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Nepal: the role of the military in politics, 1990–2020.

• Bishnu Raj Upreti Bishnu Raj Upreti Nepal Center for Contemporary Research
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.1839
• Published online: 23 February 2021

Historically, the military in Nepal was closely associated with and loyal to the institution of the monarchy and was intended to operate in the interests of the palace. However, the military was forced to confront political change in 1990 as the power of the king beyond that of the constitution was scrapped and Nepal was limited to a constitutional monarchy. Consequently, the military theoretically came under civilian control with the advent of the end of a partyless political system and the establishment of a multiparty democracy. The palace reluctantly accepted this change but covertly continued consolidating power by using the military. Hence, the already cemented mistrust between political parties and the military mounted. Political parties viewed the military as a royal army and the military perceived political parties as unpatriotic and aligned with foreign powers. This hidden tension remained and was reflected in many instances until the abolition of the institution of the monarchy in May 2008 by the Nepali parliament. From 1990 to 2010, the military endured very difficult periods such as continuous combat (February 1996–November 2006) with the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) [CPN(M)], the royal massacre (the entire family of King Birendra was assassinated), sharp criticisms of its armed conflict related to human rights violations, a cessation of military support from the international community, the abolition of the monarchy, which had existed in Nepal for 240 years, confinement along with CPN(M) ex-combatants per the provisions of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), tensions with the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) and the Office of High Commissioner of Human Rights (OHCHR), attempts by the CPN(M) government to politicize the military, and the removal of the military chief. In all these events, the military was indirectly and directly dragged in political maneuvering. In some cases, it fully dragged while in others only partially so, and in some cases, it failed entirely.

Further, in the past three decades, from 1990 to 2020, the military has been sharply criticized for engagements in business beyond its traditional military role and for not respecting civilian supremacy. However, the military has also been highly praised for its acceptance of the republican system. All Nepali citizens have praised the military’s natural disaster relief work during floods, earthquakes, avalanches, fires, landslides, air and other transportation disasters, its search and rescue operations, medical assistance and evacuation efforts, air rescues and mass evacuations, flood control, reconstruction of damaged vital infrastructures, and construction of temporary shelters for homeless citizens. It is clear that the Ministry of Defense and the military require further security sector reforms and better civil–military relations as well as ensuring parliamentary oversight in the spirit of the National Security Policy and Nepal’s constitution.

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UN Day Special Feature: The proud story of Nepali Army in UN Peacekeeping Mission

File Photo. Credit: (UN Photo/Isaac Billy)

Itahari, Oct 24. Today marks the 75th Anniversary of the United Nations (UN), a global organization founded in the aftermath of the Second World War. Owing to its inception to establish peace, the first sentence of the preamble of the UN charter, which contains 111 articles in 19 chapters, says, ”We the peoples of the United Nations determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime brought untold sorrow to mankind.”

The representatives of 50 countries assembled at San Francisco of United States had signed on the UN charter on 24 October 1945. Now, UN has 193 member states. According to the official UN website, UN Day celebration was started from 1948. The website says, ”In 1971, the United Nations General Assembly recommended that the day be observed by Member States as a public holiday.”

Nepal and UN

Nepal, despite being the oldest sovereign nation in South Asia, got its membership only after a decade of the UN’s establishment.

Nepal obtained UN membership only in 1955 together with Sri Lanka from South Asia. Before Nepal, India (1945), Afghanistan (1946) and Pakistan (1947) were UN members from the subcontinent.

On 14 December 1955, sixteen nations including Nepal got UN membership. Other 15 nations getting membership together with Nepal were Austria, Albania, Bulgaria, Cambodia, Finland, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Jordan, Laos, Libya, Portugal, Romania, Sri Lanka and Spain.

Since its entry into the UN, Nepal has actively utilized its rights and duties in the world body. Nepal’s first Permanent Representative to the UN was Rishikesh Shaha (1956-1960). The current Permanent Representative is Amrit Kumar Rai. He is the 13th Permanent Representative to the UN from Nepal. Nepal’s Permanent Representatives have been creatively engaged in various UN functions and forums. Nepal was successful to be elected as a member of UN Security Council twice from 1969-70 and 1988-89. Most importantly, Nepal and UN had an excellent collaboration in the peace process of Nepal ending the decade-long Maoist armed struggle. Besides, the world body has supported Nepal in its socio-economic development endeavours through its various agencies as UNDP, UNICEF and other specialized agencies over the years.

Nepali Army in UN Peacekeeping Mission

Among the various executive works of United Nations, peacekeeping is an important one. Department of Peace Operations of the UN heads this peacekeeping mission. According to UN website, there are currently 70,000 UN peacekeepers worldwide. Popularly known as ‘Blue Helmets’, UN peacekeeping is an integral part of Nepal’s military contribution to the world peace. According to the Permanent Mission of Nepal to the UN, Nepal is the fourth-largest troops and police-contributing country among 193 UN member states.

Nepali Army has been actively participated in UN peacekeeping mission. As of 20 September 2020, Nepali Army has 12 peacekeeping missions in various parts of the world. According to the official website of Nepali Army, currently it has 5,124 soldiers, including 178 female soldiers, serving in 12 different missions around the world.

The ongoing peacekeeping missions are in Congo, South Sudan, Sudan, Western Sahara, Israel, Lebanon, Mali, Syria, Central African Republic, Iraq and Libya.

The peacekeeping mission from Nepali Army in UN was initiated just after three years of Nepal’s membership at the UN. In 1958, five military observers from Nepali Army were deployed in Lebanon under the banner of United Nations Observer Group in Lebanon. After sixteen years, Nepali Army deployed its troops for peacekeeping in Egypt in 1974. The pioneering peacekeeping contingent was of Purano Gorakh Battalion.

With six decade plus peacekeeping mission in UN, Nepali Army has earned great reputation by its presence in 43 UN missions with its 130,882 personnel so far. However, this contribution was not cakewalk for Nepali Army personnel. According to Nepali Army, 68 personnel have died in the line of duty as Blue Helmets. In addition, 66 personnel have been physically disabled while discharging their duties as UN peacekeepers.

UN has awarded Nepali peacekeepers at times. For example, on 21 February 2020, Nepali peacekeepers got UN medals. It is the latest UN medal for Nepali Army just three years after its previous UN medal for its contribution at South Sudan on 12 December 2017.

According to the official UN website of peacekeeping.un.org, the medal parade coincided with the marking of the Nepali Army Day- providing an opportunity to celebrate both the medal recipients from the 5th Nepalese Force Military Police and country’s rich peacekeeping history.

Describing the cause of medal awarded to Nepali Army personnel, the UN peacekeeping website said, ”In the Central African Republic (CAR), Nepali peacekeepers have played a key role in MINUSCA’s efforts in the pursuit of stability, security and peace in the country- they received UN medals for their service at a ceremony held at M’poko Transit Camp in Bangui on 21 February 2020.”

It further added, ”The 120-troop unit- comprising of 102 males and 18 females- has helped maintain public order, manned check points to ensure compliance with traffic rules and regulations, conducted 24-hour sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) prevention patrols and investigations on SEA allegations, monitored the observance of curfew hours, worked to prevent the smuggling of contraband items during troop rotations, participated in water-distribution programs as well as secured strategic national sites.”

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Military Diplomacy: Role of Nepali Army in Reshaping Nepalese foreign Policy

2022, Unity journal

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Peacekeeping Contributor Profile: Nepal

Author: Rajan Bhattarai (PhD), Nepal Institute for Policy Studies, Kathmandu ( [email protected] ) Last updated August 2013

Part 1: Current Trends

Nepal became a member of the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and first contributed military peacekeepers in 1958, sending five observers in the UN Military Observation Group in Lebanon. As of April 2013, Nepal had contributed 94,000 peacekeepers to 43 UN missions overall (see Table 1). Since late 2006 it has consistently provided at least 3,000 or more peacekeepers, making it one of the UN’s largest Troop-Contributing Countries (TCC). In recent years Nepal’s participation has declined almost 20 percent from its 2010 peak of nearly 5,500. In February 2013, the Nepal Army deployed to two new missions, bringing its total to 11 operations, most of which are in Africa.

Table 1: The Nepalese Army in UN Peacekeeping Operations

Nepal’s three main security agencies – Army, Armed Police Force and Police – all contribute to UN peacekeeping. Civilian administrators and technical staff from Nepal also participate in UN peace operations both on an individual basis and when seconded from the government. The Nepal Army is regarded as disciplined and professional, maintaining international standards and qualifications. Almost all Army personnel take part in a UN mission at least once in their military career, with officers typically deploying more than once. To manage the increasing demand for Nepali troops in UN missions, the Nepal Army created a Directorate of Peacekeeping in the Army headquarters. It is responsible for managing the contribution process, including selection, pre-mission training and operational environment familiarization for complex peacekeeping situations.

In order to deploy suitably trained and qualified troops to international peacekeeping operations, the Government of Nepal established the Birendra Peace Operation Training Centre (BPOTC) in 1986 at Panchkhal in Kavre District, about one hour drive from Kathmandu. The BPOTC includes an Army Headquarters Element Training Unit, an Administration and Logistic Unit, a Research and Development Unit, and a Demonstration and Security Unit. The main intent behind establishing this center was to provide a nucleus of expertise within the Army, responsible for the development of Peace Support Operations based on lessons learned, training methodologies, training standards and the provision of training and training support. [4] Recently, the BPOTC has also served as a regional training center. With the partnership of US Pacific Command, it organized a three week training known as Shanti Prayas 2 (“Peace Endeavour”) in which 875 soldiers from 23 countries from different regions participated.

With regard to police officers, as of April 2013, Nepal had deployed 5,795 police to 21 UN peacekeeping missions. Nepal Police made their first contribution in 1992 to UNPROFOR in the former Yugoslavia. Nepal has deployed formed police units (FPUs) to Haiti and Darfur, Sudan in 2004 and 2008 respectively, and Nepal Police have served as individual police experts in Haiti, South Sudan, Sudan, Liberia and Iraq. Since October 2011, the Armed Police Force (APF) has joined with the Army and Nepal Police to begin sending its personnel to UN missions, with the first group deploying to UNGCI (Iraq).

Until recently Nepal was also the host of a UN political mission. The UN Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), a special political mission in support of the peace process there, was in place from January 2007 to January 2011. The mission provided support to the elections for a new Constituent Assembly in 2008 and monitored the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the government of Nepal and the Maoist party.

Part 2: Decision-making Process

Nepal’s Permanent Mission in New York plays the main role in facilitating communication between the Government of Nepal and the UN. Apart from the mission’s civilian staff, the Permanent Mission has an Army liaison officer to communicate with the UN secretariat on peacekeeping issues. The officer represents the Nepal Army, Armed Police Force and the Nepal Police in the mission and advises the Permanent Representative of Nepal. The Nepali Permanent Mission forwards requests from the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with a carbon copy to Nepal Army, Nepal Police and Armed Police Force so that the concerned security agencies can start immediate preparations. After receiving the requests, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs also sends it to the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Home Affairs depending on the nature of the request. If the request is for army personnel, the Ministry of Defense would take the decision, and if the request is for Nepal Police or Armed Police Force, then the Home Affairs Ministry makes the necessary decision. The head of government is not directly involved in the decision-making, but is well informed by the relevant ministries.

Part 3: Rationales for Contributing

Political and Security Rationales : Within its region, Nepal is one of the oldest countries and one of the first to obtain UN membership. As a comparatively small country located in a sensitive geopolitical environment, Nepal has adopted a neutral international stance since it became a member of the UN, including as an active, original member of the Non-Aligned Movement. Its foreign policy advocates adherence to the UN Charter and its principles, particularly emphasizing the importance of maintaining international peace and security. Nepal practiced this principle by being one of the few countries to contribute troops to the UN during the Cold War.  Nepal was also for a time a contributor to the UN Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP) in the State of Jammu and Kashmir, established in 1948. Successive Nepali governments viewed the regular contribution of Nepali troops to UN missions as a contribution to good international citizenship and a way to raise Nepal’s international profile. [5] Additionally, the country’s policymakers expected that being a UN TCC could also help protect and strengthen Nepal’s sovereignty and independence. [6] As such, UN peacekeeping operations have become an important aspect of Nepal’s foreign policy, helping Nepal project a favorable international image and simultaneously pursue its national interests. It is said that Nepal’s election as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council on two occasions, 1969-70 and 1988-89, was aided by its peacekeeping contributions. [7]

Economic Rationales: Nepal is one of the least developed countries in the world with a per capita income of $742. [8] The country’s economy is characterized by poverty and stagnation, while inflation is one of the highest in the region at 11.9 percent. A Nepali soldier receives four to five times higher pay on a UN peacekeeping mission than the standard salary in Nepal. [9] Nepal’s contributions assist not only individual soldiers, but also the Nepal Army welfare program funded by the money saved from the UN allowance and from UN remittances.  The welfare program includes medical, educational facilities and humanitarian support to veterans and their families.

Institutional Rationales : The Nepal Army’s long involvement in peacekeeping missions has changed its nature and working methods, including bridging a gap with the civilian community. The regular participation of the Nepal Army and Nepal Police in UN peacekeeping has helped participants understand the universal values and norms of human rights, rule of law and increase professionalism. Moreover, the pre-deployment training at the world-class training center, BPOTC, has helped Nepali troops succeed in the complex operational environments of modern peacekeeping. This, in turn, has provided opportunities for professional development. Similarly, the Nepal Police and Armed Police Force have gained knowledge and experience during their missions abroad. The activities Nepali police conduct during UN peacekeeping missions are much broader than the responsibilities they have on the domestic front.

Part 4: Barriers to Contributing

Unstable domestic politics: Nepal’s unstable domestic political situation represents the major challenge for deploying its troops as UN peacekeepers. For almost two decades Nepal has faced political instability and a Maoist insurgency. The frequent change of government became the main obstacle to developing a coherent and effective domestic policy on peacekeeping. Successive governments have therefore given a low priority to peacekeeping issues. Even when a government has taken the initiative to develop or revise its peacekeeping policy, it has not had sufficient time in office to make a substantial contribution. This situation, as well as a lack of vision, coordination and supervision, has kept the issue less prioritized.

Logistical and management challenges : The Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Home Affairs, and Ministry of Foreign Affairs have not been sufficiently active in managing peacekeeping efforts. [10] Among those ministries, the Ministry of Defense is critical to promoting and managing the Nepal Army, but during much of the last two decades it has lacked a dedicated defense minister, being headed instead by the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister, however, has typically paid less attention to defense and peacekeeping issues, allowing them to remain largely under the Army’s domain. Intra-governmental coordination on peacekeeping issues – a responsibility of the Army’s Directorate of Peacekeeping – has been lacking, hindering the effectiveness and efficiency of Nepali peacekeeping efforts. In general, the lack of civilian oversight of the Army’s peacekeeping efforts has impeded necessary changes to Nepal’s peacekeeping policies.

Scandal : The scandal known in Nepal as the “Sudan Scam” has tarnished the image of the Nepal Police as well as the country. In 2007, Nepal Police sent a Formed Police Unit to the UN peacekeeping operation in Darfur, Sudan (UNAMID). The Government of Nepal procured the logistics support, including Armored Personnel Carriers (APCs), expecting to receive reimbursement from the UN. However, the selected contractor had manipulated the process and supplied inferior materials and second-hand APCs. None of the APCs were functioning from day one and the supply of low-grade materials for housing construction and others led to poor living conditions for the personnel. The UN repeatedly asked Ministry of Home Affairs to ensure the functioning of the APCs and other equipment and even threatened to withdraw the contingent if this was not done. When the issue became public, the Nepalese Parliament set up a sub-committee to investigate: in mid-2011, it found that the entire purchase system and its implementation lacked professional quality, competence, honesty, and vigilance. The issue was then taken up by a Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority , which charged 34 police officers, including the Inspector General and two businessmen, with the embezzlement of Rs280 million. The case shocked the country, and reduced confidence in the entire institution both internally and internationally.

Cholera and Human Rights Controversies : Although various official reasons have been given for this decline, one explanation is Nepali peacekeepers’ involvement in multiple controversies. Most significant among these was the cholera outbreak in Haiti, where Nepal had been providing 1,075 troops, close to 10% of the UN mission’s forces. In October 2010, those Nepali peacekeepers were blamed for a devastating cholera outbreak, which killed nearly 7,000 people in Haiti.  Although the UN has denied legal responsibility for the outbreak, the episode has tarnished the image of the UN mission in Haiti as well as that of Nepal’s soldiers. Almost the entire Nepali contingent has since withdrawn from Haiti.

Instances of human rights violations by Nepali security personnel, committed in Nepal during the ten-year internal conflict with the Maoists, have also been raised by various human rights organizations. The UN, including the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, has also been concerned with this issue. In particular, the UN repatriated two Nepali security personnel, an Army Major and a Deputy Superintendent of Police, serving with the UN in Chad and Liberia respectively, in 2011 for their suspected involvement in human rights violations. Another Nepali peacekeeper was arrested while visiting the UK from Sudan.

Part 5: Current Challenges and Issues

Complexity of contemporary peacekeeping : With the support of US Pacific Command, Nepal hosted a training seminar of the Asia Pacific Peacekeeping Leaders in March 2013 to address the modern challenges in UN peacekeeping operations. More than 30 participants from 23 countries of the Asia and Pacific region took part in the seminar where they recognized that UN peacekeepers are facing very complex challenges and are often required to implement intricate mandates. Protection of civilians, preventing sexual and gender based violence, sexual exploitation and abuse, and human security are all matters of great concern for the UN. A number of other issues that TCCs, including Nepali troops on UN missions, have to deal with better include: understanding the culture of the local population, the often vast areas covered by small numbers of peacekeepers, the complexities of multi-national military operations, coordination with the police and humanitarian components of peacekeeping missions, dealing with transnational crimes, violation of human rights and the need to provide timely and accurate information.

Need for enhanced coordination : There is a need to strengthening coordination among the relevant government agencies to promote Nepal’s role in UN peacekeeping, particularly, the Ministries of Defense, Home Affairs, Foreign Affairs, and Finance need to enhance their coordination and instructions to the respective security agencies such as the Nepal Army, Nepal Police and the Armed Police Force. The line ministries should get involved in developing policy in line with the UN’s guidelines, specifically the recent Infantry Battalion Manual (Volumes I and II ). There is also a need to formulate plans, develop programs – including pre-mission trainings – and provide assistance to the security forces to fulfill their tasks as mandated by the UN and accepted by the Government of Nepal.

Strengthening relevant capabilities : In general, Nepal must focus on improving the Nepali forces’ competency and efficiency in implementing their peacekeeping duties. In particular, the Government of Nepal has to focus on enhancing the capabilities of Nepali security forces in areas such as language proficiency, logistical support and equipment, and gender balance. Such improvements would require, in part, the appropriation of sufficient resources to improve the training facilities at BPOTC.

Upgrading the Permanent Mission of Nepal to the UN : The Government of Nepal should upgrade the capabilities of its official representation to the UN. The Permanent Mission could more widely promote the extensive experience of Nepali peacekeepers in UN missions to the UN Secretariat and other Member States. Additionally, lessons from the scandals mentioned above could help to improve health and other pre-deployment requirements for future deployments. The mission should also be equipped with sufficient, qualified staff and other required facilities such as sufficient office space and financial support.

Part 6: Key Champions and Opponents

The Nepal Army organizes visit programs of Nepali media on a regular basis as a part of its efforts to provide them first-hand information about the Nepali peacekeeping activities in the field. Although Nepal has contributed UN peacekeepers for the last six decades, there are no civil society organizations or think tanks that work exclusively on peacekeeping issues in Nepal. All political parties, regardless of their ideological position, support sending security forces to UN missions. In the last 60 years, successive governments have praised the role of Nepalese personnel in the UN, and the Nepalese people maintain positive attitudes towards the UN which, in their view, works for peace, stability, and protects the interests of the small and weaker states.

Part 7: Capabilities and Caveats

Due to its long involvement in the UN missions, Nepalese security agencies, particularly the Nepal Army, have gained extensive experience and understanding of UN peacekeeping.  Recently, the government has provided support for establishing an international-standard training center known as BPOTC to strengthen training. Given its overall level of economic development, Nepal’s ability to contribute high-tech or expensive military equipment, such as helicopters, is limited. However, the Nepalese government has committed to contributing up to 5,000 Nepalese Army personnel if the country is so requested by the UN.

Part 8: Further Reading

Arturo Sotomayor, “Nepal” in A.J. Bellamy & P.D. Williams (eds.), Providing Peacekeepers: The Politics, Challenges, and Future of United Nations Peacekeeping Contributions (Oxford University Press, 2013).

Maskey, Bishwa Keshar, Dahal, Dev Raj (eds.), Nepal’s Participation in the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations: Reports of the Round Table (Institute of Foreign Affairs and UN Association of Nepal, 1995).

Sharma, Balananda (Rt.Gen.), “Peace-Support Operations and Nepal: Past Experiences and Future Perspectives” in Sushil Raj Pandey and Pushpa Adhikari (eds.), Nepalese Foreign Policy at the Crossroads (Sangam Institute, 2009).

[1] Unless otherwise stated, data is drawn from the IISS, The Military Balance 2013 (London: IISS/Routledge, 2013).

[2] Data obtained from the official website of Nepal Army, accessed May 10, 2013, http://www.nepalarmy.mil.np/na_un

[3] Defense Spending/Troop is the total defense budget (in USD) divided by the total number of active armed forces. Uses latest figures available from IISS, The Military Balance 2013 .

[4] Author’s interview with Rt. Lt. Gen. Balananda Sharma, Kathmandu, May 2, 2013. Gen. Sharma served as a Force Commander of the UN Disengagement Force in the Golan Heights.

[5] Pyar Jung Thapa, “The UN Peace Keeping in the New World Order and the Role of Royal Nepal Army” in Bishwa Keshar Maskey and Dev Raj Dahal (eds.), Nepal’s Participation in the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations: Reports of the Round Table (Institute of Foreign Affairs and UN Association of Nepal, 1995).

[6] Bishwa Keshar Maskey asserts that, “For a small state like Nepal, the UN has proved not only a sounding board but a last resort to articulate national aspiration. The legitimacy of the UN comes from its role performance, where Nepal in many ways is in a better position, especially in the area of peacekeeping.” Bishwa Keshar Maskey, Nepal and United Nations: 1995-1996 (United Nations Association of Nepal, 1996).

[7] Khand, Jitendra Dhoj, “National Interest and Foreign Policy” in Sushil Raj Pandey and Pushpa Adhikari (eds.), Nepalese Foreign Policy at the Crossroads (Kathmandu: Sangam Institute, 2009).

[8] The Economic Survey of 2011/12, Ministry of Finance, Government of Nepal, accessed May 2013, http://www.mof.gov.np/ajw/uploads/uploaded_image/Chapter%20All-Final-Edited.pdf .

[9] Gurung, Deepak, “Success of Nepali Peacekeepers,” Republica , 18 November 2010, http://www.epapers-hub.com/nepal/kathmandu-republica.html .

[10] Hamal, Suresh, UN Peacekeeping Operation as an Instrument of National Policy (Tribhuvan University, Department of Strategic Studies, unpublished Master’s Thesis, 2007).

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Strategic Samarik Open Essay Competition by Nepal Army Sena

Strategic Samarik Open Essay Competition application open by Nepal Army (Nepali Sena). Information regarding “Open Strategic Essay Competition-2078”. The third edition of the Strategic Essay Competition will be organized by the Nepal Army with the objective of expanding the scope of research and study on national and strategic issues.

Strategic Samarik Essay Lekh Competition – Subjects Themes of the Articles

• Nationalism and National Unity
• National Security and Development
• Civil-Military Relations
• Geo-Strategic Importance of Nepal
• Evolving Dimensions of Security
• Military Diplomacy
• Sports and Technology

Open Strategic Samarik Essay Competition Prize Reward Details First Prize: Rs. 2,00,000/- (Two Lakhs) Second Prize : Rs.150,000/- ( One Lakhs Fifty Thousand) Third Prize : Rs. 1,00,000/ – (One Lakh) Consolation (Santwona) Prize per person: Rs.10,000 /- (for 27 persons)

The following are the pay attention subjects or points for applicants, who wish to participate in the competition ( Requested to pay attention) 1. Article writing should be purely apolitical. 2. The word limit of the essay should be 3500-5000 words. 3. The essay should be written in English or Nepali language only. 4. Originality should be given special consideration and Academic Integrity and prevailing research methodology should be followed. 5. Plagiarism will be strictly checked through software and articles of that nature will be removed from the initial stage. 6. In case you have to thank the excerpts of an article, give credit to the real author and cited as needed. The title of the essay and the date of submission will be as follows.

You are requested to submit the essay to the address: [email protected] or [email protected] and if you have any queries, please contact 01-4247036. Note: On the occasion of Army Day, 2078 BS, the publication, release and award distribution program of the third edition of Unity Journal will be organized.

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The pulse  |  politics  |  south asia.

Nepal’s army has expanded its commercial interests while democratic governments have foundered on many fronts. That could be a problem for the country.

Nepalese Army Gurkhas Demonstrate Skill with the Kukri at Shanti Prayas Opening Ceremony

Since the overthrow of monarchy in Nepal in 2006, there has been a lot of twists and turns in the country’s politics. These twists and turns have constantly changed the fortunes of Nepal’s political parties. From the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist, the party of former guerrillas, to their ideological opposite — the monarch supporting dyed-in-the-wool conservative Rastriya Prajatantra Party — all at some point have sat in power in Kathmandu. Like parties in clientelist democracies, when in power Nepali political parties have weakened state institutions with partisan appointments. This has not only decreased citizen trust in state institutions but also decreased trust in political parties. The 2017 survey by the Asia Foundation shows just 7 percent Nepalis “fully trust” political parties.

Amid decreasing trust in political parties and other state institutions, the Nepal Army has continuously guarded and expanded its sphere of influence while keeping public trust intact. The same survey reported 29 percent of Nepalis “fully trust” the army. This is more than the trust expressed for the judiciary, government, or the other two security agencies: Nepal Police and Armed Police Force. All this is remarkable given that this is the same army which was seen as being close to the former Shah monarchs.

The relationship between former monarchs and the army in Nepal goes a long way back. To this day, the army credits the first Shah monarch, Prithivi Narayan Shah, whose shrewd military tactics and innovations revolutionized the army. For a long time, it was only a certain group of upper-caste men close to the monarch who found their way up in the army hierarchy. The last Shah monarch, Gyanendra, used the military’s support twice, in 2002 and 2005, to overthrow the civilian government. After overthrowing the civilian government and dissolving the parliament in 2005, he had also sent the then-army chief to lobby for India’s support. Right until the end, the army stood as one of the loyal pillars supporting the monarchy.

Nepal’s transition to a republican system of governance was relatively peaceful and, as the veteran journalist Sudheer Sharma points out, credit must be given to the army for its role in making so. But rather than praising army’s democratic credentials, Sharma mentions that as the king was cornered from all sides, the army had no option but to give in to democratic demands. The pro-monarchy inclination was evident as after the abolition of the monarchy, then-Army Chief Rukmangad Katwal submitted a written request to the Constitutional Assembly suggesting that the decision over Nepal’s republican future should be resolved through a referendum.

Despite being seen as a force close to the palace, the army more than held its own in the post-monarchy set-up. When then-Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal, well within his democratic mandate, dismissed Katwal, the decision was unconstitutionally revoked by then-President Ram Baran Yadav, leading Dahal to resign from office. Similarly, when the issue of integration of former Maoist combatants into the Nepali army came up, the army — which wanted limited integration — had their way: only 1,422 out of 32,250 registered combatants were selected for integration and just 70 found themselves in officer-level cadet posts. Similarly, the army was also able to lobby then Nepali government to not extend the tenure of the U.N. Mission in Nepal (UNMIN). As far as the army was concerned, the U.N. agency was a frequent eye-sore with its calls for democratization and restructuring of the army. To this day, the twin goal of democratization and restructuring is still pending as the army functions opaquely and remains one of the few state institutions that has not changed much post monarchy .

Having established itself as one of the most powerful and independent state institutions, the army is expanding beyond its traditional military roles. It has invested in gas stations, medical colleges, emulsion plants, and water treatment plants. Perhaps not happy with the returns from these investments and citing lesser returns on these investments than what banks offer on deposits, the army has also requested the amendment of the Army Act, 2006. The Act forbids the army to invest as a “promoter” in more profitable sectors like banking and hydropower. If passed, the amendment will further empower the already disproportionately powerful army.

The army’s eagerness as well as the incumbent governments’ incompetence has, time and again, expanded the playing field of the army. Government incompetence was recently evident when the Prime Minister K.P. Oli-led government decided to let the army procure medical supplies for COVID-19 instead of the Health Ministry. The decision was made after a huge public outcry , which resulted from the discovery that the Health Ministry, without competitive bidding, awarded the contract to a Chinese firm at a substantial cost. Such mishandling from the executive branch is not new. In 2017, the government of then-Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal awarded a 122 billion Nepali rupee contract to the army for constructing the Kathmandu-Tarai expressway, after a deal with an Indian firm similarly turned controversial. The contract amount was 16 percent higher than the cost estimated by the Asian Development Bank in 2014.

As per Transparency International’s Defense and Security Program monitoring, Nepal ranks as one of the “high risk” countries when it comes to defense and security industry related corruption.  Despite this, there have been only few instances where the Nepali public have been aware of the army’s abuse of authority. Meanwhile, the other two security agencies — the Nepal Police and the Armed Police Force — with much smaller budgets than the army have found most of their chiefs implicated in corruption charges. Part of the reason why this is the case is that unlike the two security agencies, the army does not come under the purview of either the judiciary or the country’s anti-graft body — the Commission for the Investigation of the Abuse of Authority (CIAA) — but follows its own opaque martial law. It is not too far fetched to link the frequency of the lucrative contracts the army keeps bagging and its lack of public accountability.

As things stand now, the previous monarch is politically irrelevant, the army has become stronger with each opportunity, and political parties have repeatedly underperformed and remain deeply unpopular. Despite the monarch’s irrelevance, the institutional legacy left by centuries of monarchical rule — which depended on a strong army — has led to the current situation. There were efforts by UNMIN to democratize the army and make it more transparent. But it did not receive broader support, neither from the army nor from political parties besides the Maoists.

If the current trend of a strong and expanding army and weak political parties persists, the health of the fledgling Nepali democracy might be in danger. To the army’s credit, it has kept itself away from national politics. But given the way it has been expanding and engaging in ventures outside its mandate, there will be a time when the army’s interests will run counter to that of the executive’s. In that event, the executive will have no recourse other than hoping the army plays by democratic rules.

Sushav Niraula holds a Master’s degree in Politics and Public Policy from Sciences Po Paris. Currently, he works as an independent researcher. Within comparative politics, his research interest lies within the areas of conflict, state-building, political parties and clientelism with a focus on South Asian cases.

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Officer cadet exam syllabus - nepal army, (adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || []).push({});.

The Nepal Army has developed a comprehensive written examination scheme for recruiting Officer Cadets (Open and Inclusive categories). This exam measures candidates' proficiency in four key subjects: English, Nepali, Mathematics, and General Knowledge. Each subject carries a total score of 100, with a pass mark of 40.

The questions for English and Nepali subjects will be in the respective languages. The Mathematics and General Knowledge questions will be bilingual (English and Nepali). Examination Structure and Details 1. English: This Course has been designed for the competitive examinations to be held in open mode (free competition) to select officer cadets in the Nepal Army. It will test candidates' competence and performance in the English language through various aspects of language: grammar, translation, comprehension passage, composition writing, etc. This Course is divided into two parts—part one and part two. Objective questions (multiple-choice items) are asked in part one, and subjective questions are asked in part two. Grammatical competence will be judged by part one test items, whereas communicative competence will be judged by part two test items. Language functions and communicative skills are primarily focused in the latter part. English language fluency will be tested through this test. The nature and standard of the questions in the English Language Proficiency Test will be such that a class 12 pass or equivalent person will be able to answer them without any specialized study. Full Marks: 100 Pass Marks: 40 Examination System:Subjective and Objective Duration: 2 Hours 15 Minutes (Subjective), 15 Minutes (Objective) 2. Nepali: The main goal of this Nepal Course is to test knowledge, skills, and linguistic ability using the curriculum of compulsory Nepali subjects at the higher secondary level (10+2). Full Marks: 100 Pass Marks: 40 Examination System:Subjective and Objective Duration: 2 Hours 15 Minutes (Subjective), 15 Minutes (Objective) 3. Mathematics: This mathematics course has been designed to hold competitive written examinations to select officer cadets in the Nepalese Army. The Course will test candidates' competence in Mathematics and its applications. This Course covers a wide range of Mathematics branches. Full Marks: 100 Pass Marks: 40 Examination System:Subjective and Objective Duration: 2 Hours 15 Minutes (Subjective), 15 Minutes (Objective) > 4. General Knowledge: This course  has been designed to test candidates' general knowledge. Full Marks: 100 Pass Marks: 40 Examination System: Objective Duration: 1 Hour 30 Minutes Academic Qualification (a) Certificate level or equivalent (for Officer Cadet) (b) Bachelor's level or equivalent (for Graduate Officer Cadet) For both Officer Cadet and Graduate Officer Cadet, taking Mathematics as a subject in the SLC/SEE examination is mandatory. DOWNLOAD Syllabus of Officer Cadet Exam The syllabus is effective from 2078/09/01. 1. English Syllabus for Officer Cadet Exam [ DOWNLOAD ] 2. General Knowledge (GK) Syllabus for Officer Cadet Exam  [ DOWNLOAD ] 3. Nepali Syllabus for Officer Cadet Exam  [ DOWNLOAD ] 4. Mathematics Syllabus for Officer Cadet Exam  [ DOWNLOAD ]

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• Thursday, 19 September 2024
• Gorkhapatra
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Secure Gains Made In Women Empowerment  

“What has the Constitution of Nepal, 2015, given to Nepali women?” I asked Jhowa BK, a member of the Karnali Provincial Assembly, in October 2019. Her response was simple yet profound: "I was herding cows, buffaloes, and sheep at my village in Mugu. The constitution sought me out and made me a member of parliament."

This powerful answer came from a woman who never had the chance to attend school, yet her experience illustrates the transformative impact of the constitution, even in the most remote areas of the country. The Constitution of 2015 includes several provisions to ensure gender equality and social inclusion. It guarantees equality and prohibits discrimination based on gender, caste, ethnicity, religion, and other identities.

The constitution grants women the right to participate in all sectors of the state and ensures proportional inclusion in politics and government institutions. It also prohibits physical, mental, sexual, and other forms of violence against women.

Additionally, it guarantees 33 per cent reservation for women in federal and provincial parliaments, resulting in one-third of the seats in all seven provincial assemblies and the federal parliament going to them.

The constitution offers provisions for proportional representation for women, Dalits, Indigenous groups, Madhesi, Tharu, Muslim, and other marginalised communities in legislative elections to promote social inclusion. This was made possible by an inclusive electoral system, with intersectionality being a key feature of both the constitution and its electoral framework.

The provision of positive discrimination has created opportunities for women to participate across various sectors. Currently, women make up around 28 per cent of the civil service in various roles. Without this policy, it is unlikely that a woman would have ever held the position of Chief Secretary.

However, with this initiative, a woman has served as Chief Secretary, and the number of women in senior roles, including secretaries, continues to increase. Presently, women make up 11.78 per cent of police offers, 9.76 per cent of the Armed Police Force, and 9.4 per cent of the Nepali Army. This rise in female representation in the security sector is largely due to the positive discrimination policies introduced by the constitution.

Although women first joined the Nepali Army in 1961, their roles were limited to technical positions. It was only in 2005 that recruitment policies expanded, allowing broader participation. During the Maoist insurgency, the Maoists claimed that 40 per cent of their fighters were women, making it the only war in Nepal's history where women actively participated in combat.

Since the establishment of the Nepal Police in 1950, women have also made notable progress. The first policewoman, Constable Chaitmaya Dangol, joined in 1951 and retired after 32 years of service. Women's representation now spans from constable (Jawan) to the rank of Additional Inspector General of Police (AIGP). The establishment of the Armed Police Force during Nepal's conflict period further expanded women's roles, including responsibilities like border security.

The constitution also significantly advances the rights of minorities. It recognises the right of individuals to self-identify their gender and prohibits discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, making Nepal one of the most progressive countries in South Asia regarding LGBTIQ rights. This aspect of the constitution is a crucial milestone in advancing equality and inclusion for all.

Gender inclusion at the local government level is another significant achievement of the constitution which mandates the inclusion of women and marginalised groups in governance. As a result, women make up 41 per cent of local government representatives, with 79 per cent of these women serving as deputy mayors or vice chairs. However, only 4 per cent of mayors and 3 per cent of rural municipality chairs are women, with women occupying just 1 per cent of ward chairperson roles.

The Local Elections Act mandates that either the mayor or deputy mayor must be a woman. However, there is growing debate about revising this provision to ensure that 33 per cent of ward chairpersons should be women. Additionally, there is a growing need to ensure the representation of the LGBTIQ community and people with disabilities in local governance.

Since the implementation of the 2015 Constitution, several gender-responsive policies and laws have been introduced. These policies cover areas including youth, cooperatives, non-formal education, health, drug-related policy, information technology, elections, civil service, right to information, the Nepali Army, land-related policy, local governance, and foreign employment. Additionally, specific laws, including the Human Trafficking and Control Act, the Domestic Violence Act, and both the Civil and Criminal Codes, have been enacted. These laws have the provisions of penalties related to rape, marital rape, acid attack, discrimination, child marriage, and humiliating behaviour.

While this legal framework is strong, the emphasis now needs to shift from creating new laws to effectively implementing the existing ones. In Nepal, the challenges are often poor enforcement, particularly for laws related to women's rights, such as those addressing domestic violence and property rights. One law that remains largely unenforced is women's right to parental property, despite the legislation guaranteeing equal rights.

As discussions on amending the constitution continue in Nepal, there is a concern about whether women's rights will be protected if changes are made. Of particular concern is the political participation of women. Without strong constitutional provisions, there is a risk of losing hard-won achievements and regressing to previous conditions. How to ensure women's participation and institutionalise the progress made so far should be central to any debate on constitutional amendments.

(Basnet is an executive director at Media Advocacy Group.)

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