essay on army in urdu

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Essay on Quaid e Azam in Urdu | قائداعظم پر مضمون

آج ہم اُردو میں قائداعظم پر مضمون فراہم کرنے جا رہے ہیں۔ یہ مضمون ان طلباء کی مدد کر سکتا ہے جو قائداعظم کے بارے میں معلومات تلاش کر رہے ہیں۔ یہ مضمون یاد رکھنے میں بھی آسان ہے۔ اس مضمون کو آسان اور سادہ الفاظ میں لکھا گیا ہے لہذا کوئی بھی طالب علم اس موضوع پر لکھ سکتا ہے۔

قائداعظم پر مضمون

قائداعظم محمد علی جناح بے مثال خصوصیات کے حامل تھے، یہی وجہ تھی کہ وہ اپنے مقصد (قیام پاکستان) پر ڈٹے رہے۔ انہوں نے تمام پیچیدہ مسائل کو کامیابی سے حل کیا اور اپنے مقصد کے لیے سخت محنت کی۔ انہوں نے دنیا کے نقشے پر مسلمانوں کے لیے بغیر کسی جبر کے امن سے رہنے کے لیے بہت محنت کی۔ تحریک پاکستان میں قائداعظم کی خدمات اور ولولہ انگیز قیادت کسی وضاحت کی محتاج نہیں۔ ان کی بے مثال قیادت نے برصغیر کے مظلوم مسلمانوں کو ہندوؤں اور انگریزوں کی ظالمانہ غلامی سے نجات دلائی۔

قائداعظم کی پیدائش

پاکستان کے بانی کا نام محمد علی جناح ہیں۔ وہ 25 دسمبر 1876ء کو کراچی میں پیدا ہوئے۔ ان کے والد کا نام پونجا جناح تھا اور ان کا پیشہ تجارت تھا۔

ابتدائی تعلیم

قائداعظم بچپن ہی سے کافی ذہین تھے۔ چھ سال کی عمر میں محمد علی جناح کو اسکول میں داخل کروا دیا گیا۔ انہوں نے میٹرک مشن ہائی اسکول سے پاس سے کیا۔ اس وقت ان کی عمر سولہ سال تھی۔

اعلیٰ تعلیم

میٹرک پاس کرنے کے بعد ان کے والد نے اعلیٰ تعلیم حاصل کرنے کے لئے انھیں انگلستان بھیج دیا۔ وہاں انہوں نے تھوڑے ہی عرصے میں بیرسٹری کا امتحان اچھے نمبروں سے پاس کر لیا۔

پریشانی کا دور

جب قائداعظم انگلستان میں تھے تب ان کے گھریلو حالات خراب ہونا شروع ہو گئے تھے۔ ان کی والدہ کا انتقال ہوگیا اور ان کے والد کو تجارتی کاروبار میں بہت نقصان ہوا۔ ان کی مالی حالت بہت خراب ہو گئی لیکن قائداعظم نے واپس آ کر ان حالات کا ہمت اور حوصلے سے مقابلہ کیا۔ کچھ عرصے کے بعد ان کے مالی حالات بہتر ہونا شروع ہو گئے۔

سیاست میں حصہ

قائداعظم نے انگلستان کے زمانہ طالب علمی سے ہی سیاست میں دلچسپی لینا شروع کر دی تھی۔ وطن واپس آ کر وہ کانگریس میں شامل ہو گئے۔ یہاں بھی انہوں نے اپنی قابلیت کا لوہا منوایا۔ ان کی جرات اور بے باکی کے اعتراف کے طور اہل بمبئی نے  ”جناح حال“   تعمیر کیا۔

مسلم لیگ میں شمولیت

جلد ہی قائداعظم کانگریس سے بددل ہو گئے۔ انہوں نے محسوس کیا کے کانگریس صرف ہندوؤں کی نمائندہ جماعت ہے۔ جسے مسلمانوں کی بہتری کا کوئی خیال نہیں۔ چناچہ وہ مسلم لیگ میں شامل ہو گئے اور اس کے صدر بن گئے۔ قائداعظم کی ولولہ انگیز قیادت کی وجہ سے مسلم لیگ جلد ہی مسلمانوں کی مضبوط ترین سیاسی جماعت بن گئی۔

جدو جہد آزادی

قائداعظم نے ہندوستان کے مسلمانوں کے لئے ایک الگ آزاد ملک بنانے کا مطالبہ شروع کر دیا۔ مسلمانوں کو انگریزوں اور ہندوؤں کی غلامی سے آزاد کروانے کے لئے قائداعظم نے ان تھک کوششیں کیں۔ انگریزوں اور ہندوؤں نے زبردست مخالفت کی لیکن انہوں نے ہمت نہ ہاری اور اپنے مقصد پر ڈٹے رہے۔

قیام پاکستان

آخر کار قائداعظم اپنے مقصد میں کامیاب ہو گئے اور 14 اگست 1947ء کو مسلمانوں کے لئے ایک الگ آزاد وطن پاکستان وجود میں آگیا۔

پہلے گورنر جنرل

آزادی کے بعد قائداعظم پاکستان کے پہلے گورنر جنرل بن گئے۔ انہوں نے پاکستان کو مضبوط بنانے کے لئے دن رات محنت کی۔

صحت کی خرابی

کام کی زیادتی کی وجہ سے ان کی صحت خراب ہو گئی۔ ڈاکٹروں نے انہوں آرام کا مشورہ دیا لیکن پاکستان کے استحکام کی خاطر انہوں نے اپنی صحت کی ذرا پروا نہیں کی۔

قائداعظم کی وفات

بیماری کی حالت میں بھی قائداعظم لگاتار محنت کرتے رہے جس کے نتیجے میں قائداعظم کی طبیعت مزید بگڑ گئی اور وہ 11 ستمبر 1948ء کو وفات پا گئے۔

قائداعظم کا مزار کراچی میں ہے جہاں دور دور سے لوگ اس عظیم قائد کو خراج عقیدت پیش کرنے آتے ہیں۔

نتیجہ (Conclusion)

قائداعظم ہماری تاریخ کے عظیم ترین رہنما ہیں۔ قیام پاکستان کے دوران ،   ان کی خدمات ناقابل فراموش ہیں۔   اگر آج ہم ایک آزاد ملک میں آزادی سے زندگی بسر کر رہے ہیں تو یہ ہمارے عظیم رہنما قائداعظم کی کوششوں کا نتیجہ ہے۔

مزید پڑھیے:

علامہ اقبال پر مضمون

تعلیم کی اہمیت پر مضمون

ایک مثالی طالب علم پر مضمون

ایک تبصرہ شائع کریں

Connecting Asian writers with global readers

A century of war, 1914-2014: War & conflict in Urdu literature

Kishwar Naheed, Afzal Ahmed Syed, Satyapal Anand, Wustatullah Khan and Harris Khalique got together to discuss how Urdu literature has written about wars and conflicts, within the subcontinent as well as elsewhere in the world. Khalique moderated the conversation. Following are the edited excerpts from their discussion, translated from Urdu: The Dawn

Harris Khalique: Let’s start the conversation from 1914 as the world is marking 100 years to the start of World War I this year. However, it is important to note that there is also a lot of literature about 1857’s war of independence and that a lot happened between 1857 and 1914. We have memoirs of people who were sent to Kala Pani, for instance. Elegies and stories were written, as well as non-fiction. But we will start our discussion from 1914 and look at poetry and prose, fiction as well as non-fiction, including creative non-fiction, such as autobiographies and memoirs. We will try to look at regional as well as international events in the last 100 years and their impact on Urdu literature.

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E-Paper | August 21, 2024

Cover story: the army & democracy: military politics in pakistan.

SINCE 1947, Pakistan has passed through an unending sequence of critical junctures. Reeling from crisis to crisis, and plagued by war, the machinations of hostile external forces, and the depredations of uniformly corrupt and incompetent civilian governments, Pakistan has always been saved from complete and utter destruction by the timely and judicious intervention of the military, the only institution in the country possessing the expertise and wherewithal to address these complex problems. Even today, as Pakistan experiences yet another political impasse featuring intractable political forces engaged in an escalating cycle of antagonism, it may be the case that only the military possesses the deftness of touch and the maturity of outlook required to bring matters to a swift and efficacious conclusion.

Or so we are told. As Aqil Shah argues in The Army and Democracy: Military Politics in Pakistan, the military’s continued involvement in Pakistani politics can be attributed, amongst other things, to its self-perception as the only organisation capable of defending Pakistan from the myriad threats, violent and otherwise, that it allegedly faces.

Drawing on a variety of different sources, including interviews of military personnel, declassified military documents, and educational materials and publications emerging out of the National Defence University, Shah convincingly demonstrates that the military’s belief in its unique ability to protect and pursue Pakistan’s national interests, defined in the broadest possible sense, has deep roots in the institutional culture of the organisation. When the military topples civilian governments or shapes foreign policy, it does not just do so to protect its corporate interests; while that may play a role in the military’s decision-making, Shah argues that the military genuinely possesses a sense of manifest destiny with regards to the role it has assumed as the guardian of Pakistan.

The problem with this, pointed out repeatedly over the course of the book, is that the role the military has historically played in Pakistan’s politics has been counterproductive at best. With a clarity and directness that is refreshing, The Army and Democracy attributes Pakistan’s lack of democratisation to the military’s formal and informal political interventions, further suggesting that this has, on the balance, greatly impacted the state’s ability to effectively resolve the perennial problems of ethnic conflict, governance, and growth that have blighted Pakistan’s history.

Indeed, as is demonstrated through a detailed, historical overview of the different episodes of military rule in Pakistan, the military has actively damaged democratic institutions and politics, co-opting and controlling different civilian actors through a combination of coercive and non-coercive measures. If Pakistan’s democratic governments appear to be led by poorly institutionalised political parties stuffed full of opportunistic patronage politicians, and if the courts, parliament, and civil society have historically been unable to rein in the military, it is largely because the military has prevented them from developing into more effective mechanisms through which to achieve substantive democratisation. The banning of political parties, the introduction of presidential forms of government, the dismissal of democratically elected leaders through the use of dubious constitutional amendments, and the suppression of alternative, radical forms of politics, are all routine features of military politics that have systematically undermined democracy in Pakistan.

In tracing out the dominance of the military in Pakistan, Shah goes over familiar ground when he outlines how the perceived threat posed by India, coupled with the ethnic tensions between East and West Pakistan that quickly surfaced after 1947, provided the predominantly Punjabi military with both the opportunity and the justification to play a more active role in Pakistan’s politics. In a departure from scholars like Hamza Alavi, whose arguments about the “overdeveloped” nature of the colonial state have often served as a starting point for understanding the power of the Pakistani military relative to civilian governments, Shah suggests that the country’s descent into authoritarianism was not inevitable. On the contrary, it was leaders in the Muslim League, including Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan, who invoked the spectre of Indian aggression to legitimise attempts at centralising state power in the face of Bengali demands for greater autonomy and representation.

The identification of India as an existential threat to Pakistan, and the subordination of all other interests to the need to build an effective military, provided the armed forces with the means through which to strengthen their internal organisational coherence and establish an India-centric ideological worldview. It also reinforced biases, inherited from the colonial tradition, which viewed civilian politicians as being utterly incapable of dealing with the problems they confronted.

As the civilian government ceded increasing amounts of space to the military, particularly after the death of Liaquat Ali Khan, the military assumed a more central role with regards to the formulation of policy in a number of areas including the establishment of strategic ties with the United States in the context of the Cold War, and the form to be taken by the nascent federal system in Pakistan. Taking over responsibility for formulating responses to the external and, crucially, internal threats it believed Pakistan faced, the military developed as an institution that deliberately cultivated a mindset defined by a contempt for civilian politics and politicians, extreme suspicion with regards to India and other external forces, and a belief in the efficacy of violence in dealing with ethnic and ideological tensions within the country.

The wide-ranging nature of the military’s responsibilities in this early period, coupled with its almost unchallenged authority, allowed it to define ‘national interest’ and then cement its role as the entity best suited to pursuing it. Throughout the narrative that unfolds in The Army and Democracy, it becomes evident that even though circumstances have changed, and the military has often been forced to adapt to changed political environments, these beliefs remain the cornerstone of the military’s approach to understanding, and engaging in, politics.

The Army and Democracy is arguably at its most interesting and informative when it details the socialisation process that takes place within the military. Through his analysis of the military’s publications and training materials, as well as his interviews with military personnel, Shah provides a rare insight into the internal workings of the military mind. Whatever the original imperatives might have been that gave rise to the military’s dominance and worldview, it becomes clear that the perpetuation of these beliefs and ideas is the outcome of concerted efforts to inculcate them within the military’s rank and file.

The sociological approach Shah takes to understanding the military’s institutional norms, beliefs, and values is extremely useful because it helps to illuminate and explain many of the actions that its personnel take; for example, the military’s flagrant disregard for the Constitution and democracy makes more sense when recognising how the National Defence University’s curriculum for 2012-13 only devotes two hours (out of a total of 987) to explaining and understanding the Constitution, with only a fraction of this time being used to understand the military’s constitutional role. Similarly, when it comes to broader strategic questions, such as the wisdom of maintaining militant proxies in Afghanistan or the alleged role played by India in fomenting unrest in Balochistan, the policy papers and articles disseminated within the military play a fundamental role in fostering a culture that, as Shah points out, is steeped in “conspiracy and paranoia.”

Furthermore, the military has actively disseminated its beliefs throughout the rest of society, using the ISPR and close links with the media and journalists to align public opinion with its own strategic and political objectives. The demonisation of democratic politics, the hysterical approach to relations with India, and the enthusiasm for Islamisation that are now a central part of the public discourse are in no small part the result of the military’s efforts to garner greater legitimacy for itself.

For Shah, this institutional culture is also the primary impediment to the exercise of effective civilian power and oversight over the military. While there are a range of potential measures through which civilian governments could potentially exercise a check on the military, their chances of success are unlikely in the absence of the military’s own willingness to submit to such control. Again and again, throughout Pakistan’s history, attempts to reform the military and bring it within the ambit of civilian jurisdiction have failed, and have almost invariably prompted a backlash ranging from outright coups to the behind-the-scenes attempts to destabilise and weaken democratically elected leaders.

Even when the military has apparently been in retreat, as was the case after 1971, or has voluntarily ceded political space, such as in the aftermath of the Musharraf regime, Shah makes it clear that the military has always retained the option of undertaking more direct interventions while making use of other, informal means through which to discharge its self-appointed role as the custodian of national interest.

For all its attention to detail and scholarly insights, The Army and Democracy is an extremely accessible read that will undoubtedly be of great value to experts in the field as well as a more general audience. There are, however, two areas that could have benefitted from a more comprehensive treatment in the book. Firstly, The Army and Democracy could have said more on the dynamics of collaboration and co-optation that often define civil-military relations, particularly in the context of electoral politics. While the book does devote some time to this particular theme, especially when discussing the use of patronage and funding to prop up acceptable civilian actors, it would have been interesting to see more about the effects of this on political parties and governance.

Secondly, while the book understandably focuses on the internal culture of the military, and the way in which this has shaped attitudes towards civilian governments and democracy, not enough attention is paid to the question of the military’s material interests. While it is certainly the case that the military’s capacity to define the threats faced by Pakistan, and its belief in its ability to deal with them, helps to explain the military’s political actions, it is difficult to discount the role that concrete economic interests might play in prompting interventions in the political sphere.

When discussing the Musharraf era and its aftermath, Shah argues that there has been a shift in the way the military views a number of issues currently being faced by Pakistan. For one, the military has apparently decided to play a less “activist” role in politics, focusing instead on manipulating events in the background rather than engaging in overt interventions. It also appears to be the case that the military has slowly started to reevaluate its support for Islamist militants, recognising the disastrous effect they have had on Pakistan domestically. In both areas, however, it is clear that change, to the extent it is taking place, is slow; the military’s voluntary withdrawal from formal politics does not herald a new appreciation for civilian politicians or democracy, and there are many within the military who think the long-term benefits to be accrued by working with militant proxies outweigh the short-term costs of doing so. Given the conservatism inherent to all militaries, as well as the lack of any effective means through which to challenge the military in Pakistan, it is unsurprising that this is the case. However, as Pakistan’s problems continue to worsen, it is also increasingly clear that more democracy, not less, will be required to build the kind of accountable, participatory, and responsive governments that can deal with these issues.

In a context where almost seven decades of overt and covert military involvement in politics have largely served to exacerbate Pakistan’s most deep-rooted problems, it is clear that things will have to change before they can improve.

The reviewer is Assistant Professor of Political Science at LUMS

The Army and Democracy: Military Politics in Pakistan

By Aqil Shah

Harvard University Press, Cambridge

ISBN 978-0-674-72893-6

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Youm e Difa Essay in Urdu: Defense Day

Hello everyone! I hope you are feeling well. Today, I want to share a PDF of an essay in Urdu with you celebrating the significance of Defense Day “Youm e Difa”. Moreover, Defense Day is important because it works as a reminder of our nation’s security, unity, and the sacrifices made to safeguard our borders from enemies. Let’s dive into it and celebrate the significance of Defense Day together.

The Importance of Youm e Difa:

Youm e Difa is not just like another day on the calendar. It raises the spirit of courage, determination, and sacrifice for every Pakistani. It is a day when we come together to celebrate the unwavering love and respect we hold for our country.

Unity in Diversity:

On Youm e Difa, people from all walks of life, regardless of class, ethnicity, or religion, unite to commemorate our armed forces’ sacrifices and uphold their dignity.

Commemorative Events:

Across the country, different events such as speeches, seminars, and rallies are organized to ensure that the public recognizes and appreciates the sacrifices and hard work made by our soldiers. These events work as a reminder of the importance of national defense and unity.

A Call to Action:

Youm e Difa reminds us of our perpetual duty to remain vigilant and prepared to defend our homeland at all costs. It demands that we stand shoulder to shoulder with our armed forces and always be ready to help them and defend our nation.

Youm e Difa Essay in Urdu PDF:

The PDF includes:

• An excellent essay about the importance of Youm e Difa (Defense Day).

How to Download:

To download the PDF about the significance of Youm e Difa (Defense Day). Just click on the “Download” button we provide you above.

Conclusion:

Thanks for reading and contributing your time to read the article and PDF. I hope you enjoyed our article and PDF about the significance of Youm e Difa (Defense Day), and explored a lot of information about it. So, don’t forget to share it with your friends, family members, classmates, nearby, and everyone who wants to know about Defense Day.

More Valuable PDFs:

We have more informative PDFs available, I hope you will also find them helpful .

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Let’s celebrate Youm e Difa (Defense Day) and appreciate the hard work of our soldiers and their sacrifices for our nation and country.

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Hub ul watni essay in urdu | اردو میں حب الوطنی مضمون

Welcome to our hub ul watni essay in urdu for class 7,8 and other with headings, poetry and quotation! Hub ul watni, or patriotism, is a virtue that fills our hearts with love and devotion for our country. It inspires us to serve and defend our nation in times of need, and to work together to make our country a better place. Patriotism is not just about being proud of our country, but also about being part of a community and celebrating our cultural heritage and diversity.

In this essay, we will explore the meaning and importance of patriotism, and discuss how it can have both positive and negative effects on society. We will also delve into the history of the word patriotism, and examine the factors that influence our feelings of love and devotion for our country.

So if you are ready to learn more about hub ul watni and how it shapes our sense of national identity, then let’s get started!

Definition of hub ul watni (Patriotism) | حب الوطنی کی تعریف

The word patriotism is derived from the Latin word Patria, which means fatherland. The etymology of the word is derived from the Latin word patriota, which means fellow countryman. Patriotism can be defined as a feeling of love and devotion to one’s country. It is a virtue that inspires people to serve and defend their country in times of need. Patriotism is a feeling of deep affection for one’s country, a sense of pride in its achievements, and a desire to protect it from harm. 

حب الوطنی کا لفظ لاطینی لفظ Patria سے ماخوذ ہے جس کا مطلب ہے آبائی وطن۔ اس لفظ کی etymology لاطینی لفظ Patriota سے ماخوذ ہے جس کا مطلب ہے ہم وطن۔ حب الوطنی کو اپنے ملک سے محبت اور عقیدت کے احساس سے تعبیر کیا جا سکتا ہے۔ یہ ایک خوبی ہے جو لوگوں کو ضرورت کے وقت اپنے ملک کی خدمت اور دفاع کرنے کی ترغیب دیتی ہے۔ حب الوطنی اپنے ملک سے گہری محبت کا احساس، اس کی کامیابیوں پر فخر کا احساس، اور اسے نقصان سے بچانے کی خواہش ہے۔

Etymology of the Word Patriotism | لفظ حب الوطنی کی لسانیات 

Patriotism may be based on ethnic or cultural factors. Nationalism is an extreme form of patriotism, in which a person has an exaggerated love for his or her country. Passion for one’s country is based on an emotional response to the history of the nation and its cultural heritage. Patriotism may be tied to a sense of national identity or ethnic group membership. For example, many people who are ethnically English are patriotic about Britain, and many Muslims are patriotic about Saudi arab. Patriotism can also be based on ideological principles, especially when patriotism is used as a political tool by governments or political leaders. 

حب الوطنی نسلی یا ثقافتی عوامل پر مبنی ہو سکتی ہے۔ قوم پرستی حب الوطنی کی ایک انتہائی شکل ہے، جس میں ایک شخص اپنے ملک کے لیے مبالغہ آمیز محبت رکھتا ہے۔ اپنے ملک کے لیے جذبہ قوم کی تاریخ اور اس کے ثقافتی ورثے کے جذباتی ردعمل پر مبنی ہے۔ حب الوطنی کو قومی شناخت یا نسلی گروہ کی رکنیت کے احساس سے جوڑا جا سکتا ہے۔ مثال کے طور پر، بہت سے لوگ جو نسلی طور پر انگریز ہیں برطانیہ کے بارے میں محب وطن ہیں، اور بہت سے مسلمان سعودی عرب کے بارے میں محب وطن ہیں۔ حب الوطنی کی بنیاد نظریاتی اصولوں پر بھی ہو سکتی ہے، خاص طور پر جب حب الوطنی کو حکومتیں یا سیاسی رہنما ایک سیاسی آلے کے طور پر استعمال کرتے ہیں۔

Factors that Influence Patriotism | حب الوطنی کو متاثر کرنے والے عوامل

It may also be tied to economic interests ; for example, patriotism has been associated with support for free trade and less government regulation in economic affairs. Country patriotism manifests itself in different ways depending on how people perceive their society as a place where they live with their family and friends, where they find their happiness, and where they work and live out their dreams and aspirations. 

اسے معاشی مفادات سے بھی جوڑا جا سکتا ہے۔ مثال کے طور پر، حب الوطنی کا تعلق آزاد تجارت کی حمایت اور اقتصادی معاملات میں کم حکومتی ضابطے سے ہے۔ ملک کی حب الوطنی اپنے آپ کو مختلف طریقوں سے ظاہر کرتی ہے اس پر منحصر ہے کہ لوگ اپنے معاشرے کو ایک ایسی جگہ کے طور پر کیسے دیکھتے ہیں جہاں وہ اپنے خاندان اور دوستوں کے ساتھ رہتے ہیں، جہاں انہیں اپنی خوشی ملتی ہے، اور جہاں وہ کام کرتے ہیں اور اپنے خوابوں اور خواہشات کو پورا کرتے ہیں۔

Manifestations of Patriotism | حب الوطنی کے مظاہر

It can even be seen in the way they dress or talk, and even in the way they walk with their head held high with pride. This concept is not only confined to one’s country but can also be seen among groups at large such as religious groups or even among members of social groups such as students or sports enthusiasts who have strong ties with each other through the common goal or interest that binds them together as one whole unit. 

یہ ان کے لباس یا بات کرنے کے انداز میں بھی دیکھا جا سکتا ہے، اور یہاں تک کہ وہ اپنے سر کو فخر سے بلند کیے ہوئے چلتے ہیں۔ یہ تصور صرف کسی کے ملک تک ہی محدود نہیں ہے بلکہ بڑے پیمانے پر گروہوں جیسے مذہبی گروہوں یا یہاں تک کہ سماجی گروپوں کے ممبران جیسے طلباء یا کھیلوں کے شوقین افراد کے درمیان بھی دیکھا جا سکتا ہے جو مشترکہ مقصد یا مفاد کے ذریعے ایک دوسرے کے ساتھ مضبوط تعلقات رکھتے ہیں۔ وہ ایک ساتھ ایک پوری اکائی کے طور پر۔

Positive and Negative Effects of Patriotism | حب الوطنی کے مثبت اور منفی اثرات

Patriotism can have both positive and negative effects on society. The positive effects include loyalty to one’s country because it creates a sense of belongingness among its citizens which gives them a feeling that they are an important part of something greater than themselves, while the negative effects include blind acceptance without discernment because it could lead to the denial of other cultures and traditions that form part of what makes up a nation

حب الوطنی معاشرے پر مثبت اور منفی دونوں اثرات مرتب کر سکتی ہے۔ مثبت اثرات میں اپنے ملک کے ساتھ وفاداری شامل ہے کیونکہ اس سے اس کے شہریوں میں اپنائیت کا احساس پیدا ہوتا ہے جو انہیں یہ احساس دلاتا ہے کہ وہ خود سے بڑی چیز کا ایک اہم حصہ ہیں، جبکہ منفی اثرات میں بغیر سمجھ بوجھ کے اندھی قبولیت بھی شامل ہے کیونکہ اس سے ملک کے شہریوں کے درمیان تعلق کا احساس پیدا ہوتا ہے۔ دوسری ثقافتوں اور روایات سے انکار جو قوم کی تشکیل کا حصہ بنتے ہیں۔

Poetry for Hub ul Watni  | حب الوطنی کے لیے شاعری۔

هب الوطنی، یہ پیار ہے ہمارا

اور ہمیں اپنے وطن سے وفاداری ہے

اپنے وطن کا کرنامہ دکھاتے ہیں

اپنے وطن کو ہم خوشنما بنا کے رکھے ہیں

اپنے وطن کی خاطر ہم لے رہے ہیں

اپنے وطن کی عظمت کو ہم حفاظت میں لے رہے ہیں

اپنے وطن کی تعریف کرتے ہیں

اپنے وطن کا غم بھی اٹھاتے ہیں

اور ہمیں اپنے وطن سے وفاداری ہ

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Allama Iqbal Essay in Urdu 

علامہ اقبال ہمارے عظیم قومی ہیرو تھے۔ وہ شاعر مشرق ہیں۔ وہ 9 نومبر 1877ء کو سیالکوٹ میں پیدا ہوئے، وہ نظریہ پاکستان کے علمبردار اور عظیم شاعر تھے۔, محمد اقبال نے مکمل طور پر سر محمد اقبال نے بھی محمد اقبال کے ہجے لکھے۔ان کی والدہ کا نام امام بی بی تھا۔,  ان کی اہلیہ کا نام سردار بیگم تھا۔ آپ کے والد کا نام شیخ نور محمد تھا۔, فارسی، عربی اور اردو سمیت روایتی زبانوں پر عبور حاصل کرنے کے بعد، اس نے سکاٹش مشن اسکول سے فلسفہ میں ایم اے کی ڈگری حاصل کی۔ انہوں نے جرمنی سے مابعد الطبیعیات کی ترقی میں ڈاکٹریٹ کی تعلیم جاری رکھی۔ اس کے پاس بارات قانون کی ڈگری بھی تھی۔مزید یہ کہ گورنمنٹ کالج لاہور میں اپنے فلسفے کے استاد سر تھامس آرنلڈ کی تعلیمات سے متاثر ہو کر مزید قابلیت کے لیے یورپ چلے گئے۔ انہوں نے 1906 میں بیچلر آف آرٹس کی ڈگری حاصل کی، اسی سال لنکنز ان میں بیرسٹر کا نام دیا گیا۔, اپنے پورے کیریئر میں، اس نے مختلف اوقات میں مختلف پیشوں کی پیروی کی۔ انہوں نے فلسفے کے پروفیسر کے طور پر کام کیا، قانون کی مشق کی، سیاست میں حصہ لیا اور گول میز کانفرنس میں شامل ہوئے۔ بالآخر، وہ ممتاز قومی شاعر بن گئے اور انہوں نے نظریہ پاکستان کی حمایت کی۔, دلچسپ بات یہ ہے کہ انہوں نے نہ صرف اردو بلکہ فارسی زبان میں بھی لکھا۔ ان کی شاعری سے پتہ چلتا ہے کہ وہ مشرق کے شاعر تھے جو وحدت الوجود کے قائل ہیں۔ نیز، انہوں نے خودی کے فلسفے کو آگے لایا، جس میں خود شناسی کا مطالبہ کیا گیا۔, سر اقبال کے بہت سے مضبوط اقدامات میں سے چند جو سب سے نمایاں ہیں، ہندوستان کے مسلمانوں کے لیے اس وقت آواز اٹھانا جب انگریز ان پر قابض تھے، تعلیم پر ان کی توجہ اور سماجی مسائل پر قابو پانے کے لیے ان کی توجہ بھی روشنی میں لائی گئی۔1930 میں ہندوستانی مسلمانوں کے لیے علیحدہ وطن کے پیچھے ان کا نظریہ اور ان کی حیرت انگیز شاعری نے بہت سے مسلمانوں کو دین اسلام پر دماغی طوفان بنانے کے قابل بنایا اور ان کی آنکھیں کھول دیں۔, ان کی چند مشہور کتابیں ہیں؛ شکوہ، جواب شکوہ، ارمغان حجاز، بال جبرائیل اور دیگر نے انہیں کافی کامیابیاں دیں۔ خاص طور پر، شکوا نے ہنگامہ کھڑا کیا کیونکہ بہت سے مسلمانوں کو اس بات کی فکر تھی کہ وہ اللہ تعالیٰ سے شکایت کیسے کر سکتا ہے۔ لیکن جواب شکوہ کے بعد ہر کوئی نہ صرف متاثر ہوا بلکہ ان کے شعری انداز کو بھی پسند کیا۔ علامہ اقبال نے بھی بہت سی کتابیں لکھیں, ۔1928ء میں سر علامہ اقبال کی شہرت مضبوط ہوئی اور انہوں نے حیدرآباد، مدراس اور علی گڑھ میں لیکچر دیے۔ سب سے اوپر چیری تھی، یہ لیکچر ایک کتاب کے طور پر شائع ہوا تھا جس کا نام ہے “اسلام میں مذہبی فکر کی تعمیر نو”۔1932 میں اقبال تیسری گول میز کانفرنس میں بطور مسلمان مندوب انگلستان آئے۔,  جب قائد اعظم محمد علی جناح انگلستان میں تھے تو مسٹر اقبال نے انہیں آنے کے لیے آمادہ کیا اور مسائل اور ہندوستانی ریاست کے بارے میں ان کے ذاتی خیالات پوچھے۔ اُس کا خط بے بدل الفاظ اور خیالات کی طاقت سے طاقتور تھا۔, اقبال کے سب سے اہم کارنامے یہ تھے:- انھوں نے ہندوستان کے مسلمانوں کے لیے اس وقت آواز اٹھائی جب وہ برطانوی تسلط میں تھے اور برطانوی کالونی کا حصہ تھے۔ انہوں نے تعلیم کے فروغ پر زور دیا اور دیگر سماجی مسائل جیسے بے روزگاری اور تجارتی خسارے کو اجاگر کیا۔, ان کا پاکستان کا خواب ایک ایسی مسلم ریاست کا تھا جس میں اسلام کے اخلاقی اصول اور ان سے اخذ کردہ سیاسی نظام کا باضابطہ تعلق تھا۔ ان کے خیال میں، ایک ایسا سیاسی نظام جس میں اخلاقی بنیاد نہ ہو، ‘تبدیلی’، یا بدترین قسم کے ظلم کی طرف لے جائے گا۔, سر علامہ اقبال 21 اپریل 1938 کو انتقال کر گئے لیکن مسلمانوں کے لیے ان کا لازوال کام اور موقف زندگی بھر زندہ رہے گا۔ وہ لاہور میں بادشاہی مسجد کے پاس مدفون ہیں۔علامہ محمد اقبال کا مقبرہ، یا مزارِ اقبال ایک مقبرہ ہے جو پاکستان کے صوبہ پنجاب کے دارالحکومت لاہور کے شہر حضوری باغ کے اندر واقع ہے۔, ان کی خوبصورت شاعری آج بھی لوگوں اور نوجوانوں کو متاثر کرتی رہتی ہے۔ بہت سارے لوگ ہیں جو ان کے بارے میں لکھنا پسند کرتے ہیں اور بہت سے ایسے ہیں جہاں آپ سر محمد علامہ اقبال پر ایک مضمون تلاش کرتے ہیں۔ خاص طور پر پاکستان میں مضمون نویسی کی خدمت پر، ان لیڈروں کو واقعی سلام کی ضرورت ہے کہ انہوں نے مسلم اقوام کے ساتھ کیا کیا ہے۔, پاکستانی مسلمان اپنے ہی وطن میں امن سے رہ رہے ہیں جہاں کسی اور غیر مسلم جماعت کا کوئی ثانی نہیں۔ جبکہ ہندوستان میں مسلمان بہت زیادہ تکلیف میں ہیں کیوں کہ اب بھی دلوں سے نفرت نہیں نکالی جا سکتی۔ایک عظیم مفکر، مثالی شاعر اور عقیدت مند فلسفی، اقبال کے پاکستان کے لیے وژن نے اپنے وطن کی وکالت کرنے والے مسلمانوں کی زندگیوں میں ایک انقلابی روح پھونکی۔اقبال جو مسلمانوں کے بہت بڑے خیر خواہ تھے، نے اپنی شاعری کے ذریعے مسلمانوں کو جہالت کی نیند سے بیدار کرنے کی کوشش کی۔ انہوں نے مسلمانوں کو ان کی غفلت کا احساس دلانے کے لیے بے شمار اشعار اور اشعار لکھے۔ اس نے انہیں ‘خود اعتمادی’ کا سبق سکھایا۔ اس نے انہیں اپنے آباؤ  , اجداد کے کارناموں کا احساس دلایا۔.

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US soldier pleads guilty to selling secrets to China

A US Army analyst has pleaded guilty to charges of conspiring to sell military secrets to China, the Department of Justice (DOJ) has said.

Sgt Korbein Schultz was arrested in March after an investigation by the FBI and US Army counterintelligence alleged that he was paid $42,000 (£33,000) in exchange for dozens of sensitive security records.

The criminal conspiracy began in June 2022 and continued up until his arrest, officials said.

He is scheduled for sentencing in January.

Sgt Schultz, who held a security clearance to access top secret information, conspired to collect data with someone whom he believed to be living in Hong Kong, according to court documents.

The purported Hong Kong resident asked Sgt Schultz to collect sensitive data related to missile defence and mobile artillery systems, according to court records.

Sgt Schultz also collected data on US fighter aircraft, military tactics, and the US military's defence strategy for Taiwan, based on what it learned from Russia's war in Ukraine.

“By conspiring to transmit national defence information to a person living outside the United States, this defendant callously put our national security at risk to cash in on the trust our military placed in him,” Assistant Attorney General Matthew Olsen of the DOJ's National Security Division said.

Sgt Schultz on Tuesday pleaded guilty to all charges against him, including conspiracy to obtain and disclose national defence information and bribery of a public official.

The indictment against Sgt Schultz earlier detailed messages he sent to the supposed Hong Kong resident, who was referred to in court documents as Conspirator A.

In one exchange, Sgt Schultz said he "wished he could be Jason Bourne" in reference to the fictional spy character.

After being promised more money from his handler, he said in another message: "I hope so! I need to get my other BMW back!".

The FBI and US Army Counterintelligence Command are continuing investigations into the case.

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Details emerge after doctor raped and murdered in India as thousands protest

August 15, 2024 / 6:32 AM EDT / CBS/AFP

Thousands took to the streets of Kolkata early Thursday to condemn the rape and murder of a local doctor , demanding justice for the victim and an end to the chronic issue of violence against women in Indian society.

The discovery of the 31-year-old's brutalized body last week at a state-run hospital has sparked nationwide protests, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi demanding swift punishment for those who commit "monstrous" deeds against women.

Large crowds marched through the streets of Kolkata in West Bengal to condemn the killing, with a candlelight rally at midnight coinciding with the start of India's independence day celebrations on Thursday.

The protesters in Kolkata, who marched under the slogan "reclaim the night", called for a wider tackling of violence against women and held up handwritten signs demanding action.

"We want justice," read one sign at the rally. "Hang the rapist, save the women," read another.

"The atrocities against women do not stop," midnight marcher Monalisa Guha told Kolkata's The Telegraph newspaper.

"We face harassment almost on a daily basis," another marcher, Sangeeta Halder, told the daily. "But not stepping out because of fear is not the solution."

"Monstrous behavior against women"

Modi, speaking in New Delhi on Thursday morning at independence day celebrations, did not specifically reference the Kolkata murder, but expressed his "pain" at violence against women.

"There is anger for atrocities committed against our mothers and sisters, there is anger in the nation about that," he said.

"Crimes against women should be quickly investigated; monstrous behavior against women should be severely and quickly punished," he added. "That is essential for creating deterrence and confidence in the society."

Doctors are also demanding swift justice and better workplace security in the wake of the killing, with those in government hospitals across several states on Monday halting elective services "indefinitely" in protest.

Protests have since occurred in several other hospitals across the country, including in the capital.

"Doctors nationwide are questioning what is so difficult about enacting a law for our security," Dhruv Chauhan, from the Indian Medical Association's Junior Doctors' Network, told the Press Trust of India news agency. "The strike will continue until all demands are formally met."

The Telegraph on Thursday praised the "spirited public protests" across India.

"Hearteningly, doctors and medical organizations are not the only ones involved," it said in an editorial. "The ranks of the protesters have been swelled by people from all walks of life."

Police accused of mishandling case

Indian media have reported the murdered doctor was found in the teaching hospital's seminar hall, suggesting she had gone there for a brief rest during a long shift.

An autopsy has confirmed sexual assault, and in a petition to the court, the victim's parents have said that they suspected their daughter was gang-raped, according to Indian broadcaster NDTV.  

Though police have detained a man who worked at the hospital helping people navigate busy queues, officers have been accused of mishandling the case.

Kolkata's High Court on Tuesday transferred the case to the elite Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to "inspire public confidence."

In the early hours of Thursday, a mob of some 40 people angry at authorities' handling of the case stormed the grounds of the R.G. Kar Medical College and Hospital, the site of the murder.

The men smashed property and hurled stones at police, who fired tear gas in response, authorities said.

West Bengal lawmaker Abhishek Banerjee, from the Trinamool Congress party, condemned the "hooliganism and vandalism," but said "the demands of the protesting doctors are fair and justified."

History of sexual violence in India

Sexual violence against women is a widespread problem in India. An average of nearly 90 rapes a day were reported in India in 2022, according to  data  from the National Crime Records Bureau.

That year, police  arrested 11 people  after the alleged brutal gang rape and torture of a young woman that included her being paraded through the streets of Dehli. Also in 2022, a police officer in India was arrested after being  accused of raping  a 13-year-old girl who went to his station to report she had been gang-raped.

In March 2024, multiple Indian men were arrested after the  gang rape of a Spanish tourist  on a motorbike trip with her husband.

For many, the gruesome nature of the attack has invoked comparisons with the horrific 2012 gang rape and murder  of a young woman on a Delhi bus.

The woman became a symbol of the socially conservative country's failure to tackle sexual violence against women.

Her death sparked huge, and at times violent, demonstrations in Delhi and elsewhere.

Under pressure, the government introduced harsher penalties for rapists, and the death penalty for repeat offenders.

Several new sexual offences were also introduced, including stalking and jail sentences for officials who failed to register rape complaints.

• Sexual Violence

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Deserted: The U.S. Military's Sexual Assault Crisis as a Cost of War

Over the past decade, the U.S. military has implemented policies to promote gender equality, notably lifting the ban on women in combat roles in 2013 and opening all military jobs to women by 2016. Yet, even as U.S. military policy reforms during the “War on Terror” appear to reflect greater equality, violent patterns of abuse and misogyny continued within military workplaces.

This author of this report found that sexual assault prevalence in the military is likely two to four times higher than official government estimations. Based on a comparison of available data collected by the U.S. Department of Defense to independent data, the research estimates there were 75,569 cases of sexual assault in 2021 and 73,695 cases in 2023. On average, over the course of the war in Afghanistan, 24 percent of active-duty women and 1.9 percent of active-duty men experienced sexual assault. The report highlights how experiences of gender inequality are most pronounced for women of color, who experience intersecting forms of racism and sexism and are one of the fastest-growing populations within the military. Independent data also confirm queer and trans service members’ disproportionately greater risk for sexual assault.

The report notes that during the post-9/11 wars, the prioritization of force readiness above all else allowed the problem of sexual assault to fester, papering over internal violence and gender inequalities within military institutions.

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Executive Summary >

Tim Walz's military career: What we know and what we don't know

• Sen. JD Vance and other Republicans say Gov. Tim Walz is misrepresenting his military background.
• Some also say that Walz retired and ran for office to avoid active combat.
• Here's what we know about Walz's military service, which spanned over two decades.

When Vice President Kamala Harris chose Gov. Tim Walz of Minnesota as her running mate, his military history seemed like an asset .

But now, Republicans are using his military tenure as a point of attack. They have resurfaced claims that Walz misrepresented his military history, retired from the Army to avoid fighting in the Iraq War, and broke promises to his unit.

Walz served in the military for more than 24 years, in both the Nebraska and Minnesota National Guards, according to documents shared with Business Insider by Army Lt. Col. Kristen Augé, a public affairs officer at the Minnesota National Guard.

He retired in 2005 to run for Congress. About two months later, after his retirement, his unit, the Minnesota National Guard's 1st Battalion, 125th Field Artillery, was ordered to mobilize.

Walz's opponent in the presidential race, Sen. JD Vance, says Walz left the military to avoid active combat. During a campaign event on Wednesday, Vance accused his opponent of "stolen valor."

Other Republicans are piling on. In a video posted to X , Rep. Mike Waltz, a Republican from Florida and a veteran, compared the situation to a star quarterback leaving his team before the Super Bowl.

Republicans have also accused Walz of misrepresenting his rank and experience in the Army. Walz presents himself in videos, which the Harris campaign is circulating, as a "retired command sergeant major" who advocated for stricter gun control policies by arguing that civilians should not have access to weapons "that I carried in war."

"He has not spent a day in a combat zone," Vance said on Wednesday. "I'd be ashamed if I was him and I lied about my military service like he did."

These criticisms aren't new. When Walz first ran for governor in 2018, two retired Army veterans posted a letter on Facebook saying he had "embellished" his military career and had ditched his unit just before it was deployed to Iraq.

That's not the whole story, however, and some veterans have defended Walz.

Related stories

"Hey @JDVance, did you forget what the USMC taught you about respect?" Sen. Mark Kelly, a Navy combat veteran, said on X. "Tim Walz spent DECADES in uniform. You both deserve to be thanked for your service. Don't become Donald Trump. He calls veterans suckers and losers and that is beneath those of us who have actually served."

Here's everything we know about Walz's time in the US Army.

Walz served in the Army National Guard for more than two decades

At the age of 17, Walz enlisted in the Nebraska Army National Guard, where he served as an infantry senior sergeant and administrative specialist. In 1996, he transferred to the Minnesota National Guard and held various field artillery positions, including firing battery chief, operations sergeant, first sergeant, and command sergeant major.

In 2003, Walz was sent abroad as part of Operation Enduring Freedom , stage one of America's war on terror, which primarily took place in Afghanistan. He was on active duty in Italy until 2004 but he never went to Afghanistan or Iraq.

Records show that Walz submitted paperwork with the Federal Elections Commission on February 10, 2005. A month later, in March 2005, the National Guard announced the potential partial mobilization of troops from the Minnesota National Guard. In a statement from that time, Walz said he didn't know if his artillery unit would be mobilized but said he did not intend to drop his election bid.

"As command sergeant major I have a responsibility not only to ready my battalion for Iraq, but also to serve if called on," he said in a press release from March 2005. "I am dedicated to serving my country to the best of my ability, whether that is in Washington, DC or Iraq."

A couple of months later, on May 16, 2005, Walz retired from the Army. It's not clear when he first filed for retirement. In August, the Army ordered his former unit to mobilize. A few months later, it was deployed to Iraq.

During his decades in the Army, Walz never faced active combat

Though Walz said in his defense of stricter gun control policies that "we can make sure those weapons of war, that I carried in war, are only carried in war" in a widely circulated video, he never saw active combat during his time in the Army. He has never been in a conflict zone or been to war.

During his service, Walz helped respond to disasters like floods and tornadoes. His only time abroad was his stint in Italy. While running for Minnesota governor in 2018, Walz acknowledged to Minnesota Public Radio that he never faced combat firsthand.

"I know that there are certainly folks that did far more than I did," Walz told the outlet. "I willingly say that I got far more out of the military than they got out of me, from the GI Bill to leadership opportunities to everything else."

Walz achieved the rank of command sergeant major

According to his biography on the Minnesota government website  and public comments, Walz has identified   himself as a "retired command sergeant major." ABC News reported that Walz earned the rank, which is the highest enlisted one for his unit, in September 2004 .

The Harris campaign website identified him that way until Wednesday afternoon. It now says that Walz served in the Army, "rising to the rank of Command Sergeant Major."

That's because although Walz did hold the title at one point, he retired as a master sergeant, a lower rank. The Army reduced his rank in May 2005, when Walz retired, because he never finished the required coursework for the US Army Sergeants Major Academy, according to Minnesota National Guard records.

To retire as a command sergeant major, Walz would also have had to hold the title for three years.

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Guest Essay

Harris Can Change Biden’s Policy on Israel Just by Upholding the Law

By Peter Beinart

Mr. Beinart is a contributing Opinion writer. He’s also a professor of journalism and political science at the Newmark School of Journalism at the City University of New York, an editor at large of Jewish Currents and writes The Beinart Notebook, a weekly newsletter.

Kamala Harris is in a bind. Despite rallying Democrats behind her, she’s still being heckled by protesters who want to end U.S. support for Israel’s war in Gaza. Many of those activists want her to endorse an arms embargo against the Jewish state. Her chief foreign policy adviser, Phil Gordon, has ruled that out . But a flat refusal risks alienating progressives in key states like Michigan and sparking an ugly confrontation at this week’s Democratic convention.

There’s a solution that allows Ms. Harris to go beyond merely calling for a cease-fire and saying that “far too many” civilians in Gaza have died. Without supporting an arms embargo, she can still signal a clear break with Joe Biden’s near-unconditional support for an Israeli war effort that many legal scholars believe has led to genocide. And she can do so in a way befitting a former prosecutor: When it comes to Israel, Ms. Harris should simply say that she’ll enforce the law.

The law in question has been on the books for more than a decade. It prohibits the United States from assisting any unit of a foreign security force that commits “gross violations” of human rights. Aid can be reinstated if the foreign country adequately punishes the perpetrators. Passed by Congress in 1997, it bears the name of former Senator Patrick Leahy — and it has been applied hundreds of times — including reportedly against U.S. allies like Colombia and Mexico.

But it has never been applied to Israel, the country that over the past eight decades has received more U.S. aid, by far, than any other. That’s not because the Israel Defense Forces don’t commit serious abuses. “There are literally dozens of Israeli security force units that have committed gross violations of human rights” and should thus be ineligible for U.S. aid, a former State Department official, Charles Blaha, told ProPublica in May.

Mr. Blaha should know. From 2016 to 2023, he oversaw the office charged with enforcing the Leahy law. While a U.S. State Department spokesman in April claimed that Israel receives “ no special treatment ” under the Leahy law, Mr. Blaha says his own experience proved otherwise. When it came to every country except Israel, he has explained , career officials generally had the last word. In the case of Israel alone, he says, the decision rested with the State Department’s top political appointees.

Those appointees are failing to enforce U.S. law. This spring, ProPublica reported that an expert State Department panel had recommended that Secretary of State Antony Blinken cut off assistance to several units of the Israeli military and police after reviewing allegations that they had committed human rights abuses preceding the current Gaza war. In May, Mr. Blinken told Congress that Israel had adequately punished the members of units accused of serious abuses, and U.S. aid would thus keep flowing. (Because the department’s vetting process is not public, it’s unclear whether any of the units Mr. Blinken cleared were among those the panel flagged.)

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