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10 Main Indigenous Groups in the Philippines: A Cultural and Historical Overview

Discover the diverse indigenous communities of the Philippines, including the Tagalog, Igorot, Lumad, and more. Learn about their cultures and traditions.

Have you ever been curious about the diverse cultures that exist within the Philippines? The country is home to more than 100 million people, and among them are numerous indigenous groups that have their own distinct identities, traditions, and languages. These groups are spread across different regions and islands, making the Philippines a fascinating melting pot of cultures. From the Aeta of Luzon to the T’boli of Mindanao, each indigenous group has its own unique way of life and beliefs that have been shaped by centuries of history and tradition. Despite facing challenges such as discrimination and marginalization, these communities continue to preserve their rich cultural heritage and contribute to the country’s vibrant cultural landscape. Let’s delve deeper into the main indigenous groups in the Philippines and discover their fascinating stories.

Introduction

Customs and traditions.

One of the most interesting customs of the Igorot is their practice of mummification. The Igorot believe that by preserving the bodies of their loved ones, they are able to keep their spirits close. This practice was common among the Igorot until the 20th century.

The Cordillera Region

The Cordillera region is home to many different Igorot communities. The region is known for its stunning mountain landscapes and is a popular destination for tourists. Many of the Igorot communities in the region have been able to preserve their traditional way of life, despite the encroachment of modernization.

Land Rights

One of the biggest issues facing the Lumad is land rights. Many Lumad communities are being displaced by mining and logging companies, which are encroaching on their ancestral lands. The Lumad have been fighting for their land rights for many years and continue to face many challenges.

Another important issue facing the Lumad is education. Many Lumad children do not have access to formal education, which limits their opportunities for the future. There are many organizations working to provide education to Lumad children and help them preserve their cultural heritage.

• The Mangyan

Religion and Beliefs

The Mangyan are a deeply spiritual people and have many unique beliefs and traditions. They believe in a variety of gods and spirits, and their religious practices often involve offerings and rituals.

Socio-economic Issues

The Mangyan face many socio-economic issues, including poverty and lack of access to healthcare. Many Mangyan communities are isolated and do not have access to basic services, which makes it difficult for them to improve their standard of living.

The T’boli

Music and dance.

The T’boli are also known for their music and dance. They have a rich tradition of gong music, which is often played during important ceremonies and festivals.

Preservation of Culture

Like many other indigenous groups in the Philippines, the T’boli are facing many challenges in preserving their culture. Modernization and globalization are threatening their traditional way of life, and many young T’boli are leaving their communities in search of better opportunities.

The indigenous groups of the Philippines are an important part of the country’s rich cultural heritage. They have unique customs and traditions that are worth preserving and celebrating. While they face many challenges, including land rights issues and lack of access to basic services, there are many organizations working to support them and help them preserve their way of life.The Philippines is home to a diverse array of indigenous groups, each with their unique history, culture, and traditions. The Aetas are the first known indigenous group in the Philippines, living in the mountainous regions of Luzon. They have a rich history and culture that is deeply intertwined with their connection to the land. The Igorots, on the other hand, are a diverse group of indigenous peoples who share a common cultural heritage and a love for the rugged Cordillera region in Northern Luzon. They are known for their fierce warriors and strong sense of community.Moving down to Mindanao, the Lumad is a collective term used to refer to the 18 non-Islamized indigenous groups in the region. They are a close-knit society with a deep connection to their ancestral lands. Meanwhile, the Mangyan is a collective term for the indigenous peoples of Mindoro. They have a unique culture that is rooted in their deep connection to the land and the sea.The Bajau, also known as “sea gypsies,” are indigenous peoples who have lived on the shores and waters of the Sulu and Celebes Seas for centuries. They are the masters of the sea and have a deep connection to the ocean. The Tagbanua, on the other hand, is an indigenous group located in Palawan. They have a rich culture that is deeply intertwined with their connection to the sea and their traditional way of life as fisherfolk.The T’boli are an indigenous group living in the highlands of South Cotabato. They have a unique culture that centers around their traditional weaving techniques, which are used to create intricate designs and patterns. The Badjao, on the other hand, are a seafaring indigenous group who have been living in the waters of the Sulu and Celebes Seas for centuries. They are expert navigators, fishermen, and traders.The Kalinga are a fierce, tattooed indigenous group located in the northern highlands of Luzon. They have a rich history and culture that is deeply rooted in their traditional way of life and hunting and gathering practices. Finally, the Ifugao are known for their rice terraces and their skill in irrigating the steep, mountainous terrain of the Cordillera region. They have a unique culture that is deeply rooted in their connection to the land and their traditional way of life.In conclusion, the Philippines is a diverse country with a rich cultural heritage thanks to its indigenous groups. From the fierce warriors of the Igorots to the seafaring Badjao, each group has a unique history and culture that is worth exploring. Their deep connection to the land, sea, and their traditional way of life serves as a reminder of the importance of preserving indigenous cultures and traditions for future generations.

When it comes to the indigenous groups in the Philippines, there are several that are widely recognized and celebrated for their unique cultures and traditions. Here are some of the main indigenous groups in the Philippines:

• The Tagbanua

While each of these groups has their own distinct language, beliefs, and practices, they all share a common history of being marginalized and oppressed by the dominant culture of the Philippines. Despite this, many indigenous groups have maintained their cultural heritage through generations of resistance and resilience.

Pros and Cons of Celebrating Indigenous Groups in the Philippines

On one hand, celebrating indigenous groups in the Philippines can help to preserve and promote their unique cultures and traditions. It can also raise awareness about the issues facing these communities, such as land rights and cultural preservation.

• Preservation of unique cultures and traditions
• Raising awareness about issues facing indigenous communities
• Promoting diversity and inclusion

However, there are also some potential downsides to highlighting indigenous groups in the Philippines. For one, it can perpetuate stereotypes and create a sense of otherness that further marginalizes these communities. It can also lead to cultural appropriation and exploitation, as dominant cultures seek to profit off of indigenous traditions without properly acknowledging or compensating their creators.

• Perpetuation of stereotypes and othering
• Cultural appropriation and exploitation
• Risk of tokenism or performative allyship

Overall, celebrating indigenous groups in the Philippines can be a double-edged sword. While it’s important to recognize and honor these communities, we must do so in a way that is respectful, ethical, and inclusive.

As we come to the end of this blog post, I hope you have gained a deeper understanding of the main indigenous groups in the Philippines. While there are over 100 different ethnic groups in the country, these seven groups have played a significant role in shaping the cultural and social landscape of the Philippines. From their unique customs and traditions to their contributions to the country’s history, the indigenous groups in the Philippines have a rich and diverse heritage that deserves recognition and celebration.

It is important to acknowledge the challenges that these groups have faced over the years. From discrimination to displacement, many indigenous communities in the Philippines continue to struggle for their rights and recognition. By learning about their culture and history, we can support their efforts in preserving their traditions and way of life.

Finally, I encourage you to continue exploring the vibrant and diverse cultures of the Philippines. There is so much to discover and appreciate in this beautiful country, from its breathtaking landscapes to its rich cultural heritage. Let us all strive to be more mindful of the indigenous groups in the Philippines and their contributions to our shared history and culture. Thank you for joining me on this journey of discovery, and I hope to see you again soon!

When it comes to the Philippines, there are several indigenous groups that have been living on the islands for centuries. Here are some of the most frequently asked questions regarding the main indigenous groups in the Philippines:

What are the main indigenous groups in the Philippines?

The Philippines is home to many indigenous groups, but some of the largest and most well-known include:

• T’boli

What are some characteristics of these indigenous groups?

Each of these groups has its own unique culture, traditions, and way of life. However, some common characteristics include:

• Strong sense of community
• Deep connection to nature and the environment
• Oral tradition and storytelling
• Use of traditional clothing and adornments
• Reliance on subsistence farming and hunting

How do these indigenous groups contribute to Philippine society?

These indigenous groups have made significant contributions to Philippine culture, history, and society. Some of these contributions include:

• Preservation of traditional knowledge and practices
• Creation of unique and diverse art forms
• Development of sustainable agricultural practices
• Resistance against colonialism and foreign domination
• Promotion of cultural diversity and tolerance

What challenges do these indigenous groups face?

Despite their contributions, these indigenous groups also face many challenges, including:

• Land and resource exploitation by corporations and the government
• Marginalization and discrimination
• Lack of access to education, healthcare, and other basic services
• Loss of traditional knowledge and practices due to modernization
• Threats to their physical and cultural survival

In conclusion, the main indigenous groups in the Philippines are rich in culture, traditions, and contributions to society. However, they also face significant challenges that need to be addressed in order to protect their rights, preserve their heritage, and ensure their well-being.

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• Ethnic Groups In The Philippines

The Philippines is one of the world's largest island countries. Here is a list of the largest ethnic groups in the country. 

Much is unknown regarding the history of the Tagalogs prior to the Spanish Colonization of the Philippine Islands in the 16th Century. However, since the Filipinos are mostly people of Malay origin, it can be inferred that the original Tagalogs were also of Malay descent. Due their concentration mostly in riverine locations, Tagologs historically have been involved in fishing, agriculture and sometimes craft. They are also known to engage in trade with surrounding nations such as China , Japan , India , and others. In terms of culture, the Taglog peoples lay much emphasis on respect and good behaviors which is evident in their soft-spoken language. Family bonds are also at the center of Tagolog life. However, Tagolog culture today has been influenced by Western ideologies. For instance, the predominant religion is now Roman Catholicism.

Cebuanos are Austronasian-speaking peoples that settled in the Filipino province of Cebu, between the 10th and 16th Centuries. They can also be found in Leyte, Negros Oriental and Negros Occidental provinces. Prior to Spanish colonization, Cebuanos were mostly involved in fishing, but today they are also involved in manufacturing, crafts, as well as other forms of food production. Cebuanos also held various Indigenous beliefs but most are now Christians due to Colonization. Regarding culture, Cebuanos are very artistic. They are involved in dancing, singing, painting and other forms of crafts. They also hold several beliefs regarding birth, death, and marriage, and place emphases on respect, humility and honesty.

The Ilocanos historically are also of Malay/Austronesian descent that settled in the Northern region of Luzon before the arrival of the Spanish. Around the 17th Century there was an uprising of the Illocanos, as well as among other ethnic groups, against Spanish oppression. Their major activities include rice farming, salt production, and a significant amount of fishing. Some cultural rites observed center around marriage, funerals, and rites of passage. Emphasis among the Illocanos is on independence through hard work, respect and tolerance for the feelings of others. They are also primarily Roman Catholics, but some also practice religious syncretism.

Visayan (Bisaya)

The Visayan settled in the Visayan Islands around 30,000 years ago. Today, they are concentrated in the provinces of Negros Oriental, Negros Occidental, and Cebu. They are mainly involved in the activities of farming and lumbering. Visayans are rarely involved in foreign trade, but they trade crops such as tobacco and coconut with other islands. Visayans place more importance on the present life than after-life. This is reflected in their adventurous and comfort-seeking lifestyle. The main religion among Visayans is also Roman Catholicism.

These are Austronesian language speakers who are a subdivision of the Visaya ethnic group. They are mainly found in the Western Visaya region. Some of their economic activities include rice and sugarcane farming, fishing, and textile production. The Hiligaynons believe that every deed comes with reward or punishment as the case may be. They have a very rich culture which includes very significant festivals. One of these is Dinagyang, which is a celebration of the baby Jesus in the form of a statue. 

Bikolanos are descendants of Southern Chinese immigrants. They mainly occupy the Southern peninsula of Luzon. Agriculture is the mainstay of the Bikolano economy, especially in such crops as banana, coconut, rice and corn. Co-operation among family members is highly emphasized in various aspects, including providing financial support to one's family. They are generally conservative in nature, while laying emphasis on education. Bikolanos have a host of cultural festivals, the most grand being the "Our Lady of Penafrancia" festival. This festival involves the celebration of the statue of the Virgin Mary, mother of Jesus.

Warays are also a subdivision of the Visayans that migrated to the Philippines during the Iron Age. They mostly inhabit the Islands of Leyte and Samar, which are largely underdeveloped. The main economic activities of the Waray people is farming and fishing, and the major cash crop is coconut. They are also involved in wine production. Warays are deeply involved in faith-healing rituals, which is the use of folk medicine, prayers or symbols to effect healing of various ailments.

Chinese Filipinos

These are Filipinos of Chinese ancestry who have arrived in the Philippines, especially those coming by way of migration from China. It is estimated that at least 2.5% of Filipinos can trace their ethnicity to China. 

Other Groups

Other ethnic groups in the Philippines include the Kapampangan, Pangasinan, Kalinga, Ifugao, and Kankaney. Some of these ethnicities are subcultures or subdivisions of other groups. Hence, they share similar cultures with the above groups. These groups mostly occupy various locations on Luzon Island. Some other populations come from overseas, bringing with them their own cultures. These include Koreans, Japanese, Indonesians, and several others.

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Working Paper Inequality of opportunities among ethnic groups in the Philippines

This paper contributes to the scant body of literature on inequalities among and within ethnic groups in the Philippines by examining both the vertical and horizontal measures in terms of opportunities in accessing basic services such as education, electricity, safe water, and sanitation. The study also provides a glimpse of the patterns of inequality in Mindanao.

The results show that there are significant inequalities in opportunities in accessing basic services within and among ethnic groups in the Philippines. Muslims (particularly indigenous people) are the worst-off ethnic groups while the non-indigenous/non-Muslim groups are the better-off groups. Disparities in terms of literacy rate and access to electricity and sanitation between ethnic groups, however, appear to be narrowing between 2000 and 2010.

Celia M. Reyes

Christian D. Mina

Ronina D. Asis

WIDER Working Paper 154/2017

https://doi.org/10.35188/UNU-WIDER/ 2017/380-6

© UNU-WIDER 2017

• Philippines

East Asia & Pacific

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• Ethnic group
• Horizontal inequality
• Indigenous peoples
• Inequality of opportunities

• Get Involved

• English pdf (1.1 MB)

Fast Facts: Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines

July 24, 2013.

The Philippines is a culturally diverse country with an estimated 14- 17 million Indigenous Peoples (IPs) belonging to 110 ethno-linguistic groups. They are mainly concentrated in Northern Luzon (Cordillera Administrative Region, 33%) and Mindanao (61%), with some groups in the Visayas area. The Philippine Constitution, in recognition of this diversity and under the framework of national unity and development, mandates state recognition, protection, promotion, and fulfillment of the rights of Indigenous Peoples. Further, Republic Act 8371, also known as the “Indigenous Peoples Rights Act” (1997, IPRA), recognized the right of IPs to manage their ancestral domains; it has become the cornerstone of current national policy on IPs.

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Orientalism and the filipino identity: reclaiming our own narrative.

(From upper left to lower right) Carmelea Ang See, Bambina Olivares, Wawi Navarroza, and Rommel A. Curaming, PhD

(From upper left to lower right) Carmelea Ang See, Wawi Navarroza, and Rommel A. Curaming, PhD

Wawi Navarroza discussing the origin and definition of 'Orientalism' in Manila House

The ongoing program at Manila House

Wawi Navarroza (third one from the right) and Bambina Olivares (fourth one from the right) together with Manila House member attendees

by  Gavin Perez

April 26, 2023, Manila ⏤ The Philippines is known for its vibrant culture and diverse ethnic heritage. Resulting from centuries of trade, colonization, and migration, the Filipino identity has been shaped by various cultural influences—such as Malay, Chinese, Spanish, and American cultures. With such a uniquely constructed identity, it is essential to understand our rich and complex history in order to then appreciate and celebrate our country and its people.

In ‘The Making of the Other: Orientalism and the Filipino Identity’, Asia Society Philippines, in partnership with Manila House, sat down with experts to discuss how the conceptualization of the Orient has impacted the Filipino identity, and how we can reconcile this Western concept with our self-determination. Moderated by Bambina Olivares, Programme Director of Manila House Private Members Club, together with Wawi Navarroza, Rommel A. Curaming, PhD, and Carmelea Ang See, the panel discussion explored the relevance of Orientalism in the contemporary world, its significance to the Philippines, and how we can rethink the concept so as to construct an empowered Filipino identity.

With a focus on exploring the self and surrounding through art, Wawi Navarroza is an international award-winning Filipino contemporary photography artist. She is informed by tropicality within the dynamics of post-colonial dialogue, globalization, and the artist as a transnational agent. Navarroza emphasized the importance of reimagining the Orientalist perspective to transform it from a backward view of the East to an identity empowered by uniqueness. In her discussion, Navarroza cited how her works depict the Filipino identity incorporating details and elements typical in the ‘Oriental’ or ‘Asian’ tropes, such as in ‘La Bruja’ and ‘Remember Who You Are’. Her works challenge the binary way of thinking in the East-West paradigm of Orientalism. As Navarroza put it, this is her way of dealing with the historical post-colonial trauma and subverting the tropes. Navarroza’s response to Orientalism is to reclaim the Filipino identity through learning and unlearning these preconceived notions, and to continuously question the assumptions that have been attached to our very nature.

Also among the panel was Rommel A. Curaming, PhD, Deputy Dean (Graduate Studies and Research) of the Faculty of Arts and Social Science, History & International Studies Programme, University of Brunei Darussalam. Curaming highlighted the political aspect—the interplay between knowledge and power on the post-colonial impacts of Orientalism in the Philippines. Curaming mentioned the ‘systematicity’ of Orientalism and how it perpetuates the way the West looks down on the East. Curaming moreover underscored the many changes around the globe since the first conceptualization of Orientalism. The present Asia is different from these notions of the ‘Orient’ associated with backwardness and lack in economic development. There has been a vast reconfiguration of power on a global scale. Curaming ultimately called for a rethinking of Orientalism: that we must go beyond binaries and hierarchies.

Carmelea Ang See touched on the multifaceted process of identity-building amidst all these external factorsm from the perspective of the Chinese-Filipino identity. Ang See is the Director of Bahay Tsinoy, Museum of Chinese in Philippine Life, and a past president of Chinese-Filipino organization, Kaisa Para Sa Kaunlaran, and her work in the fields of culture and education spans 20 years. Exploring Curaming’s ideas from the perspective of the Chinese-Filipino ethnic minority in the Philippines, Ang See stated how the interplay of power relations indeed shaped the Chinese-Filipino identity into a solidified Filipino identity. She also shared the history of ‘Oriental’ views which discriminated against the Chinese, who then found acceptance in the Philippines that ultimately led to a nationalist Chinese-Filipino identity. Ang See’s foremost point was the key role of the power of Filipino culture to accept this community of foreign others as their very own.

The panel also answered questions from the audience—covering subjects such as the formation of an authentic Filipino identity, the persistence of hierarchies under the Orientalist perspective, cultural appropriation, the rise of popular culture, and questions on the possibility of a globalized identity.

‘The Making of the Other: Orientalism and the Filipino Identity’ revolved around the richness of Philippine culture and ethnic diversity, with a robust discussion on how might we, as Filipinos, rethink the Orientalist perspectives and in turn create a self-determined identity that challenges external and internal prejudice.

The discussion was supported by the following partner universities: UST Asian Studies Society, LPU College of International Relations, DLSU College of Liberal Arts, and ADMU Department of History.

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• Table Of Contents

Philippine society is a unique blend of diversity and homogeneity . Although geographically part of Southeast Asia , the country is culturally strongly Euro-American. Forces of assimilation have constantly worked to overcome cultural differences between the various ethnic groups that are scattered—sometimes in relative isolation—throughout the archipelago. Nearly four centuries of Western rule, however, have left an indelible imprint on the Philippines, serving as a conduit for the introduction of Western culture and as the catalyst for the emergence of a sense of Philippine political and cultural unity. While the Christian churches built by the Spanish and the mosques built by the Muslims provided a spiritual anchor, the educational system established by the United States and expanded by the Filipinos has become emblematic of cultural unity and socioeconomic progress. Nonetheless, through the persistence of strong family ties, the revival of the barangay as the smallest unit of government, increased attention to Asian history and literature, and subsequent revival of dormant traditions, the Philippines has strengthened its Asian heritage without abandoning its Western cultural acquisitions.

Life in the Philippines generally revolves around the extended family , including parents, grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins (up to several times removed), and other relatives. For Catholic families, godparents—those to whom care of children is entrusted should the parents die or otherwise be incapacitated—also figure prominently in the kinship network. Members of extended families typically gather for major life events such as baptisms and confirmations (for Catholic Filipinos), circumcisions (for Muslim Filipinos), and marriages, as well as for major religious and other national holidays. Among the religious holidays officially observed in the Philippines are Christmas and Easter, as well as Eid al-Fitr , which marks the end of the Muslim fasting month of Ramadan . Other major holidays include New Year’s Day, Labor Day (May 1), and Independence Day (June 12).

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Whether festival fare or everyday food, major meals in most Filipino societies are built around boiled or steamed rice or rice noodles. Small amounts of meat, including chicken, pork (in non-Muslim communities), goat, or fish complement the rice or noodle core, along with an assortment of fruits and cooked vegetables. Assorted alcoholic drinks are made from coconut sap, sugarcane, and rice. Balut , a parboiled embryonic duck still in the egg, is a popular street food in the Manila area.

Although slacks, shirts, skirts, and dresses based on European designs are common throughout the Philippines, some garments are unique to particular groups or regions. The malong , a colourful woven tube of cloth that can be worn in a variety of ways by both men and women, is characteristic of Muslim communities in Mindanao . In the urban areas, many men wear an intricately embroidered shirt, the barong , for casual and formal events. On special occasions, urban women may wear the terno , a long dress characterized by broad “butterfly” sleeves that rise slightly at the shoulders and extend about to the elbow. Many of the smaller ethnic groups have characteristic attire for events of special cultural significance.

Early Spanish chroniclers testified that the Filipinos carved the images of their anitos (gods and goddesses) and ancestors in wood. They also played a variety of musical instruments, including end-blown flutes, nose flutes, jew’s harps, gongs, drums, and lutes, among others. Various seasonal celebrations (e.g., harvest) and life rituals (e.g., courtship and marriage) called for certain instrumental music, songs, and dances. For instance, in some of the Muslim communities of Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago , the kulintang ensemble, consisting of a set of gongs suspended horizontally and vertically and a single-headed drum, can still be heard at festive events.

Although the community of practitioners of rural performing arts has been diminishing, efforts have been under way to revive as well as recontextualize some of the indigenous traditions so that they resonate with an increasingly cosmopolitan Philippine society. Some of the local dance traditions have been preserved or reinterpreted by contemporary performing groups such as Bayanihan (the national folk dance company of the Philippines), established in the mid-20th century, as well as by the Ramon Obusan Folkloric Group and Ballet Philippines. A growing number of world music artists, such as Joey Ayala, have been creating innovative syntheses of indigenous Philippine traditions—such as kulintang —and popular music form.

Many Filipino musicians have risen to prominence in the Western classical music tradition, including the composer and conductor Antonio J. Molina, the composer Felipe P. de Leon (known for his nationalistic themes), and the opera singer Jovita Fuentes. The Cultural Center of the Philippines, the Folk Arts Theater, and the restored Manila Metropolitan Theatre (all in Manila) provide homes for the performing arts, featuring local and foreign opera and ballet. To encourage the development of arts, the government gives awards of recognition and maintains a National Arts Center (established 1976), which includes the Philippine High School for the Arts in Los Baños , south of Manila.

Filipino painters have included Juan Luna, whose agitated works helped inspire a sense of Filipino nationalism in the late 19th century; Fernando Amorsolo, who is known for his traditional rural scenes; the muralists Carlos V. Francisco and Vicente Manansala; and the modernists Victorio Edades and Arturo Rogerio Luz. Among sculptors, Guillermo Tolentino and Napoleon Abueva are prominent. Rural artists from mountainous regions in northern Luzon and craftsmen living northwest of Manila and in Paete on the eastern shore of Laguna de Bay are known for wood carvings. Romblon and other nearby islands are noted for their marble sculptures. Notable Filipino architects include Juan F. Nakpil, Otilio Arellano, Fernando Ocampo, Leandro Locsin, Juan Arellano, Carlos Arguelles, and Tomas Mapua.

The outspoken political novels of nationalist leader José Rizal were Philippine literary landmarks of the late 19th century, and the work of Nick Joaquin has been among the most highly acclaimed Philippine literature since the mid-20th century. The diverse cultural heritage of the country not only animates most of Joaquin’s fiction writing, but it is also central to his nonfiction work. Among the most celebrated of Joaquin’s works are his play A Portrait of an Artist as a Filipino (1966) and his biography of assassinated presidential candidate Benigno Aquino , The Aquinos of Tarlac: An Essay on History as Three Generations (1983). Spanish was the prinicipal literary medium until the end of the 19th century, before yielding to English after U.S. occupation. Since independence an increasing number of writers have been composing their works in Filipino or Tagalog .

Filipinos have a tradition rich in local and regional lore. Myths and legends deal with such subjects as the origin of the world, the first man and woman on earth, why the sky is high, why the sea is salty, and why there are different races. Other tales are associated with the Spanish conquest. On the island of Mindanao an epic known as the Darangen (“To Narrate in Song”) depicts the historical and mythological world of the Maranao community, while in northern Luzon the Ilocano epic Biag ni Lam-ang (“Life of Lam-ang”) recounts the exploits of a traditional folk hero.

The Philippines has produced a handful of internationally acclaimed films, including Himala (1982), which recounts the adventures of a young miracle worker; Oro, Plata, Mata (1982), the story of two noble families on the island of Negros during World War II; and Small Voices (2002), the tale of a teacher in an impoverished rural community who, through music, inspires her students to shed their cynicism . Despite its successes, the film industry in the Philippines has remained small, its growth hindered by escalating production costs, high taxes, uncontrolled piracy of videotapes and CDs, and the popularity of foreign films over local productions.

The National Museum in Manila, which houses a substantial ethnographic collection, is the principal government vehicle for preservation and conservation of the country’s tangible and intangible cultural property. Many of the provinces have established their own museums dedicated to local history and tradition. A few institutions of higher education—such as the University of Santo Tomas, Silliman University in eastern Negros, Mindanao State University in Lanao del Sur, and the University of the Philippines at Diliman—likewise have added museums to their campuses. The National Library serves as a repository for Philippine literary materials and supervises public libraries throughout the country.

A number of locations in the Philippines have been designated as UNESCO World Heritage sites . These include four 16th-century churches built by the Spanish in Manila, Santa Maria, Paoay, and Miag-ao (collectively designated in 1993), the 16th-century trading town of Vigan (1999) in northwestern Luzon, and the ancient rice terraces of the northern Luzon cordilleras (1995). Local nongovernmental organizations such as the Heritage Conservation Society and some historical groups have also sought to preserve the local heritage.

Indigenous Peoples, Ancestral Lands and Human Rights in the Philippines

On the night of June 7, 1993, two farmers were shot and killed in Upper Bulacao, Barangay Pardo, Cebu City. The gunman, identified by several at the scene, remains at large, as do those with whom he conspired to commit the murders - for few believe he acted alone. This incident, which attracted only brief attention in the Cebu City press, was the latest and dealiest escalation in an acrimonious local and dispute dating from 1988. The dispute concerns a rocky 118-hectare parcel of hillside land on the outskirts of Cebu City, and pits, on the one hand, a group of 349 subsistence farmers long occupying and growing corn on the land against, on the other, Aznar Enterprises, Inc. and the Santa Lucia Realty Development Corporation, who together seek to develop the land into a golf course and upper-class residential area.

HUMAN RIGHTS AND LAND DISPUTES

Both sides claim to own the land in question. The Aznar-Sta. Lucia group claims that the farmers are only long-time squatters, with no permanent rights to the land, and further points to a resolution of the Cebu City council (for which it had lobbied) declaring the land in question to be residential, not agricultural. The farmers, in contrast, some of show have occupied the land since the late 1930s, claim to have been tenants of Aznar who subsequently qualified to receive land titles under Operation Land Transfer (OLT), a Marcos-era land reform program created by Presidential Decree 27. While the law appears to be on the side of the farmers (the OLT process was in fact already underway in 1991), the relevant government agencies (the Department of Agrarian Reform, DAR, and the Department of Environment and Natural Resources, DENR) have - apparently under pressure from the business interests involved - not come to their aid.

Indeed, despite the presence of several court injunctions and restraining orders obtained by the farmers with the assistance of a local nongovernmental organization (NGO), and despite the absence of the legally-required permits from DAR and DENR, the Aznar-Sta. Lucia group has gone slowly ahead with its development plans, pressuring those who have received OLT titles to sell out to the group on unfavorable terms, and periodically bulldozing farms at the site. The two June 1993 murders are generally believed to represent an escalation in this pattern of intimidation (FARDEC 1993).

When I visited the site myself in July 1993, Sta. Lucia's bulldozers were continuing their incremental clearing of the disputed area. About a hundred members of a local farmers' association, other residents, and representatives of two local NGOs siding with the farmers in the battle against Aznar watched under the intimidating presence of two AK47-bearing gunmen - in military uniforms, but with name labels removed. With the ultimate outcome still in doubt, it was an emotional scene, which saw considerable anguish or resignation expressed on the one hand, and, on the other, some hopeful talk about yet another and perhaps this-time-successful court suit, now framed against the alleged "developmental aggression" of the would-be land developers. More generally, there was spirited (and, in my observation, quite sophisticated) discussion about the nature of "development" in the Philippines and about what sort of development it was that dispossessed already-poor people who could only flock into the city and become even poorer.

This particular controversy is ordinary enough; local dramas of this sort are played out regularly, throughout the Philippines. Indeed, I have selected it as prologue precisely because of its ordinariness, a term I trust will not be taken as an effort on my part to make light of its considerable human costs. Rather, I believe that the PARDO controversy, as it is called, illustrates in microcosm a number of important themes common to the current situation in the Philipines concerning indigenous peoples and human rights in general: 1 Access to land, and hence to livelihood, is central to all discourse about indigenous peoples and human rights in the Philippines; 2 There is fact exists a variety of legislation, old and new, designed to secure such access for indigenous peoples (e.g., P.D.27; Integrated Social Forestry Program (ISFP); 3 Elites and their political allies regularly find ways to defeat or circumvent the intent of this legislation and to deny to indigenous peoples the land and other rights they in fact have under the law, ways that include legal and extralegal use of the courts and of the military; 4 Numerous local and international NGOs are aligned with indigenous peoples and attempt to provide them with the legal and other kinds of assistance they need to combat such machinations; 5 Surrounding such cases is a considerable amount of discourse (and even outright confusion) about who should benefit from "development" and - although this goes beyond the present case - about who, precisely, "indigenous people" are, and about the relationships between such issues and the environmental movement.

INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN THE PHILIPPINES

Many categorizations of indigenous peoples in the Philippines are possible, but for purposes here a fairly conventional one employed by the Episcopal Commission on Tribal Filipinos (ECTF) will serve. ECTF estimates that there are approximately 6.5 million indigenous peoples, composing about 10 percent of the total Philippine population and belonging to over 40 distinct ethnolinguistic groups, which can be grouped in the following fashion: (1) the Lumad of Mindanao, various non-Muslim tribal peoples found in virtually every province of Mindanao, numbering around 2.1 million people and including such groups as the T'Boli, the Manobo, the Mandaya, the Subanun, the Tiruray, the Bagobo, and the B'laan; (2) the Peoples of the Cordillera, indigenous inhabitants of the five provinces of the Cordillera mountain range of Northern Luzon, numbering around 1 million people and including such groups as the Ifugao, Bontoc, Kalinga, Isneg, Ibaloy, Tinngguian, and Kankaney; and (3) various other, widely scattered tribal peoples of the hinterlands of Central and Southern Luzon, some islands in the Visayas, Mindoro, and Palawan, and including the various "Negrito" groups (Dumagat, Agta, Batak, etc.), the various Mangyan groups, the Tagbanua, and the Pala'wan. In some parts of the country, intermarriage between Tribal Filipinos and lowland Filipinos and, as suggested above, the length of residence of at least some "lowland" Filipinos in hinterland areas are factors confounding efforts to specify unambiguously who is and who is not an "indigenous Filipino."

INDIGENOUS PEOPLES AND ANCESTRAL LANDS

The problems surrounding indigenous peoples and access to land in the Philippines ultimately derive from the following historical circumstance; since the early Spanish colonial period, all forest lands have legally belonged to the state, and most indigenous peoples have long inhabited the forest. For control over this land, indigenous people have long faced a sort of "double battle," both with the state itself, from which they must attempt to wrest some sort of security of tenure or access, and with often-migrant and usually better-off and more politically-influential lowland Filipinos, who have also over the years attempted to secure titles or other kinds of access to public lands, often displacing indigenous peoples in the process.

As indigenous peoples have retreated in the face of incremental land alienation of the latter sort, they have increasingly occupied the uplands, where the great majority of Tribal Filipinos live today. Present government policy is that all land over 18 degrees slope and with or without trees is "public forest land," not alienable and disposable, and hence falls under the jurisdiction of the Forest Management Bureau (FMB) of the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR). The traditional role of this agency was long to preserve the forest for timber production and hence to protect it from human occupancy and use; indeed, until now, the up to 18 million residents, indigenous or otherwise, that currently inhabit the uplands are still often referred to us "squatters."

But during the 1970s, with assistance from universities and other private and government agencies, the Forest Management Bureau (then known as the Bureau of Forest Development), initiated a number of programs designed to settle upland occupants on their current landholdings while simultaneously enlisting their cooperation in adopting agroforestry and other soil and water conservation measures. Since 1972, these various programs have been reorganized into an Integrated Social Forestry Program (ISFP) administered by the DENR. The ISFP is still evolving, but the underlying philosophy remains that supportive rather than punitive efforts to deal with forest residents will lead to less environmentally damaging farming systems.

Presently, indigenous peoples hoping to secure ancestral lands face a sometimes confusing range of policies and instruments growing out of social forestry policies. Under the ISFP itself there are two principal tenurial choices: the individual Certificate of Stewardship Contract (CFC) and the Communal Forest Stewardship Agreement (CFSA), each entailing a 25-year renewable lease right to occupy and use a designated parcel of forest land, in return for a commitment to environmentally-sound management. The CFSA arrangement was primarily intended for indigenous peoples, and, since about 1980s, when, in a now well-known case, the Ikalahan of northern Luzon succeeded in securing the first such CFSA in the Philippines, about fifty such communal leases have been granted nationwide.

More recent are two DENR administrative orders authorizing, in 1991, Certificates of Ancestral Land Claims (CALC) and, in 1993, Certificates of Ancestral Domain Claims (CADC). By July 1993 about 20-25 CALCs had been awarded nationwide, primarily in Mindoro, Palawan, and the Cordillera. Also by 1993, several shortcomings with the CALC program had surfaced: it lacked needed management support services, failed to address the presence of previously-awarded non-timber forest products (NTFP) concessions over which CALC holders had no authority, and indigenous peoples had come increasingly to feel that the emphasis on land alone was too limiting. The new CADC program was designed to address these issues; "domain," for example, is explicitly a larger notion than "land", and there are provisions that existing NTFP concessions will not be renewed as they expire, but will instead be turned over to the CADC holders.

From the standpoint of indigenous peoples, however, all of these various programs are inadequate, halfway measures that fail to offer ownership, and hence true control, over ancestral domains. Still pending in the Philippine Congress is a bill that would redeem such a pledge, in fact made under the 1987 Philippine Constitution. The "Ancestral Domains Bill," as it is generally called, would provide the equivalent of the (most indigenous peoples today reside on public land that is not "alienable and disposable") and is much lobbied for by indigenous peoples and their NGO allies.

Meanwhile, and quite apart from its philosophical acceptability to indigenous peoples, the recent CADC program poses some significant difficulties of its own. A CADC application requires a detailed management plan, which in turn requires an interested Indigenous Cultural Community (ICC) to obtain appropriate technical assistance; and it requires as supporting evidence of a claim such items as established tree crops and burial sites - evidence that not all ICCs otherwise entitled to such claims may be able to provide.

Further, there remains disagreement among government officials and NGO personnel about whether a CADC is in fact a tenurial instrument or is simply "recognition of a right." Finally, as of July 1993, no CADCs had actually yet been awarded. Nonetheless, until the Ancestral Domains Bill passes Congress, the principal NGOs involved in the ancestral domains movement - including the Legal Rights and Natural Resource Center (LRC), PANLIPI (an organization of law years that provides legal assistance to ICCs), and the Philippine Association for Intercultural Development (PAFID) - believe that seeking a CADC is the best currently available option for indigenous peoples attempting to secure their ancestral to mains.

Not surprisingly, however, given their own differing circumstances, the people of indigenous communities differ in their willingness to accept one or another concept of stewardship rather than outright ownership (i.e., full titling). Garrity et al observe that the ICCs that to date have been able to maintain secure control of their land, such as some Cordilleran peoples, fear that acceptance of any sort of stewardship agreement will mean that they must forfeit their claim to ownership, while those ICCs that have been under strong encroachment pressure from lowland settlers or agribusiness operations, or that have even been displaced from their lands, are more likely to regard stewardship or lease agreements as the best practical means to maintain some territorial integrity.

The current emphasis on ancestral domains rather than ancestral lands reminds us that more is at stake than simply the need of indigenous people to make a current agricultural living. The notion of "domain" is meant to embrace those additional ancestral lands not currently occupied or farmed, but which represent a reserve for the future and over which there is in fact an ancestral claim. Also, collection and sale of such forest products as rattan and manila copal (almaciga) are vital subsistence activities for many indigenous peoples, and there is considerable feeling today that any land tenure arrangements are incomplete until full rights to exploit these resources - traditionally in the hands of outside capitalists - are consigned over to ICCs as well. This movement has gained momentum as such international environmentalist NGOs as the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) have embraced and promoted the notion that indigenous peoples are the best conservers of forest biodiversity.

At another level, the emphasis on ancestral domains reflects recognition of and concern about the effects of armed conflict in the Philippines on indigenous peoples, who have suffered disproportionately as the result of violent confrontations between government forces and members of the New Peoples Army (NPA) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). A recent wire service report is illustrative of this problem.

Reuters, Iligan, Sept 17-More thanh 3000 tribesmen fled on Friday after air-force planes bombed a heavily forested area in the south suspected of being a communist rebel meeting place, officials said. There were no immediate reports of casualties following the attack in the town of Kiktaotao in Bukidnon province about 890 m (55 miles) south of Manila. Army officials said they received reports that communist rebel leaders would hold a meeting in the area. Relief officials rushed supplies of food, milk and clothes for the fleeing tribesmen. Local government officials condemned the military for allegedly bombing the wrong area.

Such problems have received particular attention from the Episcopal Commission on Tribal Filipinos (ECTF), which has made the peace process a principal concern in its own work on behalf of indigenous peoples. The ECTF estimates that in 1991, for example, 70 percent of those displaced by armed aggression in Mindanao, and 50 percent of those so displaced in Luzon, were indigenous peoples. Among the most severely affected regions were the Marag Valley and the Zibundungan Valley in Cagayan, the Andap Valley in Surigao del Sur, and the Subanun homeland in Zamboanga del Norte and Zamboanga del Sur (ECTF 1993). The ECTF argues, at least implicitly, that freedom from armed conflict and displacement is also an important human right of indigenous peoples, and they believe and assurances of such freedom must be built into any satisfactory recognition of ancestral domains. Similar calls to stop militarization and to expose military abuses, are still heard regularly from various Cordilleran peoples groups.

Meanwhile, and until ancestral domains are genuinely secured against economic and military threats from outsiders, such problems will persist. In a sort of Cordilleran echo of the "Visayan Vignette" with which this article began, here is how Victoria Corpuz, of the Cordillera Women's Education and Resource Center and the Cordillera Peoples' Alliance (CPA), recently responded to a question about the main concerns of the peoples of the Cordillera today:

Our main concerns are still basically the same.... Our region has always been considered a resource base area by the government.... The biggest and oldest mining company in the Philippines, the Benguet Corporation... suddenly decided that it... will convert its operations into open-pit mining. This is devastating the whole area. Mountains are being bulldozed. So now the people in those villages that are affected are opposing the whole projec...setting up barricades to stop the operations of the open-pit mines. There is a stalemate now...(but) I think they are really bent on pushing through with their plans....(A) more complicated problem affecting the whole region is the militarization...coming along with the minning and logging operations. Right now the area is targeted as one of the areas for comprehensive counterinsurgency operations.

INDIGENOUS PEOPLES AND SELF-DETERMINATION

Whereas the issue of ancestral lands concerns all ICCs in the country, the issue of autonomy - that other area of Tribal Filipino concern expressly addressed in the 1987 Constitution - has so far concerned only the largest and most populous of these communities (Claver 1992:10). And yet the two issues are closely related; NGOs like the LRC and the Cordillera Resource Center (CRC), for example, seek not only full recognition of ancestral land boundaries but also of customary land management practices and the indigenous political forms within which they are embedded.

The Constitution adopted in 1987 provided for politically autonomous regions in Muslim Mindanao and the Cordillera, then two regions perceived as having requested such autonomy, Muslim Mindanao by virtue of the Tripoli Agreement, and the Cordillera by virtue of the CPA's lobbying effort (Rood 1991:519). In each case the rationale for autonomy was the alleged sharing of "common and distinctive historical and cultural heritage, economic and social structure, and other relevant characteristics" (Rood 1991:519). In the case of the Cordillera, the Philippine Congress passed an "Organic Act" which was put to a referendum in the region in January 1990. The referendum was defeated in four of the five relevant provinces and Baguio City, and only passed in Ifugao.

This is not the place the review the historical, political, or cultural context of this Act, or the reasons for its defeat. Two observations, however, are appropriate here. First, the degree to which an emerging Cordilleran ethnic identity is a viable basis for any sort of regional "autonomy" remains problematic (Rood 1991:541-2). Second and more important, the Organic Act itself was, in the views of many indigenous advocates of Cordilleran autonomy, seriously deficient, so much so that some of those who earlier called for an autonomous region ultimately voted "no" in the referendum (Rood 1991:542). Hence, despite subsequent government claims to the contrary, the result-of the referendum was a repudiation of the government's concept of autonomy - seen as not being "genuine" - rather than the concept of autonomy itself (Claver 1992:4;ECTF 1993:6). The future of the entire movement presently remains unclear.

The reaction of the Mindanao Lumad to the Philippine National Oil Company's (PNOC) proposed construction of the Mount Apo Geothermal Plant illustrates how religious issues may help galvanize Tribal Filipino opposition to outside oppression. A dormant volcano with an area of 73,000 hectares, Mount Apo is the ancestral domain of 460,000 Lumads, including Bagobos, Ubos, Aetas, K'lagan, and Kaulos. For the Lumads, Mount Apo is "Apo Sandawa," or "Lord Standing and Watching Over Mindanao" (ECTF 1993:4), which has provided Lumads with their livelihood since the beginning of time. A number of sites on the slopes of the mountain posses religious significance for various Lumad groups. PNOC first conducted exploratory drilling in Mount Apo in 1987. The project was shelved in 1990, following a critical reassessment by DENR, but it was resurrected again in 1992 in the midst of a national power crisis, with the explicit support of Philippine President Fidel Ramos. A now familiar pattern of militarization has ensued, as PNOC lobbied for the assignment of five battalions of soldiers to secure the job site and is alleged to be behind the formation of a paramilitary group, "Mindanao Defenders," composed of Lumad members (ECTF 1993:4-5).

It should be clear from these observations that the restoration of a more democratic political system in the Philippines has not in itself significantly improved the human rights circumstances of indigenous Filipinos. Such improvement as has occurred instead reflects the organizational efforts and plain hard work of indigenous Filipinos and those who work on their behalf. On the other hand, the Philippine case is made unique both by the presence of good laws already on the books that in fact empower people (including indigenous people), and by the level of sophistication in government and public discussion about the significance of ancestraldomain rights of development and environmental issues. If there is good news as about the Philipplines, it is that the current political climate does appear more receptive to, or at least more tolerant of, those seeking to act on these relatively congenial circumstances to improve the human rights conditions of indigenous Filipinos.

Article copyright Cultural Survival, Inc.

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Essay on Indigenous Peoples In The Philippines

Students are often asked to write an essay on Indigenous Peoples In The Philippines in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Indigenous Peoples In The Philippines

Who are indigenous peoples.

Indigenous peoples are the first people to live in a place. In the Philippines, they have their own cultures, languages, and traditions. They live in mountains, forests, and islands. They are also called “Lumad” and “Igorot” among other names.

Where They Live

Their way of life.

These peoples farm, hunt, and fish for food. They respect nature and believe in spirits. They also have colorful clothes, dances, and music that show their culture.

Challenges They Face

Indigenous peoples have problems like losing their land and not having enough rights. Some people don’t respect their way of life, and they struggle to keep their traditions alive.

Protecting Their Rights

250 words essay on indigenous peoples in the philippines.

In the Philippines, indigenous peoples are groups of people who have lived in the country for a very long time, even before others came to the islands. They have their own ways of life, languages, and traditions that are different from the rest of the population.

Where Do They Live?

These native groups live in various parts of the Philippines, from the mountains of Luzon to the islands of Mindanao. Some live in forests, while others are by the sea. Each group has learned to live well in their special home environment.

Their Culture and Traditions

Indigenous peoples in the Philippines have rich cultures. They celebrate unique festivals, have their own music, dances, and clothes. They also have special skills in weaving, carving, and making houses that fit their lifestyle. Their beliefs and stories are passed down from old to young, keeping their history alive.

Sadly, these groups often face tough times. Their lands are sometimes taken away for business or other people’s use, which makes it hard for them to live as they always have. They also struggle to keep their culture strong while the world around them changes quickly.

Why They Are Important

Indigenous peoples are very important because they teach us about different ways of living and thinking. Their knowledge of nature and how to care for it is valuable for everyone. It is important to respect and protect their rights so they can continue their way of life and share their wisdom with all of us.

500 Words Essay on Indigenous Peoples In The Philippines

Who are the indigenous peoples in the philippines.

These Indigenous Peoples live in various parts of the Philippines. Some live in the mountains, some by the seas, and others in forests. They are spread out over the islands, with many living in places like Luzon, Mindanao, and the Visayas. Each group has its own special place where they have lived for many generations.

Their Cultures and Traditions

The cultures of these Indigenous Peoples are rich and colorful. They have special dances, music, and clothes that show who they are. They celebrate festivals that honor their gods, the earth, and important events in their lives. Their stories and art are passed down from old to young, keeping their history alive.

How They Take Care of the Environment

How they are protected.

The government of the Philippines knows these problems and has made laws to protect Indigenous Peoples. One important law is called the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act. This law helps make sure that their rights to their land and their way of life are respected. It also says that they should have a say in decisions that affect them.

Their Role in Society

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

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Indigenous peoples in the Philippines

According to some estimates, there are close to 100 indigenous peoples, exclusive of the Muslim groups, though the exact size of the indigenous population remains unclear: while the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples estimates that  there are approximately 11.3 million indigenous peoples in the Philippines, for example – a figure amounting to around 11- 12 per cent of the population – some civil society estimates suggest they may comprise between 10 and 20 per cent of the population.

There is a great variety of social organization and cultural expression among these communities. Some specialize in wood-carving, basket-making and weaving. Others are known for their embroidery, appliqué and bead-making. They range from the Bontoc and Ifugaos, who built the renowned rice terraces in the mountainous interior of Luzon, to indigenous peoples practising shifting cultivation or hunter-gathering.

A significant number of indigenous peoples in central Luzon are Protestant Christians, having been converted by American missionaries in the early twentieth century and educated in missionary schools. For others there is a considerable difference in terms of integration with lowland Christian Filipinos. Some have intermarried. Others have remained isolated. There is little general agreement on the names and numbers of these indigenous communities.

While some of these indigenous peoples emerged from early waves of Malay or Proto-Malay migrants, about 27 of them, such as Aeta and Ati, are Negritos that were already long-established in the Philippines: they are thought to be the descendants of the earliest settlers to the archipelago, who may have migrated there through land bridges from the Asian mainland some 30,000 years ago.

A common geographical distinction is often made between Igorot (Tagalog for ‘mountaineer’) on Luzon, and Lumad (‘indigenous’) for those in Mindanao, with others in Luzon and the Visayas using their collective name, such as the Manobo, Mangyan, etc. Ten upland tribal groups on Luzon have been identified: Ifugao, Bontoc, Kankanay, Ibaloi, Kalinga, Tinguian, Isneg, Gaddang, Ilongot and Negrito. Ifugaos of Ifugao province, Bontocs of Mountain and Kaling-Apayao provinces and Kankanay and Ibaloi of Benguet province were all wet-rice farmers who have for centuries worked their elaborate rice terraces. Groups such as the Ibaloi were the most influenced by Spanish and American colonialism and lowland Filipino culture because of the extensive gold mines in Benguet, the proximity of the city of Baguio, good roads and schools, and a consumer industry in search of folk art. Other mountain peoples of Luzon include Kalinga of Kalinga-Apayao province and Tinguian of Abra province, who employ both wet-rice and dry-rice growing techniques. Isneg of northern Kalinga-Apayao, Gaddang of the border between Kalinga-Apayao and Isabela provinces, and Ilongot of Nueva Vizcaya province all practise shifting cultivation. Although Negritos formerly dominated the highlands, by the early 1980s they were reduced to small groups living in widely scattered locations, primarily along the eastern ranges.

The other concentration of indigenous communities is in central and southern Philippines. The Lumad tribal groupings of Mindanao include Ata, Bagobo, Guiangga, Mamanwa, Magguangan, Mandaya, Banwa-on, Bukidnon, Dulangan, Kalagan, Kulaman, Manobo, Subanon, Tagabili, Takakaolo, Talandig, and Tiruray or Teduray. The Lumad groups of Mindanao have faced, and continue to face, long-term displacement and legalized land dispossession, which is also a threat to other indigenous communities in the Philippines. The southern Philippine island peoples of Mindanao are resource-rich and were formerly under-populated compared to the northern island peoples of Luzon. Thus, throughout the twentieth century, there was a steady migration of Christian lowland Filipinos into areas previously occupied and dominated by Lumad and Moros. These migrations were initially encouraged by the American authorities, when the Philippines was under their rule, and were given further impetus by central government authorities after independence by the development of plantation agriculture, logging concessions and hydro-electric and geothermal energy schemes. Lumad are now outnumbered in their ancestral lands.

Historical context

The Spanish crown, by virtue of colonization, claimed rights over the islands and the authority to dispose of the land. Later, the US authorities institutionalized their legal powers to dispose of all land and voided all the previous land grants by Moro or Lumad chiefs, as well as others throughout the Philippines, that had been made without government consent. Only individuals or corporations could register private claims to land ownership. This left no room for the concept of ancestral or communal land, which the indigenous Lumad had held to be sacred and not subject to individual title or ownership.

Through the efforts of the Lumad of Mindanao, and their supporters among the lowland Christian Filipino community, two important provisions were written into the 1987 Constitution. Article XII (5) obliges the state to ‘protect the rights of indigenous cultural communities to their ancestral lands to ensure their economic, social and cultural wellbeing’, while Article XIV (17) commits the state to ‘recognize, respect and protect the rights of indigenous cultural communities to preserve and develop their cultures, traditions and institutions’.

However, the state also continued to maintain rights to land, and national development policies continued to be shaped by powerful economic interests and political forces. Lumad continued to seek the return of lands taken from them through harassment and illegal manipulation and seek the revocation of all plantation permits and logging concessions. They sought self-government within their ancestral lands with their customary laws, and the preservation of their indigenous cultures. In all these matters, Lumad faced an up-hill battle.

Greater democracy after the end of the regime of President Ferdinand Marcos led to a number of favourable changes. In the same year, the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act (1997) was adopted, with a National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) established under this legislation. The former recognized indigenous peoples’ native title to land and their (limited) rights of self-determination and free exercise of culture. It also offered an option of applying for a ‘Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title’.

However, these positive steps in relation to indigenous peoples’ rights have not proved as effective in their activities as might have been hoped. This was partly due to legal challenges as to the constitutionality of both, which was not resolved favourably by the Supreme Court of the Philippines until 2002. In addition, the full recognition and implementation of the rights of indigenous peoples that are contained in the 1997 Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act still faced many hurdles: there have been criticisms that the 2004 removal of the NCIP from the President’s Office to the Department of Agriculture, for example, weakened its position and influence, while the disbandment of Task Force 63 (a body and mechanism which promotes inter-agency cooperation on indigenous peoples’ issues) indicated the low priority that state authorities were actually giving to the rights of indigenous peoples.

Following recommendations by the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples that the NCIP call for a ‘National Consultative Assembly’ (with the objective of including indigenous peoples and organizations in the planning and implementation of the Commission’s activities), the NCIP convened a National Forum in November 2006. This led to the establishment of the Indigenous Peoples’ Consultative Body (IPCB), operating at a national, regional and provincial level. The composition of IPCB is tripartite, including representatives of NCIP, indigenous peoples’ organizations and NGOs. Despite criticism concerning their membership, the establishment of these bodies was seen as a positive development towards enhanced participation by indigenous peoples in the making and implementation of NCIP policies.

While indigenous peoples have in theory a right to mother tongue education under the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997, this right is still unimplemented. An Institute for Indigenous Peoples’ Education set up a handful of ‘pilot schools’ to respond in a more receptive way to the culture and traditions of indigenous peoples, but teaching in indigenous languages is not part of the official state curriculum. Privately established indigenous schools, which occasionally teach in local community languages, continue to meet obstacles from Department of Education authorities in the registration process and in recent years have been attacked by armed groups, many of whom are suspected to be linked with security forces, due to suspicions that the schools are promoting support for the communist insurgency.

Current Issues

Although most indigenous communities live in isolated rural areas, a growing number are migrating to cities in search of better livelihoods and social services. Many are driven from their traditional lands by militarization, tribal conflicts and the expansion of large-scale development projects, which frequently bring little or no benefits to local communities, particularly women: many indigenous women, unable to secure employment with the mining companies and leave to find work in urban areas, suffering extreme poverty in cities like the northern city of Baguio or the capital city, Manila. They often face poverty and exclusion as a result of their limited formal education and the fact that their skills may not be suited to an urban context. In Baguio – where indigenous people make up over 60 per cent of the population – it is estimated that some 65 per cent of indigenous migrants suffer from extreme poverty. Many of them are migrant women working as vendors in the city streets, where they are regularly pestered by police as part of the government’s anti-peddling drive.

The long running conflict between the military and the New People’s Army (NPA) in the mountains of Mindanao – lasting some 50 years and with a total death toll of more than 40,000 lives since it began – has had particularly devastating impacts on the Lumad people, a cluster of 18 indigenous communities in Mindanao. Many Lumad civilians have been caught in the conflict, subjected to militarization within their communities or targeted with extrajudicial killings and torture.  Thousands have been displaced while fleeing violence by security forces.  According to a joint stakeholders’ report to the UN Universal Periodic Review on the Philippines in September 2016 submitted by KATRIBU National Alliance of Indigenous Peoples, 102 extrajudicial killings of indigenous peoples were committed by the previous Aquino administration. Since President Rodrigo Duterte took power, these murders – despite making calls for an end to the killings of Lumad – have continued, with military, vigilantes and private security forces suspected of carrying out the attacks. Many of the victims have been notable opponents of mining, oil palm plantations, corruption and government abuses.

A peace roadmap that was approved in 2016 included plans for negotiations with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP).  After over 40 rounds of talks under five different Philippine governments, the two parties met again in August 2016 in Oslo, Norway, for the first formal peace talks in five years.  The NDFP is an umbrella group of communist organizations, representing the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its armed wing, the NPA, in the negotiations. The 2016 formal talks in Oslo included a timeline for negotiations, initiating a ceasefire, negotiating immunity for NDFP members, and an amnesty for detained political prisoners, the latter of which brought negotiations to a standstill with the previous government.  The two parties agreed to an open-ended ceasefire, which managed to maintain a fragile peace throughout the year, despite not yet being able to agree to the terms of an official bilateral ceasefire agreement. The negotations subsequently collaped, with Duterte claiming in July 2017 that he planned to resume fighting against the NPA due to their failure to respect the terms of the ceasefire. While he offered to resume talks in early 2018, uncertainty has persisted. There have, however, been localized peace talks leading to some 8,000 people surrendering by the end of 2018.

Alongside the communist rebellion, an Islamist insurgency has also contributed to widespread insecurity in Mindanao: while agreement was reached in 2018 with the largest group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), to hold a plebiscite in January 2019 on the creation of a larger autonomous Muslim region known as Bangsamoro, a large number of ISIS-affiliated extremist groups continue to operate outside the framework of any peace agreement.

Lumad communities have often been caught in the crossfire of the protracted civil conflict in the southern Philippines, and regularly accused of harbouring communist sympathies. Alternative education has become the target of particular scrutiny and distrust, with the military accusing indigenous schools of promoting communist propaganda. State officials have drawn outrage for recommending the introduction of new schools run by the military. The Save Our Schools Network has accused the army and pro-government militias of staging premeditated attacks on alternative education institutes in order to marginalize indigenous land and cultural rights: local estimates suggest that there were 95 attacks on Lumad schools in the southern Philippines between September 2014 and 2015, an average of eight cases per month.

One of the most notorious incidents took place in September 2015, when a troop of armed men stormed an alternative Lumad school in the southern Philippines. Teachers and students were dragged from their dormitories and rounded up, together with hundreds of other civilians, in the small village of Diatagon in Lianga, Surigao del Sur. Two indigenous leaders – known for their work protecting the community’s ancestral lands against encroachments from mining companies – were hauled in front of the crowd and executed at point-blank range. One of the victims in particular, Dionel Campos, was the chairperson for Mapasu, an indigenous organisation striving for ancestral land rights. The head of the alternative school, Emerito Samarca, was later found in one of his classrooms, with his throat cut and two gunshot wounds in his abdomen. Samarca, who was slain at Lianga, was also a vocal campaigner against large-scale development projects that fuel violence and displacement in the southern Philippines. The government denied any involvement in Samarca’s murder, claiming the attackers merely dressed up in army fatigues that matched the insignia of the nearest battalion. Approximately 3,000 Lumad indigenous people were forced to flee in the wake of this incident, resulting in an extended period of displacement.

This treatment, driven by the belief that Lumads are supporting the NPA insurgency, has resulted in indiscriminate killings and widespread displacement of indigenous communities. There has been limited change since Duterte took power: in 2017, for instance, he accused indigenous schools of supporting the rebellion and threatened to bomb them. This situation creates further barriers for Lumads, who have some of the lowest educational levels in the Philippines, in accessing schooling. Part of the problem is the entrenched discrimination towards indigenous youths within the centrally managed school system, which often treats them as outsiders and second-class citizens. The time and cost of travelling long distances to reach public schools also place insurmountable burdens on many Lumad families. Indigenous activists in the southern Philippines insist that the right to a free and culturally tailored education is fundamental to defending indigenous heritage and rights, which are often intimately tied to the protection of ancestral lands and resources. The government’s failure to investigate crimes against Lumad schools has left the communities more vulnerable to further attacks and encroachments.

Land rights remain an ongoing issue for indigenous communities, many of whom still lack official recognition of their ancestral land. Under the 1997 Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act, 221 ‘Certificates of Ancestral Domain Title’ (CADT’s) had been issued by March 2018, covering over 5.4 million hectares. While this may sound impressive, the process has involved the land rights of indigenous communities totalling only 1.2 million people. Besides this, the process to obtain a title remains difficult and lengthy: in 2012, an additional procedure was added in the attempt to address jurisdictional issues between agencies, but it has slowed the process even further.  After the titles are issued, they must be registered with the Land Registration Authority, to make the titles more robust against land incursion. Less than 50 of the 182 CADT’s issued by September 2016 had been registered.

Even land recognized as indigenous under these certificates can still be lost to development projects, since mining and other projects can be pursued if a certificate of ‘Free, Prior and Informed Consent’ (FPIC) is obtained from affected indigenous communities. A number of indigenous peoples have repeatedly reported that they have been deceived, threatened and even seen some of their people assassinated, in order for companies to receive these FPICs. Many claim that a string of murders of indigenous leaders have been linked mainly to their defence of their ancestral lands. Development projects being undertaken, such as mining, the Subic-Clark-Tarlac Expressway and various eco-tourism projects have caused the indigenous Aetas to leave the area around Mount Pinatubo. Indigenous land also continues to be redistributed directly to non-indigenous settlers by the Department of Agrarian Reform, through the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program.

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• The Aeta The First Philippine...

The Aeta: The First Philippine People

The Aetas, pronounced as “e ye-tas ,” are among the earliest known migrants or inhabitants of the Philippines . Over the years, the majority of their population managed to keep their cultural practices and traditions. But sadly, as one of the indigenous groups thriving in the country, they also face challenges such as displacement, marginalization, and poverty.

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The history of the Aetas

According to historians, the Aetas (also known as Agtas) are Australo-Melanesians. Historical accounts suggest that they’re of the same group as those of Aborigines in Australia and Melanesians of Solomon Islands. While they closely resemble physical characteristics such as curly hair and dark colored skin, it is not clear as to how they arrived in the Philippines.

Most historians point to the Bering Land Bridge Theory to explain the history of the Aetas. This theory suggests that the Aetas reached the Philippines because of the land bridges or narrow strait that connected all land masses in the world. According to this theory, hunters at the time crossed these land bridges but due to the movement of plates underneath the Earth’s surface, these migration paths eventually disappeared. Therefore, even those with no intent to colonize new lands, were unable to return to their original homes.

Their distinguishing characteristics and practices

Aetas are characterized by their skin color, height, and hair type. They mostly have dark to dark-brown skin, curly hair, and are usually below five-feet tall. Traditionally, Aetas are hunting and gathering indigenous people. They’re actually among the most skilled when it comes to jungle survival – they are even able to make use of plants as herbal medicine and possess tools and weapons. While they’re nomadic, they are able to build temporary houses made of sticks.

Most Aetas practice monotheism and are animists. They worship a Supreme Being and at the same time, also believe in environmental spirits. They believe that various places in our environment are being governed by both good and evil spirits.

As for their clothing, they wear plain and simple attire. Traditional Aetas, who are skilled in weaving and plating, wear wrap around skirts or bark cloth (for women) and loin cloths for men. They are also into music and the arts – making use of ornaments as accessories and have ensembles of instruments to create melodious rhythms.

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Colonial resistance and unfortunate displacement

Because they are usually scattered in mountainous areas, the Spaniards had a hard time introducing Catholicism to their population. They mostly resisted to change, which made it difficult for the Spanish to colonize their areas. This is also one of the reasons why they were able to preserve their cultural traditions and beliefs through to today.

Most Aetas can be found in the northern part of Luzon . According to historical accounts, they have lived near Mount Pinatubo in Zambales for thousands of years. But, when Mount Pinatubo erupted in 1991, it devastated the Aeta population. The majority lost their homes while some re-settled in urban areas. This gave way to Aetas being modernly influenced by prevailing Filipino culture and practices. Some Aetas have already married Filipinos. Most Aetas also go to school nowadays.

Challenges today

In the Philippines, Aetas as well as other indigenous groups, belong to the marginalized sector of the country. They’re often displaced because their homelands have been destroyed due to illegal logging, mining, and slash-and-burn farming. Thus, these situations have forced them to relocate and leave their ancestral lands.

While the Philippine government has implemented mandates and acts such as the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997 , it’s not enough to protect them and help them cope with matters such as access to jobs and livelihood support.

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