immigration causes and effects essay

Immigration: Causes and Effects

Introduction, economic causes, social causes, works cited.

For a long time, immigration has been a significant policy subject in the United States, with numerous reports and studies conducted on its motives and implications. Immigration is the movement or relocation of people from one country to another. Factors that promote immigration can be categorized to economic, social, and political causes. Although limited by slight economic downsides and political backlash, immigration is necessary for creating social diversity, protecting individuals’ rights and freedoms, and enhancing international relations. There are two significant groups of immigration causes: economic and social, which are associated with particular consequences.

First, the economic causes for immigration are high demand of manpower, unemployment, the desire for better entrepreneurial and employment opportunity. Income and economic status differences between resident and destination nations encourage people to migrate from poor to more prosperous countries. Developed countries have a high demand for labor unlike in less developed countries with high unemployment rates (Duan 3). The shortage of specialists in a particular profession in a specific region increases wages for this profession and stimulates the influx of migrants. The effect of the economic causes of immigration is overwhelming the available opportunities and resources. In 2019, the American Immigration Council reported a population of 44.9 million immigrants in the U.S (American Immigration Council 1). The right-wing Democratic Party in the US is opposed to immigration in effect, that unregulated inflow of foreign labor increases job competition, reduced wages, and increased unemployment. The social zeal for a better quality of life and connection to friends and families promoting immigration results in enhanced diversity, improved international relations, cross-cultural exchange, cosmopolitanism and diversity. Immigration has enhanced international relations and access to social amenities such as education.

The social rationale for immigration is aspirations for a better quality of life and connection with close family and friends. Social factors that influence the rate of immigration include crime rate, access to social amenities such as schools, and inter-cultural exchange (Duan 2). An immigrant can sponsor a family member or friend through an affidavit. Political grounds for immigration include state policies, threats of persecution, armed conflict, and humanitarian issues that force people to seek refuge in stable countries. The social causes of immigration are the inclination for a better life, while political migration is often due to unsafe conditions in the residence country. The effect of social immigration is in the occurrence of cosmopolitanism resulting from social immigration enhances the redistribution of wealth diversity and adequate co-existence of nationalities and socio-cultural exchange. Immigration protects the rights and freedoms of individuals advanced of their countries by political factors of armed conflict, state assassination, and discrimination.

Ultimately, immigration is a significant economic, social, and political factor with clashing implications. The desire for better quality of life and family bonds social causes of immigration lead to enhanced diversity, cosmopolitanism, cross-cultural exchange and international relations. Moreover, immigration protects the rights and freedoms of people threatened by political factors. On the downside the economic immigration driven by the desire for better employment and investment opportunities is characterized by high unemployment, prejudice, discrimination, and political backlash. While policymakers perceive immigration to drive slow wage growth and unemployment, Immigrants present remarkable social, economic, and political benefits. Therefore, migration significantly affects the economic and social structure of the countries. The mentioned effects are connected with the primary causes of migration.

American Immigration Council. “Immigrants in the United States.” American Immigration Council , 2021. Web.

Duan, Carson, Bernice Kotey, and Kamaljeet Sandhu. “A systematic literature review of determinants of immigrant entrepreneurship motivations.” Journal of Small Business & Entrepreneurship (2021): 1-33. Web.

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Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Illegal Immigration — Causes and Effects of Immigration

Causes and Effects of Immigration

• Categories: Illegal Immigration

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Words: 731 |

Published: Jan 29, 2024

Words: 731 | Pages: 2 | 4 min read

Table of contents

Causes of immigration, effects of immigration, a. economic factors, b. political factors, c. social factors, a. economic effects, b. social effects, c. political effects.

• National Academy of Sciences. (2017). The Economic and Fiscal Consequences of Immigration .
• Organisation for Economic Co-operation & Development (OECD). (2019). International Migration Outlook 2019 .
• Peri, G., & Shih, K. (2019). "The Economic Contribution of Unauthorized Workers: An Industry Analysis". National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper Series.

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Why do immigrants come to the US?

Of all people legally immigrating to the US in 2021, about 42% came for work, 32% for school, and 23% for family.

Updated on Fri, November 17, 2023 by the USAFacts Team

People immigrate to the US to work, reunite with family, study, or seek personal safety. In 2021, 42% of the 1.5 million people who immigrated to the US came for work.

What reasons for immigration does the government track?

The US government generally allows legal immigration for five broad reasons : work , school , family, safety, and encouraging diversity.

People immigrating for work or school are often granted temporary entry rather than permanent residency. Immigration for family generally means the immigrant has a relative who is already in the US as a citizen, green card holder, or temporary visa holder with whom they want to be reunited with. Those who immigrate for safety are refugees or asylum-seekers. And finally, up to 50,000 immigrants obtain green cards annually through the Diversity Immigrant Visa Program lottery that grants entry to individuals from countries with low rates of immigration to the US.

How many immigrants came for each reason in 2021?

Of the 1.5 million people who immigrated to the US in 2021, about 42% came for work, 32% for school, and 23% for family. Nearly 2% were seeking safety, and about 0.9% were admitted on Diversity Immigrant Visas.

How have reasons for immigration evolved over the past 15 years?

Since 2006, work has consistently been the top reason people immigrate to the US, with the exception of 2013–2015 when immigration for work was equal to or slightly lower than for school.

School is usually the second most common reason for immigration except for 2018, when a higher percentage of people began immigrating for family reunification than education. In 2021 school again became the second most common reason.

Safety and diversity have consistently been the fourth and fifth most common reasons for immigration, respectively.

How do the reasons for immigration change depending on where people are immigrating from?

Of the 638,551 immigrants who came to the US for work in 2021, 61% came from North America. Immigrants from Asia represent the largest geographic cohort among the other four primary reasons for immigration: school (58%), family (45%), safety (34%), and encouraging diversity (33%).

In 2021, 74% of all immigrants came from Asia and North/Central America. Roughly 53% of Asian immigrants came from China and India, while nearly 80% of immigrants from North/Central America were from Mexico.

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Why do Chinese people immigrate to America?

School was the top reason Chinese people immigrated between 2006–2021; 19% of people who came to the US for school were from China, the highest percentage of any other country. The number of Chinese immigrants coming to the US for school peaked in 2015, growing 680% from 40,477 people in 2006 to 315,628 people in 2015.

Despite a sharp decrease after 2016, most Chinese immigrants continue to come to the US for school. Fewer than 57,000 Chinese immigrants have come to the US per year for work or family reasons since 2006, and those numbers hit record lows of 5,323 and 13,412 in 2021.

Why do Indian people immigrate to America?

The largest share of immigrants who came to be with family were from India, at 18% . But in 2021, more Indians immigrated for school than for family reunification. Work was the third most common reason.

Prior to 2021, most Indian immigrants came to the US for family and work, but those numbers have been decreasing. Fewer people came to the US from India for work (54,032 people) and family in 2021 (62,407) than in 2006 (117,189 and 81,045 people, respectively).

Meanwhile, the number of Indians immigrating for school increased by over 300% between 2020 and 2021, from 20,629 to 85,385.

Why do Mexican people immigrate to America?

In 2021, people from Mexico comprised the largest share of immigrants coming for work — 55% of all immigrants, or 351,586 people. Work has consistently been the top reason Mexican people immigrate to the US. Family and school have consistently been the second and third reasons.

More than double the number of people immigrated to the US for work from Mexico in 2021 (351,586 people) than in 2006 (168,619 people).

Where did this data come from?

There are multiple data sources because immigrants enter the US through multiple pathways. Data on visa admissions comes from the US State Department; we exclude people who come with visas for short-term tourism, cultural exchange, or visiting. Data on refugees and asylum-seekers comes from the Department of Homeland Security's (DHS) Yearbook of Immigration Statistics. Data on green cards comes from the DHS’s expanded lawful permanent resident tables.

Read more about where immigrants are moving in the US , and get the data directly in your inbox by signing up for our email newsletter .

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News // Immigration and Asylum

Why do People Immigrate? – The Different Causes of Immigration

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Global Refuge Staff

July 14, 2021

Immigration — and its dynamic effect on global development — has been the subject of many reports, studies, and debates. Its economic implications have shaped global industries for years and are changing the world for the better.

Global migration is a large-scale topic. Currently, there are an estimated 272 million international migrants, which account for 3.5% of the world’s population. While the percentage may seem relatively low, the number of migrants already surpasses some projections for 2050.

In a 2020 report by United Nations (UN), it was revealed that one in every 30 people is an international migrant. Europe and Asia alone host around 82 to 84 million immigrants.  These regions were followed by North America, which houses almost 52 million international migrants.

Every year, the percentage of international citizens traversing borders increases and drastically impacts a country’s population size, cultural diversity, and economic productivity.

With the constant wave of settlers and refugees around the world today, a significant question arises — what exactly are the causes of immigration?

The Roots of Immigration

Immigration, in its simplest definition, is the movement of people from one place or country into another one. It is a simple yet fundamental aspect of human history.

Immigration is a concept that pre-dates existing laws. Long ago, nomadic tribes traveled from place to place to find fresh and fertile lands, pastures for their livestock, and rich areas for hunting and fishing.

In modern times, immigration still continues all over the world. In the past decade , the demographic composition of people traversing borders has significantly changed. This can be attributed to a wide range of factors that we can categorize into two groups — push and pull factors.

It is essential to examine these factors in order to perfectly understand the increase of global migration throughout the years.

Push and Pull Factors

To reach well-developed immigration and foreign policy solutions, it is important to recognize the driving factors that prompt individuals to migrate.

People around the globe immigrate for a wide array of reasons that we conceptualize as “push” and “pull” factors.

Push factors are reasons that compel or push people to leave the area of where they reside and settle someplace else. Common factors can include armed conflict, disaster exposure, gender inequality, lack of job opportunities, political corruption, and lack of access to competent healthcare and education. In simple terms, push factors are negative reasons that prompt individuals to leave.

Pull factors are, on the other hand, the exact opposite of push factors. They attract or pull people to move and settle in a particular area. Common pull factors may include better work opportunities, greater security, and access to adequate healthcare and education. Simply put, pull factors are positive reasons that prompt individuals to move.

Immigration, however, is not as simple as being pulled and pushed for merely a few reasons. The push and pull framework is a combination of factors that encourage a person to leave a place of origin and factors that draw a person to a destination.

Push and pull factors are never the same for everyone, and the reasons for immigration are unique to each individual.

However, even though factors can change depending on age, gender, health, social class, and ethnicity, a push or pull factor may describe a pattern that can be attributed to many different reasons.

Quality of Life Factors

Conditions that influence an individual’s quality of life vary from person to person, but may be the leading factors leading to immigration. These can include labor standards, poverty, and the overall state of a country to provide a quality life.

In most cases, people are pulled by work opportunities in a certain area which aren’t available in their place of origin. Data analysis has even shown that there is an increase in the immigrant’s quality of life due to migration that is reflected in financial status and job satisfaction.

People from places like Syria (which has a high unemployment rate of 50%) often immigrate to escape poverty and lack of work opportunities. Numerous developed countries, including the United States, provide a network or social platform that proves to be advantageous for people hailing from less developed countries.

Immigrant workers (people who migrate to pursue work) represent nearly two-thirds of the international migrants in 2017 — standing at roughly 164 million worldwide.

Another large factor involving an individual’s quality of life is access to a proper education and to medical services that are otherwise inaccessible in their country.

War-Torn Country Factors

A major socio-political factor pushing individuals to leave their place of origin is the presence of war and conflict.

Oppression because of one’s ethnicity, religion, gender, race, and culture poses a significant risk to quality of life, which increases the odds of an individual settling elsewhere.

People fleeing conflict zones, human rights violations, and government persecution are asylum seekers that desire international protection and a safer region. Individuals who are forcibly displaced because of external factors, such as war, are refugees.

In recent times, a large number of people have fled to Europe to escape conflict, persecution, and terror in their homeland. Over a quarter of asylum seekers from Syria were granted protection status, with those from Afghanistan and Iraq following respectively.

Environmental Factors

Natural disasters and climate change are environmental factors that disproportionately affect impoverished families, especially in less developed countries.

Individuals that experience regular occurrences of floods, hurricanes, and earthquakes are most likely to immigrate. Additionally, climate change is expected to worsen weather events, leading to an increase in immigration flow.

Environmental immigrants are obliged to leave their point of origin, be it temporarily or permanently, and either move within their country or abroad to avoid the adversities of nature.

According to the United Nations Environment Programme ’s statement on climate change and immigration, these are the three environmental factors that can affect immigration in a significant way:

• Effects of Warming: Constant warming in certain areas will slowly bring down agricultural productivity which may lead to a lack of fertile soil and clean water.
• Increase in Extreme Weather Events: Extreme weather events caused by the change in climate, such as violent storms and resulting flash floods, may displace millions of people.
• Rising of Sea Level: The constant sea level rise poses an extreme environmental danger to low-lying coastal areas and may result in the permanent displacement of more than a million individuals.

Why Do People Immigrate to the US?

According to the UN’s World Migration Report of 2020 , the United States of America has been the primary destination for foreign migrants since 1970.

In less than 50 years, the number of foreign-born residents of the country has more than quadrupled — from less than 12 million to close to 51 million.

The reasons why so many people immigrate to the US have changed throughout the years, but the country’s core pull factors are what make it the leading destination for immigration.

The United States ranks as one of the most desirable countries to immigrate to because of the better living conditions provided.

The country has an active economy with a wide array of work opportunities for everyone. Wages are higher than most countries, with a relatively low cost of living. Individuals coming from a more collective society prefer American individualistic values.

People that are employed in the United States who have long-distance families are great examples of what compels families to immigrate. When these people gain their green cards, they want their children to move from their native country to the United States to be with them.

Moreover, the United States has access to healthcare and quality education that is not available in many countries.

The Impacts of Immigration

As the number of immigrants increases by the year, the patterns and factors involved become harder to analyze and evaluate. With the dynamic change and demands that immigration brings, it is important to take note of its impacts.

So what exactly are the causes and effects of immigration?

• Economic Output Growth: Net immigration can lead to an increase in the labor force and productive capacity of the economy. When this happens, there is an increase in living standards with a decline in the dependency ratio . Immigration leads to stronger economic growth and, as a result, higher tax revenues, allowing for more national spending options.
• Better Workforce: Because of immigration, the economy of certain countries, like the UK , attracts highly skilled professionals that fill job vacancies, which contributes even more to higher tax revenues. This is due to the fact that immigrants are more likely to have higher educational and skill levels.
• A Flexible Labor Market: Immigrants move to economies when the wages are high, which increases labor demands. The immigrants’ high mobility keeps a booming economy from overheating by providing labor to meet expanding demand.
• Filling In for Undesirable Job Opportunities: Due to low earnings or the lack of prestige associated with some positions, native-born individuals have a tough time filling them. Businesses and employers who rely on flexible labor to fill job vacancies profit from immigration. Furthermore, when low-skilled positions are filled by migrants, native-born people can seek higher-skilled work elsewhere.

A growing scarcity of workers is widely acknowledged as one of the world’s most critically significant barriers to sustained economic growth amidst increasingly tight labor markets.

Immigration, without fail, is the reason behind the development and prosperity of most businesses and fills the increasing shortage of workers in labor markets.

There are numerous drivers behind an individual’s immigration, and such a complex process needs good research, political will, and most importantly, collective action from the citizens.

Immigrants are breathing new life into rural and urban communities, shaping labor markets, and building a dynamic society — all of which begins with a simple “push” and “pull”.

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Article contents

Global migration: causes and consequences.

• Benjamin Helms Benjamin Helms Department of Politics, University of Virginia
•  and  David Leblang David Leblang Department of Politics, Frank Batten School of Leadership and Public Policy, University of Virginia
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.631
• Published online: 25 February 2019

International migration is a multifaceted process with distinct stages and decision points. An initial decision to leave one’s country of birth may be made by the individual or the family unit, and this decision may reflect a desire to reconnect with friends and family who have already moved abroad, a need to diversify the family’s access to financial capital, a demand to increase wages, or a belief that conditions abroad will provide social and/or political benefits not available in the homeland. Once the individual has decided to move abroad, the next decision is the choice of destination. Standard explanations of destination choice have focused on the physical costs associated with moving—moving shorter distances is often less expensive than moving to a destination farther away; these explanations have recently been modified to include other social, political, familial, and cultural dimensions as part of the transaction cost associated with migrating. Arrival in a host country does not mean that an émigré’s relationship with their homeland is over. Migrant networks are an engine of global economic integration—expatriates help expand trade and investment flows, they transmit skills and knowledge back to their homelands, and they remit financial and human capital. Aware of the value of their external populations, home countries have developed a range of policies that enable them to “harness” their diasporas.

• immigration
• international political economy
• factor flows
• gravity models

Introduction

The steady growth of international labor migration is an important, yet underappreciated, aspect of globalization. 1 In 1970 , just 78 million people, or about 2.1% of the global population, lived outside their country of birth. By 1990 , that number had nearly doubled to more than 150 million people, or about 2.8% of the global population (United Nations Population Division, 2012 ). Despite the growth of populist political parties and restrictionist movements in key destination countries, the growth in global migration shows no signs of slowing down, with nearly 250 million people living outside their country of birth as of 2015 . While 34% of all global migrants live in industrialized countries (with the United States and Germany leading the way), 38% of all global migration occurs between developing countries (World Bank, 2016 ).

Identifying the causes and consequences of international labor migration is essential to our broader understanding of globalization. Scholars across diverse academic fields, including economics, political science, sociology, law, and demography, have attempted to explain why individuals voluntarily leave their homelands. The dominant thread in the labor migration literature is influenced by microeconomics, which posits that individuals contemplating migration are rational, utility-maximizing actors who carefully weigh the potential costs and benefits of leaving their country of origin (e.g., Borjas, 1989 ; Portes & Böröcz, 1989 ; Grogger & Hanson, 2011 ). The act of migration, from this perspective, is typically conceptualized as an investment from which a migrant expects to receive some benefit, whether it be in the form of increased income, political freedom, or enhanced social ties (Schultz, 1961 ; Sjaastad, 1962 ; Collier & Hoeffler, 2014 ).

In this article we go beyond the treatment of migration as a single decision and conceive of it as a multifaceted process with distinct stages and decision points. We identify factors that are relevant at different stages in the migration process and highlight how and when certain factors interact with others during the migration process. Economic factors such as the wage differential between origin and destination countries, for example, may be the driving factor behind someone’s initial decision to migrate (Borjas, 1989 ). But when choosing a specific destination, economic factors may be conditioned by political or social conditions in that destination (Fitzgerald, Leblang, & Teets, 2014 ). Each stage or decision point has distinguishing features that are important in determining how (potential) migrants respond to the driving forces identified by scholars.

This is certainly not a theoretical innovation; migration has long been conceived of as a multi-step process, and scholars often identify the stage or decision point to which their argument best applies. However, most interdisciplinary syntheses of the literature on international labor migration do not provide a systematic treatment of this defining feature, instead organizing theoretical and empirical contributions by field of study, unit or level of analysis, or theoretical tradition (e.g., Portes & Böröcz, 1989 ; Massey et al., 1993 ; European Asylum Support Office, 2016 ). Such approaches are undoubtedly valuable in their own right. Our decision to organize this discussion by stage allows us to understand this as a process, rather than as a set of discrete events. As a result, we conceptualize international labor migration as three stages or decision points: (a) the decision to migrate or to remain at home, (b) the choice of destination, and (c) the manner by which expatriates re-engage—or choose not to re-engage—with their country of origin once abroad. We also use these decision points to highlight a number of potential new directions for future research in this still-evolving field.

Figure 1. Global migration intentions by educational attainment, 2008–2017.

Should I Stay or Should I Go, Now?

The massive growth in international labor migration in the age of globalization is remarkable, but the fact remains that over 95% of the world’s population never leave their country of origin (United Nations Population Division, 2012 ). Figure 1 shows the percentage of people who expressed an intention to move abroad between 2008 and 2017 by educational attainment, according to data from the Gallup World Poll. Over this time period, it appears that those who were highly educated expressed intent to migrate in greater numbers than those who had less than a college education, although these two groups have converged in recent years. What is most striking, however, is that a vast majority of people, regardless of educational attainment, expressed no desire to move abroad. Even though absolute flows of migrants have grown at a near-exponential rate, relative to their non-migrating counterparts, they remain a small minority. What factors are important in determining who decides to migrate and who decides to remain at home? 2

From Neoclassical Economics to the Mobility Transition

Neoclassical economic models posit that the primary driving factor behind migration is the expected difference in wages (discounted future income streams) between origin and destination countries (Sjaastad, 1962 ; Borjas, 1989 ; Clark, Hatton, & Williamson, 2007 ). All else equal, when the wage gap, minus the costs associated with moving between origin and destination, is high, these models predict large flows of labor migrants. In equilibrium, as more individuals move from origin to destination countries, the wage differential narrows, which in turn leads to zero net migration (Lewis, 1954 ; Harris & Todaro, 1970 ). Traditional models predict a negative monotonic relationship between the wage gap and the number of migrants (e.g., Sjaastad, 1962 ). However, the predictions of neoclassical models are not well supported by the empirical record. Empirical evidence shows that, at least in a cross-section, the relationship between economic development and migration is more akin to an inverted U. For countries with low levels of per capita income, we observe little migration due to a liquidity constraint: at this end of the income distribution, individuals do not have sufficient resources to cover even minor costs associated with moving abroad. Increasing income helps to decrease this constraint, and consequently we observe increased levels of emigration as incomes rise (de Haas, 2007 ). This effect, however, is not monotonic: as countries reach middle-income status, declining wage differentials lead to flattening rates of emigration, and then decreasing rates as countries enter later stages of economic development. 3

Some research explains this curvilinear relationship by focusing on the interaction between emigration incentives and constraints : for example, increased income initially makes migration more affordable (reduces constraints), but also simultaneously reduces the relative economic benefits of migrating as the wage differential narrows (as potential migrants now have the financial capacity to enhance local amenities) (Dao, Docquier, Parsons, & Peri, 2016 ). The theoretical underpinnings of this interaction, however, are not without controversy. Clemens identifies several classes of theory that attempt to explain this curvilinear relationship—a relationship that has been referred to in the literature as the mobility transition (Clemens, 2014 ). These theories include: demographic changes resulting from development that also favor emigration up to a point (Easterlin, 1961 ; Tomaske, 1971 ), the loosening of credit restraints on would-be migrants (Vanderkamp, 1971 ; Hatton & Williamson, 1994 ), a breakdown of information barriers via the building of transnational social networks (Epstein, 2008 ), structural economic changes in the development process that result in worker dislocation (Zelinsky, 1971 ; Massey, 1988 ), the dynamics of economic inequality and relative deprivation (Stark, 1984 ; Stark & Yitzhaki, 1988 ; Stark & Taylor, 1991 ), and changing immigration policies in destination countries toward increasingly wealthy countries (Clemens, 2014 ). While each of these play some role in the mobility transition curve, Dao et al. ( 2016 ) run an empirical horse race between numerous explanations and find that changing skill composition resulting from economic development is the most substantively important driver. Economic development is correlated with an increase in a country’s level of education; an increase in the level of education, in turn, is correlated with increased emigration. However, traditional explanations involving microeconomic drivers such as income, credit constraints, and economic inequality remain important factors (Dao et al., 2016 ). The diversity of explanations offered for the mobility transition curve indicates that while most research agrees the inverted-U relationship is an accurate empirical portrayal of the relationship between development and migration, little theoretical agreement exists on what drives this relationship. Complicating this disagreement is the difficulty of empirically disentangling highly correlated factors such as income, skill composition, and demographic trends in order to identify robust causal relationships.

Political Conditions at the Origin

While there is a scholarly consensus around the mobility transition and the role of economic conditions, emerging research suggests that the political environment in the origin country may also be salient. We do not refer here to forced migration, such as in the case of those who leave because they are fleeing political persecution or violent conflict. Rather, we focus on political conditions in the homeland that influence a potential migrant’s decision to emigrate voluntarily. Interpretations of how, and the extent to which, political conditions in origin countries (independent of economic conditions) influence the decision to migrate have been heavily influenced by Hirschman’s “Exit, Voice, and Loyalty” framework (Hirschman, 1970 , 1978 ). Hirschman argues that the opportunity to exit—to exit a firm, an organization, or a country—places pressure on the local authorities; voting with one’s feet forces organizations to reassess their operations.

When applied to the politics of emigration, Hirschman’s framework generates two different hypotheses. On the one hand, politicians may allow, encourage, or force the emigration of groups that oppose the regime as a political safety valve of sorts. This provides the government with a mechanism with which to manage potential political challengers by encouraging their exit. On the other hand, politicians—especially those in autocracies—may actively work to prevent exit because they fear the emigration of economic elites, the highly skilled, and others who have resources vital to the survival of the regime. 4

A small number of studies investigate how local-level, rather than national, political circumstances affect a potential migrant’s calculus. The limited empirical evidence currently available suggests that local conditions are substantively important determinants of the emigration decision. When individuals are highly satisfied with local amenities such as their own standard of living, quality of public services, and overall sense of physical security, they express far less intention to migrate compared with highly dissatisfied individuals (Dustmann & Okatenko, 2014 ). Furthermore, availability of public transport and access to better education facilities decreases the propensity to express an intention to emigrate (Cazzuffi & Modrego, 2018 ). This relationship holds across all levels of wealth and economic development, and there is some evidence that satisfaction with local amenities matters as much as, or even more than, income or wealth (Dustmann & Okatenko, 2014 ).

Political corruption, on both national and local levels, also has substantively important effects on potential migrants, especially those who are highly skilled. Broadly defined as the use of public office for political gain, political corruption operates as both a direct and an indirect factor promoting emigration. 5 Firstly, corruption may have a direct effect on the desire to emigrate in that it can decrease the political and economic power of an individual, leading to a lower standard of living and poorer quality of life in origin countries. If the reduction in life satisfaction resulting from corruption is sufficiently high—either by itself or in combination with other “push” factors—then the exit option becomes more attractive (Cooray & Schneider, 2016 ). Secondly, corruption also operates through indirect channels that influence other push factors. Given the large literature on how political corruption influences a number of development outcomes, it is conceivable that corruption affects the decision-making process of a potential migrant through its negative effect on social spending, education, and public health (Mo, 2001 ; Mauro, 1998 ; Gupta, Davoodi, & Thigonson, 2001 ).

The combination of its direct and indirect impacts means that corruption could be a significant part of a migrant’s decision-making process. At present there is limited work exploring this question, and the research does not yield a consensus. Some scholars argue that political corruption has no substantive effect on total bilateral migration, but that it does encourage migration among the highly skilled (Dimant, Krieger, & Meierrieks, 2013 ). This is the case, the argument goes, because corruption causes the greatest relative harm to the utility of those who have invested in human capital, who migrate to escape the negative effect on their fixed investment. In contrast, others find that a high level of corruption does increase emigration at the aggregate level (Poprawe, 2015 ). More nuanced arguments take into account the intensity of corruption: low to moderate levels of corruption lead to increased emigration of all groups, and especially of the highly skilled. But at high levels of corruption, emigration begins to decrease, indicating that intense corruption can act as a mobility constraint (Cooray & Schneider, 2016 ). All of these existing accounts, however, employ state-level measures of corruption by non-governmental organizations, such as those produced by Transparency International. Scholars have yet to harness micro-level survey data to explore the influence of personal corruption perception on the individual’s decision-making process.

The Land of Hopes and Dreams

Given that an individual has decided to emigrate, the next decision point is to choose a destination country. Advanced industrial democracies, such as those in the OECD, are major migrant-receiving countries, but so are Russia and several Gulf countries including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates (World Bank, 2016 ). A country’s constellation of political, economic, and social attributes is crucial to understanding an emigrant’s choice of destination. Potential migrants weigh all of these factors simultaneously when choosing a destination: will the destination allow political rights for the migrant and their children, is access to the labor market possible, and does the destination provide an opportunity for reunification with friends and family? In this section we focus on the non-economic factors that draw migrants to certain countries over others. In addition, we emphasize how skill level adds layers of complexity to a migrant’s calculus.

Political Environment, Both Formal and Informal

As noted earlier, traditional neoclassical models and their extensions place wage differentials and associated economic variables at the heart of a migrant’s choice. Gravity models posit that migrants choose a destination country based on their expected income—which itself is a function of the wage rate and the probability of finding employment in the destination—less the costs associated with moving (Ravenstein, 1885 ; Todaro, 1969 ; Borjas, 1989 ). A rigid focus on economic factors, however, blinds us to the empirical reality that a destination country’s political environment influences what destination a migrant chooses (Borjas, 1989 ). A country’s legal and political rights structure for migrants, as well as its level of tolerance for newcomers, is critical to migrants discriminating between an array of potential destinations. Fitzgerald, Leblang, and Teets ( 2014 ) argue, for example, that states with restrictive citizenship policies and strong radical right anti-immigrant parties will receive fewer migrants, while states with relatively liberal citizenship requirements and weak radical right political movements will receive more migrants. In the rational actor framework, migrants seek countries with hospitable political environments to maximize both their political representation in government and their access to labor market opportunities as a result of citizenship rights and social acceptance (Fitzgerald et al., 2014 ).

Using a broad sample of origin countries and 18 destination countries, they find that relative restrictiveness of citizenship policies and level of domestic support for the radical right are substantively important determinants of global migratory flows. Further, they find that these political variables condition a migrant’s choice of destination: the relative importance of economic factors such as the unemployment rate or the wage differential diminishes as a destination country’s political environment becomes more open for migrants. In other words, when migrants are choosing a destination country, political considerations may trump economic ones—a finding that is an important amendment to the primarily economics-focused calculus of the initial stage of the immigration decision.

However, prior to choosing and entering a destination country, a migrant must also navigate a country’s immigration policy—the regulation of both migrant entry and the rights and status of current migrants. While it is often assumed that a relatively more restrictive immigration policy deters entry, and vice versa, a lack of quantitative data has limited the ability of scholars to confirm this intuition cross-nationally. Money ( 1999 ) emphasizes that the policy output of immigration politics does not necessarily correlate with the outcome of international migrant flows. There are a number of unanswered questions in this field, including: is immigration policy a meaningful determinant of global flows of migration? Do certain kinds of immigration policies matter more than others? How does immigration policy interact with other political and economic factors, such as unemployment and social networks?

Only a handful of studies analyze whether or not immigration policy is a significant determinant of the size and character of migratory flows. Perhaps the most prominent answer to this question is the “gap hypothesis,” which posits that immigration rates continue to increase despite increasingly restrictive immigration policies in advanced countries (Cornelius & Tsuda, 2004 ). Some subsequent work seems to grant support to the gap hypothesis, indicating that immigration policy may not be a relevant factor and that national sovereignty as it relates to dictating migrant inflows has eroded significantly (Sassen, 1996 ; Castles, 2004 ). The gap hypothesis is not without its critics, with other scholars arguing that the existing empirical evidence actually lends it little or no support (Messina, 2007 ).

A more recent body of literature does indicate that immigration policy matters. Brücker and Schröder ( 2011 ), for example, find that immigration policies built to attract highly skilled migrants lead to higher admittance rates. They also show that diffusion processes cause neighboring countries to implement similar policy measures. Ortega and Peri ( 2013 ), in contrast to the gap hypothesis literature, find that restrictive immigration policy indeed reduces migrant inflows. But immigration policy can also have unintended effects on international migration: when entry requirements increase, migrant inflows decrease, but migrant outflows also decrease (Czaika & de Haas, 2016 ). This indicates that restrictive immigration policy may also lead to reduced circular migrant flows and encourage long-term settlement in destination countries.

Disaggregating immigration policy into its different components provides a clearer picture of how immigration policy may matter, and whether certain components matter more than others. Immigration policy is composed of both external and internal regulations. External regulations refer to policies that control migrant entry, such as eligibility requirements for migrants and additional conditions of entry. Internal regulations refer to policies that apply to migrants who have already gained status in the country, such as the security of a migrant’s legal status and the rights they are afforded. Helbling and Leblang ( 2017 ), using a comprehensive data set of bilateral migrant flows and the Immigration Policies in Comparison (IMPIC) data set, find that, in general, external regulations prove slightly more important in understanding migrant inflows (Helbling, Bjerre, Römer, & Zobel, 2017 ). This indicates that potential migrants focus more on how to cross borders, and less on the security of their status and rights once they settle. They do find, however, that both external and internal components of immigration are substantively important to international migrant flows.

The effects of policy, however, cannot be understood in isolation from other drivers of migration. Firstly, poor economic conditions and restrictive immigration policy are mutually reinforcing: when the unemployment rate is elevated, restrictive policies are more effective in deterring migrant flows. An increase in policy effectiveness in poor economic conditions suggests that states care more about deterring immigration when the economy is performing poorly. Secondly, a destination country’s restrictive immigration policy is more effective when migrants come from origin countries that have a common colonial heritage. This suggests that cultural similarities and migrant networks help to spread information about the immigration policy environment in the destination country. Social networks prove to be crucial in determining how much migrants know about the immigration policies of destination countries, regardless of other cultural factors such as colonial heritage or common language (Helbling & Leblang, 2017 ). In summary, more recent work supports the idea that immigration policy of destination countries exerts a significant influence on both the size and character of international migration flows. Much work remains to be done in terms of understanding the nuances of specific immigration policy components, the effect of policy change over time, and through what mechanisms immigration policy operates.

Transnational Social Networks

None of this should be taken to suggest that only political and economic considerations matter when a potential migrant contemplates a potential destination; perhaps one of the biggest contributions to the study of bilateral migration is the role played by transnational social networks. Migrating is a risky undertaking, and to minimize that risk, migrants are more likely to move to destinations where they can “readily tap into networks of co-ethnics” (Fitzgerald et al., 2014 , p. 410). Dense networks of co-ethnics not only help provide information about economic opportunities, but also serve as a social safety net which, in turn, helps decrease the risks associated with migration, including, but not limited to, finding housing and integrating into a new community (Massey, 1988 ; Portes & Böröcz, 1989 ; Portes, 1995 ; Massey et al., 1993 ; Faist, 2000 ; Sassen, 1995 ; Light, Bernard, & Kim, 1999 ). Having a transnational network of family members is quite important to destination choice; if a destination country has an immigration policy that emphasizes family reunification, migrants can use their familial connections to gain economically valuable permanent resident or citizenship status more easily than in other countries (Massey et al., 1993 , p. 450; Helbing & Leblang, 2017 ). When the migrant is comparing potential destinations, countries in which that migrant has a strong social network will be heavily favored in a cost–benefit analysis.

Note, however, that even outside of a strict rational actor framework with perfect information, transnational social networks still may be quite salient to destination choice. An interesting alternative hypothesis for the patterns we observe draws on theories from financial market behavior which focus on herding. Migrants choosing a destination observe the decisions of their co-ethnics who previously migrated and assume that those decisions were based on a relevant set of information, such as job opportunities or social tolerance of migrants. New migrants then choose the same destination as their co-ethnics not based on actual exchanges of valuable information, but based solely on the assumption that previous migration decisions were based on rational calculation (Epstein & Gang, 2006 ; Epstein, 2008 ). This is a classic example of herding, and the existing empirical evidence on the importance of transnational social networks cannot invalidate this alternative hypothesis. One could also explain social network effects through the lens of cumulative causation or feedback loops: the initial existence of connections in destination countries makes the act of migration less risky and attracts additional co-ethnics. This further expands migrant networks in a destination, further decreasing risk for future waves of migrants, and so on (Massey, 1990 ; Fussel & Massey, 2004 ; Fussel, 2010 ).

No matter the pathway by which social networks operate, the empirical evidence indicates that they are one of the most important determinants of destination choice. Potential migrants from Mexico, for example, who are able to tap into existing networks in the United States face lower direct, opportunity, and psychological costs of international migration (Massey & Garcia España, 1987 ). This same relationship holds in the European context; a study of Bulgarian and Italian migrants indicates that those with “social capital” in a destination community are more likely to migrate and to choose that particular destination (Haug, 2008 ). Studies that are more broadly cross-national in nature also confirm the social network hypothesis across a range of contexts and time periods (e.g., Clark et al., 2007 ; Hatton & Williamson, 2011 ; Fitzgerald et al., 2014 ).

Despite the importance of social networks, it is, again, important to qualify their role in framing the choice of destinations. It seems that the existence of co-ethnics in destination countries most strongly influences emigration when they are relatively few in number. Clark et al. ( 2007 ), in their study of migration to the United States, find that the “friends and relatives effect” falls to zero once the migrant stock in the United States reaches 8.3% of the source-country population. In addition, social networks alone cannot explain destination choice because their explanatory power is context-dependent. For instance, restrictive immigration policies limiting legal migration channels and family reunification may dampen the effectiveness of networks (Böcker, 1994 ; Collyer, 2006 ). Social networks are not an independent force, but also interact with economic and political realities to produce the global migration patterns we observe.

The Lens of Skill

For ease of presentation, we have up to now treated migrants as a relatively homogeneous group that faces similar push and pull factors throughout the decision-making process. Of course, not all migrants experience the same economic, political, and social incentives in the same way at each stage of the decision-making process. Perhaps the most salient differentiating feature of migrants is skill or education level. Generally, one can discuss a spectrum of skill and education level for current migrants, from relatively less educated (having attained a high school degree or less) to relatively more educated (having attained a college or post-graduate degree). The factors presented here that influence destination choice interact with a migrant’s skill level to produce differing destination choice patterns.

A migrant’s level of education, or human capital, often serves as a filter for the political treatment he or she anticipates in a particular destination country. For instance, the American public has a favorable view of highly educated migrants who hold higher-status jobs, while simultaneously having an opposite view of migrants who have less job training and do not hold a college degree (Hainmueller & Hiscox, 2010 ; Hainmueller & Hopkins, 2015 ). Indeed, the political discourse surrounding migration often emphasizes skill level and education as markers of migrants who “should be” admitted, across both countries and the ideological spectrum. 6 While political tolerance may be a condition of entry for migrants in the aggregate, the relatively privileged status of highly educated and skilled migrants in most destination countries may mean that this condition is not as salient.

While it is still an open question to what extent immigration policy influences international migration, it is clear that not all migrants face evenly applied migration restrictions. Most attractive destination countries have policies that explicitly favor highly skilled migrants, since these individuals often fill labor shortages in advanced industries such as high technology and applied science. Countries such as Australia, Canada, and New Zealand all employ so-called “points-based” immigration systems in which those with advanced degrees and needed skills are institutionally favored for legal entry (Papademetriou & Sumption, 2011 ). Meanwhile, the United States maintains the H-1B visa program, which is restricted by educational attainment and can only be used to fill jobs in which no native talent is available (USCIS). Even if destination countries decide to adopt more restrictive immigration policies, the move toward restriction has typically been focused on low-skilled migrants (Peters, 2017 ). In other words, even if immigration policy worldwide becomes more restrictive, this will almost certainly not occur at the expense of highly skilled migrants and will not prevent them choosing their most preferred destination.

Bring It on Home to Me

This article began by asserting that international labor migration is an important piece of globalization, as significant as cross-border flows of capital, goods, and services. This section argues that migrant flows enhance flows of capital and commodities. Uniquely modern conditions such as advanced telecommunications, affordable and efficient international travel, and the liberalization of financial flows mean that diasporas—populations of migrants living outside their countries of origin—and home countries often re-engage with each other (Vertovec, 2004 ; Waldinger, 2008 ). This section reviews some of the newest and most thought-provoking research on international labor migration, research that explores diaspora re-engagement and how that re-engagement alters international flows of income, portfolio and foreign direct investment (FDI), trade, and migratory flows themselves.

Remittances

As previously argued, migration is often driven by the prospect of higher wages. Rational, utility-maximizing migrants incur the cost of migration in order to earn increased income that they could not earn at home. But when migrants obtain higher wages, this additional increment to income is not always designated for individual consumption. Often, migrants use their new income to send remittances, direct transfers of money from one individual to another across national borders. Once a marginal financial flow, in 2015 remittances totaled $431 billion, far outpacing foreign aid ($135 billion) and nearly passing private debt and portfolio equity ($443 billion). More than 70% of total global remittances flow into developing countries (World Bank, 2016 ). In comparison with other financial flows such as portfolio investment and FDI, remittances are more impervious to economic crises, suggesting that they may be a countercyclical force to global downturns (Leblang, 2017 ).

Remittances represent one of the most common ways in which migrants re-engage with their homeland and alter both global income flows and distribution. Why do migrants surrender large portions of their new income, supposedly the very reason they migrated in the first place, to their families back home? New economics of labor migration (NELM) theory argues that immigration itself is motivated by a family’s need or demand for remittances—that remittances are an integral part of a family’s strategy for diversifying household financial risk (Stark & Bloom, 1985 ). Remittances “are a manifestation of informal contractual agreements between migrants and the households from which they move,” indicating that remitting is not an individual-level or purely altruistic action but rather occurs in a larger social context, that of one’s immediate or extended family (European Asylum Support Office, 2016 , p. 15).

The impact of migrant remittances on countries of origin is multifaceted yet somewhat ambiguous. Most scholarly work focuses on whether remittances positively or negatively influence existing economic conditions. A number of studies find that remittances modestly reduce poverty levels in developing countries (Adams & Page, 2005 ; Yang & Martinez, 2006 ; Acosta, Calderon, Fajnzybler, & Lopez, 2008 ; Lokshin, Bontch-Osmolovski, & Glinskaya, 2010 ). On other measures of economic well-being, such as growth, inequality, and health, the literature is quite mixed and no definitive conclusions can be drawn. For instance, some studies find that remittances encourage investment in human capital (Yang, 2008 ; Adams & Cuecuecha, 2010 ), while others find no such effect and suggest that families typically spend remittances on non-productive consumption goods (Chami, Fullenkamp, & Jahjah, 2003 ). Here we can only scratch the surface of the empirical work on remittances and economic outcomes. 7

Some of the most recent research in the field argues that remittances have a distinct political dimension, affecting regime support in developing countries and altering the conditions in which elections are held. Ahmed ( 2012 ), grouping remittances with foreign aid, argues that increased remittances allow autocratic governments to extend their tenure in office. These governments can strategically channel unearned government and household income to finance political patronage networks, which leads to a reduced likelihood of autocratic turnover, regime collapse, and mass protests against the regime. More recent research posits nearly the exact opposite: remittances are linked to a greater likelihood of democratization under autocratic regimes. Escriba-Folch, Meseguer, and Wright ( 2015 ) argue that since remittances directly increase household incomes, they reduce voter reliance on political patronage networks, undermining a key tool of autocratic stability.

Remittances may also play an important role in countries with democratic institutions, yet more research is needed to fully understand the conditions under which they matter and their substantive impact. Particularly, remittances may alter the dynamics of an election as an additional and external financial flow. There is evidence of political remittance cycles : the value of remittances spikes in the run-up to elections in developing countries. The total value of remittances to the average developing country increases by 6.6% during election years, and by 12% in elections in which no incumbent or named successor is running (O’Mahony, 2012 ). The effect is even larger in the poorest of developing countries. Finer-grained tests of this hypothesis provide additional support: using monthly and quarterly data confirms the existence of political remittance cycles, as well as using subnational rather than cross-national data (Nyblade & O’Mahony, 2014 ). However, these studies do not reveal why remittances spike, or what the effects of that spike are on electoral outcomes such as vote share, campaign financing, and political strategy.

Remittances represent a massive international financial flow that warrants more scholarly attention. While there are numerous studies on the relationship between remittances and key economic indicators, there remains much room for further work on their relationship to political outcomes in developing countries. Do remittances hasten the downfall of autocratic regimes, or do they contribute to autocratic stability? In democratic contexts, do remittances substantively influence electoral outcomes, and if so, which outcomes and how? Finally, do remittances prevent even more migration because they allow one “breadwinner from abroad” to provide for the household that remains in the homeland? While data limitations are formidable, these questions are important to the study of both international and comparative political economy.

Bilateral Trade

The argument that migrant or co-ethnic networks play an important role in international economic exchange is not novel. Greif ( 1989 , 1993 ) illustrates the role that the Maghrebi traders of the 11th century played in providing informal institutional guarantees that facilitated trade. This is but a single example. Cowen’s historical survey identifies not only the Phoenicians but also the “Spanish Jews [who] were indispensable for international commerce in the Middle Ages. The Armenians controlled the overland route between the Orient and Europe as late as the nineteenth century . Lebanese Christians developed trade between the various parts of the Ottoman empire” (Cowen, 1997 , p. 170). Rauch and Trindade ( 2002 ) provide robust empirical evidence linking the Chinese diaspora to patterns of imports and exports with their home country.

A variety of case studies document the importance of migrant networks in helping overcome problems of information asymmetries. In his study of Indian expatriates residing in the United States, Kapur ( 2014 ) documents how that community provides U.S. investors with a signal of the work ethic, labor quality, and business culture that exists in India. Likewise, Weidenbaum and Hughes ( 1996 ) chronicle the Bamboo Network—the linkages between ethnic Chinese living outside mainland China and their homeland—and how these linkages provide superior access to information and opportunities for investment.

Connections between migrant communities across countries affect cross-national investment even when these connections do not provide information about investment opportunities. In his work on the Maghrebi traders of the 11th century , Greif argues that this trading network was effective because it was able to credibly threaten collective punishment by all merchants if even one of them defected (Greif, 1989 , 1993 ). Grief shows that this co-ethnic network was able to share information regarding the past actions of actors (they could communicate a reputation)—something that was essential for the efficient functioning of markets in the absence of formal legal rules. Weidenbaum and Hughes reach a similar conclusion about the effectiveness of the Bamboo Network, remarking that “if a business owner violates an agreement, he is blacklisted. This is far worse than being sued, because the entire Chinese networks will refrain from doing business with the guilty party” (Hughes, 1996 , p. 51).

Migrants not only alter the flow of income by remitting to their countries of origin, but also influence patterns of international portfolio investment and FDI. Most existing literature on international capital allocation emphasizes monadic factors such as the importance of credible commitments and state institutional quality, failing to address explicitly dyadic phenomena that may also drive investment. Diaspora networks, in particular, facilitate cross-border investment in a number of ways. They foster a higher degree of familiarity between home and host countries, leading to a greater preference for investment in specific countries. Diaspora networks can also decrease information asymmetries in highly uncertain international capital markets in two ways. Firstly, they can provide investors with salient information about their homeland, such as consumer tastes, that can influence investment decision-making. Secondly, they can share knowledge about investment opportunities, regulation and procedures, and customs that decrease transaction costs associated with cross-border investment (Leblang, 2010 ). This place of importance for migrants suggests to the broader international political economy literature the importance of non-institutional mechanisms for channeling economic activity.

Although the hypothesized link between migrants and international investment has only recently been identified, the quantitative evidence available supports that hypothesis. Leblang ( 2010 ), using dyadic cross-sectional data, finds that diaspora networks “have both a substantively significant effect and a statistically significant effect on cross-border investment,” including international portfolio investment and FDI (p. 584). The effect of bilateral migratory flows correlates positively with the degree of information asymmetry: when informational imperfections are more pervasive in a dyad, migrants (especially the highly skilled) play a disproportionately large role in international capital allocation (Kugler, Levinthal, & Rapoport, 2017 ). Other quantitative studies find substantively similar results for FDI alone (e.g., Javorcik, Özden, Spatareanu, & Neagu, 2011 ; Aubry, Rapoport, & Reshef, 2016 ).

Many questions still remain unanswered. Firstly, does the effect of migrants on investment follow the waves of the global economy, or is it countercyclical as remittances have been shown to be? Secondly, how does this additional investment, facilitated by migrants, affect socioeconomic outcomes such as inequality, poverty, and economic development (Leblang, 2010 )? Does the participation of migrants lead to more successful FDI projects in developing countries because of their ability to break down information barriers? Within portfolio investment, do migrants lead to a preference for certain asset classes over others, and if so, what are the effects on bilateral and international capital markets? These are just a few directions in an area ripe for additional research.

Return Migration and Dual Citizenship

Besides financial flows, migrants themselves directly contribute to global flows of capital by returning to their countries of origin in large numbers. This phenomenon of return migration—or circular migration—can come in a few temporal forms, including long-term migration followed by a permanent return to a country of origin, or repeat migration in which a migrant regularly moves between destination and origin countries (Dumont & Spielvogel, 2008 ). While comparable data on return migration is scarce, some reports suggest that 20% to 50% of all immigrants leave their destination country within five years after their arrival (e.g., Borjas & Bratsberg, 1996 ; Aydemir & Robinson, 2008 ; Bratsberg, Raaum, & Sørlie, 2007 ; Dustmann & Weiss, 2007 ). An independent theoretical and empirical account of return migration does not yet exist in the literature and is beyond the scope of this paper. But in the rational actor framework, motivations to return home include a failure to realize the expected benefits of migration, changing preferences toward a migrant’s home country, achievement of a savings or other economic goal, or the opening of additional employment opportunities back home due to newly acquired experience or greater levels of economic development (Dumont & Spielvogel, 2008 ).

While most migration literature treats the country of origin as a passive actor that only provides the conditions for migration, new literature on return migration gives home country policies pride of place. Origin countries can craft policies that encourage diaspora re-engagement, incentivizing individuals to return home. Dual citizenship, for example, is an extension of extraterritorial rights, allowing migrants to retain full legal status in their home country. Dual citizenship “decreases the transaction costs associated with entering a host country’s labor market and makes it easier for migrants to return home” (Leblang, 2017 , p. 77). This leads migrants to invest their financial resources in the form of remittances back home as well as their valuable human capital. When states provide such extraterritorial rights, expatriates are 10% more likely to remit and 3% more likely to return home. Dual citizenship is also associated with a doubling of the dollar amount of remittances received by a home country (Leblang, 2017 ). These striking results suggest that in addition to the power of migrants to affect cross-border flows of money and people, countries of origin can also play a significant role.

Conclusion and Future Directions

This brief article has attempted to synthesize a broad range of literature from political science, economics, sociology, migration studies, and more to construct an account of international labor migration. To do so, the migratory process was broken down into distinct stages and decision points, focusing particularly on the decision to migrate, destination choice, and the re-engagement of migrants with their homeland. In doing so, the article also discussed the interlinkages of international migration with other fields of study in international political economy, including cross-border financial flows, trade, and investment. Through a multiplicity of approaches, we have gained a greater understanding of why people decide to move, why they decide to move to one country over another, and how and why they engage with the global economy and their homeland. Despite this intellectual progress, there remain many paths for future research at each stage of the migratory process; we highlight just a few of them here.

We know that income differentials, social ties, and local political conditions are important variables influencing the migration process. Yet the question remains: why do a small but growing number of people choose to leave while the overwhelming majority of people remain in their country of birth? Here, individual- or family-level subjective characteristics may be significant. There are a handful of observational studies that explore the relationship between subjective well-being or life satisfaction and the intention to migrate, with the nascent consensus being that life dissatisfaction increases the intention to migrate (Cai, Esipova, Oppenheimer, & Feng, 2014 ; Otrachshenko & Popova, 2014 ; Nikolova & Graham, 2015 ). But more research on intrinsic or subjective measures is needed to understand (a) their independent importance more fully and (b) how they interact with objective economic, political, and social factors. For instance, do those who are more optimistic migrate in larger numbers? Do minority individuals who feel they live in an environment in which diversity is not accepted feel a greater urge to leave home? Synthesizing these types of subjective variables and perceptions with the more prominent gravity-style models could result in a more complete picture of the international migration process.

For the “typical” migrant, one who is relatively less educated than the population in the chosen destination and does not have specialized skills, social networks are key to minimizing the risk of migrating and quickly tapping into economic opportunities in destination countries. Does this remain true for those who are highly educated? Although little empirical research exists on the topic, greater human capital and often-accompanying financial resources may operate as a substitute for the advantages offered by social networks, such as housing, overcoming linguistic barriers, and finding gainful employment. This would indicate that the “friends and family effect” is not as influential for this subset of migrants. Economic considerations, such as which destination offers the largest relative wage differential, or political considerations, such as the ease of quickly acquiring full citizenship rights, may matter more for the highly skilled. Neoclassical economic models of migration may best capture the behavior of migrants who hold human capital and who have the financial resources to independently migrate in a way that maximizes income or utility more broadly.

Since we have focused on international migration as a series of discrete decision points in this article, we have perhaps underemphasized the complexity of the physical migration process. In reality, migrants often do not pick a country and travel directly there, but travel through (perhaps several) countries of transit such as Mexico, Morocco, or Turkey along the way (Angel Castillo, 2006 ; Natter, 2013 ; Icduygu, 2005 ). There is little existing theoretical work to understand the role of transit countries in the migratory process, with much of it focusing on the potential for cooperation between destination and transit countries in managing primarily illegal immigration (Kahana & Lecker, 2005 ; Djajic & Michael, 2014 ; Djajic & Michael, 2016 ). Another related strand of the literature focuses on how wealthy destination countries are “externalizing” their immigration policy, encompassing a broader part of the migratory process than simply crossing a physically demarcated border (Duvell, 2012 ; Menjivar, 2014 ). But many questions remain, such as the following: how do we understand those who desire to enter, say, the United States, but instead relocate permanently to Mexico along the way? How do countries of transit handle the pressure of transit migrants, and how does this affect economic and political outcomes in these countries?

Finally, the focus of nearly all literature on international migration (and this article as a byproduct) implicitly views advanced economies as the only prominent destinations. However, this belies the fact that 38% of all migration stays within the “Global South” (World Bank, 2016 ). While there is certainly some literature on this phenomenon (see Ratha & Shaw, 2007 ; Gindling, 2009 ; Hujo & Piper, 2007 ), international political economy scholars have yet to sufficiently tackle this topic. The overarching research question here is: do the same push and pull factors that influence the decision to migrate and destination choice apply to those who migrate within the Global South? Do we need to construct new theories of international migration with less emphasis on factors such as wage differentials and political tolerance, or are these sufficient to understand this facet of the phenomenon? If we fail to answer these questions, we may miss explaining a significant proportion of international migration with its own consequences and policy implications.

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1. Our use of the term international labor migration follows academic and legal conventions; we use the term migration to refer to the voluntary movement of people across national borders, either in a temporary or permanent fashion. This excludes any discussion of refugees, asylum seekers, or any other groups that are forced to migrate.

2. We do not have space in this article to delve into the theoretical and empirical work unpacking the effect of demographic characteristics—age, gender, marital status, household size, and so forth on the migration decision and on subsequent flows of migrants. For comprehensive reviews, see Lichter ( 1983 ), Morrison and Lichter ( 1988 ); United Nations Population Division ( 2013 ); and Zaiceva and Zimmerman ( 2014 ).

3. Zelinsky ( 1971 ) originally identified this relationship and termed it mobility transition curve . A wealth of empirical work supports Zelinsky’s descriptive theory in a number of contexts (see Akerman, 1976 ; Gould, 1979 ; Hatton & Williamson, 1994 ; and Dao et al., 2016 ).

4. For a review of the arguments as well as some empirical tests, see Miller and Peters ( 2018 ) and Docquier, Lodigiani, Rapoport, and Schiff ( 2018 ).

5. Transparency International. “What is corruption?”

6. For example, former United Kingdom Independence Party leader Nigel Farage has called for the United Kingdom to adopt an immigration system that only allows in highly skilled migrants (“UKIP launches immigration policy”). In 2014, US President Barack Obama emphasized that he wanted to attract international students to American universities and that they “create jobs, businesses, and industries right here in America” (USA Today: “Full text: Obama’s immigration speech”). A key issue in Germany’s 2018 government formation was the creation of skill-based migration laws (Severin & Martin, 2018 ).

7. For a more comprehensive review, see Rapoport and Docquier ( 2006 ); and Adams ( 2011 ).

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Immigration: Causes and Effects

Immigration is an act of leaving a country of permanent residence for a new country for the purpose of establishing a new settlement. Citizens of a particular country migrate to other countries mostly for political, social and economic reasons. Therefore, immigration is an ancient concept in the history of all countries and a current affair in the modern globalization. Various natural disasters caused by changing environmental conditions have led to displacement and migration of people. People also immigrate from their countries of origin, because they seek safety and protection of their human rights.

The paper is an argumentative one, and, therefore, it will try to examine immigration from historical and current dimensions. The various causes that have led to immigration of people to a particular country will be analyzed in the paper, too. It will also look into the effects of immigration in terms of where immigrants originate and how they affect countries they settle in.

Causes of Immigration

Recent reports released by the International Organization of Migration (IOM) show that there are more than 200 million migrants globally. According to research, Europe hosted the largest number of immigrants, with 70 million people in 2005.. The second largest host of immigrants was South America, with 45 million. Asia was ranked the third with more than 25 million immigrants. A report by the United Nations shows that 3% of the world population is constantly migrating from one country another, and their number is expected to rise in the future. Immigration is caused by various factors, but the main ones include social, political, environmental and economic.

Social and Economic Causes

From antiquity and up to the present, immigration has been a common practice. Unfavourable social and economic conditions were primary reasons for immigrating to another country. Slavery commonly practiced by the British government led to immigration of Africans to the United States of America and resulted in the rise of the Afro-American community. African slaves used to work on the farms and industries owned by the Britons, they facilitated reduction of cost of production, which increased profits to the royal family (Perl, 2009).

The social factors include ethnicity, religion and poverty. If a community belongs to a minority group, they may immigrate to a safer place, in case there are any community wrangles that may cause ethnic animosity. A good example is Uganda of the late 1970s where Asians were forcefully expelled by the government of Idi Amin. The religious factors include persecutions, such as those of Jews in Pakistan, which caused them to seek refuge and safety in other countries. Poverty has been a major contributing factor to immigration since antiquity and up to the present. Many people have been immigrating to countries with stronger economies and more flexible labor laws. A lot of people in developing economies experience low living standards and high poverty levels. Therefore, they immigrate to developed countries to seek better living conditions. Strategies employed by modern multinational companies have also increased immigration. The need to include expertise in running foreign branches has led to immigration of employees to these countries. Some of these employees end up seeking permanent establishment in the countries they are stationed (Murrin, et al, 2008).

Family reunification has been one of the factors that have led to immigration of people in the world. Whenever a family member immigrates to another country, he/she may seek to reunite with his/her family by helping them immigrate to that country. Dynamic and ever-changing business conditions have led to increased immigration of people around the globe. Through international business travel, businesspersons find new opportunities in other countries, which prompt them to immigrate permanently to explore these opportunities (Jonas & Thomas, 2000).

Education has been one of the leading causes of immigration in the modern world. Constantly increasing demand for better education has led people from developing countries to seek better education in the developed economies where the level of education is believed to be of higher quality. Most people seeking education opportunities in these countries end up obtaining employment or permanent settlement there. Research has shown that the majority of people in developing countries would like to obtain education in developed economies. The majority preferred the United States of America, while Great Britain was ranked the second best in terms of education and work opportunities (Morrow, 2009).

Political and Environmental Causes

The political environment of a country is a critical determinant of its inhabitation. The recent global climatic changes have led to temporary and permanent displacement of people. Politics in a given country plays an important role in determining the level of democracy in the country. The level of democracy shows respect for human rights of the citizens residing in that country. The majority of developing countries used to be dictatorial and denied their citizens basic rights and freedoms. Those who held dissenting opinions were persecuted, jailed or murdered. The oppressive rule in their countries  caused the majority of human rights activists to seek political asylum in other countries. In the 1980s and 1990s, the number of people from Kenya, Algeria, Angola and Ghana, who sought asylum in Great Britain, increased sharply. Most of these asylum seekers have never returned to their countries of origin (Perl, 2009).

Elsewhere in the world, political instability leads to fighting and internal strife. Fear for their lives and lack of respect for human rights and freedoms prompts people to immigrate to safer places where their rights are observed. A good example is civil strife in Sudan that caused many people to immigrate to other countries. Even after the situation had stabilized, the majority of the people never returned to their country, since they had gained permanent residency in other countries. The issue of environmental displacement is currently a global one due to constantly happening climatic changes. The rising sea level increased floods and drought have led to temporary and permanent displacement of people, which in turn has led to immigration of the people to safer countries (Murrin, et al, 2008).

Effects of Immigration

Immigration has various effects on both a country of origin and a recipient country. As discussed above, people move from one country to another for various reasons. Immigration causes a number of effects for both countries, including social, economic and political ones. Though the reasons that make people move to other countries are different, the consequences of immigration are almost always the same. Massive immigration is in most cases caused by wars, diseases, famine or drought. People who try to escape the above have very basic needs, such as food, shelter and clothing. Therefore, they are willing to provide services or do jobs that residents of a host country consider less prestigious. Some of these odd jobs may include taking care of old people, washing toilets and bathrooms, providing security at night, taking care of small children, mining and loading and unloading vehicles. Through provision of these activities by immigrants, recipient countries’ economies benefit greatly (Purcell, 1995).

Immigrants are willing to work long hours and accept low wages or salaries. Despite being exploitive, controversial and violating human rights, this is very beneficial to a recipient country’s economy. According to an economic model by Sen. Byron Dorgan, low-skilled immigrants have increased the supply of workers in the United States, thus driving down wages at the expense of working class people. The large flow of cheaper labor has substantially displaced American workers and caused many problems in the development of technologies. Jobs in the manufacturing sector have also been substantially reduced, including a drop in the the number of trade union organizations. Therefore, apart from reducing wages and lowering employment rates, immigration has far-reaching effects on the labor market. Furthermore, lack of employment caused by immigration forces some workers to engage in antisocial activities, which ultimately lands them in prison (Morrow, 2009).

Immigration has also contributed to social integration of people. Social integration sometimes brings about improvement of culture and traditions of certain groups or races. If properly accepted in a recipient country, immigrants can contribute to social diversity and greatly improve social understanding and tolerance among people. When different communities are able to integrate and leave harmoniously, it expands social network and leads to cultural development and growth. People are able to exchange ideas that contribute to development of a community and economic growth of a country. Another major benefit of immigration is an increased pool of talents in the country. Well-educated immigrants can improve productivity and increase innovations and inventions. Increased inventions and innovations have a positive impact on the production capabilities of a country. More importantly, increased productivity in a country will mean that the living standards of people improve. Increased immigration leads to an increase in population, which  labor force and leads to increased productivity (Purcell, 1995).

Negative Effects of Immigration

Negative consequences of immigration for the country of origin and the recipient country far outweigh positive ones. One of the major effects is that immigrants are exploited in a recipient country. Immigrants are taken advantage of by being given hard jobs and paid very small wages and salaries. This does not only constitute exploitation of people, but also violates human rights. People in developing countries immigrate to other countries, especially developed ones, in search of better education. Therefore, immigration has caused brain drain in developing countries (Perl, 2009).

Developing countries are seriously affected by the issue of brain drain. The governments of these countries spend a lot of money on educating students, but this has very little impact, as the knowledge is used elsewhere. The UK, for instance, is blamed for employing medical staff from developing countries. Brain drain has resulted in stagnant development in developing countries despite their heavy investment in the education and research. Immigration has led to increased crime rates, drug trafficking and corruption .Some immigrants have ill motives, while others do not have any legal ways of earning their living. For example, Somali immigrants  caused a lot of insecurity and drug-related problems in the northern part of Kenya. In some countries, local residents have a perception that immigrants and refugees are getting more benefits from the government and other non-governmental organization. These kinds of feelings have created a lot of tension and hostility among the public making them feel neglected by their own government. Local residents are, therefore, less motivated to work and not willing to pay taxes, as they believe that their government will use that money to assist immigrants. Illegal immigration can lead to negative feelings among many law-abiding citizens, who always wish to contribute to the growth of their economy (Jonas & Thomas, 2000).

In conclusion, immigration results in a lot of consequences. People immigrate for various reasons, thus causing many implications for their country of origin and a host country. Countries must come up with policies that could curb the flow of immigrants and reduce implications of immigration. Some countries have put in place strict measures to fight the implications of immigration.

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World history

Course: world history   >   unit 3, causes and effects of human migration.

• Key concepts: Human Migration
• Focus on causation: Human migration

• Migration is the movement of people from one place to another with the intent to settle
• Causes: In preindustrial societies, environmental factors, such as the need for resources due to overpopulation, were often the cause of migration
• Effects: As people migrated, they brought new plants, animals, and technologies that had effects on the environment

Causes of migration

• (Choice A)   Temporary movement that follows seasonal weather patterns A Temporary movement that follows seasonal weather patterns
• (Choice B)   Movement to a new region with the intent to settle there B Movement to a new region with the intent to settle there
• (Choice C)   Continuous movement to follow resources C Continuous movement to follow resources

Causes of migration in Africa

Causes of migration in the pacific.

• (Choice A)   Iron farming tools and weapons A Iron farming tools and weapons
• (Choice B)   Long-term food preservation techniques B Long-term food preservation techniques
• (Choice C)   Types of canoes that could sail in the open ocean C Types of canoes that could sail in the open ocean

Effects of migration

• (Choice A)   Rats eating eggs and greatly reducing the bird population A Rats eating eggs and greatly reducing the bird population
• (Choice B)   Intense storms that altered the landscape of the island B Intense storms that altered the landscape of the island
• (Choice C)   Human activity, such as hunting and cutting down trees C Human activity, such as hunting and cutting down trees
• Jerry Bentley, et al, Traditions and Encounters , Vol. 1 (New York: McGraw Hill, 2015), 284.
• Douglas L. Oliver, Polynesia in Prehistoric Times (Honolulu: Bess Press, 2002), 32-35.
• Oliver, 232, 239.

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Immigration has a Major Impact on Society IELTS Essay

Many people are migrating to other countries each year in recent years. Immigration has a major impact on society.

What are the main reasons for immigration? What consequences can it lead?

Give reasons for your answer and include any relevant examples from your own knowledge or experience. You should write at least 250 words.

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These days, millions of people across the world are moving to other countries for a better quality of life and to avoid war and conflicts. Immigration exerts tremendous impacts on society- both for the host and origin countries.

Several factors contribute to the recent wave of migration. The most prominent reason is the dream to build a good career and to have a more satisfying lifestyle. For example, each year millions of people from developing nations move to developed countries only to have a better job and to get a better living standard for themselves and their family. Economic challenges also contribute to this phenomenon. While skilled and educated people migrate to have a more gratifying lifestyle, poor and unskilled take it as an opportunity to make a living in a rich country.

War and conflicts also compel millions to move to other countries. War destroys houses, hospitals, schools, utilities, and water and sanitation systems and hundreds of thousands of people are killed by brutal conflicts. In consequence, people flee from war-torn countries. A case in point is the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar. A substantial number of Muslim families have fled to neighbouring Bangladesh in the wake of conflicts and ethnic cleansing.

Migration has both positive and negative impacts on society. For the origin country, it causes a brain drain which is a tremendously negative impact. It also causes gender imbalance as it is typically men who migrate to foreign countries. However, it reduces pressure on resources and jobs while boosts the economy with the remittance sent by migrants. For the host nation, migrants develop a richer and more diverse culture. It also positively affects the economy as migrants tend to take low skilled, low paid jobs. Despite the positive impacts, migration is the cause of unemployment for many natives and it threatens the cultural identity of a nation.

In fine, the expectation of a better life and war have brought the recent influx of migrants. This causes positive and negative impacts on the societies of both the home country and host country. ielts  xpre ss

IELTS Essay on Immigration and Consequences

The number of people moving overseas has been surging since the last few decades and this development has various repercussions for the motherland. This essay will discuss the root causes of this problem and its adverse effects.

On the one hand, in most of the developing countries, there is an immense issue of unemployment, and these countries are facing the disquieting problem of the brain drain. The highly qualified young generation, in particular, opt to fly abroad, so that they can enhance their career prospects and get top-notch paychecks. Besides, the developed nations do offer an extremely sophisticated lifestyle that lures the folks to migrate. ieltsxpress.com

On the flip side, this trend has numerous after-effects on the society. Firstly, there will be a lack of skilled workers in the mother-land. If the doctors, nurses or other in-demand professionals, for instance, leave their countries, it will eventually create a shortage of skilled professionals. The resident citizens will get treated by the quacks in such a scenario. Unfortunately, this will hurt the development of the society. Also, when young people move out leaving old people behind, governments will have fewer taxpayers and more dependents, who will need pensions. ielts xpre s s

In conclusion, talented people are migrating in search of better jobs and lifestyles that are not exactly available in their country. Unfortunately, this migration hurts the development of their mother country by causing a shortage of skilled people to run the industries and other sectors. At the same time, developed nations who receive immigrants benefit from their expertise.

In the current scenario, there has been a trend where people are migrating to various countries. The increasing migration is due to multifarious causes that can have diverse effects on both the individual and the country. This essay will discuss the major causes and effects of migration. ielt s xpre s s .com

Primarily, people from underdeveloped countries prefer to move to the developed nations for better education for their children and a higher standard of living for the whole family since living in a wealthy country implies living in a country with a stable economy. To give a clear example, a handful of people from countries like Bangladesh and Sri Lanka are seen migrating to the United States and Australia to seek better opportunities, earn more, and live a luxurious life. Furthermore, political or economic instability could also be a reason for migration.

However, there is a downside to immigration. Overcrowding is a major drawback that leads to several other problems like lack of employment opportunities for the native residents and scarcity of resources. Additionally, migration of people to other countries leads to lesser knowledgeable professionals in the home country thereby affecting the literacy rate of the country. This in turn causes the overall growth of the nation to depreciate.

To conclude, migration has a wide impact on society which is irrecoverable. While immigration may provide global connectivity and exposure, it does have harmful effects on society making it economically weak and difficult in terms of the country’s growth aspect.

Immigration and Consequences IELTS Writing Task 2

Immigration has a significant impact on the contemporary society. Each year, more and more people from all over the world decide to leave their home countries and move to another place. This essay will examine the reasons and the consequences of immigration.

In my view, the main reason of immigration is a strong desire of better life quality and safe future. A lot of people from so-called Third World move to developed countries in search of better employment opportunities, and therefore, higher incomes. Moreover, living in a wealthy country implies living in a country with stable economy, so risks of losing their savings also lessen. For example, labour migration from Mexico to the USA is caused by these facts. Other reasons that force whole families to cross borders are wars and various cultural conflicts in their homeland. Many people migrate, seeking security and safe future for their children. For instance, most of the refugees who arrived in the European Union were escaping from wars.

However, sometimes immigration causes more problems than it solves, resulting in negative consequences for both immigrants and their countries of destination. First of all, most of the refugees can’t find jobs because of the lack of language skills and difficulties in adaptation. That’s why the countries have to run various refugee assistance programs to help those people. But disproportionate burden of maintaining the immigrants leads to tension in the society. Secondly, not all of the refugees receive proper asylum, food and medical care. So they are at risk even after crossing the border. Finally, even highly qualified specialists, who seek better employment, often don’t get what they are looking for.

In conclusion, I think that people immigrate to have better life prospects. However, life after immigration may not always meet people’s expectations. So it’s very important to consider all the possible outcomes and decide whether leaving your homeland is worth it.

Also Check: Many Students Today are Choosing to live in Another Country

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IELTS band 9 essay: immigration

Here you can find advice how to structure IELTS essay and IELTS model answer for immigration topic. Question type: reasons and consequences .

Here is the question card:

Immigration has a major impact on the society.

What are the main reasons of immigration?

To what consequences can it lead?

To write a band 9 essay you should first of all choose your arguments to answer the questions from the topic. You don't have to find some complicated ideas. Remember: you won't be judged upon the quality of your thoughts, you will be judged upon the quality of your writing. So even simple, but well-written arguments can often give you a band 9 writing .

• Reasons why people immigrate
• Results of immigration

Some of the possible arguments :

• Reasons of immigration :
• People want to live in a safe country
• People search better jobs with higher salaries
• People escape from wars/disasters
• Results of immigration :
• People’s expectations come true / don’t come true
• Immigrants face other difficulties
• Countries of destination have to give money to support refugees
• Overpopulation

How to structure my answer?

Of course, there are a lot of ways to organise this essay. But here is one possible way of structuring the answer to produce a band 9 essay :

Introduction : simply rephrase the topic and say what this essay is about. When your essay question asks you about reasons/consequences or causes/solutions, you shouldn’t try to describe all that in your introduction. Instead, state that you’ll describe them later in your essay.

Body paragraphs :

• paragraph 1: main reasons of immigration
• paragraph 2: main consequences of immigration

Conclusion : sum up the ideas from body paragraphs and briefly give your opinion.

Band 9 essay sample (immigration)

Immigration has a significant impact on the contemporary society. Each year, more and more people from all over the world decide to leave their home countries and move to another place. This essay will examine the reasons and the consequences of immigration.

In my view, the main reason of immigration is a strong desire of better life quality and safe future. A lot of people from so-called Third World move to developed countries in search of better employment opportunities, and therefore, higher incomes. Moreover, living in a wealthy country implies living in a country with stable economy, so risks of losing their savings also lessen. For example, labour migration from Mexico to the USA is caused by these facts. Other reasons that force whole families to cross borders are wars and various cultural conflicts in their homeland. Many people migrate, seeking security and safe future for their children. For instance, most of the refugees who arrived in the European Union were escaping from wars.

However, sometimes immigration causes more problems than it solves, resulting in negative consequences for both immigrants and their countries of destination. First of all, most of the refugees can’t find jobs because of the lack of language skills and difficulties in adaptation. That’s why the countries have to run various refugee assistance programs to help those people. But disproportionate burden of maintaining the immigrants leads to tension in the society. Secondly, not all of the refugees receive proper asylum, food and medical care. So they are at risk even after crossing the border. Finally, even highly qualified specialists, who seek better employment, often don’t get what they are looking for.

In conclusion, I think that people immigrate to have better life prospects. However, life after immigration may not always meet people’s expectations. So it’s very important to consider all the possible outcomes and decide whether leaving your homeland is worth it.

(315 words)

Useful vocabulary

better employment opportunities – opportunity to find a better job

burden of maintaining immigrants – difficulties in helping immigrants faced by the governments

country with stable economy – rich and safe country

to cross the border – immigrate

labour migration – when people migrate to find better jobs

refugee – person who is forced to leave his birth place because of war

refugee assistance programs – when the government gives to the refugees asylum and food

to seek better employment – look for better job

Third World – developing countries

to meet expectations – if something doesn’t meet your expectations, it’s not as good as you have thought

Exploring migration causes: why people migrate

People migrate for many reasons, ranging from security, demography and human rights to poverty and climate change. Find out more.

The total number of non-EU citizens residing within the EU as of 1 January 2021 was 23.7 million, according to Eurostat, the EU’s statistical office. This represents 5.3% of the EU population. In most EU countries, the majority of non-nationals were from outside the EU.

What is migration?

Migration is the movement of people from one place to another, to settle in a new location. Migration can be voluntary or involuntary and can occur for a variety of different reasons, including economic, environmental and social issues.

Reasons for migration: push and pull factors

Push factors are the reasons people leave a country. Pull factors are the reason they move to a particular country. There are three major push and pull factors.

Social and political factors

Persecution because of one's ethnicity, religion, race, politics or culture can push people to leave their country. A major factor is war, conflict, government persecution or there being a significant risk of them. Those fleeing armed conflict, human rights violations or persecution are more likely to be humanitarian refugees. This will affect where they settle as some countries have more liberal approaches to humanitarian migrants than others. In the first instance, these people are likely to move to the nearest safe country that accepts asylum seekers.

The backbone of international humanitarian law is the Geneva Conventions , which regulate the conduct of armed conflict and seek to limit its effects.

In recent years, people have been fleeing to Europe in large numbers from conflict, terror and persecution at home. Of the 384,245 asylum seekers granted protection status in the EU in 2022, more than a quarter came from war-torn Syria, with Afghanistan and Venezuela in second and third place respectively.

Demographic and economic causes

Demographic change determines how people move and migrate. A growing or shrinking, aging or youthful population has an impact on economic growth and employment opportunities in the countries of origin or migration policies in the destination countries.

Demographic and economic migration is related to poor labour standards, high unemployment and the overall health of a country’s’ economy. Pull factors include higher wages, better employment opportunities, a higher standard of living and educational opportunities. If economic conditions are not favourable and appear to be at risk of declining further, a greater number of people will probably migrate to countries with a better outlook.

According to the UN International Labour Organization, migrant workers - defined as people who migrate with a view to being employed - stood at roughly 169 million worldwide in 2019 and represented more than two thirds of international migrants. More than two-thirds of all migrant workers were concentrated in high-income countries.

Environmental and climate migration

The environment has always been a driver of migration, as people flee natural disasters, such as floods, hurricanes and earthquakes. However, climate change is expected to exacerbate extreme weather events, meaning more people could be on the move.

According to the International Organization for Migration , "Environmental migrants are those who for reason of sudden or progressive changes in the environment that adversely affect their lives or living conditions, are obliged to leave their habitual homes, either temporarily or permanently, and who move either within their country or abroad."

It is hard to estimate how many environmental migrants there are globally due to factors such as population growth, poverty, governance, human security and conflict, which have an impact. Estimates vary from 25 million to one billion by the year 2050.

How is the EU addressing these causes?

Migrant workers having easier access to legal ways to move to the eu.

The European Union has been encouraging legal migration to address labour shortages, fill skill gaps and boost economic growth. These include:

• The EU Blue Card: a work and residency permit that allows non-EU citizens to work and live in an EU country, provided they have a degree or equivalent qualification and a job offer that meets a minimum salary threshold
• The Single Permit: a combined work and residency permit, issued for up to two years by an EU country
• EU long-term resident status: allows people from outside the EU to stay, work and move freely in the EU for an indefinite period
• Read more about legal ways to work in the EU

New Pact on Migration and Asylum

Managing migration effectively to deal with asylum seekers and protect external borders has been an EU priority for many years. The EU has been working on a New Pact on Migration and Asylum , and in April 2024 Parliament backed an agreement with the Counci to revamp the EU’s asylum and migration laws.

The pact sets out improved and faster procedures throughout the EU’s asylum and migration system. It revises the Dublin regulation, which determines the country responsible for processing each asylum claim. The new system sets different types of contributions from EU countries, including the relocation of asylum seekers from the country of first entry, financial contributions or providing operational and technical support. The new system is based on solidarity and flexible forms of support, which could become requirements at times of pressure .

Once the new rules come into force, EU countries will have two years to incorporate them into their national laws.

• Read more about the EU’s response to migration
• Facts and figures on asylum and migration in the EU

More about migration

• Study: interlinks between migration and development
• Briefing: legal migration to the EU

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Essay on Immigration | Causes & Effects

December 4, 2017 by Study Mentor Leave a Comment

Table of Contents

What do you mean by immigration? 

Immigration refers to the movement in which people from one country move to another country for various reasons. They go to another country where they do not have the right to citizenship. This means that they are not the natives of that country.

They move to a new country so that they can settle there, become the citizens of that country, be a worker there and many other reasons. In the history we can see that even animals have moved to another place along with the humans on the early age.

The terms migration, immigration and emigration revolve around the same thing but have different meanings. There has been an increase in the count of people involved in immigration. US has been the destination of most immigrants. Mostly these immigrants have come from Europe or Asia.   

The factors which encourage immigration come under two categories. These two categories are known as push and pull factors. From the terms itself, it can be easily understood what they mean. The push factors mean the people are going away from their place to another because of these factors.

These factors may be like low wage, unemployment, illegal activities, oppression, no technology, improper facilities of life and many other factors. Due to factors like these people leave their country. While the pull factors are the ones which bring people towards them.

These countries may have more facilities than the people’s own country. The country might have advanced facilities and technology. Even though these factors may affect a person’s decision to move to another place, there may be many barriers which a person has to face while moving.

These can be legal and political problems which one has to face. Moreover, a person will take time to get habituated with the new place.  

Reasons responsible for immigration  

Immigration takes place because of the push and pull factors. They are the positive and negative factors respectively. Immigration has been taking place from the time human first came on this planet. During that time people used to migrate in search of food and new places.

After this they wanted better place like for example better lands for settlement and cultivation. After this they started to move to another place for better facilities of their life. In order to have a proper happy life they have been moving from one place to another.

Sometimes people even move to other places due to natural disasters. They may not feel safe because these natural disasters. That is why for their safety they shift to another place. Very often some of the countries face a lot of political and religious problems.

In order to be free from all these problems they decide to shift to another place. Mostly the young and middle adulthood are the ones who are the subject of immigration. They want to get better jobs, earning opportunities and good life. They move to such a place where they think their life will be stable and they will get all the facilities necessary for their life.   

How does immigration affect the society  and economy ?  

Immigration affects the society and economy. It has both positive and negative impacts. When the people move to another country, they are referred there as immigrants. The citizens of that country feel that these immigrants are a burden for them.

This is because these new people in their country can take away their job opportunities and other facilities. According to them these immigrants act as a threat to them. But due to immigration there is economic growth, existence of dynamic and variety society and also the skills for various types of work is met.

When people with enough skills move to another country, that particular country gets a benefit because of them. Due to the payment of the taxes by the immigrants, there is increase in the collection of taxes by the government for their country. The immigrants are always ready to pay these taxes to get many services benefits in return. There is an increase in the different workplace as well.

More people are there for a particular job. This helps to increase the production in a short period of time. The economic growth of the country will increase if there are more immigrants. But if that country has problems in its borders and there are problems for outsiders to enter that country, there will not be so much of economic growth there.

Moreover, the country from where these people are shifting incurs loss in all areas. There is a fall in the economic growth and workforce diversity as well. But when people from low productivity areas shift to the areas which have high productivity the overall impact is a positive one for both the countries.   

Most often the countries where these immigrants shift get all the benefits. When people who possess a lot of skills shift to another country, there is a variety in the production of goods in that country. This variety of production will satisfy the citizens of that country.

Moreover, people who have good education qualification and work experience get the best jobs of the country. But it does not mean that the other immigrants do not get jobs. Even they get jobs but that is according to their qualification and work experience.

When the immigrants start working in a new place, they are not paid in a high amount. As the different workplaces are not spending so much on labor for the various types of work, they start to reduce the price of the goods. This acts as a benefit for the consumers. But when people shift to another country because of easily accessible facilities, that country faces problems in providing services to the public.

The ability to give service and support the people of the country reduces. Moreover, when the society becomes heterogeneous because of immigrants there might be a variety of goods for the people. But this leads to a fall in the production of the public goods of that particular country.

But despite the advantages and disadvantages of immigration, people will not stop from moving to a new place. This is a continuous cycle. Every single day at least one person shifts to a new place. This process of immigration will not be stopping ever. No matter how many problems are there with immigration still this process will continue.   

What is the difference between immigration, emigration and migration? 

People often confuse what are immigration, emigration and migration. But there is more confusion between immigration and emigration. Both these words have a very similar meaning. This is the reason why people make mistakes while using these words. But before moving into immigration and emigration, it is important to know what migration is. Migration means to move from one place to another in order to settle there.

Migration is the bigger term to define immigration and emigration. Immigrate means a person is entering to a new country while emigrate means a person is leaving country. Immigration can also be referred as inward migration and emigration can be known as outward migration. In a simpler way to explain this, immigration means “in” and emigration means “out”.

A person can be called as immigrant and emigrant at the same time. This because when he leaves his country he will be called as an emigrant. But when he enters to a new country he will called as an immigrant. This means he is emigrant for the origin country and immigrant for the destination country. Even though these two terms have different meanings, the reasons due to which these takes place are the same.

But people who are entering into a new country have to face more problems because of the rules of the new country. It is not at all easy for a person to shift to a new place. The most common problem is the language. It will be very difficult for a person to reside at a place whose language one does not know.

They will not be able to converse with the people around them. Social interaction will be very less. Knowing the language of the new country is very important because it will be helpful to get a job in that place. No matter how advanced the place is, any person will take time to get habituated to that new place.

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The Causes and Effects of International Migrations: Evidence from OECD Countries 1980-2005

This paper contains three important contributions to the literature on international migrations. First, it compiles a new dataset on migration flows (and stocks) and on immigration laws for 14 OECD destination countries and 74 sending countries for each year over the period 1980-2005. Second, it extends the empirical model of migration choice across multiple destinations, developed by Grogger and Hanson (2008), by allowing for unobserved individual heterogeneity between migrants and non-migrants. We use the model to derive a pseudo-gravity empirical specification of the economic and legal determinants of international migration. Our estimates clearly show that bilateral migration flows are increasing in the income per capita gap between origin and destination. We also find that bilateral flows decrease when destination countries adopt stricter immigration laws. Third, we estimate the impact of immigration flows on employment, investment and productivity in the receiving OECD countries using as instruments the "push" factors in the gravity equation. Specifically, we use the characteristics of the sending countries that affect migration and their changes over time, interacted with bilateral migration costs. We find that immigration increases employment, with no evidence of crowding-out of natives, and that investment responds rapidly and vigorously. The inflow of immigrants does not seem to reduce capital intensity nor total factor productivity in the short-run or in the long run. These results imply that immigration increases the total GDP of the receiving country in the short-run one-for-one, without affecting average wages and average income per person.

We are thankful to Greg Wright and Tommaso Colussi for excellent research assistance. Peri gratefully acknowledges generous funding from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation. This paper was commissioned as background research study for the United Nation Human Development Report, 2009. The views expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research.

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Illegal Immigration, Its Causes, Methods, Effects Proposal Essay

Introduction, illegal immigration as it is, methods of illegal immigration, effects of illegal immigration.

Illegal immigration is the movement from one country to another foreign country without observing immigration procedures in that country. Illegal immigration also known as undocumented movement leads to many contentious issues in the affected country as it leads to the unbudgeted use of resources. Normally preventing this undocumented movement is an easier task only if left to efficient immigration officers. I would like to address immigration officers through an editorial article. An editorial article would be a favorable format to pass this issue to immigration officers as it gives room for criticism and persuasion in a professional way in contrast to informal political campaigns.

Causes of Illegal Immigration

Illegal immigration occurs majorly from countries of lower socioeconomic status to high social- economic countries in pursuit of better living conditions. Causes of illegal immigration can either be pull factors in the foreign country that attract people from the lower socioeconomic countries such as chances of employment. Push factors on the other hand are factors arising in the lower socioeconomic countries such as war or drought and famine and they push people to move to better and secure countries. Indeed, there are extra activities other than these natural factors such as prostitution and forced slavery.

Even after the end of the slavery, illegal importation of slaves has continued although not at an elevated level. In addition, some people succumb to be victims of sexual slavery and risk chances of facing charges of illegal immigration.

Illegal immigration occurs in many methods. It is the duty of immigration officers to aim at these channels. They should especially know that illegal immigration does not result only from illegal activities. Many methods result to illegal immigration although some do not consider them as illegal immigration. For instance, overstaying a visa is also a form of illegal immigration. Many illicit immigrants are migrants who initially arrive in a country lawfully but extend the authorized period. It is the duty of immigration officers to update all the expired visas and ensure that either they are renewed or the victims leave the country. Some of the unlawful immigrants enter the country by sneaking through boarders. Boarders that are more vulnerable to this sneaking are the Mexico-united states boarder.

Undocumented immigration often leads to a deficit in the country’s budget. These are the economic reasons why many countries’ restrict illegal immigration. Despite the economic and political reasons, security issues are also of concern. Countries are also concerned with the increased rate of terrorism. It is the duty of the immigration department to protect our country. Social interference is also at stake with the unauthorized immigrates flooding in the country. This is especially resulted by the immigrants may come with a new culture to erode the culture of the natives. This may have adverse effects especially to the children as they lose their morals of their land to adopt the new undesired culture.

The immigration department should realize that they have a delicate role in their hands. The safety of the citizens depends on their efficiency. Illegal immigration carries with it dangers such as terrorism economic imbalance as well as political imbalances. There are many forms of illegal immigration including a mere case of overstaying a visa. Some people may end up being unlawful immigrants through forced slavery. Hence, it is upon the immigration department to identify such cases and take all unlawful immigrants who landed upon their own will back to their motherland for security of reason.

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The Morning

Addressing immigration.

We explain the history of Biden’s immigration policy and explain what’s likely to happen next.

By David Leonhardt

President Biden and his aides describe this year’s election as crucial — existential, even — because of Donald Trump’s hostility to democracy . Many outside experts agree.

Yet given the election’s importance, the Biden administration has been notably slow to address one of his biggest political vulnerabilities: immigration.

Polls show that immigration is a top concern of voters, often trailing only the economy. Most voters are unhappy with Biden’s handling of the issue and say they trust Trump more on it. Even Democratic mayors and governors have criticized Biden for the surge of migration on his watch.

Despite this situation, the White House has been reluctant to act aggressively for most of the past few years. Only in the past six months has it begun to do so. Administration officials are now preparing executive actions to tighten the border, according to my reporting, and Politico has written that Biden is likely to sign them next month.

In today’s newsletter, I’ll trace the history of Biden’s immigration policy and explain what’s likely to happen next.

Biden’s loosening

If you’re a loyal Democrat, I can guess what you may be thinking right now: Hey, wait! Biden tried to pass an immigration bill, and Republicans stopped him. That’s true, but it’s only one part of a larger story.

Late last year, the White House worked with a bipartisan group of senators to tighten border security. The plan revolved around policies Republicans favor. Yet Trump, recognizing that it could have helped Biden politically, persuaded Republicans to kill it.

The move was transparently cynical, as Biden has pointed out. Rather than help the country solve a problem, Trump and his allies prioritized partisan gain . The plan they killed would have expanded border patrols, increased the number of immigration judges and made the asylum system both tougher and fairer.

But it’s worth remembering that this bill didn’t come up until almost three years into Biden’s presidency, long after his initial policies had helped cause the migration surge . He campaigned in 2020 promising not only to undo Trump’s cruel policies — such as family separation — but also to welcome more migrants. After taking office, he signed executive orders to do both.

Biden tried to pause deportations. He changed the definition of asylum to include fear of gang violence. He used immigration parole — which the law says should be used “on a case-by-case basis for urgent humanitarian reasons” — to admit hundreds of thousands of people. The parole programs alone amounted to “the largest expansion of legal immigration in modern U.S. history,” Camilo Montoya-Galvez of CBS News wrote .

Would-be migrants, as well as the Mexican cartels that run transit networks, heard a clear message: Entering the United States had become easier. The number of people attempting to do so spiked almost immediately.

Monthly apprehensions at the southwestern border by U.S. Border Patrol

Dec. ’ 23

200,000 apprehensions

April ’24

Biden’s policy changes aren’t the only cause, to be clear. The end of the pandemic played a role, as did chaos in parts of Latin America. And Biden has since taken some steps to curb migration. In recent months, his administration has collaborated with the Mexican government to reduce the flow of people from other countries who reach the U.S.-Mexico border. That collaboration helps explain the recent decline in border crossings that you can see in the above chart.

Costs and benefits

Still, these policies have been relatively modest compared with what Biden could have tried. He could have worked with Congress sooner on a border bill. He could have reversed his parole expansion and done more to tighten asylum rules. He could have issued the executive orders that he is only now considering (which may shut the border when crossings exceed a certain level). Republicans are happy to remind voters of these options: Mike Johnson, the House speaker, went so far as to give Biden a list of actions he could have taken and hasn’t.

Yes, federal judges might block some of these policies, but the Supreme Court has given presidents wide latitude on border policy. Either way, even the announcement of the polices could have an impact. It would send a message that the border was no longer as open as it once was.

I understand that some Democrats prefer a more open border on humanitarian grounds. The U.S. is an affluent country, and millions of people rationally believe their lives would be better here. Allowing more to come, even if they are not true refugees, has large benefits.

But it has downsides, too. The recent immigration surge has stretched budgets and created turmoil along the border and in cities like Chicago, Denver and New York. The surge is also undemocratic in some important ways: Immigration levels have been higher than federal law calls for and higher than most Americans support .

Then there are the political effects. The migration surge has been a gift to Trump’s campaign — which seems as if it should be alarming even to Democrats who favor high immigration. As Oren Cass, who runs American Compass, a conservative think tank, put it, “If you think there is nothing that matters more in the world than Joe Biden winning the 2024 election, how can you say there is nothing to do in the area of greatest political salience?”

Whatever the reasons, Biden appears likely to take bolder action in the next several weeks.

Senate Democrats have scheduled another vote today on a bipartisan border plan — to highlight Republicans’ refusal to pass it, Carl Hulse explains .

Giant camps and mass deportations: Trump’s immigration plans for a second term are more draconian than his first-term policies , The Times has reported.

THE LATEST NEWS

Strong wind caused a stage to collapse at a campaign rally in the north of the country, killing at least 9 people .

Mexico’s election has been bloody: Beyond the deadly stage collapse, dozens of candidates for local elections have been killed. Read more about the coming vote .

Israel-Hamas War

Families of hostages released video of Hamas fighters abducting Israeli female soldiers on Oct. 7. They hope to pressure the Israeli government to push for a hostage release.

The decision by Ireland, Norway and Spain to recognize an independent Palestinian state reflects growing frustration with Benjamin Netanyahu, but it does not mean that other countries will follow suit, Roger Cohen writes .

More International News

Britain’s prime minister, Rishi Sunak, called a snap election for July 4 . His Conservative Party trails in the polls and could lose control of Parliament for the first time in 14 years.

New Caledonia, a French territory in the Pacific, is on the brink of civil war. Emmanuel Macron is making a visit .

China launched military drills around Taiwan after the island’s new president asserted its sovereignty .

The Biden administration is debating whether to let Ukraine use American weapons to hit targets inside Russia .

In India’s election, opposition to Prime Minister Narendra Modi is finding some momentum .

“America’s monster”: Read one journalist’s experience investigating an Afghan commander who used brutal tactics to support U.S. troops.

A second flag symbolizing support for Trump — which Jan. 6 rioters also carried — flew above Justice Samuel Alito’s beach house in New Jersey last summer.

The judge overseeing Hunter Biden’s tax case in Los Angeles delayed the trial until September . A separate trial, on a gun charge, starts next month.

2024 Election

Nikki Haley, who harshly criticized Trump during the Republican primaries, said she would vote for him .

In a fund-raising email, Trump accused Biden officials of being ready to kill him during the F.B.I.’s raid on Mar-a-Lago. The false claim is a misreading of a document from Trump’s classified-records case. Late night hosts joked about it .

An Ohio elections official is threatening to keep Biden’s name off the state’s ballot in November because of a procedural issue. The Biden campaign could be drawn into a monthslong legal battle.

A suspicious package addressed to Trump that contained two vials of blood caused a lockdown at the Republican National Committee headquarters .

The city of Uvalde, Texas, agreed to pay $2 million to families of schoolchildren who were shot in a 2022 massacre.

U.C.L.A. removed its police chief , weeks after officers failed to intervene as counterprotesters attacked a pro-Palestinian student encampment.

“Whoever wasn’t buckled down, they were just launched into the air”: Read what happened on a Singapore Airlines flight that suffered deadly turbulence.

A power outage stopped trains in the Northeast, stranding thousands .

Other Big Stories

Baltimore is an outlier on drug overdoses , with a fatality rate twice as high as any other big U.S. city’s, an investigation showed.

The first human experiment by Elon Musk’s brain implant company experienced significant flaws . But the patient said he was “excited to keep going.”

A giant crater in Russia should be a warning about the dangers of extraction. But Russia continues to pillage its natural resources , Sophie Pinkham writes.

Caitlin Clark broke viewership records playing college basketball. The W.N.B.A. should pay her what she’s worth, Joshua Mendelsohn writes.

Here’s a column by Pamela Paul on what Hollywood owes its Jewish founders .

MORNING READS

Tradition: For America’s Ethiopian and Eritrean diaspora, the brewing of suwe or tella — a beerlike beverage — is a way to connect with home.

Early bloomer: She just earned her doctorate at 17 . Now, she’ll go to the prom.

Devotion: One woman was drawn to a Hare Krishna ashram for its cheap yoga and volunteer work. Her experience, she says, devolved into emotional and spiritual abuse .

Social Q’s: “Why doesn’t my husband respect my opinion about moving ?”

Lives Lived: The British author Shirley Conran wrote “Lace,” a 1982 tale of female autonomy disguised as a bonkbuster (the British term for a steamy best seller). The book made her a millionaire and introduced the lowly goldfish into the erotic canon. She died at 91 .

N.B.A.: The Dallas Mavericks took a 1-0 lead over the Minnesota Timberwolves in the Western Conference finals. Luka Doncic and Kyrie Irving had a combined 63 points.

N.H.L.: The Florida Panthers won a road Game 1 as well, beating the New York Rangers at Madison Square Garden in the Eastern Conference final.

N.F.L.: The Kansas City Chiefs quarterback Patrick Mahomes said that, while he disagreed with Harrison Butker’s contentious comments about women and Pride Month, he thought Butker was a “good person.”

ARTS AND IDEAS

Representative Rosa DeLauro read a bombshell statement into the Congressional Record on Wednesday: She declared that New Haven, Conn., has “the best pizza in the country.” New York pizza makers were predictably incensed when a Times reporter informed them of DeLauro’s statement. “This has to be a prank call,” said Salvatore Carlino, owner of Lucia in Brooklyn and Manhattan.

More on culture

A judge delayed a plan to sell Graceland , the Tennessee estate of Elvis Presley, at the request of Presley’s granddaughter.

OpenAI licensed News Corp journalism. That means chatbots will use new and archived work from The Wall Street Journal, The New York Post and other outlets.

The actors Rachel Zegler and Kit Connor will lead a Broadway production of “Romeo and Juliet,” with music by the Grammy-winning producer Jack Antonoff.

THE MORNING RECOMMENDS …

Broil shrimp, tomatoes and feta on a sheet pan for a meal that comes together in 10 minutes.

Learn these first aid basics .

Start playing piano with a beginner’s keyboard .

Here is today’s Spelling Bee . Yesterday’s pangrams were activated, addictive, deactivate, deactivated and dedicative .

And here are today’s Mini Crossword , Wordle , Sudoku , Connections and Strands .

Thanks for spending part of your morning with The Times. See you tomorrow. — David

Sign up here to get this newsletter in your inbox . Reach our team at [email protected] .

An earlier version of this newsletter misstated the day that a Connecticut congresswoman read a pizza-related statement into the record. It was Wednesday, not Thursday.

How we handle corrections

David Leonhardt runs The Morning , The Times’s flagship daily newsletter. Since joining The Times in 1999, he has been an economics columnist, opinion columnist, head of the Washington bureau and founding editor of the Upshot section, among other roles. More about David Leonhardt

Home / Essay Samples / Social Issues / Illegal Immigration / Causes and Effects of Illegal Immigration

Causes and Effects of Illegal Immigration

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Causes of Illegal Immigration

Effects of illegal immigration, complex interplay and solutions.

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