child protection case study examples

Case studies in child welfare

About this guide, child welfare case studies, real-life stories, and scenarios, social services and organizational case studies, other case studies, using case studies.

This guide is intended as a supplementary resource for staff at Children's Aid Societies and Indigenous Well-being Agencies. It is not intended as an authority on social work or legal practice, nor is it meant to be representative of all perspectives in child welfare. Staff are encouraged to think critically when reviewing publications and other materials, and to always confirm practice and policy at their agency.

Case studies and real-life stories can be a powerful tool for teaching and learning about child welfare issues and practice applications. This guide provides access to a variety of sources of social work case studies and scenarios, with a specific focus on child welfare and child welfare organizations.

• Real cases project Three case studies, drawn from the New York City Administration for Children's Services. Website also includes teaching guides
• Protective factors in practice vignettes These vignettes illustrate how multiple protective factors support and strengthen families who are experiencing stress. From the National Child Abuse Prevention Month website
• Child welfare case studies and competencies Each of these cases was developed, in partnership, by a faculty representative from an Alabama college or university social work education program and a social worker, with child welfare experience, from the Alabama Department of Human Resources

• Immigration in the child welfare system: Case studies Case studies related to immigrant children and families in the U.S. from the American Bar Association
• White privilege and racism in child welfare scenarios From the Center for Advanced Studies in Child Welfare more... less... https://web.archive.org/web/20190131213630/https://cascw.umn.edu/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/WhitePrivilegeScenarios.pdf
• You decide: Would you remove these children from their families? Interactive piece from the Australian Broadcasting Corporation featuring cases based on real-life situations
• A case study involving complex trauma This case study complements a series of blog posts dedicated to the topic of complex trauma and how children learn to cope with complex trauma
• Fostering and adoption: Case studies Four case studies from Research in Practice (UK)
• Troubled families case studies This document describes how different families in the UK were helped through family intervention projects
• Parenting case studies From of the Pennsylvania Child Welfare Resource Center's training entitled "Understanding Reactive Attachment Disorder"
• Children’s Social Work Matters: Case studies Collections of narratives and case studies

• Race for Results case studies Series of case studies from the Annie E. Casey Foundation looking at ways of addressing racial inequities and supporting better outcomes for racialized children and communities
• Systems of care implementation case studies This report presents case studies that synthesize the findings, strategies, and approaches used by two grant communities to develop a principle-guided approach to child welfare service delivery for children and families more... less... https://web.archive.org/web/20190108153624/https://www.childwelfare.gov/pubPDFs/ImplementationCaseStudies.pdf
• Child Outcomes Research Consortium: Case studies Case studies from the Child Outcomes Research Consortium, a membership organization in the UK that collects and uses evidence to improve children and young people’s mental health and well-being
• Social work practice with carers: Case studies
• Social Care Institute for Excellence: Case studies
• Learning to address implicit bias towards LGBTQ patients: Case scenarios [2018] more... less... https://web.archive.org/web/20190212165359/https://www.lgbthealtheducation.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Implicit-Bias-Guide-2018_Final.pdf
• Using case studies to teach
• Last Updated: Aug 12, 2022 11:21 AM
• URL: https://oacas.libguides.com/case-studies

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Child care and protection: 3 real life case studies.

In New South Wales, the law puts the safety, welfare and wellbeing of the children above all else. Government departments such as Family and Community Services (FACS) do not interfere in people’s lives unless children are believed to be at risk of significant harm. If children are removed from your care because they are deemed to be at risk of significant harm, they can be placed with family or emergency carers until the situation has been resolved. If the situation is not resolved, then the children may need to remain in that placement. Parents and guardians have the right to legal aid and will be able to appear in the Children’s Court to work towards having the children restored to their care. The following examples are real case studies from Australia (with names and identifying details changed) to demonstrate how complex child care and protection cases can be.

Case study 1: Thomas & Charlotte A single mother of two children moved in with a partner who has a long criminal history, which included offences against children . There were reports made that the partner was abusing the children. The mother refused to accept that her partner was a risk to the children and prioritised him over the safety, welfare and wellbeing of the children. The children's father was contacted and said he was willing to take care of the children, but he has had little contact with them since the separation.

Response: Concerned about the risk of harm to the children, FACS removed the children and placed them into care and made an application to the Children’s Court to have interim parental responsibility for the children. The mother worked with FACS to address the concerns and was able to have the children restored to her care.

Case study 2: William A child care worker raised concerns about a toddler's late development. The child's mother was contacted and she admitted that she often struggles with her parental duties and relies on stimulants and anti-anxiety medication, but sometimes finds it hard even to get out of bed. Upon further investigation, it was found that the mother was using methamphetamine daily and often leaving the child unsupervised whilst she slept. Response: Her son was temporarily placed into care, but the mother was open to receiving help. She began attending parenting classes and she engaged with drug and alcohol counselling. She also completed random drug screens for FACS to show that she was no longer using illicit substances. She also spoke to her Doctor and obtained assistance for her anxiety. Her son was eventually returned to her care. Case study 3: James A school contacted child protection services when it was concerned about a pupil's poor attendance record, falling asleep in class, arriving without lunch and hygiene issues. When officers visited the child's home, they found that his mother suffered from a number of health problems that made it difficult for her to provide the daily care her son needed. Response: With no close family members available to help out, government support services were contacted to offer financial and emotional support. Care proceedings were not required. Are you worried about your children? If you or a loved one have been separated from your children, you have the right to representation in Children's Court if you can prove that your home is now a safe and caring environment. To find out more about child care and protection in New South Wales and how family lawyers can help you, click the image below to download our free ebook : Care and Protection: Know Your Rights and Where to Get Support.

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Resguardos de Paz – Módulos del proyecto. Guardia Indígena

Published: no date author: war child colombia.

Una historia de resistencia y protección Guardia Indígena. Acciones para la protección comunitaria, defensa de los derechos humanos y construcción de memoria histórica en comunidades indigenas en los departamentos de Choco y Antioquia, Colombia.

A SCHOOL FOR EVERY CHILD! Story of a community-led Initiative against school absenteeism in Jharkhand

Published: 2021 author: the inter-agency core group cini, chetna vikas, child resilience alliance, plan india, & praxis.

A short, illustrated story of a community-led initiative against school absenteeism in Khunti, Jharkhand, India.

Artbooks as witness of everyday resistance: Using art with displaced children living in Johannesburg, South Africa

Published: 2021 author: glynis clacherty.

Artbooks, which are a combined form of picture and story book created using mixed media, can be a simple yet powerful way of supporting children affected by war and displacement to tell their stories. They allow children to work through the creative arts, which protects them from being overwhelmed by difficult memories.

Ficha de situación – Chocó: Quibdó

Published: 2020 author: mire–mecanismo intersectorial de respuesta a emergencias.

Ficha de situación – Chocó: Quibdó. Comunidades de Villa nueva, Wounaan Phoboor y Wounaan la Paz.

Protecting children through village-based Family Support Groups in a post-conflict and refugee setting, Northern Uganda: A Case Study

Published: 2018 author: written by glynis clacherty, edited by lucy hillier, with contributions from mike wessells for the interagency learning initiative (ili).

This case study tells the story of a child protection programme developed by a community-based organisation called Children of the World that works in villages in northern Uganda. The Children of the World programme was chosen for this set of case studies because of its focus on the importance of a personal psychological process for real sustainable child protection.

Truck drivers stand for child protection – The story of the Regional Association of Truck Drivers Against Exploitation of Children, Uganda, Kampala/Mombasa trucking route: A Case Study

This case study tells the story of a regional association set up by truckers to protect children, in particular to stop truck drivers from picking up girls under 18 in the towns along the Uganda section of the Kampala-Mombasa trucking route. It tells the story of some of the truckers who took a stand against sexual exploitation of under-age girls as individuals and how they approached the Uganda Reproductive Health Bureau (URHB) to help them with technical information.

The Tatu Tano child-led organisation – Building child capacity and protective relationships through a child-led organisation, North-western Tanzania

Published: 2018 author: written by glynis clacherty, edited by lucy hillier, with contributions from mike wessells. photographs by james clacherty..

A case study collaboration between the Interagency Learning Initiative (ILI) on community-based child protection mechanisms, the Community Child Protection Exchange, and Kwa Wazee, Tanzania.

The story of the Vutamdogo Clubs, Mwanza, Tanzania. Youth clubs run livelihood projects and a literacy programme that provides protection for young children

A case study collaboration between the Interagency Learning Initiative (ILI) on community-based child protection mechanisms, the Community Child Protection Exchange, and Tanzanian Home Economics Association (TAHEA).

Weaving the web: documenting community-based development and child protection in Kolwezi, DRC

Published: 2018 author: mark canavera et al. with good shepherd international foundation.

The goal of this document – and the research process that underpins it – is to articulate the model that the Good Shepherd Sisters (GSS) have been implementing in Kolwezi in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). By consulting with stakeholders from multiple levels – the Good Shepherd Sisters and their staff, participants in their programmes, community members who are not involved in the programme, government and non-government partners, and mining company representatives – we aimed to document what the Good Shepherd Sisters have been doing in Kolwezi over the past five years with an eye to provide constructive recommendations about the future of the programme, which is currently under review for possible replication in areas around Kolwezi.

Tisser la Toile: documenter l’approche au développement communautaire et protection de l’enfance à Kolwezi, RDC

Published: 2018 author: mark canavera et al. avec good shepherd international foundation.

Le but de ce document et le processus de recherche qui le sous-tend est d’articuler le modèle que les Soeurs du Bon Pasteur (GSS) ont mis en place à Kolwezi en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC). En consultant des intervenants de multiples niveaux les Soeurs du Bon Pasteur et leur personnel, les participants de leurs programmes, les membres de la communauté qui ne participent pas au programme, les partenaires gouvernementaux et non gouvernementaux et les représentants des sociétés minières, nous avons cherché à documenter ce que les Soeurs du Bon Pasteur ont réalisées à Kolwezi au cours des cinq dernières années dans le but de fournir des recommandations constructives sur l’avenir du programme, qui est actuellement en cours de révision pour une réplication possible dans les zones situées autour de Kolwezi.

Community Management of Child Friendly Spaces Kiryandongo Refugee Settlement, Uganda. A case study.

Published: 2018 author: clacherty, g. published by the interagency learning intitative on community based child protection, the community child protection exchange and tpo uganda.

A case study collaboration between the Interagency Learning Initiative (ILI) on community-based child protection mechanisms, the Community Child Protection Exchange, and TPO Uganda.

Supporting Communities’ Disaster Resilience

Published: 2018 author: global communities.

A cross-sector example from the humanitarian response to disaster affected populations. Global Communities partners with communities to recover after natural disasters by addressing long-term needs and rebuilding climate-resilient infrastructure. It works with communities to strengthen their environmental resilience through climate change adaptation planning and disaster risk mitigation. The approach seeks to empower communities to identify, prioritise and find solutions to their most pressing needs. Haiti, Colombia, Nicaragua, Puerto Rico.

Building cross-sector collaboration using participatory action research to improve community health in an urban slum in Accra, Ghana

Published: 2018 author: jessica kritz.

A cross sector case study. Every urban slum creates challenges too complex for governments to resolve when working alone. Old Fadama, the largest slum in in Accra, Ghana, is home to over 100 000 people. Old Fadama has virtually no water or sanitation infrastructure, contributing to diminished quality of health and frequent cholera outbreaks when the nearby river floods. Our research introduces a model for cross-sector collaboration, supporting stakeholders who wanted to improve community health by installing latrines.

Community-based alternative care as a strategy for protecting Burundian refugee girls and boys: a case study from Mahama camp, Rwanda

Published: 2017 author: plan international.

A case study which describes the community-based child protection programme implemented between 2015 and 2016 with Burundian girls, boys and adults in Mahama refugee camp in Rwanda.

Barefoot Guide 5 – Mission Inclusion

Published: 2017 author: the fifth barefoot guide writer’s collective.

Many organisations, large and small, are tackling the deep challenges of exclusion and coming up with creative, innovative and workable solutions that are putting into practice the policies and strategies that everyone is talking about. This Barefoot Guide, written by 34 practitioners from 16 different countries on all continents makes many of these successful approaches and solutions more visible.

From the ground up: developing a national case management system for highly vulnerable children – An experience in Zimbabwe

Published: 2017 author: n. beth bradford.

A case study from Zimbabwe on how a national case management system for orphans and vulnerable children was built based on a community based care model.

How collaboration, early engagement and collective ownership increase research impact: Strengthening community-based child protection mechanisms in Sierra Leone

Published: 2017 author: michael wessells, david lamin, marie manyeh, dora king, lindsay stark, sarah lilley and kathleen kostelny.

Chapter 5 of the publication “The Social Realities of Knowledge for Development: Sharing Lessons of Improving Development Processes with Evidence” published by the International Development Institute, 2017. Using Interagency Learning Initiative (ILI) action research in Sierra Leone, this chapter from a DfiD provides a case study on how a highly collaborative approach can enable child protection research to achieve a significant national impact. The chapter describes how the inter-agency research facilitated a community-driven approach to addressing teenage pregnancy.

Presentation by Eddy Walakira – Kampala workshop, 17-18 August, 2016

Published: 2016 author: eddy walakira.

This presentation looks at the results of a War Child Holland initiative in Northern Uganda around prevention of violence against children in a post war setting.

Presentation by Patrick Onyango – Kampala workshop, 17-18 August, 2016

Published: 2016 author: patrick onyango.

A presentation on girl mothers in armed forces and groups and their children in Northern Uganda, Liberia and Sierra Leone – Participatory Action Research to assess and improve their situations.

Community engagement to strengthen social cohesion and child protection in Chad and Burundi – “Bottom Up” participatory monitoring, planning and action

Published: 2016 author: international institute for child rights and development (iicrd), dr. philip cook, michele cook, natasha blanchet cohen, armel oguniyi & jean sewanou.

A final report on action research which looked at how communities can help drive monitoring, planning and action around social cohesion strengthening and child protection in Chad and Burundi.

Tatu Tano – a portrait

Published: 2015 author: kurt madoerin. kwa wazee.

A background document on the Tatu Tano programme in Nshamba, Tanzania, Developed and implemented by Kwa Wazee.

Tatu Tano – a portrait

Published: 2015 author: kurt madoerin/kwa wazee.

An outline of the Tatu Tano programme and learning from 2015.

An Overview of the Community Driven Intervention To Reduce Teenage Pregnancy in Sierra Leone

Published: 2014 author: mike wessells, david lamin, & marie manyeh.

An overview of the Interagency Learning Initiative process of supporting community-driven action that addresses needs of vulnerable children in Bombali and Moyamba Districts of Sierra Leone.

National Child Protection Systems in the east Asia and Pacific region – a review and analysis of mappings and assessments

Published: 2014 author: ecpat international, plan international, save the children, unicef and world vision - ecpat international, bangkok.

A review of mappings and assessments of the child protection system in 14 countries was commissioned by the Inter-Agency Steering Committee (IASC), a subcommittee of the East Asia and Pacific Child Protection Working Group.

Etude sur les problématiques et les risques de protection de l’enfance – Etude de cas dans la région de Segou, Mali

Published: 2014 author: frédérique boursin-balkouma - sociologue - spécialiste en protection de l’enfant, ouagadougou, burkina faso. nouhoun sidibé - enseignant – chercheur - spécialiste en education, isfra, bamako, mali.

A travers un diagnostic participatif, l’étude commanditée par l’ONG Terre des hommes dans les districts sanitaires de Markala et Macina avait pour objectif d’identifier les problématiques et les risques de protection de l’enfance les plus répandus ; ainsi que de découvrir les pratiques endogènes de protection (PEP) existantes.

Study on the issues and risks for child protection in the Segou region in Mali

A participatory study sponsored by the Terre des Hommes NGO in the health districts of Markala and Macina which aimed to identify the most common risks for child protection as well as existing endogenous protection practices.

Research Brief: An Ethnographic Study of Community-Based Child Protection Mechanisms and their Linkages with the National Child Protection System of Sierra Leone

Published: 2012 author: inter-agency learning initiative on community-based child protection mechanisms and child protection systems.

This document serves as a seven-page summary of the longer report included among these research documents, “An Ethnographic Study of Community-Based Child Protection Mechanisms and their Linkages with the National Child Protection System of Sierra Leone.”

Kwa Wazee’s Impact assessment of Self Defense – the views of the participants

Published: 2011 author: kwa wazee.

A 2011 evaluation of the Kwa Wazee girl’s self-defence training initiative in Nshamba, Tanzania.

Tanzania: Linking community systems to a national model of child protection

Published: 2011 author: sian long, maestral international.

This report describes a child protection system strengthening initiative that was piloted in four districts in Tanzania. The aim of the initiative was to improve the delivery of social and protective services to all children, especially the most vulnerable, with a view towards building an evidence base for an effective child protection model that can be scaled up nationally.

Strengthening National Child Protection Systems in Emergencies through Community-Based Mechanisms: A Discussion Paper

Published: 2010 author: alyson eynon and sarah lilley for save the children uk on behalf of the child protection working group of the un protection cluster.

This discussion paper uses three case studies – Myanmar, the occupied Palestinian territories, and Timor Leste – to examine the state of evidence about strengthening national child protection systems through community-based mechanisms during emergencies.

Executive Summary: What are we learning about protecting children in the community?

Published: 2009 author: mike wessells, lead consultant, on behalf of an inter-agency working group.

This 20-page executive summary presents an overview of the key findings from a 2009 inter-agency review of the evidence on community-based child protection mechanisms. The full report is also available in this research section.

Sudan: An in-depth analysis of the social dynamics of abandonment of FGM/C

Published: 2009 author: samira ahmed, s. al hebshi and b. v. nylund for unicef innocenti research centre.

An Innocenti Working Paper Special Series on Social Norms and Harmful Practices.This paper examines the experience of Sudan by analysing the factors that promote and support the abandonment of female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) and other harmful social practices. Despite the fact that FGM/C is still widely practiced in all regions of northern Sudan, women’s intention to circumcise their daughters has decreased significantly during the last 16 years. Attitudes are changing and today, actors are mobilizing across the country to end the practice. This paper examines these changes. It analyses programmes that support ending FGM/C in Sudan and highlights the key factors that promote collective abandonment of the practice, including the roles of community dialogue, human rights deliberation, community-led activities, and the powerful force of local rewards and punishment.

A Common Responsibility: The role of community-based groups in protection children from sexual abuse and exploitation – a discussion paper

Published: 2008 author: sarah lilley for save the children uk.

This 2008 discussion paper shares Save the Children’s experience in working with community-based groups; the paper is an effort to stimulate dialogue by highlighting the successes and challenges of such work.

Mobilising Children & Youth into their Own Child- & Youth-led Organisations

Published: 2008 author: kurt madoerin. published by repssi.

Several decades of experience in working with vulnerable children across the planet had resulted in Kurt coming to believe that in the face of family, community and societal disintegration, the single most important supportive “intervention” that could be offered “to”, and more importantly “with” children and youth, might be the mobilisation of children and youth into their own child-led and youth-led organisations.

Community Action and the Test of Time: Learning from Community Experiences and Perceptions

Published: 2006 author: jill donahue and louis mwewa.

Case studies of mobilisation and capacity building to benefit vulnerable children in Malawi and Zambia.

Impact Evaluation of the VSI (Vijana Simama Imara) organisation and the Rafiki Mdogo group of the HUMULIZA orphan project Nshamba, Tanzania

Published: 2005 author: glynis clacherty and professor david donald.

The aims of the Humuliza Project are to develop a practical instrument to enable

teachers and caregivers to support orphans psychologically and to develop the

orphans’ own capacity to cope with the loss of their caretakers.

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• Parenting, childcare and children's services
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Training resources on childhood neglect: family case studies

Case studies for training multi-agency groups on identifying and preventing child neglect.

F1.0: case studies - Evans family

PDF , 198 KB , 1 page

F1.1: Fiona Evans' story

PDF , 183 KB , 1 page

F1.2: Steve Evans' story

PDF , 291 KB , 1 page

F1.3: Liam Evans' story

PDF , 233 KB , 1 page

F1.4: Shireen Evans' story

PDF , 253 KB , 1 page

F1.5: Lewis Evans' story

F1.6: liam evans' history.

PDF , 206 KB , 1 page

F2.0: case studies - Henderson/Miller/Taylor family

PDF , 313 KB , 2 pages

F2.1: Claire Henderson's story

PDF , 277 KB , 1 page

F2.2: Darren Miller's story

PDF , 223 KB , 1 page

F2.3: Michelle Henderson's story

PDF , 255 KB , 1 page

F2.4: Troy Taylor's story

PDF , 241 KB , 1 page

F2.5: Susan Miller's story

PDF , 324 KB , 1 page

F2.6: Michelle Henderson's history

PDF , 288 KB , 1 page

F2.7: Michelle Henderson's chronology

PDF , 303 KB , 2 pages

F2.8: Troy Taylor's history

PDF , 267 KB , 1 page

F3.0: case studies - Akhtar family

PDF , 141 KB , 2 pages

F3.1: Mabina Akhtar's story

PDF , 164 KB , 1 page

F3.2: Saleem Akhtar's story

PDF , 168 KB , 1 page

F3.3: Wasim Akhtar's story

PDF , 152 KB , 1 page

We have developed 3 family case studies to illustrate many of the issues that practitioners are likely to encounter when investigating childhood neglect. The 3 families are:

• Henderson/Taylor/Miller

The case studies provide first person narratives giving the perspective of each adult and child.

Accompanying videos to these case studies are available on our YouTube channel.

The guidance and exercise documents , presentations and notes and handouts that complement these family case studies are also available.

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Ethical Dilemmas in Child Protection Practice: A Tale of Two Stories

This blog article was authored by Vicky Averkiou . Vicky has twelve years experience in child protection. She has been a Casework Specialist since 2010 in various offices and districts.

In NSW, Family and Community Services (FACS), as the statutory child protection agency, has implemented Structured Decision Making (SDM) for much of these decision points. And while SDM tools do much to increase consistency and validity of child protection assessments, they can never take away the human element in making decisions. Nor should they. The catchcry is that people make decisions, not tools. And nowhere is this highlighted more poignantly than in child protection. Their value is as their name implies: structuring, or scaffolding if you will, the information you need in order to make decisions at certain points of our involvement with a family.

In order to support practice, each Community Services Centre (CSC) has access to a Casework Specialist, a senior child protection practitioner who helps increase staff capacity and practice quality through coaching, training, consultation, and quality assurance. As a Casework Specialist, I am most frequently consulted on the application of the SDM tools when assessing safety of and risk to children. So I know all too well the vagaries that can afflict child protection assessments, whether through a misapplication of the tool, a misunderstanding of the definitions, or whether a more serious misconception of the family’s issues. Not that I am implying that decisions are frequently wrong. Just that with families with the most complex difficulties, even the application of standardised tools can similarly become complex and require consideration and, often, consultation.

A tale of two stories

The validity of our assessments are dependent upon the quality of the information we have gathered about a family. And this, in turn, is dependent upon the quality of our engagement with the family, our ability to understand the family’s story and to conceptualise what this means for this child. It takes skill and expertise in order to do this well. What happens when parents’ accounts for events vary with children’s accounts? What about when the most vulnerable children are non-verbal or have limited verbal ability?

It is the unfortunate finding that child protection practitioners tend to believe children over parents only if it fits with their existing views of a family [1] . Sometimes parents’ version of events presented to us is more palatable, less distressing, and does much to assuage our concerns. For if the child’s version of events was true, this truly would challenge all our abilities to make sense of how parents can cause such harm to their children, especially children they genuinely love. How can we reconcile our compassion and sympathy for these parents, who had clearly been disadvantaged by life, with reports of behaviour that was clearly damaging to their child?

“I think you should take me again.”

If we focussed only on the parents’ story, we could become lost in our empathy for them and our assessment of their behaviour become confused with our sympathy for them. This is where it is vital to understand as well as reflect upon the child’s lived experience, what it means for them to live on a daily basis with the legacy of their parents’ difficulties. Just as a trauma-informed perspective can increase compassion for parents who are struggling, so too can it support an understanding that children’s behaviour is a reflection of their environment and their unmet needs. This disallows an unacceptable level of tolerance of parental difficulties when children’s behaviours are particularly difficult [3] . A Casework Specialist can provide both the reflective space as well as an additional, dispassionate perspective that more easily allows for such consideration to take place. For, otherwise, it is too easy for children’s experiences to become lost in the busyness of the day.

I had the opportunity to talk to Jonathan following a child protection report being received while I was conducting my review. This was the fifth report regarding facial bruising to either Jonathan or one of his younger siblings – the fourth to Jonathan himself. Jonathan and his siblings had also been subject to numerous reports of neglect. It was in fact assessed that the developmental delays Jonathan and his siblings experienced were due to the neglect they had experienced throughout their lives. In order to understand Jonathan, I required the assistance of his teacher to help ‘translate’ what he told me. It still amazes what he could say – what he did have language for and what he didn’t. Jonathan was able to clearly say, “Daddy punch”, just as he had three years earlier after sustaining a black eye. His other clearest communication was that he wanted to be removed. He stated, “I think you should take me again”, and then pointed to a picture of a happy face, indicating that this is how he would feel if he was to be removed.

I had to leave Jonathan there at school that day without ‘taking him again’ as he had requested. As a Casework Specialist, I can have influence over decisions, but I cannot make them. I did not doubt that he was unsafe. Jonathan did his best to tell me that. However, the decision was made that Jonathan’s verbal disclosure’s did not provide sufficient clarity that he was currently being harmed and therefore at ‘immediate risk of serious harm’. This was because we could not tell whether he was talking about a recent event or an event in the past. The burden of proof upon FaCS is, in these cases, much more onerous to casework staff to be able to demonstrate to the Children’s Court that the children need to come into care.

I often think back as to how confusing it must have been for Jonathan for us to leave him that day after he told us he was scared and wanted to come into care. He cannot know that I wrote a review report that may have influenced somewhat the decision that saw him ultimately come into care. Not when he came into care several months after I spoke to him. And while I was relieved that Jonathan and his siblings were now safe, this did not mean that their difficulties were over. We know that the care system can be flawed. The availability of carers – kinship or otherwise – who can provide the therapeutic care required to rehabilitate these children from the effects of trauma is severely limited relative to the need. But this cannot be a reason to leave children in unsafe circumstances with their families of origin. For this would be the ultimate ethical dilemma.

[1] Munro (1999; 2008)

[2] e.g. Donald & Jureidini, 2004; Jackson, Frederico, Jones, Walsh & Dounias; Killen, 2008; Siegel, 2008, 2012a; Siegel & Hartzell, 2014; Tarczon, 2012.

[3] Donald & Jureidini (2004).

[4] Names have been changed to protect confidentiality.

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• Research article
• Open access
• Published: 17 September 2013

A qualitative case study of child protection issues in the Indian construction industry: investigating the security, health, and interrelated rights of migrant families

• Theresa S Betancourt 1 , 2 ,
• Ashkon Shaahinfar 2 ,
• Sarah E Kellner 2 ,
• Nayana Dhavan 2 &
• Timothy P Williams 2 , 3  

BMC Public Health volume  13 , Article number:  858 ( 2013 ) Cite this article

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Many of India’s estimated 40 million migrant workers in the construction industry migrate with their children. Though India is undergoing rapid economic growth, numerous child protection issues remain. Migrant workers and their children face serious threats to their health, safety, and well-being. We examined risk and protective factors influencing the basic rights and protections of children and families living and working at a construction site outside Delhi.

Using case study methods and a rights-based model of child protection, the SAFE model, we triangulated data from in-depth interviews with stakeholders on and near the site (including employees, middlemen, and managers); 14 participants, interviews with child protection and corporate policy experts in greater Delhi (8 participants), and focus group discussions (FGD) with workers (4 FGDs, 25 members) and their children (2 FGDs, 9 members).

Analyses illuminated complex and interrelated stressors characterizing the health and well-being of migrant workers and their children in urban settings. These included limited access to healthcare, few educational opportunities, piecemeal wages, and unsafe or unsanitary living and working conditions. Analyses also identified both protective and potentially dangerous survival strategies, such as child labor, undertaken by migrant families in the face of these challenges.

Conclusions

By exploring the risks faced by migrant workers and their children in the urban construction industry in India, we illustrate the alarming implications for their health, safety, livelihoods, and development. Our findings, illuminated through the SAFE model, call attention to the need for enhanced systems of corporate and government accountability as well as the implementation of holistic child-focused and child-friendly policies and programs in order to ensure the rights and protection of this hyper-mobile, and often invisible, population.

Peer Review reports

In India, there are an estimated 40 million migrant laborers in the construction industry [ 1 ], who together make an immense contribution to the country’s rapidly developing economy [ 2 ]. Many of these laborers are parents who migrate with their young children to work and live in very challenging conditions [ 3 – 5 ]. Despite a broad epidemiological “migration and health” literature [ 6 ] and the documented impact of labor migration on child health [ 7 , 8 ], including explorations of child maltreatment in migrant families [ 9 – 12 ], little research has examined the health, safety, development, and well-being of migrant workers’ children. Using the methodology of a social science case study [ 13 ] conducted at a large construction site in the National Capital Region near Delhi, India, we examine dynamics influencing the security and well-being of migrant children and families who live near and work in infrastructure development projects.

Public health implications of migration for children and families

Migrants worldwide comprise a heterogeneous population that includes more than 214 million international and 740 million internal migrants [ 14 ]. The reasons for migration are diverse: for some, it is necessitated by civil conflict, natural disaster, development, or trafficking; while for others, it is out of desperation to escape profound poverty. The field of public health has traditionally focused on how mobile populations contribute to communicable disease epidemiology e.g. [ 15 ]. There is, however, a growing literature on migration and health, which addresses a variety of topics including: mental health [ 16 ], reproductive health [ 17 ], maternal and child health [ 18 , 19 ], tobacco and substance use [ 20 , 21 ], occupational health [ 22 ], and child abuse and neglect e.g. [ 9 ]. Studies have generally indicated that the drivers of migration, such as socioeconomic status [ 7 , 8 , 23 – 25 ], closely determine migrant health, rather than the process of migration itself. Increasingly, research has highlighted structural and institutional factors that affect migrant health, such as denial of medical care and its relationship to child survival [ 7 ].

Migration has implications for family well-being, including the safety, development, and education of children of migrant workers. Parental absence and struggle for survival have been tied to harmful socio-emotional impacts on children left behind [ 26 – 28 ]. With regards to the education of children of migrant families, researchers have found both positive impacts from remittances [ 29 , 30 ] and negative effects due to lack of parental support and supervision [ 26 , 31 ] as well as disincentivization by the prospect of migration [ 32 ]. Researchers seeking to understand the complex connections between family migration and child abuse have also highlighted poverty and socioeconomic stress [ 9 , 10 , 33 , 34 ], as well as social isolation and lack of social capital [ 11 , 12 , 33 – 35 ]. Frequent mobility has also been correlated with child maltreatment within families [ 36 , 37 ] as well as in neighborhoods and communities [ 38 – 40 ].

Labor migration and construction in India

The drivers and consequences of labor migration in India are as diverse as its regions and peoples [ 41 ]. While rural–urban and interstate migration make up relatively small portions of all migration in India (18% and 13% of 315 million migrants, respectively, per the 2001 census) [ 42 ], rapid development has increased these numbers. By recent trade union estimates, there are approximately 40 million interstate migrants in the construction industry alone [ 1 ]. This group of internal migrant workers, defined in the Interstate Migrant Workmen Act of India as “any person who is recruited by or through a contractor [including middlemen] in one State under an agreement or other arrangement for employment in an establishment in another State”, and their families, comprise the general focus of the present study [ 43 ].

Cyclical migration has long been an important livelihood strategy for the rural poor of India [ 44 , 45 ]. Seasonal climate fluctuations in regions such as the flood-prone Ganges basin and the rain-dependent semi-arid tropics make for agrarian lifestyles fraught with risk and food insecurity [ 4 , 46 , 47 ]. Landlessness and social-deprivation [ 3 , 48 , 49 ], indebtedness [ 4 , 50 ], and limited employment opportunities [ 44 , 49 , 50 ] all drive individuals and families to migrate.

The impact of migration on families and communities varies. While longitudinal field studies in India indicate improved wages and income among migrants over time [ 2 , 48 , 51 ], the most economically and socially-deprived have remained in debt [ 50 , 52 ]. Deshingkar and colleagues summarized their observations in Madhya Pradesh: “…for the poorest groups of migrants, especially unskilled and uneducated Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) who still migrate through agents, or who cannot enter remunerative … work because of discrimination, working conditions and earnings are far from ideal and positive changes in living standards are less certain and slower” [ 2 ]. Though some studies suggest migrants are more able to resist exploitation [ 2 , 51 ], recent reports document illegally low wages and strenuous work hours [ 4 , 53 , 54 ].

An emerging body of literature documents numerous threats to the health and well-being of migrant children in India, including poor living conditions [ 3 – 5 , 54 ], frequent injuries of workers [ 1 , 4 ], poor access to drinking water [ 4 , 5 , 53 ], and sexual violence towards women and children [ 53 , 55 ]. Furthermore, urban migrant laborers have great difficulty accessing government programs otherwise accessible in rural settings, including those for health care and insurance [ 4 , 54 , 55 ], childcare [ 4 , 54 , 56 ], education [ 53 , 56 ], and food rations [ 5 , 53 , 54 ]. However, the interrelated and interdependent relationship of these threats to child health and well-being is often overlooked.

Conceptual framework

A rights-based, holistic model of child security, the SAFE model, provided the conceptual basis for the present study. Situating child protection within the nested social ecologies of families, communities, and the larger political, cultural and historical context, the SAFE model examines interrelatedness among four core domains of children’s basic needs and rights: S afety/freedom from harm; A ccess to basic physiological needs and healthcare; F amily and connection to others; E ducation and economic security [ 57 ]. Of central importance to SAFE is the idea that insecurity in any of these fundamental domains threatens security in the others. The SAFE model posits that in the face of child security threats, children and families demonstrate considerable agency, adopting survival strategies to meet their basic security needs. These survival strategies may take risky forms (with cascading negative effects on other dimensions of child security and well-being) or adaptive forms [ 57 ]. For instance, to overcome family economic insecurity, some families may give their child over to bonded child labor while others may organize workers’ collectives to secure a loan to start a small business. The purpose of the SAFE model is to identify and build on adaptive strategies while also highlighting risky strategies in order to enact preventive interventions, provide alternatives, or end third party manipulation [ 58 ].

Fundamental concepts of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) [ 59 ], such as the evolving capacities of the child and the interdependence and interrelatedness of child rights and basic security needs, are implicit to the SAFE model. The SAFE domains also map onto rights delineated in the CRC, such as the rights to life, survival, and development (e.g., Art. 6); education (Art. 28); health (Art. 24); family connections (e.g. Arts. 9, 20); and protection from violence (Art. 19) as well as various other special protection articles (e.g. Arts. 32–40) [ 59 ].

Case study design and research questions

We applied a case study methodology [ 13 ] to identify factors affecting children’s security and well-being at a construction site in the National Capital Region of India using the SAFE model as a theoretical framework for our data collection. A case study approach has particular utility in addressing the “how” and “why” of contemporary phenomena within their real life contexts [ 13 ]. Furthermore, this approach allowed for an in depth examination of issues related to child protection on a single site and the resulting elucidation of complex phenomena. As with prior applications of the SAFE model e.g. [ 58 ], we specifically sought to illuminate child protection threats facing children in families migrating for work in India’s construction industry with particular attention to the SAFE domains and their interrelatedness. We also sought to identify adaptive and dangerous survival strategies used by migrant families. The study was guided by four research questions: (1) What conditions lead children and families to the site?; (2) What are the security threats facing children at the site as described by children, adults, local community representatives, and child protection stakeholders in the National Capital Region?; (3) How do children and families of the site cope with or respond to security threats and situations of adversity?; (4a) In what ways, if any, do public and private sectors of civil society work to support the security and well-being of migrant children and families on the site?; and (4b) More generally, how do local stakeholders think public and private sectors can promote the security and well-being of migrant children and families, if at all?

Our study methods placed particular emphasis on triangulation of information pertaining to the study site, and included key informant interviews, focus groups discussions, ethnographic observations, and a thorough exploration of relevant peer-reviewed and grey literatures. The research was facilitated by Mobile Crèches, a non-governmental organization (NGO) in Delhi that works with the developer at the construction site to provide an early childhood development-oriented crèche and daycare center to care for migrant children during the work day. Indian law requires the establishment of a crèche at sites with more than 50 women [ 60 ], but the law is rarely implemented [ 61 ] (Table  1 ).

Study sample and recruitment

The research team worked closely with Mobile Crèches to select and recruit study participants. Purposive sampling was used to select participants from the construction company leadership, government, civil society, as well as migrant workers and children living and working at the site. We conducted six focus groups, including: two with female workers (N = 15, median age 26), one with male workers (N = 5, median age 35), one with adult “Malda workers” (described below; N = 5, median age 25), one with young boys (N = 4, median age 11), and one with young girls (N = 5, median age 7). A small group of children and adolescents, who were on the site without their parents, were deemed by the research team in discussion with the host NGO too vulnerable for involvement and were excluded from the study. Each focus group consisted of four to ten people and lasted from one to two hours. We also conducted seven in-depth interviews with providers who work with the children at and near the site (e.g. school teachers and child care providers; see Table  2 ). Six developer and contractor representatives at various levels of leadership and employment as well as a local business owner were also interviewed. In order to locate this case study within a larger political context, we also spoke with eight key informants from the government and international and local NGOs.

Data collection

Primary data were collected in the months of January and July 2010, with additional “member checks” (described below) in January-February 2011. All interviews and focus groups were conducted in Hindi or English by local research assistants trained in research ethics and qualitative interviewing techniques. Working in pairs, one research assistant conducted the interview while the other took detailed field notes. All focus groups were held in the local language (Hindi), and key informant interviews were held in English or Hindi. Focus groups and interview guides were open-ended in nature (e.g., “What problems, if any, do children and families face in this site?”), and interviewers probed to gain further insight into emerging issues. Depending on respondent preference, interviews were recorded digitally or via detailed note-writing. All interview and focus group data were transcribed, de-identified, and stored electronically with access limited to authorized research staff, ensuring participant confidentiality. Local research assistants worked in small teams to make accurate Hindi to English translations. Ethical approval was obtained from both the Human Subjects Committee of the Harvard School of Public Health and a local Community Advisory Board in Delhi. Verbal informed consent and independent child assent was obtained from all participants. Parental consent for their children’s participation was obtained at least one day prior to the child focus groups. Participants were given opportunities to ask the local research team any questions before, during, and after the focus group discussions.

Data analysis

Our method of qualitative data analysis included open coding, category construction, and axial coding to examine relationships between categories consistent with a grounded theory-based analysis [ 62 ] and Thematic Content Analysis (TCA) [ 63 ]. This approach entailed a 4-stage procedure: 1) We first conducted an open-coding process of all data using both SAFE model informed categories as well as findings arising organically from the data. 2) Categories and themes that were most saturated in the data informed the development of a coding scheme, e.g., “poverty”, “access to medical care” “hunger”. 3) To examine reliability, two team members trained in the coding scheme independently coded 10% of transcripts. The code book was refined and reliability testing was repeated until all coding was at 80% reliability. 4) Using the code book, the qualitative dataset was coded in Nvivo 8 [ 64 ], a qualitative data analysis program.

After multiple readings of the data, emergent themes were identified and specific codes representing core themes or phenomena were developed. The codebook underwent several iterations with input from multiple coders, allowing its structure to be refined and adapted over time [ 65 ]. This approach was further supplemented by axial coding [ 62 ] to examine the interrelatedness between key concepts and identify cross-cutting themes. In January-February 2011, members of the research team returned to Delhi to re-contact several study participants and to undertake follow-up interviews and focus group discussions through a validation exercise known as “member checks” [ 66 ] (N = 38 participants).

Factors driving family migration to construction site

The laborers, many from the rural areas of distant states such as Bihar and West Bengal (see Table  3 ), likened their experience as a migrant worker to “going abroad” or living in pardes (foreign land). “ If a person has … everything, then why would they come here in this jungle to live ”, explained one female laborer (age 45). “ [Only] [t]he ones who have some problem or are suffering would come here ”. Most laborers and families came to the construction site through jamadars or thekedars from their village, middlemen hired by contractors to sort out logistics related to recruitment, transport, and, in some cases, on-site accommodation. Others arrived through previously migrated family members or through direct company recruitment. A number of respondents had recently migrated for the first or second time: “ It’s been five days since I arrived here. I have just come from home. Earlier when I was here, I stayed for nine months ”. (female laborer, age 21). Many had spent years in pardes , moving from work site to work site, often in association with the same company. As one male worker described, “ We came here and have stayed here since 1995. And we used to go to our native place and come back. I go once or twice in a year to my village. Again, I come to join the same construction firm ” (age 55). Citing the costs and risks associated with travel, many migrants would visit the village infrequently. One group of male laborers referred to as “Malda workers” work on short-term, 50-day contracts, which permit them to pay off small debts, work in their agricultural “off season”, and return home (typically Malda and Cooch Behar districts of West Bengal) to their families and land regularly. No indication of forced labor, coercion, or human trafficking emerged from our observations or discussions with children and adults.

Frequently cited drivers for migration included the opportunity to “earn and eat”, family indebtedness, limited land ownership, and poor fertility of land in villages. Laborers shared stories of migration to meet basic needs for their families: “ Earlier I was a tailor master in Malda. I owned a shop … but I left the work as my youngest daughter was sick. I have spent so much money on her treatment … I was running out of money ” (male supervising laborer). One mother explained, “ We have three children two boys and one girl. We have a house that is made up of mud that is falling down. With the thought to re-build our house and to educate my children we have come here ” (age 25). Another described how her family was compelled to migrate, “ I do not have fields, and there are no rains. In the village, we were dying from hunger and thirst, so we have left children there and have come only with one son to work here on this site ”. (age 30). Still, others cited their intent to help secure a better life for their children. A female migrant (age 22) explained, “ We are poor. We are taking care of, raising our children … to make them move forward, we are earning money. If we educate our children, we will make them into something ”. All of the women in our focus groups were parents; two-thirds of these mothers had children living with them and their husbands on the site, nearly half of whom also had children living with grandparents in the village.

Safety and freedom from harm at the construction site

Displayed prominently at the entrance of the construction site was a sign that read, “ Parents must warn children that this is an unsafe area ”. Large machinery, moving vehicles, and precariously-situated construction materials were ever-present on the site. Children, in particular, expressed worry about their parents’ safety. They recalled incidents that had occurred at other sites where children or workers had been severely hurt or killed, resulting in a preoccupation with the safety of their parents: “ When people work in this site … [they] climb from a rope … then they fall, then people die” , said a girl, age 8. In fact, between July 2010 and January 2011, two workers had died in falls on the worksite.

Access to basic physiological needs: housing, food insecurity and accessing medical care

Living conditions & basic amenities.

Workers and their families lived in cramped, temporary structures, termed jhuggis, made of either corrugated tin or brick and mortar. During the course of our fieldwork, entire portions of the housing area were destroyed and moved due to expanding construction on the site. Many families spent their day off rebuilding or tending to their shelters, a time-consuming and labor-intensive task. While the site manager cited the danger electricity would pose in the tin jhuggis , the lack of electricity for fans or other cooling systems proved especially burdensome and potentially dangerous given high humidity and temperatures exceeding 100°F in the summer months: “ Poor people come from far off and feel so hot here. We stay inside and are drenched in sweat, but still they do not provide us with any electricity… ” (female worker, age 35). To cope with the extreme heat, particularly when the crèche was closed, children would spend time in half-built, multi-story towers where, as one boy (age 12) put it, “ winds … [give] people a calm and cool situation” . Unsupervised, they were placed at risk of falling from the towers or being injured.

The quality and availability of basic amenities, including housing, access to drinking water, affordable food, and proper sanitation were also of primary concern to participants. Many children expressed nostalgia for their village life, citing the heat, cramped jhuggis , and lack of open space. One girl (age 7) insisted, “ Everyone, boys and girls, says it is better back home ”. Although workers were generally satisfied with the availability of clean water, some reported conflicts over communal pipelines. Food was also readily available near the site; however, given their lack of access to ration cards and the high price of food around Delhi, some migrants struggled to afford food and needed to purchase it from the grocery shop owner, or lala, on credit. Sanitation at the site was observed to be poor, with latrines that were often full and seldom cleaned. The lack of separate facilities for men and women was distressing for female workers. Despite these various concerns, the multiple layers of accountability and relative powerlessness of workers meant change was unlikely; as one man (age 55) lamented, “ We cannot do anything. If we will ask, we will be kicked out of this place ”.

Health & healthcare

Many migrate to a worksite in hopes of improving family well-being; yet the health challenges they encounter in pursuing this survival strategy may put children and families at further peril. Respondents familiar with the site described health issues ranging from water-borne and other infectious diseases to heat-exhaustion, dehydration and other work-related problems. Unresolved malnutrition and anemia were both common among children [ 67 ]. While the crèche offered some medical support for children and their families, there were divergent opinions about whether the company or contractors provided care for workers’ children. One male worker (age 35) asserted that there was “ [n]othing for the children ” and that “ the facilities are only for the workers ”. Conversely, a supervisor for a sub-contractor claimed that their facilities were available to both workers and their families. Options for workers themselves were also limited as employers only took responsibility for provision of, transportation to, and payment for care related to work place injury or illness. Basic first aid was provided on the construction site and in the crèche, and an ambulance was reportedly available around the clock. However, in case of off-duty health problems among workers or of more serious injuries or illnesses among children, workers and families had to seek off-site care and pay out of pocket. Informed choice of providers was uncommon, and many participants reported going to informal practitioners of herbal and other alternative medicine as well as unlicensed providers without any medical background in the nearby market. One female worker (age 25) lamented, “ Here there are doctors, some are good and some are bad … there is no fixed doctor, so what do we do? [When we’re] in trouble, we have to go back to our village ”. Primary care services, such as adult health screening, mental health services, and chronic disease management, did not appear readily available.

The costs of paying for healthcare, medications, and other associated expenses (e.g. transportation) were a resounding concern among workers. As one woman (age 35) explained, “ If [the doctor] gives us two injections, it costs us Rs.200 [$4.45 USD]. We are already in so much debt, and if we are not well, how would we go to work? ” Missed work meant lost wages for ill workers, posing additional risk to their families. To save time, many visited private hospitals rather than seek the largely free services at a government hospital, which was reportedly farther away. By law, the contractors are responsible for covering costs of work-related injuries; however, as a manager with the development company admitted, “…not everyone gets to take advantage of the contractor all risk policy because migrants are … a floating population and are not necessarily recognized by the contractor ”. Similarly, due to barriers to registering as local labor welfare board beneficiaries or obtaining documentation of Below Poverty Line (BPL) status, very few workers had access to locally-implemented health insurance schemes intended to provide financial assistance for hospitalizations and chronic care. Thus, in the face of high healthcare costs, workers often turned to their jamadars or thekadars for loans and accompaniment to medical care, adding potentially substantial debt which could force them to extend their work or contract periods.

Family and connection to others: limited monitoring and constant pressure

Construction work meant that many parents were spending long hours without direct capacity to monitor their young children at the site, which became additionally challenging without the presence of extended family. The existence of a functioning crèche at the site greatly mitigated some of the risks due to parental inability to monitor their children. According to both male and female laborers, sexual violence was of diminishing concern. This may be linked to a trend towards leaving school age girls with extended family in the village. One crèche staff member reflected on this survival strategy: “ I saw that earlier young girls [migrated] with their parents, but many crimes occurred like assault … When they went back to their village, they talked about these problems, and awareness increased. Now they leave their young girls at their home” . Issues of family conflict arose infrequently in focus groups and interviews. However, the use of alcohol, and cramped living spaces, were both mentioned as linked to domestic and intimate partner violence. A local teacher, who noted that children were at times reluctant to go home due to violence, reflected on these factors: “ Society demands certain things from kids, and parents have zero economic power. Sometimes they beat kids and women when children ask for their needs to be met”. Child labor was also a seldom-raised topic, but in addition to the adolescent Malda workers and a few teenage children working on the site with their parents, a number of children worked at the worksite canteen, businesses in the nearby market, and in rag-picking in exchange for food and shelter. These children were some of the most vulnerable in this site. We were unable to interview these children and adolescents without being observed by their supervisors and were unable to obtain parental consent given limited information about their family members.

Education and economic security: looking to the future

Children at the site faced numerous barriers to education and learning due to issues of distance, expense, lack of documentation, and frequent movement. A few older boys and one girl were able to attend a nearby private school due to reduced-payment options that were offered for children of migrant workers. However, the nearest government school was far away and across a busy highway. While a few children did attend, responses suggested it was too dangerous to access for many children at this site, thus impeding their right to universal primary education [ 68 ]. Speaking to the de facto discrimination faced by migrant children without residency documentation, the manager of a development company explained, “Although the schools don’t have official rules against [migrant] children, they are not willing to admit children who do not have some degree of permanency”. Even when a child was able to enroll in school, a wide range of obstacles hindered learning, including: the lack of electricity and thus lighting in the jhuggis, a generally poor study environment at home, inability to afford or access tutors, as well as domestic responsibilities that led to school absenteeism. As a local teacher at a private school observed, “ Our kids who are migrants, they really struggle. They have a really difficult time because they compare themselves to [non-migrant] kids ”. These prevailing concerns around education were tied to most parents’ decision to leave their school-aged children (particularly girls) with extended family in the village, allowing uninterrupted schooling. As one man (age 35) asserted, “ We cannot keep our children here; otherwise their education will spoil ”. Not surprisingly, most school-age children on the site were not in school. Apparently having no other safe place to go, many spent their days in the crèche.

Work & wages

Financial concerns were at the forefront of discussion for adult migrant workers. Despite the site manager’s assurance that workers “ do not express concern over wages ”, construction workers told a story of working extended hours for low, piecemeal wages and having only every other Sunday off. Malda workers instead received payment in advance of their 50-day contract period and had no days off. Many workers claimed that payments for piecemeal work and other wages could be delayed, even for months, although not universally reported. However, workers did commonly describe an improvement in wages and financial circumstances relative to opportunities in the village. Nonetheless, many workers, particularly unskilled laborers, were still struggling to provide for their families, much less to save earnings. As one mother (age 35) explained, “ We have to take care of the whole family; we came here to save money. If he would increase the rate, we would save a little. The amount we earn goes to eating ”. In response to these difficulties, delayed payments, and other unexpected costs, respondents reported borrowing money from family, friends, coworkers, or their jamadars or thekadars . Parents also worked overtime to provide for and meet the basic needs of their families. In contrast to other sites, where participants described that women are generally subject to reprimands and deductions in wages for breastfeeding, this site was notably sensitive to the needs of breastfeeding mothers, and women did not report difficulty feeding their infants. Yet, given that the law allows only two nursing breaks per day The Maternity Benefits Act, [ 69 ], section 11, crèche employees needed to provide supplemental formula feeding. Meanwhile, a number of children in the crèche were being monitored for mild and moderate malnutrition and were provided with nutritional supplements.

Protective processes

A sense of community solidarity, social support, and the presence of the crèche were all important sources of risk mitigation and protection at the site. Despite difficulties with wages, living conditions, health care, and access to other services, conflicts among workers did not appear to be common or significant. A crèche employee observed that workers “… become friends and … live like brothers and sisters ”. With many workers living together in “lanes” based on their language and region of origin, communal living also appeared to transcend some of the tension that could otherwise arise from differences in origin, caste, and religion. As one female worker (age 33) explained, “ We are all laborers and live together with each other happily. Every one helps each other ”. Although relationships among migrants were often brief, workers were able to rely upon their community support by turning to one another in times of need. A few respondents suggested their personal sense of faith by invoking God’s role in protecting their children or allowing their family’s success, representing an emergent and preliminary theme.

The crèche also served a protective role that had broader implications for families. One of its primary functions was to provide a safe and caring environment for children during the day, allowing both mothers and fathers to work. As one mother (age 22) noted, “ [Without] such a service or facility, where would we have left our children? Children would come after us to the site … How would we earn our livelihood then? ” The crèche provided basic health care services and regular doctor visits (including growth-monitoring, immunizations, and de-worming), meals to children during the day, and informational sessions for parents on issues like school enrollment. Although not designed to replace school, it also provided younger children an opportunity to develop cognitive, motor, and language skills as well as classroom discipline important for school readiness. The crèche also served to free older siblings from the task of childrearing. The crèche was a safe, child-friendly haven in an otherwise harsh physical environment, in utter contrast to most construction sites, where, as one key informant described, “ the young child is invariably either left alone, unattended, or in the care of siblings … [and] the implications for a child’s development can easily be gauged” . The NGO also worked to mainstream older children into local schools and to encourage provision of basic amenities at this site.

Invisible children, invisible families: the key informant perspective

Our key informants from government agencies and non-governmental organizations reflected upon a scenario in which vulnerable and hyper-mobile migrant families are surrounded by the complex layers of accountability of a rapidly expanding Indian economy. Grappling with the confluence of challenges facing migrant workers and their children, our respondents emphasized the obligations of local and national governments as well as corporations towards the fulfillment of the rights of this marginalized and often “invisible” population.

As described in the Indian labor migration literature, our key informants discussed the overlapping factors that both drive already vulnerable families towards migrant labor and make them more vulnerable in the process. One labor expert highlighted the role of discrimination and lack of economic opportunity: “ I would describe this as compounding vulnerabilities … Indeed, the caste system is there; there are other minority groups that are discriminated against too. For example, some Muslim communities – many of them are what we call “backwards” [per the “Other Backward Classes” classification]. There are absolutely no opportunities for these people; they have no hope for the future and are therefore quite vulnerable”. Another respondent from a child protection NGO saw migration as leveling the playing field of vulnerability across castes: “ Once they come here, the vulnerabilities are quite the same for them as migrants … Except that of economic status – may be able to afford services … Looking at similar economic standard with people migrating, the vulnerabilities are very similar ”.

Hypermobility poses particular challenges to migrant children’s education. As local NGO stakeholder explained: “ We have very bright children who study in the village but who have migrated or have shifted schools four or five times a year, and they are in an inappropriate class because they have missed so much. And there is no scope for them to ever get on with the education and ever do anything but manual work in the future ”. Furthermore, though Indian policy prohibits requiring children to present birth or transfer certificates in order to access a new school Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, [ 68 ], lack of awareness and compliance poses an illegal barrier to migrant children’s right to education. A child protection expert explained: “ A school teacher unaware that this is a law, would continue to insist on these certificates. So that would be the work of a civil society in informing the school teacher that you can now not stop a child on any excuse”. Amidst so many obstacles, according to our respondents, migrant families further face corporations and governments unwilling to take accountability for fulfilling their rights. One construction site general manager discussed the lack of incentive in this area: “There is competition between different contractors for jobs; the bidder with the lowest price generally wins the contract. As companies reduce their budgetary requirements to stay competitive, one of the first things to go is often the amenities provided for children and workers ”. One key informant explained that destination states often see migrants as a drain on local resources and thus hesitate to take responsibility for them. As a development expert elucidated, “ It’s possible that within the next two or three years, the government may think seriously about working on some strategies to reach them. But as of now they are invisible. They are neither in the rural planning, neither in the urban planning—nobody talks about them. They are in a limbo” . Such planning is further complicated by the difficulty of precisely capturing complex and varied migration patterns in the census.

In order to improve accountability and uphold existing policy, local experts offered various suggestions, including: maximizing interstate coordination; developing memoranda of understanding among development stakeholders with a monitoring agency; granting corporate and government contracts to builders only upon provision of required services (e.g. crèche); and empowering and educating workers and children to advocate for their rights. As one key informant advised, “ If migration must happen … then we must take steps to make it safer. There should be outreach to communities of origin [and] dialog and information-sharing with subcontractors, with children and families, about their legal right for safety and fair treatment ”. Another respondent argued against use of the term “corporate social responsibility”, remarking, “ If they would just follow the law, that would be fine ”.

Migrant work is a survival strategy that poses many threats to healthy childrearing. Utilizing the SAFE model as a lens towards child protection, this study yielded in-depth insight into the complex dynamics affecting the security and well-being of migrant children and families at a construction site near Delhi. Families encountered ongoing economic insecurity and a host of other risks for child protection, including: children living and playing in unsafe areas and potentially facing violence at home ( S afety); limited access to appropriate medical care as well as risks of malnutrition ( A ccess to basic physiological needs); reduced parental monitoring, family separation, and trade-offs between time with children and the need to work ( F amily connection); and limited school access for school-age children as well as a tenuous economic state ( E ducation/Economic Security). These basic security domains were also interrelated and interdependent. In general, as explained by Orellana and colleagues, migrating “families who are pressed for household survival do not have the luxury to foreground children’s ‘developmental needs’” [ 28 ], p. 587. For instance, the family’s decision to migrate to secure their economic situation often had consequences for their children’s access to school, which increased an intergenerational cycle of “distress migration”. Similarly, a mother’s need to work and the limited options for exclusive breastfeeding likely heightened children’s risk of diarrheal illness and respiratory infections [ 70 – 72 ] as well as risk of malnutrition [ 73 ]. Furthermore, vulnerable families migrating to “earn and eat” and meet their basic needs, encountered an unforgiving urban landscape that posed new and unique risks to children’s security and affronts to their basic rights. As Rogaly and Rafique have described in the context of seasonal migration in West Bengal, many of the families in our study had no hope to save or pay off debt and were simply in “a struggle to stand still” [ 52 ].

This case study has exemplified a clear need to work expediently towards the realization of the rights of this hyper-mobile, invisible population. To this end, it is necessary to both fill gaps in Indian legislation and to improve the implementation and enforcement of existing laws. A recent report by the National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganized Sector, noted that the vulnerability of migrant workers and their children stems largely from “the lack of or ineffective implementation of … [as well as] … lack of awareness among the workers regarding existence of the laws” meant to ensure their entitlements and protect their well-being [ 56 ], p. 165. Mechanisms for ensuring accountability and implementation are not apparent in the law governing corporate responsibility in India, especially in the unorganized sector.

One crucial gap in government planning and implementation relates to migrant rights to identity and documentation. For migrant workers in the unorganized sector, these rights have particular salience to the ability to access legal entitlements. In Indian policy, this is delineated as contractors’ responsibility to issue passbooks to migrant workers in the Inter-state Migrant Workmen Act [IMWA, 43, article 12] as well as the directive of state labor welfare boards to maintain registrations and provide identity cards for workers (who have worked 90 days) in the Building and Other Construction Workers Act [BOCWA, 60, articles 12–13]. Despite these laws and efforts like India’s Unique Identification Card pilot project, obtaining such documentation is often a challenge due to migrants’ transitory status and short-term residency. This lack of documentation impedes access to various basic services at migrants’ destination, including food rations and children’s education. While India’s Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act [ 68 ] dictates that children should at no time be turned away for lack of documents, study findings suggest the clause lags in implementation. Disruptions to children's educational experience may have implications for their lives and future livelihoods.

While responsibility for providing services and protections is delineated in law and policy, lack of enforcement leaves many corporations shirking responsibility for providing for their workers and their families. For example, the BOCWA describes responsibilities for construction project employers (e.g. government-owned entities, private developers and sub-contractors), to provide drinking water, latrines and urinals, accommodations, first aid, canteens, and other services to mothers and their families. With accountability diffused so broadly across different stakeholders at the study construction site, viewpoints expressed across various layers of management were at best disconnected from and at worst disingenuously ignorant of the daily realities of migrant workers and their families. However, while there is also the requirement for provision of childcare for children under six at sites with more than 50 women, this task is not explicitly assigned to the employer nor is it enforced. In the site where the present case study was situated, the crèche played a fundamental role in nurturing child development and monitoring child safety and nutrition. Sector-wide provision of such services, implemented by corporate actors in partnership with local governments, would fill a critical void in the rights of migrant children, with long-term benefits to their health and capability [ 74 – 78 ].

Clearly, the government plays a crucial role in delineating the obligations of corporations, ensuring these obligations are met, and shaping policy that affects migrant families. Using the IMWA and BOCWA as well as myriad other broader labor policies as guidelines, each state’s labor welfare board has flexibility to implement their own rules and local schemes. For instance, the local labor welfare board near our case study site recently announced, though has yet to implement, a school transportation scheme for children of construction workers. Similarly, large sums of funds collected from corporations according to the Building and Other Construction Workers’ Welfare Cess Act [ 79 ] have yet to be used for worker welfare schemes.

Moreover, the Government of India has developed cross-sectoral efforts and government-civil society partnerships to protect children from maltreatment and exploitation, such as the newly implemented Integrated Child Protection Scheme (ICPS). With explicit mention of children of migrant families, this policy aims to “create a protective environment by improving regulatory frameworks, strengthening structures and professional capacities at national, state, and district levels so as to cover all child protection issues and provide child friendly services at all levels” [ 80 ]. The ICPS includes provisions to counter some of the barriers to protecting marginalized or vulnerable children and should include those living and even working on construction sites. In the years ahead, implementation of the ICPS in India has the potential to reduce risks to child health and development by addressing vulnerabilities across the SAFE domains examined here.

Limitations

This study intended to capture an in-depth understanding of the complex dynamics facing migrant families in one construction site in India. While the analysis was successful in this regard, several limitations should be acknowledged. First, the use of a case study methodology limits our ability to generalize to other construction sites locally or nationally in India. While the external validity of the study is limited in this manner, the internal validity of our qualitative approach was bolstered by the inclusion of a range of stakeholders as well as the triangulation of key informant interviews, focus groups, observations, and document review. Along this same theme, our study focused on the status of children and families living and working on the construction site with minimal probing regarding the children left at home in the village. These children may face yet uncovered and significant health and protection risks; more research focused on these populations is required. Second, the existence of a crèche at the site studied allowed us to gain access to the site and our participants, but may also have successfully mitigated the intensity of some of the child protection threats that might be present in sites without a crèche. We would hypothesize that a site managed by a developer receptive to providing a crèche, such as the one used in this study, might generally be more child-, family-, and worker-friendly than those sites that do not have a crèche. However, despite an estimated 40 million migrant laborers in India’s construction industry alone, the law requiring crèches at construction sites is rarely implemented, and most sites would likely paint a much worse picture. Finally, though various techniques in data collection and analysis were utilized to minimize biased responses (such as monitoring dominant respondents, assuring confidentiality, triangulating with on-site observations, and conducting member checks), the sensitive nature of focus group discussions and the relative powerlessness of migrant workers may have limited the sensitivity for uncovering the full depth of adversity faced by families on the site. Nonetheless, our discussions with workers and their children yielded a substantial variety of child protection issues and related coping mechanisms, which did not vary significantly by respondent.

As the Indian economy continues to expand and urbanize, labor migration will undoubtedly continue as a mode of subsistence or survival among rural families. Through analyses using the SAFE model of children's security, this study provides a lens for viewing the constraints faced by migrant children and families who undertake a broader array of survival strategies to cope with their circumstances. It demonstrates the feasibility and utility of taking this holistic and human rights-based approach to child protection analyses. In light of the complex conditions facing this hyper-mobile population, findings suggest policymakers, corporations, and civil society must work to develop initiatives to implement and enforce the rights of migrant workers and their children to identity, family, health, safety, development, education and economic security. The Government of India is certainly legally bound by the Convention on the Rights of the Child to protect these rights for all children, without discrimination based on gender, caste, or other status [ 59 ]. Corporations must similarly be compelled to ensure the well-being of India’s future human capital by promoting child-friendly development.

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This research was made possible by the Oak Foundation, the Francois-Xavier Bagnoud Center for Health and Human Rights, Mobile Crèches (Delhi), and the Harvard School of Public Health. We are also endlessly grateful to Katrina Hann, our wonderful Indian research staff, and the children and families who contributed to this study. This work was funded by the Oak Foundation.

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Theresa S Betancourt, Ashkon Shaahinfar, Sarah E Kellner, Nayana Dhavan & Timothy P Williams

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TSB conceived of the study and participated in its design and coordination along with TW and AS. TW and AS conducted the primary qualitative fieldwork. TSB, ND, and AS conducted the validity-enhancing member checks. All authors, including SK, contributed to the qualitative data analysis and helped draft and finalize the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Ashkon Shaahinfar, Nayana Dhavan contributed equally to this work.

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Betancourt, T.S., Shaahinfar, A., Kellner, S.E. et al. A qualitative case study of child protection issues in the Indian construction industry: investigating the security, health, and interrelated rights of migrant families. BMC Public Health 13 , 858 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1186/1471-2458-13-858

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Failures in child protection: a case study, additional details, no download available, availability, related topics.

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The Alliance for Child Protection in Humanitarian Action

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Child Protection Minimum Standards in humanitarian action (CPMS)

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Safeguarding concerns: practice examples

We all have a responsibility to protect children from harm. But do you know what to do when faced with safeguarding issues? We've created some examples of common safeguarding scenarios and practical advice about how to respond to help you keep children safe.

Every organisation that works with or comes into contact with children will have different needs for safeguarding and child protection. Our safeguarding examples are designed to be used alongside your organisation's safeguarding and child protection policies and procedures.

Whether you've encountered a safeguarding issue or you want to make sure you're prepared, our examples highlight the steps you should take and the further resources available to help you keep children in your organisation safe.

One-to-one working

The scenario.

Sharon is a qualified counsellor. She sets up a free counselling service and holds sessions in the local community centre. A 15-year-old asks to arrange individual counselling sessions to talk about their problems in private, without their parents or carers.

Safeguarding and child protection measures

If you are working one-to-one with someone under 18 you need to have clear safeguarding and child protection policies and procedures to ensure both of you are protected.

> Learn more about writing safeguarding policies and procedures

If you’re carrying out certain types of work with children you need to undergo criminal records checks.

In England , Northern Ireland and Wales you will need an enhanced with barred list check if you are undertaking “regulated activity”. This includes unsupervised activities such as providing advice and guidance on wellbeing.

In Scotland , you will need a Protecting Vulnerable Groups (PVG) check if you are undertaking “regulated work”. This includes providing personal services to children.

> Find out more about how and when to get criminal records checks

If you’re self-employed in England , Northern Ireland or Wales , you can:

• request a basic check for yourself
• ask an organisation you’re working with to apply for an “enhanced with barred list” check for you, if they are able to check and verify your eligibility and documentation.

The Disclosure and Barring Service (DBS) provides information about criminal records checks in England and Wales (DBS 2020) 1 .

More information about criminal records checks in Northern Ireland is available from Access NI (Access NI, n.d.) 2 .

If you’re self-employed in Scotland you can request a PVG check for yourself. The PVG scheme provides information about how to get a PVG check (Mygov.scot, 2020) 3 .

You need to assess the risks of the service you’re providing and make sure that you have appropriate measures in place to work safely and responsibly.

When working with anyone under 18 you should undertake training to make sure you know how to recognise and respond to safeguarding and child protection concerns. You should also keep up to date with relevant legislation and guidance.

> Get information on child protection training requirements in the UK

> View our training courses

> Sign up to CASPAR, the NSPCC’s current awareness newsletter for policy, practice and research

Best practice for one-to-one working

There are several measures you should put in place when working alone with a child or young person to make sure you are both protected.

• Make sure an appropriate adult, preferably someone with safeguarding responsibility, knows the time and place when you are alone with a child.
• Choose a suitable venue: use a room with windows so people can see in, or leave the door open.
• Ensure the young person knows they can stop the one-to-one contact at any time and make sure they know how to complain or get help if they need it.
• Make sure the child or young person knows they can contact Childline if they need to talk about anything.
• Keep a record of the fact you were alone with a child or young person, recording the reason you were alone and describing what happened.

> Learn more about working safely alone with children

It is important to get appropriate consent when undertaking a one-to-one session. Get consent from a parent or carer if the child is under 16. If they are 16- or 17-years-old, carefully consider whether parental consent is needed.

> See our example consent forms

It's best practice never to work with children under 16 without parental or carer consent. If the child doesn’t want their parents or carers to know they’re seeking counselling, suggest they get support from Childline instead.

Professionals in some roles might occasionally need to work with a child without parental consent.

> Find out how professionals use Gillick competency and Fraser guidelines to decide whether a child is mature enough to make decisions about things that affect them

In the case of counselling, children and young people might ask you not to tell their parents or carers about the things you discuss in your sessions. But if you become aware that a child or young person is at risk of significant harm you must share this information with the relevant agencies. If you are unsure whether to report something, contact the NSPCC Helpline for advice, support or reassurance.

You should inform the child and their parents or carers before you start that you might not be able to keep information confidential if you need to take steps to protect them.

> Learn more about sharing information and consent

> Learn more about assessing a child’s competency to give consent

Renting spaces

If you are working with children and young people in a rented space, it is your responsibility to ensure appropriate safeguards are in place to protect them.

You should have your own safeguarding and child protection policy and make sure you know what to do if you have a safeguarding concern.

> View our range of introductory child protection courses

You should also make sure you comply with the safeguarding policies and procedures of the organisation you are renting space from.

There should be procedures in place for you to escalate concerns about behaviour from members of other organisations using the space. Make sure you know who the nominated child protection lead is in the organisation you are hiring from.

Hiring out spaces

A village hall regularly hires out rooms to local community groups, including children and young people’s organisations. Some of the rooms can only be accessed by walking through another room. The hall has limited toilet facilities so adults and children need to use the same bathrooms. Some of the groups are open to the public and operate on a drop-in basis, so they don’t know in advance who is attending.

Safeguarding and child protection policies and procedures

If you hire out a space on your premises to other organisations you have a responsibility to make sure they are taking the right steps to keep children safe. This applies regardless of the size of the room(s) people are using and whether they are paying to use the space.

You can ensure groups are keeping children safe by:

• asking them to share their safeguarding and child protection policy with you and checking it is adequate
• sharing your organisation’s safeguarding and child protection policy with the group and asking them to sign an agreement stating they will comply with it
• making sure groups have carried out risk assessments
• letting groups know if other people will be using the premises at the same time.

You will also need to set out procedures in case anything goes wrong, for example if a child gets lost and goes to the wrong room, or if someone notices a member of another group behaving inappropriately around children. Make sure all the organisations using your space have the contact details of your organisation’s nominated child protection lead.

> Read more about hiring out your premises

> Read more about writing safeguarding policies and procedures

It might be helpful to have a code of conduct setting out how you expect people to behave when using your premises to help avoid any inappropriate behaviour.

> See example behaviour codes

Risk assessment

Your organisation needs to consider what risks children might be exposed to at your venue and take steps to mitigate those risks. This could include checking the people in your organisation are safe to work with children, and putting rules in place to make sure children are properly supervised by the groups that use your venue.

> Read about supervision and adult to child ratios

Everyone who works with children should have been through a safer recruitment process and have had the appropriate checks. You should check that any groups using your venue have followed safer recruitment procedures.

> Learn about safer recruitment

> Take our safer recruitment training

You should also consider any risks that may arise from the area around the venue. For example, think about street lighting, car parks and what you can do to make these areas safer.

Shared facilities and toilets

Children’s and adult’s groups should always have separate spaces.

Make sure adults from other groups cannot walk through rooms where children and young people are meeting. If this is not possible in your venue, change meeting times so that adult groups and children’s groups are not on the premises at the same time.

If it isn’t possible to have separate facilities such as toilets for children and adults, you should notify groups of this before they start to use your premises.

Advise groups to wait until adults have left the bathroom before children and young people use them and vice versa.

When going to the toilet, younger children should be supervised by an adult of the same gender who has had the appropriate checks. Make sure the groups hiring your facility have enough adults to supervise their activity and take children to the bathroom. For older children, organisations should carry out a risk assessment and consider if it is appropriate for them to go to the bathroom unsupervised. The child’s age, ability and development stage and the location of the bathroom should be taken into consideration.

> Read more about toilet ratios

Parent volunteers

A Buddhist organisation regularly runs nature days for children in the summer with a range of activities. Some of the parents who are members of the organisation want to help out and get more involved with running and supervising the activities.

Safer recruitment practices

You need to consider whether parent helpers are only going to be responsible for their own children or whether they’ll be helping out more formally and looking after other children.

When somebody works or volunteers with children you should follow safer recruitment practices. This is the case even if they are parents of some of the children in the group.

Safer recruitment is a set of practices to help make sure everybody working with children is suitable to do so. It’s an important part of creating a safe and positive environment in your organisation and keeping children safe.

> Read more about safer recruitment

Child protection training

Everyone in your organisation who comes into contact with children and young people should take child protection training to make sure they know how to recognise and respond to child protection concerns. Training should be a part of the induction process and staff and volunteers should do refresher training regularly.

> Find out more about how regularly staff and volunteers need to complete child protection training

Residential trips

A wilderness skills group takes an annual camping trip with about 100 children aged 10-18, including two children with learning disabilities. At night, the children and adults sleep in tents.

When planning an event or trip there are a number of things to consider to make sure children are kept safe.

Plans and procedures

Liaise with your organisation’s nominated child protection lead to draw up a safeguarding and child protection plan for the event which sets out your policies and procedures for keeping children safe.

> Read more about running safer activities and events

Get written consent from parents or carers and ask children and young people if they want to be involved. You can use the consent form to get emergency contact information and check any medical conditions, allergies, disabilities or other vulnerabilities of the children or young people. You should also let parents know the itinerary.

> See example consent forms

Health and safety

Make sure the necessary health and safety measures are in place including first aid, fire safety and insurance.

Supervision

Ensure there are enough adults to supervise the children involved in the event or trip. The appropriate ratio of adults to children will depend on many things including:

• the age of the children
• the behaviour and abilities of your group
• the type of activity you are doing.

> Read more about adult to child ratios

All staff and volunteers who will be working with children should go through a safer recruitment process to make sure they are suitable.

Everybody who has responsibility for or comes into contact with children in your organisation should undergo child protection training to be able to recognise and respond to child abuse and child protection concerns.

> Take our introduction to child protection course

Overnight accommodation

At events where children will be sleeping over, separate sleeping facilities need to be provided for each gender and age group. Adults should sleep in separate, nearby facilities.

> Read more about overnight stays

Responding to a concern

An adult helper in a children’s church choir notices a bruise on the arm of a 7-year-old girl during rehearsal. When he asks her about it, she hints that it was not accidental and had happened during her individual singing practice with the choir leader. At the next rehearsal, he sees that the bruise has healed and the girl asks him not to say anything.

The helper is worried about the child but is unsure what to do. The choir leader has a key role in the church and the helper doesn’t want to cause problems. He doesn’t want the girl to stop trusting him because he said something when she asked him not to.

If a child tells you they have experienced abuse, it’s important to reassure them that they have done the right thing in telling you. Make sure they know abuse is never their fault.

You can help a child or young person who is telling you about abuse by staying calm, letting them take their time and giving them your full attention.

Never promise a child or young person you will keep something confidential. You need to let them know you may have to share information with somebody else to help keep them safe. Don’t tell lots of other people about your conversation, only those who your organisation’s safeguarding procedures say you need to report it to.

> Watch our animation on how to respond when a child or young person talks to you about abuse

Reporting concerns

Any organisation that works with children or young people should have clear and detailed procedures in place for reporting child protection concerns. All staff and volunteers should be made aware of these procedures during their induction and they should be easily accessible to everyone. Staff and volunteers should also undergo regular child protection training to help them recognise and respond to child abuse and neglect.

> Learn more about writing child protection policies and procedures

> View our introductory child protection courses

> Find out more about child protection training requirements for your organisation

Your organisation should have a trained nominated child protection lead. You should report any safeguarding and child protection concerns to your nominated lead or their deputy, who will share the information with the appropriate agencies.

> Find out more about the role of the nominated child protection lead

Contact the NSPCC Helpline for advice, to report concerns or seek reassurance.

Recording information

Make accurate and detailed notes about any concerns you have for a child and share these with your nominated child protection lead. You should include:

• the child’s name, age and address
• what the child said or did that gave you cause for concern (if the child made a verbal disclosure, write down their exact words)
• any information the child has given you about the alleged abuser.

> Read more about recognising and responding to abuse

Even if a child asks you not to share what they have told you, you must report it if it means you are promoting their welfare. Parents should be informed of the situation and any reports or referrals made about their child, unless informing them will put the child at risk.

> Read more about consent

Support for the child

Children who have experienced abuse need support. Make sure they have someone to talk to and let them know they can contact Childline for free, confidential support at any time.

Noticing a concern

Two volunteers at a local art group for children notice a father shouting at his 8-year-old daughter when he comes to collect her. He is shouting in another language and they aren’t sure what is being said. The volunteers have heard that other parents are worried about the child and saying the father often appears to be quite angry. They’re concerned this might be emotional abuse but they don’t want to report it in case they have misunderstood due to the language barrier. They wonder if they should wait and see if the girl says anything to them about her father’s behaviour.

Responding to concerns

You should never wait until a child or young person tells you directly that they are experiencing abuse before taking action. You should also not let concerns about cultural sensitivity stand in the way of safeguarding and protecting children and young people.

> Find out more about safeguarding children who come from Black, Asian or minoritised communities

Your organisation should have clear procedures in place that outline what staff and volunteers should do if they have any concerns about a child’s safety and welfare, whether this comes from a child telling you something or noticing the signs of abuse or harm.

Make sure staff and volunteers have the contact details of the nominated child protection lead and their deputy to report any concerns. Concerns should only be shared with the nominated leads and not spread more widely.

> Learn more about the role of the nominated child protection lead

It is important to distinguish between fact and opinion when responding to and recording concerns. Differentiate what you’ve heard from others from facts and identify where information came from when making notes.

> Find out more about recording and sharing information

Recognising and sharing concerns quickly with the appropriate people is important. Addressing children and young people’s needs early can help protect them from harm.

> Read more about early help

Training staff

You must ensure that all staff and volunteers understand your organisation’s safeguarding policies and procedures and feel confident following the actions they set out. Child protection training should form a key part of your organisation’s induction process.

> Find out more about what level of child protection training your staff and volunteers need

Children who have experienced abuse or who are living in challenging circumstances need support. Make sure they have someone to talk to and let them know they can contact Childline for free, confidential support at any time.

The coach of a community football club notices that a 15-year-old is unhappy and asks what has happened. The boy tells his coach that he sent an explicit photo of himself to his 16-year-old boyfriend. He says he didn’t feel pressured into sending the photo but then his boyfriend shared it with their friends, which he didn’t consent to. He is now being bullied about it by friends and other people who have seen the image.

Your responsibility

Even when incidents happen outside of your organisation, you have a responsibility to take action to protect the children and young people involved. If you have a concern for a child or young person in your group, report it to your nominated child protection lead.

Responding to sexting

Children and young people can demonstrate a range of sexual behaviours as they grow up, and this might include sharing explicit messages and nude images (sexting). However, sexting can leave children vulnerable to bullying, blackmail, online grooming or abuse. Some children can also feel pressured into sharing nudes when they don’t want to.

It is against the law to produce, possess or share explicit images of anyone under 18, even if this is done consensually, or if a child makes an explicit image of themselves. However, safeguarding should be at the centre of any investigation into sexting and the police do not always need to charge young people with a criminal offence.

Any group or organisation that involves children and young people should have procedures setting out what steps should be taken if a child is involved in sexting as part of their overall safeguarding policy.

If a young person tells you they’ve been involved in sexting it’s important to be understanding and non-judgmental. Try to find out a bit more about what’s happened, including who sent the image and who has seen it. Never view, share or save explicit images, videos or messages.

You should take steps to get an explicit image or video removed if it’s been posted online.

• Report the image to the site or network hosting it.
• Contact the Internet Watch Foundation (IWF) .
• Children and young people under 18 who are worried that a sexual image or video of them may have been shared online can use Childline and IWF’s Report Remove tool to see if it can be taken down. 

> Find out more about how you can support young people to use Report Remove

> See Childline’s advice for young people on reporting nude images online

> Read more about responding to sexting

> Take our Sharing nudes and semi-nudes training

As part of your safeguarding and child protection policies and procedures you should have a policy around online safety. You can also create an online safety agreement, setting out how children and young people in your organisation are expected to behave online.

> See example online safety policy statement and agreement

> Take our online safety training

Your organisation should have an anti-bullying policy which sets out how you will respond to incidents of bullying. When responding it’s important to listen to all children involved and record details of the incident and any action you’ve taken.

> Learn more about responding to bullying

> See our example anti-bullying policy statement

Supporting the child

Children and young people who have been involved in sexting will need your help and support. Make sure they know they have someone to talk to and tell them they can contact Childline at any time for help and support.

Children and young people under 18 who are worried that a sexual image or video of them may have been shared online can use Childline and IWF’s Report Remove tool to see if it can be taken down.

Inappropriate behaviour from an adult

A helper at a Muslim youth group is great at working with children who attend. The Imam is pleased that the helper is getting young people more engaged but he has heard some of the children talk about her Facebook page and saying that she has messaged them privately and commented on their posts.

Any concern about someone’s behaviour with children and young people should be reported following your organisation's procedures. Depending on the organisation and who the concern is about, you might need to share your concerns with the nominated child protection lead, a senior manager (such as the head teacher in a school), a trustee or school governor.

The person you report to will decide how best to respond. This might include talking to the person involved and helping them change their behaviour, or making a child protection referral to the local authority.

> Read more about the role of the nominated child protection lead

> Listen to our podcast about nominated child protection leads

> Find out about the safeguarding roles and responsibilities of school staff

Online behaviour

Staff and volunteers should never add, follow or interact with children in their organisation on any personal social media accounts.

Your organisation should have behaviour codes that set out how you expect children and adults to behave, including online. These codes should be easily available to staff and volunteers, children and parents and carers. Everyone in the organisation should sign them and understand the consequences for breaching the code.

> See our sample behaviour codes

> Read more about social media and online communities

> Listen to our podcast about online safety

Every organisation that works with children and young people should have an online safety policy statement which sets out how you are committed to keeping children, staff and volunteers safe online. You should also have an online safety policy and agreement for children to help them understand and recognise what is inappropriate behaviour online.

> See more information about online safety

> Find out more about preventing online abuse and harm

> See our example online safety policy and agreement

Recruitment and training

All staff and volunteers working with children and young people should be appointed following safer recruitment practices to ensure that they are suitable to work with children.

Staff and volunteers should take child protection training as part of their induction to help them recognise and respond to child abuse and neglect and understand how to behave appropriately around children.

> Read more about mandatory child protection training in the UK

Managing allegations

If an allegation is made against someone in your organisation you must respond sensitively and promptly. You should have procedures in place setting out how the organisation will respond to allegations against staff and volunteers. Children and young people must be supported and their views and wishes considered.

> Learn more about managing allegations of abuse

> Learn more about preventing abuse by someone in a position of trust or authority

Adult dropping in

A local builder has offered to carry out maintenance checks and small repairs to a community centre on a voluntary basis. The builder plans to drop in when he has time in his schedule so can’t always give notice as to when he will be at the centre. The centre holds a range of activities for children and young people throughout the day.

Safeguarding children

Anybody working in or with your organisation should understand your safeguarding and child protection policies and procedures and agree to follow them. Make sure they know who the nominated child protection lead is and have their contact details. You should also ask them to comply with your behaviour code.

> Learn more about behaviour codes

You should also think about health and safety – if maintenance work is being carried out, is it safe for children to be around?

Anybody who might come into contact with children or young people should go through safer recruitment practices.

You must carry out the necessary checks on anyone who will be around children or young people. A role might not be eligible for a criminal records check if it does not involve regular contact with children or young people but you should still carry out other appropriate checks such as having interviews and checking references.

> Learn more about safer recruitment

> Read more about vetting, disclosure and barring checks

Anyone who will be coming into contact with children should undertake training so they know how to recognise and respond to child protection concerns.

Our Safeguarding awareness course will help adults recognise and respond to signs of abuse and neglect.

> View our range of introductory child protection training courses

Children and young people should not be left alone with adults who have not had appropriate checks. Make sure groups and organisations are aware that someone may be dropping in, so that they can arrange to have the appropriate supervision in place.

> Read more about supervision and adult to child ratios

Voluntary & community resources

A series of tools and guidance to help people working in a voluntary setting keep children and young people safe. 

Find training courses

Our online training courses are quick and easy to access and designed to help you gain the necessary skills to keep children safe from abuse and neglect.

Nine steps to safer practices

In the early stages of your safeguarding journey? Download our introductory guide for help and advice.

Child Protection at the IRC

Child Protection Case Management

What is case management  .

CASE MANAGEMENT is a way of organizing and carrying out work to address an individual child’s (and their family’s) needs in an appropriate, systematic and timely manner, through direct support and/or referrals, and in accordance with a project or program’s objectives 1 .

Child Protection case management can be provided in emergency and development settings using social work approach to address a range of child protection concerns. Case management services can be provided as part of a strategy to reduce inter-connected risks and vulnerabilities that cause protection violation or as a response to violations that children have experienced. Having case management procedures in place ensures quality, consistency, and coordination of services.

Key Points about Case Management  

• Should focus on the needs of an  individual child and their family, ensuring that concerns are addressed systematically in consideration of the  best interests of the child and building upon the child and family’s resilience.
• Should be provided in accordance with the established case management process, ensuring each case follows a series of steps (as shown below) involving  children’s meaningful participation and family empowerment throughout.
• Involve the  coordination  of services and supports within an interlinked or referral system
• Require systems for ensuring the  accountability of case management agencies (within a formal or statutory system where this exists).
• Are provided by one key worker (referred to as a  caseworker or case manager) who is responsible for ensuring that decisions are taken in the best interests of the child, the case is managed in accordance with the established process, and who takes responsibility for coordinating the actions of all actors.

At the IRC, we use a case management approach to a various set of humanitarian issues

Core Steps of Case Management

Guiding Principles for Case Management 

• Prioritise the best interests of the child
• Non-discrimination
• Adhere to ethical standards
• Seek informed consent and/or informed assent
• Respect confidentiality
• Ensure Accountability

Specific Resources

The current Case management training package is the result of two years of work led by the International Rescue Committee on behalf of the Global Case Management Task Force. The project was funded by USAID/BHA.  After a wide desk review, consultations with CMTF members and surveys with case management staff from 41 countries, Child Protection Case Management Training materials were updated and new content has been added. The training materials were developed through a lengthy and iterative process with feedback provided by members of the CMTF as well as pilots in Iraq, South-Sudan and Kenya.

This updated Child Protection Case Management training package includes a series of trainings to further strengthen the capacity of child protection caseworkers. Child Protection Case Management competencies are developed gradually, as well as through experience and with the support of a supervisor. To promote gradual learning and integrate supervision and coaching opportunities, these trainings are structured in three different levels:

• Level 1 Foundational training
• Level 2 Competency-based training
• Level 3 Advanced training.

It is recommended that child protection caseworkers, supervisors, and managers in humanitarian settings complete the different levels of training. The main target audience remains child protection caseworkers.

The Inter-Agency Case Management Supervision and Coaching Training package (2018) forms a complementary training within this learning and development strategy.

The Facilitator’s Guide, Level 1, Level 2 and Level 3 Child Protection Case Management training materials are available in English, French, Spanish and Arabic.

Have a look at the different resources here

7 Safeguarding Scenarios for Early Years Settings

Safeguarding children and young people is an ongoing responsibility for all staff working in education and care settings. Child welfare and well-being is a priority and fast responses and early intervention are critical to outcomes. Regardless of age, sex, religion, belief or sexual orientation, all children and young people have a right to protection from harm and risk.

Safeguarding is an ongoing action, once the training course is complete, ensuring your staff’s skills and knowledge is kept up to date and fresh is imperative to early identification. Whilst this includes identifying the signs and symptoms of potential abuse or neglect, how does your setting support staff to identify the more covert issues or the behavioural issues inside the setting?

The use of case studies and scenarios can be a powerful opportunity for staff to consider the wider risks to younger people and discuss how, as a setting, you can respond to these quickly and effectively, utilising the appropriate channels.

In this article, we offer seven scenarios to explore in your next team meeting:

It’s your rota’d time to support children’s personal care routines in the toddler room (1-2 years). Whilst changing Max’s nappy you are searching for his sudocream and come across a magazine tucked in the back of the bag. You initially disregard it, but as you put things away you notice that it contains pornographic images. What do you do next?

Jack is nearly 4 years old. He is in receipt of the 30 hours funding. His attendance is good and Jack appears to thoroughly enjoy being at nursery. At snack time you notice that Jack is very hungry, he tells you there was ‘no breakfast’. In the morning, you observe him being very subdued from his friends. In the afternoon he tells you that ‘mummy is sad’. What are your next steps?

Lucy has been at your pre-school for six months. You have noticed that her parents have very different relationships with her. Her mum is very anxious about whether she is meeting her targets and working at the ‘same level’ as her friends. She constantly asks for advice and guidance, and you have noticed that she seems to question everything she does. Her father is quite abrupt with staff, and with Lucy. He frequently comments she needs to be ‘braver’ and ‘toughen up’ and Lucy is noticeably subdued when she is with him. At parents evening, her father talks over her mother and you find it challenging to engage them both in conversations about Lucy’s development. What will you do?

Whilst supporting children in the bathroom you notice that three year old Susie is very subdued. She is reluctant to go to the toilet despite looking uncomfortable and as though she needs to go. You ask her if she needs some help, and when you are supporting notice that her genital area is very sore and red. What are your next steps?

You have a new parent joining your setting with their child. On arriving mum attends alone. She is very quiet and listens carefully when you are touring her around the nursery. When you sit together to review the policies and procedures she discloses that she was subjected to FGM as a child and is scared that her family may try to force this upon her baby daughter. What are your next steps?

Joe is a father of a 3 year old in your setting. Recently, on a number of occasions, his son, Luke, has commented that ‘mummy and daddy were shouting’. Luke has always been keen on rough and tumble play but in the last few weeks this has escalated. When Joe arrives to pick Luke up you notice that he has a bruise on the side of his face. On asking if he is ok, Luke shouts ‘mummy did it’. Joe laughs, changes the subject and takes Luke home. What are your next steps?

At lunchtime, you are sat in the staff room and notice that two colleagues are looking at their phone. When you sit and listen it appears that they have taken photos of some of the children in the garden. You ask if they took them today and they comment ‘they were so sweet’ I’m going to print the photographs for their mum. What do you do?

If you would like to learn more about safeguarding and the risks and challenges which affect young people, visit our course page.

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Further help 

For more  articles about mental health visit – HERE 

To  learn more about child and adolescent mental health visit – HERE

For  resources to support child and adolescent mental health visit – HERE

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