1006–1010, 1013–1015. The Internal Security Act provisions were included in the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, ch. 477, sections 212(a)(28), 241(a)(6), 313, 66 Stat. 163, 184–186, 205–206, 240–241.
• 17 Gerald L. Neuman, "Justifying U.S. Naturalization Policies," Virginia Journal of International Law 35 (1994): 255.
• 18 David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 25.
• 19 Ibid., 25–26.
• 20 On the civic-ethnic distinction, see W. Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992); David Hollinger, Post-Ethnic America: Beyond Multiculturalism (New York: Basic Books, 1995); Michael Ignatieff, Blood and Belonging: Journeys into the New Nationalism (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1995); Yael Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
• 21 Anthony D. Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986), 216.
• 22 See Rogers M. Smith, Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997).
• 23 Miller, On Nationality , 122–123, 153–154.
• 24 Samuel P. Huntington, Who Are We? The Challenges to America's National Identity (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004), 12. In his earlier book, American Politics: The Promise of Disharmony (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1981), Huntington defended a "civic" view of American identity based on the "political ideas of the American creed," which include liberty, equality, democracy, individualism, and private property (46). His change in view seems to have been motivated in part by his belief that principles and ideology are too weak to unite a political community, and also by his fears about immigrants maintaining transnational identities and loyalties – in particular, Mexican immigrants whom he sees as creating bilingual, bicultural, and potentially separatist regions; Who Are We? 205.
• 25 Huntington, Who Are We? 31, 20.
• 26 Christian Joppke, "The Evolution of Alien Rights in the United States, Germany, and the European Union," Citizenship Today: Global Perspectives and Practices , ed. T. Alexander Aleinikoff and Douglas Klusmeyer (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2001), 44. In 2000, the German government moved from a strictly jus sanguinis rule toward one that combines jus sanguinis and jus soli , which opens up access to citizenship to non-ethnically German migrants, including Turkish migrant workers and their descendants. A minimum length of residency of eight (down from ten) years is also required, and dual citizenship is not formally recognized. While more inclusive than before, German citizenship laws remain the least inclusive among Western European and North American countries, with inclusiveness measured by the following criteria: whether citizenship is granted by jus soli (whether children of non-citizens who are born in a country's territory can acquire citizenship), the length of residency required for naturalization, and whether naturalized immigrants are permitted to hold dual citizenship. See Marc Morjé Howard, "Comparative Citizenship: An Agenda for Cross-National Research," Perspectives on Politics 4 (2006): 443–455.
• 27 Charles Taylor, "Shared and Divergent Values," in Reconciling the Solitudes: Essays on Canadian Federalism and Nationalism , ed. Guy Laforest (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993), 183, 130.
• 28 Horace M. Kallen, Culture and Democracy in the United States (New York: Boni & Liveright, 1924), 114–115.
• 29 Michael Walzer, "What Does It Mean to Be an 'American'?" (1974); reprinted in What It Means to Be an American: Essays on the American Experience (New York: Marsilio, 1990), 46.
• 30 Charles Taylor, "Democratic Exclusion (and Its Remedies?)," in Multiculturalism, Liberalism, and Democracy , ed. Rajeev Bhargava et al. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 163.
• 31 The differences in naturalization policy are a slightly longer residency requirement in the United States (five years in contrast to Canada's three) and Canada's official acceptance of dual citizenship.
• 32 See Irene Bloemraad, Becoming a Citizen: Incorporating Immigrants and Refugees in the United States and Canada (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006.

What Does it Mean to be an American? Reexamining the Rights and Responsibilities of Citizenship

Citizen: An American Lyric

By claudia rankine, citizen: an american lyric summary and analysis of section ii.

A picture of Hennessy Youngman (aka Jayson Musson) accompanies the first page of Section II. On his YouTube channel, this YouTube artist encourages black artists to watch the Rodney King video while working to create an angrier exterior. The narrator explains that this is meant to uncover the expectations of commodified anger in black artists. Therefore any real anger, such as that experienced in Section I, cannot produce sellable art, but only loneliness.

This type of anger provides presence where erasure occurs. However, it can also be seen not as anger, but rather as insanity. One example of this is at the 2009 Women's US Open final when Serena Williams allowed her rage to be seen. At this point, Rankine places the reader in the point of view of a posh tennis-watcher: "Oh my God, she's gone crazy, you say to no one" (27).

Zora Neale Hurston once said, "I feel most colored when I am thrown against a sharp white background"; the narrator uses this statement to frame the situation of Serena being a black player in an overwhelmingly white sport. The most notorious oppositional force in her career has been the umpire Mariana Alves, who made five bad calls against Serena in one match back in 2004. The narrator suggests that it must have been Serena's black body that was "getting in the way of Alves's sight line" (29). The next year, the tournaments would install line-calling technology to challenge umpire callings via replay.

The body has a memory of its own; when Serena is back on the court, she will be watched by a line judge who calls her out for stepping on the line during a critical serve. The announcers denounce the call, and numerous replays cannot indicate the moment of foul. Serena explodes at the line judge, having been thrown against a sharp white background. She is insane.

On September 11, 2011, Serena goes after the Grand Slam cup once again. Some speculate that she wants to prove her "red-blooded American patriotism" to become "beloved by the tennis world" (31). She hits a swift ace down the line and yells in celebration just as the ball passes her opponent's hitting zone, making Serena's shout a foul. Serena confronts the umpire and we start to think this might be a repeat of 2004's bad calls.

When Serena won at the 2012 Olympics, announcers said that she was "Crip-Walking all over the most lily-white place in the world... akin to cracking a tasteless, X-rated joke inside a church" (33).

A picture of a human form bent over and covered in a tapestry of sewn flowers interrupts the page. Hennessy Youngman, the YouTube figure from earlier in the chapter, also made a video about how to become a successful artist. He says that a black artist cannot paint a flower without it becoming a slavery flower, thereby creating a relationship between the white viewer and black property rather than black people.

When told that the dance she had performed was called a Crip Walk, a gangster dance, Serena asked if she looked like a gangster. The comment is taken and received lightly, in a day's fun. She went on to win every match in 2012, and commentators would "remark on her ability to hold it together" despite questionable calls as usual (34). Although Serena continued to boycott the Indian Wells, a competition whose crowd was overtly racist, her seemingly new attitude was difficult to parse. Was it dissociation from the previous Serena who had been thrown against a sharp white background, or a truly calmer and impenetrable psyche?

The section ends with Serena's tennis opponent, Wozniacki, playfully embodying Serena’s physical attributes by stuffing cloth in her shirt and shorts on the court. A picture of her smiling blond figure accompanies the final page.

This section directs its focus toward the public image of the black body. The YouTube artist gives an example of what it takes for a black image to succeed against a sharp white background, while Serena, a far better known 'black body', fails to conform to this image. At times her genuine rage comes off the wrong way, as if curated by the image that Youngman puts forth, and at other times she protests against her own rage. Questionable calls line this section in a similar way to the way in which microaggressions line the first section.

At the core of this section lie deep conflicts. Where anger is justified, it should not be expected or commodified. And where art is a way of controlling one's own understanding of the self, it becomes used by the masses to reassemble the previous notion of that person's self. The human form covered in a flower suit shows that the skin can be hidden and that art can, at great cost, undo preconceived identity. Nobody can look at this form, covered in flowers, and make an assessment based on the 'historical self', because a flower person does not have a history. The black body, on the other hand, has a deeply ingrained history from the moment it is born to the earth.

The last analytical problem in this section is one that remains open at the end of the chapter: what do we make of Wozniacki dressing up like Serena? Is it a playful imitation of an opponent, as Novak Djokovic has become renowned for in Men's tennis? Or is it racially charged, as we see by the stuffing of the bra and the butt of the underpants? Are these attributes things we associate with black bodies, or just with Serena? Can we separate the two? The narrator has no answer for the reader, yet we feel that somehow this dress-up is pinned between the two opposing forces at play throughout the book.

Citizen: An American Lyric Questions and Answers

The Question and Answer section for Citizen: An American Lyric is a great resource to ask questions, find answers, and discuss the novel.

Referring to Serena Williams, Rankine states, “Yes, and the body has memory. The physical carriage hauls more than its weight.” How do sports in particular encourage spectators and officials to assume influence or even ownership over the bodies of

In context, the author is referring to the weight of memory, the racial insults, the slights, and the mistreatment by other players. The question itself responds to an incident at the 2004 U.S. Open, during which, Williams loses her temper after a...

Question about the Citizen book!

Rankine switches between several speakers, although the reader may not be informed of these switches at all. In interviews, Rankine says that the stories are collected from a wide range of different people: black, white, male, and female. At...

Like in Sections IV and III, Rankine puts special focus on the body and its potentials to be made known. In particular, the narrator considers what her own voice sounds like. This has many meanings. The voice is a symbol for the self. We often say...

Study Guide for Citizen: An American Lyric

Citizen: An American Lyric study guide contains a biography of Claudia Rankine, literature essays, quiz questions, major themes, characters, and a full summary and analysis.

• About Citizen: An American Lyric
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Essays for Citizen: An American Lyric

Citizen: An American Lyric essays are academic essays for citation. These papers were written primarily by students and provide critical analysis of Citizen: An American Lyric by Claudia Rankine.

• Considering Schiller and Arnold Through Claudia Rankine’s Citizen   
• Reading Between Lines of Citizen
• Poetry, Politcs, and Personal Reflection: Redefining the Lyric in Claudia Rankine's Citizen
• Ethnicity's Impact on Literary Experimentation
• Citizen: A Discourse on our Post-Racial Society

Lesson Plan for Citizen: An American Lyric

• About the Author
• Study Objectives
• Common Core Standards
• Introduction to Citizen: An American Lyric
• Relationship to Other Books
• Bringing in Technology
• Notes to the Teacher
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1 (page 1) p. 1 What is citizenship, and why does it matter?

• Published: September 2008
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The issue of citizenship is currently topical. Governments have promoted teaching it in schools and immigrants are expected to pass citizenship tests to become naturalized citizens. Citizenship is frequently touted as the solution to a country's ills. ‘What is citizenship, and why does it matter?’ looks at the range and variety of uses of citizenship and the relationship between citizenship and political participation in a democratic society. Over time, the nature of the democratic political community and the qualities needed to be a citizen have changed. Why is citizenship important? What exactly does it mean? What challenges does the notion of citizenship face for the future?

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• Immigration

The Complicated Truth About What U.S. Citizenship Means Today

T he first time I saw the Statue of Liberty was 25 years ago, from a noisy ferry that brought me and hundreds of other eager tourists across New York Harbor. Back then I was a foreign student, in Manhattan for three days to attend an academic conference on linguistics. I had only one afternoon to devote to sightseeing, and faced with the choice of which landmark to visit, I settled immediately on Ellis Island. The site loomed large in my imagination, likely because of its romantic portrayal in the American movies I had grown up watching. I ambled through the stately inspection room, where original chandeliers cast their pale light, sat for a few minutes on the wooden benches, then went inside the exhibit rooms, filled with artifacts documenting the arrival of immigrants.

I still remember the jolt of surprise I felt when I came across a portrait of three Moroccan men and a little boy, all clad in national dress–cloak, djellaba, cross-body bag, leather slippers. It was a trace of a history I didn’t know existed. After the surprise wore off, I began to wonder about their names, their pasts, their families, their reasons for emigrating. Years later, researching this picture online, I discovered that the photographer, an employee of the Executive Division of Immigration, had scribbled “Arab jugglers” on the back of the print. These were performers, then, seeking fame or fortune here. They forged new identities and became Americans, just like the other 12 million immigrants and refugees who passed through Ellis Island from 1882 to 1954. Or at least, that is how the story goes: America was formed from huddled masses yearning to breathe free.

As I walked around the exhibit rooms at the Ellis Island immigration museum, it never occurred to me that someday I would become an immigrant too, and eventually a citizen. At the time, my goal had been to complete a graduate degree in linguistics and return to Morocco. But my life took an unexpected turn when I met and fell in love with an American. I said yes to him, and yes to staying here. Years passed, during which I learned more about the country I now called home: its charms and foibles, its culture and history, its claims to being a “nation of immigrants.” And I came to understand that, like any origin story, this one leaves out inconvenient details.

The boundaries of Americanness, which seem so elastic in the myth of a “nation of immigrants,” have in fact been very rigid–and always, always contested. At the founding of the United States, American citizenship was available exclusively to “free white persons.” It took decades of struggle, and a bloody civil war, before citizenship was extended to formerly enslaved people and their descendants. Indigenous people, who were members of sovereign nations, did not have full access to citizenship until 1924. And for much of this country’s history, a slew of race-based immigration laws, like the Chinese Exclusion Act, prevented most immigrants from outside Western Europe from coming to the U.S. or claiming U.S. citizenship.

It is tempting to think that this ugly history is behind us. Yet even a glance at current headlines makes it clear how deeply entrenched white-supremacist ideas about Americanness remain. The Trump Administration announced in 2019 that it would cut the number of refugees the U.S. will resettle in 2020 to no more than 18,000, the lowest number since the program was created 40 years ago. These refugees come principally from Asia, Africa and Latin America, which is to say they often come from countries the President has frequently disparaged. Ken Cuccinelli, the acting head of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, has long been an opponent of birthright citizenship and last fall told reporters that he doesn’t believe a constitutional amendment would be needed to end it. And Stephen Miller, the White House aide who has long echoed white-nationalist talking points and who is widely credited with being the architect of the Muslim ban, has pushed for sweeping changes to immigration laws that would favor people who speak English.

There are also rhetorical clues from this Administration and its supporters about who gets to be a “real” American. Last summer, Donald Trump called on Congresswomen Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Ayanna Pressley and Rashida Tlaib to “go back” to the “crime-infested places” from which they came. (All but Omar were born in the U.S.) More recently, conservative cable hosts like Laura Ingraham and Brian Kilmeade insinuated that Alexander Vindman–an official at the National Security Council who testified that the President had asked the leader of Ukraine to investigate a political rival in exchange for military aid–might not be entirely loyal to the U.S. because he was an immigrant. It didn’t matter that Vindman was an active-duty officer in the U.S. Army; his allegiance was called into question.

Being American isn’t just a state of being, whether native or acquired. It’s a relationship between an individual and the nation-state. To be an American means, among other things, to have the right to vote in state and federal elections, to have protection from unreasonable searches, to be free to speak or worship or assemble without government interference. In the past, these rights, protections and liberties were not granted equally to all, and they still aren’t today. For instance, millions of formerly incarcerated people in states like Alabama, Kentucky, Florida and Mississippi have lost the right to vote and are therefore shut out of the democratic process. This has vastly disproportionate effects on black men. By comparison, Vermont and Maine, the two whitest states in the union, allow both incarcerated and formerly incarcerated people to vote. Citizenship is supposed to be an equalizer, yet in many ways it still functions as a tiered system that mirrors past racial hierarchies.

Four years ago, while I was visiting New York for a literary event, I took my daughter and niece to see the Statue of Liberty and Ellis Island. It was a cloudy day in June, but the air was thick with humid heat. Both girls were excited about seeing the national landmarks; both undertook ancestry searches at the interactive exhibits. Although neither site was new to me any longer, I felt just as moved as the first time I’d seen them. There is something deeply seductive about these symbols. Even with the awareness of America’s history of colonial expansion and white supremacy, the promise of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness is still a potent lure.

I live with this contradiction every day, with the knowledge that the bleak past and the better future meet in the present moment. Citizenship is both an idea and an ideal, the journey from one to the other a measure of the nation’s progress. I wish this journey could be taken in a giant leap, even as I fear it will be walked slowly, fearfully, and with many steps back along the way. Yet I keep the faith. Perhaps it’s because I’m a novelist, whose work involves constant use of the imagination. Or perhaps it’s because I’m an immigrant, whose vantage point grants the privilege to look at the country from the inside and the outside. Either way, I know that promise is the best catalyst for progress.

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Contact us at [email protected]

• Lesson Plans
• Teacher's Guides
• Media Resources

BackStory: To Be a Citizen? The History of Becoming American

Stereo cards, like this one from Keystone View Company, were marketed to schools and teachers as a way to introduce more visual content into the classroom. Not much is known about this card, but its label reads "Citizenship Lessons: no. 17 - Mother Packing Father's Lunch."

Library of Congress

The meaning of U.S. citizenship, as symbol and lived experience, has changed over time. Consider the picture on this page, which is part of a stereo card produced by the Keystone View Company around 1929. We don't know much about this card other than its caption and catalog information. The caption reads, “Citizenship Lessons: no. 17 - Mother Packing Father's Lunch.” The old caption card for the image says, “Photog. I.; Aliens; Adult education; Citizenship; Shelf.” Based on this information, what might you infer about this card and how it was used? What ideals of and assumptions about citizenship does it communicate?

In " To Be a Citizen? The History of Becoming American ," listeners will learn more about how citizenship has been expanded, limited, challenged, and revoked in the United States. You'll hear about what happens when borders cross bodies, drawing new territory and people into the United States in what was often a violent and contested process; how Chinese immigrants and their American-born children challenged the boundaries of whiteness and citizenship in the late 19th century; how women have been stripped of their citizenship after marrying a non-citizen; and how African Americans after World War I fought for the unfulfilled promises of citizenship.

A full transcript of this episode can be found at the  BackStory  website .

Comprehension Questions

• What impact did the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo have for people living in Texas?
• How did white Americans rationalize the violence they committed against cart men?
• Why did the killing of Antonio Delgado draw greater attention to the attacks on cart men?
• According to Larry Knight, how does the definition of citizenship change in San Antonio, Texas between 1848-1861?
• What was the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882?
• How does Mary Lui contextualize debates about the exclusion of Chinese people from U.S. citizenship?
• What was the significance of Ah Yup's unsuccessful attempt to obtain citizenship?
• How did the experience of the Tape family foreshadow the "separate but equal" doctrine established in 1896?
• What role did the federal government play in the acts of violence committed against Chinese workers? How did the exclusion of Chinese people from citizenship contribute to this violence?
• Why do historians continue to debate about the nature of the citizenship accessible to American-born children of Chinese immigrant parents?
• According to Lui, what do the battles about the meaning and extent of citizenship indicate about race and citizenship in the United States?

EDSITEment Resources

Learn more about immigration history and the laws that have shaped the legal inclusion and exclusion of immigrants with the Closer Readings Commentary  Everything Your Students Need to Know About Immigration History . The lesson plan  Asian American & Pacific Islander Perspectives within Humanities Education  (grades 6-12) addresses the exclusion of Asian immigrants from citizenship and the experiences of Asian American and Pacific Islander individuals as expressed in literature and art.

• Why was the Expatriation Act created in 1907, according to Linda Kerber?
• How did the 19th amendment change the way women were able to challenge the Expatriation Act?
• What legacies of the Expatriation Act does Kerber see?

At the time the Expatriation Act was passed, women did not have the right to vote at the federal level (some states had passed laws extending the right to vote to women). As this episode highlights, disenfranchisement was just one way that women's legal status in the United States was less secure than that of men. Learn more about the women's suffrage and equality movements with the following EDSITEment resources:

• Lesson Plan:  Chronicling and Mapping the Women's Suffrage Movement  (grades 9-12)
• Lesson Plan:  Women's Suffrage: Why the West First?  (grades 6-12)
• Lesson Plan:  Voting Rights for Women: Pro- and Anti-Suffrage  (grades 9-12)
• Lesson Plan:  Who Were the Foremothers of the Women's Suffrage and Equality Movements?  (grades 6-12)
• Lesson Plan:  Women's Equality: Changing Attitudes and Beliefs  (grades 9-12)
• Teacher's Guide:  Women’s History in the United States
• What opportunity did many African Americans see in World War I?
• How did Jim Crow's reach extend beyond U.S. borders?
• How did African Americans' experiences during the war affect the civil rights movement? How did they affect the Red Summer in 1919?
• Why did Johnson run for Congress in 1940?
• How did moments like independence and Reconstruction cause shifts in the ways people thought about and legislated citizenship?
• How has citizenship for some people and groups been conditional, partial, or insecure?

Learn more about the ways African Americans interfaced with the state, as well as the early civil rights movement, with the following resources: 

• Lesson Plan:  African-American Soldiers in World War I: The 92nd and 93rd Divisions  (grades 9-12)
• Lesson Plan:  African-American Soldiers After World War I: Had Race Relations Changed?  (grades 9-12)
• Lesson Plan:  Lesson 3: African-Americans and the New Deal's Civilian Conservation Corps  (grades 9-12)
• Lesson Plan:  Jacob Lawrence's Migration Series: Removing the Mask  (grades 6-8)
• Curriculum:  NAACP's Anti-Lynching Campaigns: The Quest for Social Justice in the Interwar Years  (grades 9-12)

Founded in 2008,  BackStory  is a weekly podcast that explores the historical roots of current events. Hosted by a team of historians of the United States, the show features interviews with other scholars and public historians, seeking to bring U.S. history to life.Any views, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in the show do not necessarily represent those of the National Endowment for the Humanities. Learn more at the  BackStory  website .

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What Does It Mean to “Be American?”

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In 2014, New York Times reporter Damien Cave traveled the length of highway I-35, which runs south to north through the middle of the United States, for his “The Way North” project. Along the way, he asked 35 people, “What does it mean to be American?” These are some of their answers. 1

Becoming American means following the rules. It means respecting your  neighbors, in your own neighborhood. —Francine Sharp, 73, retired teacher in Kansas (born in Kansas) If you work hard, you get good things in life. —José, college student/roofer; immigrant without legal status in Tulsa, Oklahoma (born in Mexico) Being American is making a change, and making good changes. Being American is being welcoming, being caring about other people, being proud of the country. And it’s forgiveness. It’s not holding grudges on anything—I mean, where’s that going to get you? —Natalie Villafranca, 14, in Texas (born in Dallas) Being American means protection by the law. Anyone can say whatever they want and, even if I don’t agree with them, they’re still protected by the law it’s my job to enforce. That’s their freedom. That’s their right. —Sean Larkin, 40, sergeant with Tulsa Police Department’s gang unit in Tulsa, Oklahoma (born in Virginia) Being American is red, white and blue and being free. It doesn’t matter what language you speak; if you’re born in America, you’re still American. No matter what you look like, no matter what. —Sebastien de la Cruz, 12, student who gained attention, and backlash, when he sang the national anthem during the 2013 NBA finals in a mariachi outfit (born and lives in San Antonio) I want all girls, especially girls of color, to know that they can be a part of science. And more than that, they can be leaders in science. I want them to know that, because I know that I am America. That I am science. I’m just the part that people refuse to recognize. 2 —Taylor R., 13, speaking about her ambitions at the March for Science in April 2017 The following excerpts are from other Americans discussing what they think it means to “be American.” Among these voices are historians and writers who think about this topic a lot, as well as individuals from other walks of life who participated in a discussion for the documentary film A More Perfect Union . 3 Precisely because we are not a people held together by blood, no one knows who an American is except by what they believe. It's important that we do know our history, because our history is the source of our Americanness. —Historian Gordon Wood When people wrote "All men are created equal," they really meant men; but they didn't mean any other men except white men who owned land. That's what they meant. But because the ideas are powerful, there's no way that they could get away with holding to that. It's not possible when you have an idea that's as powerful and as revolutionary as a country founded on the idea that just because you're in the world, just because you're here, you have a right to certain things that are common to all humanity. That's really what we say in those documents. The idea that we begin the Constitution with, "We, the People" . . . even though they didn't mean me! They had no idea I'd ever want to make a claim on that. And they'd have been horrified if they'd known that any of us would. But you can't let that powerful an idea out into the world without consequences. —Writer Rosemary Bray The American Dream has no meaning for me. What it was founded on, the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, in many ways I feel are used as billy clubs against minorities and cultural minorities, whether they be gay, or different in any way from the norm in this country. I, for example, don't think I'd like to go to California because of what I look like. I could be pulled over and carded, and I would have to prove my ancestry. And look how long my family has been in northern New Mexico. Ten to twelve generations! —Vicente Martinez

• 1 All quotes except the last one (by Taylor R.) are from “ Day 39: On Being American ” (The Way North), New York Times , May 17, 2014.
• 2 “ March for Science Earth Day 2017 Speaker - Taylor Richardson ", YouTube video, 1:15, posted by EARTHDAYORG, Apr 24, 2017.
• 3 All quotes are from the online companion materials to the documentary A More Perfect Union (Arcadia Pictures, 1997), available at PBS website .

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How to Cite This Reading

Facing History & Ourselves, “ What Does It Mean to “Be American?” ”, last updated June 17, 2017.

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Understanding the Background in an Essay: Context and Significance

Table of contents, defining the background, the importance of context, establishing relevance, creating engagement, conclusion: framing the narrative.

• Smith, John. "The Art of Effective Background Writing." Journal of Academic Writing, vol. 25, no. 2, 2018, pp. 87-104.
• Jones, Emily. "Context Matters: The Role of Background Information in Comprehension." Reading Research Quarterly, vol. 41, no. 3, 2006, pp. 386-401.
• Johnson, Robert. "Crafting Engaging Backgrounds: Techniques for Captivating Readers." Writing Techniques Quarterly, vol. 18, no. 4, 2020, pp. 55-67.
• Thompson, Laura. "The Significance of Context in Essay Writing." Academic Insights, vol. 12, no. 1, 2019, pp. 23-38.
• Williams, David. "The Power of Relevance: Creating Lasting Impressions Through Effective Backgrounds." Rhetoric and Composition Journal, vol. 30, no. 2, 2015, pp. 120-135.

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How To Be A Good Citizen Essay | Qualities and Benefits of A Good Citizen Essay

October 18, 2021 by Prasanna

How To Be A Good Citizen Essay: What does it really mean to be a good citizen? This is a question that has been debated for many years, but the answer remains unclear. The definition of citizenship varies from person to person. It can be defined as an individual who participates in the running of their society, or someone who bears rights and duties within their society. Citizens are also people who are eligible for citizenship in the state they reside in.

On the other hand, citizenship is a legal concept usually defined as the status of a person recognized under the custom or law as being a legal member of a sovereign state or belonging to a nation. The word may apply both to natural persons and legal persons. The definition of citizenship used by governments or institutions differs based on their values and beliefs. For example, while some countries may define citizens as people born there while others may include those with parents born locally, some countries do not require you to have any connection at all to be considered eligible for citizenship. Regardless, citizens are an integral component of a functional society. In this essay, we shall explore what it means to be a good citizen, importance, benefits, characteristics and more.

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Who is a Good Citizen?

In today’s world, it is very easy to fall into the trap of being a “bad citizen”. The key to being a good citizen is being an active participant in society and contributing to the greater good. A person can be a good citizen through various ways such as: volunteering, philanthropy, charity work, etc.

So how do we bring this idea of a good citizen into our day-to-day life? First and foremost, we have to be an active participant in society and not just sit on the sidelines. We have to get involved with what is going on around us and talk about these issues with others. In order for change to happen in society there has to be a conscious effort from all of us. A good citizen is also someone who contributes to their society, does not take more than they need, and helps others. It is important for people to be good citizens because it benefits the society as a whole.

What are the Qualities of a Good Citizen?

Qualities of a good citizen are qualities that people should have in order to make the world a better place. Qualities of a good citizen are as follows:

• Good Citizens always obey the law – In order to be a good citizen, one must obey the law. There are many reasons as to why one should abide by the law. One reason being that if one breaks the law, they will have to pay a penalty for their actions. If an individual does not follow the law, they may be causing inconvenience to others, putting others or themselves at risk for physical, financial or emotional damages.
• Good Citizens pay taxes – A good citizen always pays taxes. People who do not pay their taxes are considered tax evaders. Tax evasion is illegal in most countries and can result in fines, jail time, or both. Moreover, tax helps to maintain public infrastructure, which is essential for a healthy society.
• Good Citizens serve on a jury – Jury duty is a privilege, not a punishment. It is a common misconception that jury duty is a punishment. In fact, jury duty is a privilege because it allows citizens to participate in the democratic process. Everyone has the right to be judged by their peers-the jurors in their community.
• Good Citizens always vote – Voting is one of the most important rights and duties of any citizen in any democracy. Moreover, it is a fundamental right that is necessary for the existence of democracy in any country.
• Good Citizens do not litter – One of the most important issues in our global society is littering. It’s not hard to see it everywhere, whether it be near your house or on the side of the highway. Littering is not only an eyesore, but it can also be detrimental to the environment.
• Good Citizens respect the rights of others – The Golden Rule, “Do unto others as you would have them do to you,” is a good guideline for good citizenship around the world. It’s a universal and timeless principle that respects the rights of all people, and encourages cooperation and understanding among cultures.
• Good Citizens are Loyal – Good citizens are people who are loyal to their country. They obey the law, they help others, and they are honest.
• Good citizens are Responsible – Responsible citizens are good citizens. They are the ones who volunteer every day for their community. A responsible citizen takes care of their home, car, and friends. They are honest, dependable, and trustworthy.

Importance of Being a Good Citizen

In recent years, citizenship has been a much debated topic in political and social circles. The term “good citizen” is usually defined as being civic minded and knowing the rights and obligations of citizenship. Citizenship lessons are typically taken by children when they are in grade school. But recent research has shown that adults should also receive the lessons. Adults who take these lessons are more likely to be civically engaged in their community. In a nutshell, being a good citizen is more than just following the law. It is about being a good person, which includes having empathy for other people and setting a good example for others to follow.

How to be More Involved in Your Community

Volunteering is a great way to share your skills and help others. It is also a good opportunity to learn new things and meet new people. Volunteering can be done in many different ways, such as:

• Helping out at a soup kitchen
• Teaching underprivileged children
• Helping elderly
• Participating in trail cleanups
• Become a foster parent
• Teach a life skills class
• Volunteer at a homeless shelter
• Volunteer at a community center
• Volunteer at an animal shelter

Benefits of Being a Good Citizen

There are many benefits to being a good citizen. Good citizenship can help you get a good reputation, it can be an example for others, and it can help you feel better about yourself.

One of the most important things in life is to be able to take pride in oneself. A good citizen does this by contributing to the welfare of the society. We must be honest, truthful, and brave in order to make our nation great again. It is not always easy to be a good citizen in today’s society. But in the long run, it will pay off and make life easier for you and others.

Being a good citizen can enhance one’s personal sense of well-being. Residents who take care of communities, participate in the political process, and volunteer for civic activities feel a greater sense of community and affiliation.

A good citizen improves society and makes a positive difference in the world. Building a society that values the needs of every single citizen is an important step in moving our world forward. When we cultivate a sense of belonging and support, we create a society that can thrive.

Moreover, being a good citizen is one of the most important things you can do for the environment. It’s possible to save our environment and reduce our carbon footprints by recycling, using less energy, conserving water, and planting trees.

Being a good citizen is not just a superficial label that a person can be proud of. It is about having a sense of responsibility towards the society that we live in and for the world we will leave behind. Being a good citizen is more than just voting every year. It’s about being an active citizen. Being an active citizen means being involved in your community and taking action to make it a better place. Here are some great ways to become more civic minded:

Get involved with a local charity, or start your own. Another excellent option is to volunteer your time at the orphanage, old-age home, soup kitchens, animal rescue shelters etc. Alternatively, teaching languages math, science or other subjects for underprivileged children or even adults who are willing to learn something new. Regardless, being a good citizen is one of the best things you can do for your community. By being a good citizen, you are helping to enrich the lives of others as well as yourself.

FAQ’s on How To Be A Good Citizen Essay

Question 1. Who is a Good Citizen?

Answer: A good citizen is someone who fulfills their duties to their community, state, or nation. They are generally law abiding and are not seeking to cause any harm.

Question 2. Why should you be a good citizen?

Answer: People often believe that being a good citizen is just a matter of following the law. But, in reality, it’s more complicated than that. Being a good citizen means doing your part in society and supporting the things you care about. It means engaging with your community and giving back to those around you.

Question 3. What are the qualities of a good citizen?

Answer: A good citizen has the following qualities:

• Abides the law
• Always vote
• Do not litter
• Always respect the rights of others
• Are loyal and responsible
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Background Essay: Applying the Ideals of the Declaration of Independence

Guiding Questions: Why have Americans consistently appealed to the Declaration of Independence throughout U.S. history? How have the ideals in the Declaration of Independence affected the struggle for equality throughout U.S. history?

• I can explain how the ideals of the Declaration of Independence have inspired individuals and groups to make the United States a more equal and just society.

Essential Vocabulary

In an 1857 speech criticizing the Supreme Court decision in Dred Scott v. Sanford (1857), Abraham Lincoln commented that the principle of equality in the Declaration of Independence was “meant to set up a standard maxim [fundamental principle] for a free society.” Indeed, throughout American history, many Americans appealed to the ideals of the Declaration of Independence to make liberty and equality a reality for all.

A constitutional democracy requires vigorous deliberation and debate by citizens and their representatives. Therefore, it should not be surprising that the meanings and implications of the Declaration of Independence and its principles have been debated and contested throughout history. This civil and political dialogue helps Americans understand the principles and ideas upon which their country was founded and the means of working to achieve them.

Applying the Declaration of Independence from the Founding through the Civil War

Individuals appealed [pointed to as evidence] to the principles of the Declaration of Independence soon after it was signed. In the 1770s and 1780s, enslaved people in New England appealed to the natural rights principles of the Declaration and state constitutions as they petitioned legislatures and courts for freedom and the abolition of slavery. A group of enslaved people in New Hampshire stated, “That the God of Nature, gave them, Life, and Freedom, upon the Terms of the most perfect Equality with other men; That Freedom is an inherent [of a permanent quality] Right of the human Species, not to be surrendered, but by Consent.” While some of these petitions were unsuccessful, others led to freedom for the petitioner.

The women and men who assembled at the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention , the first women’s rights conference held in the United States, adopted the Declaration of Sentiments and Resolutions , a list of injustices committed against women. The document was modeled after the Declaration of Independence, but the language was changed to read, “We hold these truths to be self-evident : [clear without having to be stated] that all men and women are created equal.” It then listed several grievances regarding the inequalities that women faced. The document served as a guiding star in the long struggle for women’s suffrage.

The Declaration of Independence was one of the centerpieces of the national debate over slavery. Abolitionists such as Frederick Douglass, William Lloyd Garrison, and Abby Kelley all invoked the Declaration of Independence in denouncing slavery. On the other hand, Senators Stephen Douglas and John Calhoun, Justice Roger Taney, and Confederate Vice President Alexander Stephens all denied that the Declaration of Independence was meant to apply to Black people.

Abraham Lincoln was president during the crisis of the Civil War, which was brought about by this national debate over slavery. He consistently held that the Declaration of Independence had universal natural rights principles that were “applicable to all men and all time.” In his Gettysburg Address, Lincoln stated that the nation was “conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.”

The Declaration at Home and Abroad: The Twentieth Century and Beyond

The case of Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) revealed a split over the meaning of the equality principle even in the Supreme Court. The majority in the 7–1 decision thought that distinctions and inequalities based upon race did not violate the Fourteenth Amendment and did not imply inferiority, and therefore, segregation was constitutional. Dissenting Justice John Marshall Harlan argued for equality when he famously wrote, “In the eye of the law, there is in this country no superior, dominant, ruling class of citizens. There is no caste here. Our constitution is colorblind.”

The expansion of American world power in the wake of the Spanish-American War of 1898 triggered another debate inspired by the Declaration of Independence. The war brought the United States into more involvement in world affairs. Echoing earlier debates over Manifest Destiny during nineteenth-century westward expansion, supporters of American global expansion argued that the country would bring the ideals of liberty and self-government to those people who had not previously enjoyed them. On the other hand, anti-imperialists countered that creating an American empire violated the Declaration of Independence by taking away the liberty of self-determination , or freedom of government without foreign interference, and consent from Filipinos and Cubans.

Politicians of differing perspectives viewed the Declaration in opposing ways during the early twentieth century. Progressives [a political and social reform group that began in the late 19th century] such as Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson argued that the principles of the Declaration of Independence were important for an earlier period in American history, to gain independence from Great Britain and to set up the new nation. They argued that the modern United States faced new challenges introduced by an industrial economy and needed a new set of ideas that required a more active government and more powerful national executive. They were less concerned with preserving an ideal of liberty and equality and more concerned with regulating society and the economy for the public interest. Wilson in particular rejected the views of the Founding, criticizing both the Declaration and the Constitution as irrelevant for facing the problems of his time.

President Calvin Coolidge disagreed and adopted a conservative position when he argued that the ideals of the Declaration of Independence should be preserved and respected. On the 150th anniversary of the Declaration, Coolidge stated that the principles formed the American belief system and were still the basis of American republican institutions. They were still applicable regardless of how much society had changed.

During World War II, Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan threatened the free nations of the world with aggressive expansion and domination. The United States and the coalition of Allied powers fought for several years to reverse their conquests. President Franklin Roosevelt and other free-world leaders proclaimed the principles of liberty and self-government from the Declaration of Independence in documents such as the Atlantic Charter , the Four Freedoms speech, and the United Nations Charter.

After World War II, American social movements for justice and equality called upon the Declaration of Independence and its principles. For example, in his “I Have a Dream” speech, Martin Luther King, Jr., referred to the Declaration as the “sacred heritage” of the nation but said that it had not lived up to its ideals for Black Americans. King demanded that the United States live up to its “sacred obligation” of liberty and equality for all.

The natural rights republican ideals of the Declaration of Independence influenced the creation of American constitutional government founded upon liberty and equality. They also shaped the expectation that a free people would live in a just society. Indeed, the Declaration states that to secure natural rights is the fundamental duty of government. Achieving those ideals has always been part of a robust and dynamic debate among the sovereign people and their representatives.

Inspired by the ideals of the Declaration of Independence, many social movements, politicians, and individuals helped make the United States a more equal and just society. The Emancipation Proclamation ; the Thirteenth , Fourteenth , and Fifteenth Amendments ; the Nineteenth Amendment ; the 1964 Civil Rights Act ; and the 1965 Voting Rights Act were only some of the achievements in the name of equality and justice. As James Madison wrote in Federalist 51 , “Justice is the end of government. It is the end of civil society. It ever has been and ever will be pursued until it be obtained.”

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Good Citizen Essay | Essay on Good Citizen for Students and Children in English

Good Citizen Essay: A citizen is not one who stays in a city. A citizen can even be one who stays in a village or in slums. One who is a member of the society — of whatever status, is a ‘citizen’.

Long Essay on A Good Citizen 400 Words in English

Short essay on a good citizen 150 words in english, 10 lines on good citizen.

• What qualities make a good citizen?
• What it means to be a good citizen?
• Why is it important to be a good citizen?

Long and Short Essays on Good Citizen for Kids and Students in English

Given below are two essays in English for students and children about the topic of ‘Good Citizen’ in both long and short form. The first essay is a long essay on the Good Citizen of 400-500 words. This long essay about Good Citizen is suitable for students of class 7, 8, 9 and 10, and also for competitive exam aspirants. The second essay is a short essay on Good Citizen of 150-200 words. These are suitable for students and children in class 6 and below.

Below we have given a long essay on A Good Citizen of 400 words is helpful for classes 7, 8, 9, and 10 and Competitive Exam Aspirants. This long essay on the topic is suitable for students of class 7 to class 10, and also for competitive exam aspirants.

As a social being, every citizen has his responsibilities towards society. Every society wants its citizens to be good, and it is the goodness of the citizens which makes society good.

History tells how during the reign of Chandra Gupta Maurya, people did not need to lock their doors. No thefts would be committed; no robberies ever did occur. Maybe that it was due to stem administration and strict policing but it does reflect the nature of the society. All men were law-abiding and law fearing. There were peace and comfort.

Today in same India, every morning the newspaper’s front-page news is there of dacoity, murder, kidnapping, and frauds. This picture of society reflects the character of the citizens. To what low level have they fallen.

Just as to be healthy, every part of the body has to be healthy and in good condition. Similarly for the society to be good, every citizen has to be well-mannered, honest in his dealings, hard-working in his pursuits.

What is meant by being a good citizen? The answer is not far to seek. A good citizen is one who is humble, polite to others, well-mannered, respectful to the feelings of others. ‘Do not do unto others what you do not want to be done to you’ this is a mental dictate that governs a good citizen. What hurts you can hurt others too, therefore do not do anything to others which if done to you may hurt you. A society that works on these lines shall have citizens following this rule and that is good citizenship.

Below we have given a short essay on A Good Citizen is for Classes 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6. This short essay on the topic is suitable for students of class 6 and below.

Everyone wants to have his personal freedom. But personal freedom does not give one the license to do whatever one pleases. If you have the right to enjoy personal freedom others also have the right to enjoy similar freedom. The freedom of one has to be accommodated with the freedom of others. Mutual adjustments alone can bring about peace in the society.

Therefore, a good citizen has always to take care of the interests of others. Neighborly relations mean caring for one another; helping others in the time of their need and be helped by others in your time of need.

It is such a society that everyone wants to live in. But to make the society so liveable every citizen must contribute his ‘goodness’.

Students can find more English  Essay Writing Topics, Ideas, Easy Tips to Write Essay Writing, and many more.

• A citizen is not one who lives in the cities. Everyone living in society is a ‘citizen’.
• Every citizen has responsibilities towards society.
• A good society would be that which has good citizens.
• A healthy body is that in which every part of the body is healthy.
• Who is a good citizen? One who cares for others does not harm others; is humble, and respects the sensibilities of others such a one who is a good citizen.
• A good citizen is law-abiding and obeys the laws of the country.
• A good citizen is honest in word and deed. He is always truthful.
• He seeks his good in the good of all.
• He or she never takes law in his or her hands.
• A good citizen has the welfare of his country and his fellow citizens at heart.

FAQs on Good Citizen Essay?

1.  What qualities make a good citizen?

Qualities of a good citizen include Honesty, Integrity, Respectfulness, Responsibility, and others.

2. What it means to be a good citizen?

To be a good citizen anywhere you have to be a good person. That means showing respect, having a good attitude, or just helping out.

3. Why is it important to be a good citizen?

A good citizen is normally the type of person who works hard, helps others, and respects the law.

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Home — Essay Samples — Environment — Global Citizen — What Does It Mean to Be a Global Citizen

What Does It Mean to Be a Global Citizen

• Categories: Global Citizen

About this sample

Words: 687 |

Published: Sep 16, 2023

Words: 687 | Pages: 2 | 4 min read

Table of contents

Defining global citizenship, key attributes of global citizenship, challenges of global citizenship, opportunities of global citizenship, conclusion: embracing global citizenship.

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Supreme Court partially reinstates Arizona law requiring proof of citizenship to vote

The ultimate future of the law still remains to be seen as litigation continues.

By Hanna Seariac

The U.S. Supreme Court partially reinstated Arizona’s state law requiring proof-of-citizenship for voting.

The 5-4 ruling means Arizona election officials can reject an application for state voter registration if the person does not present documentary proof of citizenship.

Other parts of the law remain on hold. The court left on hold part of the law that said a person who already registered to vote without providing proof of citizenship is not allowed to vote in presidential elections. The order also said the part of the law preventing a person who registered to vote only in federal elections from receiving an early ballot by mail remains on hold.

The order does not take up a full page and also does not include reasonings behind the decisions.

Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito and Neil Gorsuch would have granted the application from the Republican National Committee in full, allowing all provisions of the law to be enforced. Justices Sonia Sotomayor, Elena Kagan, Amy Coney Barrett and Ketanji Brown Jackson would have denied the application, the order said.

Background on the litigation over the law

The decision comes after the Republican National Committee asked the Supreme Court to take emergency action on the law.

The 2022 Arizona voting law is currently being litigated. A federal district court in Arizona blocked the law. Then, after an appeal to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit, part of the district court’s order was put on temporary hold.

The block against the law was reinstated after a panel of judges looked at the case, and then, the Republican National Committee sought emergency relief from the country’s highest court.

“The district court’s injunction is an unprecedented abrogation of the Arizona Legislature’s sovereign authority to determine the qualifications of voters and structure participation in its elections,” wrote attorneys for the Republican National Committee in the emergency request.

The request said they needed emergency relief because ballots will soon be printed.

Arizona Secretary of State Adrian Fontes asked the Supreme Court to deny the Republican National Committee’s request because he said “a stay this close to an election will create chaos and confusion, and in turn undermine the credibility of our elections.”

Fontes said 42,301 Arizona voters are only registered federally and would be impacted if the court lifted the hold.

The future of the law will play out as the litigation continues.

The Justice Department sued to block the law in July 2022, shortly after it was passed. The suit dealt with the provisions of the law requiring voters who registered to vote with a federal form to show proof of citizenship. The form requires a declaration of citizenship under penalty of perjury not documentary proof of citizenship.

The suit said the National Voter Registration Act prevents Arizona from enforcing those provisions. This part of the law remains blocked for now after the Supreme Court’s response.

The Arizona law was initially passed in 2022 and signed into law by Gov. Doug Ducey.

RNC Chairman Michael Whatley called Thursday’s ruling “a major victory for election integrity” in a statement.

“While Democrats have worked to undermine basic election safeguards and make it easier for non-citizens to vote, we have fought tooth and nail to preserve citizenship requirements, see the law enforced, and secure our elections,” said Whatley. “The Supreme Court has sided with the RNC, and the American people, to protect the vote in November.”

“We are disappointed that the supreme court is upending longstanding rules on the eve of an election that will clearly cause voter confusion. Free and fair elections rely on every citizen being able to cast a ballot and the fight is far from over,” Bruce Spiva, lawyer for Campaign Legal Center which helped challenge the law, told The Guardian .

Utah was one of 24 states that filed a brief in support of the Republican National Committee.

“The right to police elections involves a core aspect of State sovereignty,” said the brief, then quoting from a previous case, “It is fundamental to the definition of our national political community that foreign citizens do not have a constitutional right to participate in, and thus may be excluded from, activities of democratic self-government.”

Trump and Allies Forge Plans to Increase Presidential Power in 2025

The former president and his backers aim to strengthen the power of the White House and limit the independence of federal agencies.

Donald J. Trump intends to bring independent regulatory agencies under direct presidential control. Credit... Doug Mills/The New York Times

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By Jonathan Swan Charlie Savage and Maggie Haberman

• Published July 17, 2023 Updated July 18, 2023

Donald J. Trump and his allies are planning a sweeping expansion of presidential power over the machinery of government if voters return him to the White House in 2025, reshaping the structure of the executive branch to concentrate far greater authority directly in his hands.

Their plans to centralize more power in the Oval Office stretch far beyond the former president’s recent remarks that he would order a criminal investigation into his political rival, President Biden, signaling his intent to end the post-Watergate norm of Justice Department independence from White House political control.

Mr. Trump and his associates have a broader goal: to alter the balance of power by increasing the president’s authority over every part of the federal government that now operates, by either law or tradition, with any measure of independence from political interference by the White House, according to a review of his campaign policy proposals and interviews with people close to him.

Mr. Trump intends to bring independent agencies — like the Federal Communications Commission, which makes and enforces rules for television and internet companies, and the Federal Trade Commission, which enforces various antitrust and other consumer protection rules against businesses — under direct presidential control.

He wants to revive the practice of “impounding” funds, refusing to spend money Congress has appropriated for programs a president doesn’t like — a tactic that lawmakers banned under President Richard Nixon.

He intends to strip employment protections from tens of thousands of career civil servants, making it easier to replace them if they are deemed obstacles to his agenda. And he plans to scour the intelligence agencies, the State Department and the defense bureaucracies to remove officials he has vilified as “the sick political class that hates our country.”

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