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1 1. Science and social work

Chapter outline.

• How do social workers know what to do? (12 minute read time)
• The scientific method (16 minute read time)
• Evidence-based practice (11 minute read time)
• Social work research (10 minute read time)

Content warning: Examples in this chapter contain references to school discipline, child abuse, food insecurity, homelessness, poverty and anti-poverty stigma, anti-vaccination pseudoscience, autism, trauma and PTSD, mental health stigma, susto and culture-bound syndromes, gender-based discrimination at work, homelessness, psychiatric hospitalizations, substance use, and mandatory treatment.

1.1 How do social workers know what to do?

Learning objectives.

Learners will be able to…

• Reflect on how we, as social workers, make decisions
• Differentiate between micro-, meso-, and macro-level analysis
• Describe the concept of intuition, its purpose in social work, and its limitations
• Identify specific errors in thinking and reasoning

What would you do?

Case 1: Imagine you are a clinical social worker at a children’s mental health agency. One day, you receive a referral from your town’s middle school about a client who often skips school, gets into fights, and is disruptive in class. The school has suspended him and met with the parents on multiple occasions, who say they practice strict discipline at home. Yet the client’s behavior has worsened. When you arrive at the school to meet with your client, who is also a gifted artist, you notice he seems to have bruises on his legs, has difficulty maintaining eye contact, and appears distracted. Despite this, he spends the hour painting and drawing, during which time you are able to observe him.

• Given your observations of your client’s strengths and challenges, what intervention would you select, and how could you determine its effectiveness?

Case 2: Imagine you are a social worker working in the midst of an urban food desert (a geographic area in which there is no grocery store that sells fresh food). As a result, many of your low-income clients either eat takeout, or rely on food from the dollar store or a convenience store. You are becoming concerned about your clients’ health, as many of them are obese and say they are unable to buy fresh food. Your clients tell you that they have to rely on food pantries because convenience stores are expensive and often don’t have the right kinds of food for their families. You have spent the past month building a coalition of community members to lobby your city council. The coalition includes individuals from non-profit agencies, religious groups, and healthcare workers.

• How should this group address the impact of food deserts in your community?  What intervention(s) do you suggest?  How would you determine whether your intervention was effective?

Case 3: You are a social worker working at a public policy center whose work focuses on the issue of homelessness. Your city is seeking a large federal grant to address this growing problem and has hired you as a consultant to work on the grant proposal. After interviewing individuals who are homeless and conducting a needs assessment in collaboration with local social service agencies, you meet with city council members to talk about potential opportunities for intervention. Local agencies want to spend the money to increase the capacity of existing shelters in the community. In addition, they want to create a transitional housing program at an unused apartment complex where people can reside upon leaving the shelter, and where they can gain independent living skills. On the other hand, homeless individuals you interview indicate that they would prefer to receive housing vouchers to rent an apartment in the community. They also fear the agencies running the shelter and transitional housing program would impose restrictions and unnecessary rules and regulations, thereby curbing their ability to freely live their lives. When you ask the agencies about these client concerns, they state that these clients need the structure and supervision provided by agency support workers.

• Which kind of program should your city choose to implement?  Which is most likely to be effective and why?

Assuming you’ve taken a social work course before, you will notice that these case studies cover different levels of analysis in the social ecosystem—micro, meso, and macro. At the micro-level , social workers examine the smallest levels of interaction; in some cases, just “the self” alone (e.g. the child in case one).

When social workers investigate groups and communities, such as our food desert in case 2, their inquiry is at the meso-level .

At the  macro-level , social workers examine social structures and institutions. Research at the macro-level examines large-scale patterns, including culture and government policy.

These three domains interact with one another, and it is common for a research project to address more than one level of analysis. For example, you may have a study about individuals at a case management agency (a micro-level study) that impacts the organization as a whole (meso-level) and incorporates policies and cultural issues (macro-level). Moreover, research that occurs on one level is likely to have multiple implications across domains.

How do social workers know what to do?

Welcome to social work research. This chapter begins with three problems that social workers might face in practice, and three questions about what a social worker should do next. If you haven’t already, spend a minute or two thinking about the three aforementioned cases and jot down some notes. How might you respond to each of these cases?

I assume it is unlikely you are an expert in the areas of children’s mental health, community responses to food deserts, and homelessness policy. Don’t worry, I’m not either. In fact, for many of you, this textbook will likely come at an early point in your graduate social work education, so it may seem unfair for me to ask you what the ‘right’ answers are. And to disappoint you further, this course will not teach you the ‘right’ answer to these questions. It will, however, teach you how to answer these questions for yourself, and to find the ‘right’ answer that works best in each unique situation.

Assuming you are not an experienced practitioner in the areas described above, you likely used intuition (Cheung, 2016). [1] when thinking about what you would do in each of these scenarios. Intuition is a “gut feeling” about what to think about and do, often based on personal experience. What we experience influences how we perceive the world. For example, if you’ve witnessed representations of trauma in your practice, personal life, or in movies or television, you may have perceived that the child in case one was being physically abused and that his behavior was a sign of trauma. As you think about problems such as those described above, you find that certain details stay with you and influence your thinking to a greater degree than others. Using past experiences, you apply seemingly relevant knowledge and make predictions about what might be true.

Over a social worker’s career, intuition evolves into practice   wisdom . Practice wisdom is the “learning by doing” that develops as a result of practice experience. For example, a clinical social worker may have a “feel” for why certain clients would be a good fit to join a particular therapy group. This idea may be informed by direct experience with similar situations, reflections on previous experiences, and any consultation they receive from colleagues and/or supervisors. This “feel” that social workers get for their practice is a useful and valid source of knowledge and decision-makin – do not discount it.

On the other hand, intuitive thinking can be prone to a number of errors. We are all limited in terms of what we know and experience. One’s economic, social, and cultural background will shape intuition, and acting on your intuition may not work in a different sociocultural context. Because you cannot learn everything there is to know before you start your career as a social worker, it is important to learn how to understand and use social science to help you make sense of the world and to help you make sound, reasoned, and well-thought out decisions.

Social workers must learn how to take their intuition and deepen or challenge it by engaging with scientific literature. Similarly, social work researchers engage in research to make certain their interventions are effective and efficient (see Section 1.4 for more information). Both of these processes–consuming and producing research–inform the social justice mission of social work. That’s why the Council on Social Work Education (CSWE), who accredits the MSW program you are in, requires that you engage in social science.

Competency 4: Engage In Practice-informed Research and Research-informed Practice Social workers understand quantitative and qualitative research methods and their respective roles in advancing a science of social work and in evaluating their practice. Social workers know the principles of logic, scientific inquiry, and culturally informed and ethical approaches to building knowledge. Social workers understand that evidence that informs practice derives from multi-disciplinary sources and multiple ways of knowing. They also understand the processes for translating research findings into effective practice. Social workers: • use practice experience and theory to inform scientific inquiry and research; • apply critical thinking to engage in analysis of quantitative and qualitative research methods and research findings; and • use and translate research evidence to inform and improve practice, policy, and service delivery. (CSWE, 2015). [2]

Errors in thinking

We all rely on mental shortcuts to help us figure out what to do in a practice situation. All people, including you and me, must train our minds to be aware of predictable flaws in thinking, termed cognitive biases . Here is a link to the Wikipedia entry on cognitive biases, as well as an interactive list . As you can see, there are many types of biases that can results in irrational conclusions.

The most important error in thinking for social scientists to be aware of is the concept of confirmation bias . Confirmation bias involves observing and analyzing information in a way that confirms what you already believe to be true. We all arrive at each moment with a set of personal beliefs, experiences, and worldviews that have been developed and ingrained over time. These patterns of thought inform our intuitions, primarily in an unconscious manner. Confirmation bias occurs when our mind ignores or manipulates information to avoid challenging what we already believe to be true.

In our second case study, we are trying to figure out how to help people who receive SNAP (sometimes referred to as Food Stamps) who live in a food desert. Let’s say we have arrived at a policy solution and are now lobbying the city council to implement it. There are many who have negative beliefs about people who are “on welfare.”  These people may believe individuals who receive social welfare benefits spend their money irresponsibly, are too lazy to get a job, and manipulate the system to maintain or increase their government payout.

Those espousing this belief may point to an example such as Louis Cuff , who bought steak and lobster with his SNAP benefits and resold them for a profit. However, they are falling prey to assuming that one person’s bad behavior reflects upon an entire group of people. City council members who hold these beliefs may ignore the truth about the client population—that people experiencing poverty usually spend their money responsibly and that they genuinely need help accessing fresh and healthy food. In this way, confirmation bias often makes people less capable of empathizing with one another because they have difficulty accepting alternative perspectives.

Errors in reasoning

Because the human mind is prone to errors, when anyone makes a statement about what is true or what should be done in a given situation, errors in logic may abound. Think back to the case studies at the beginning of this section. You most likely had some ideas about what to do in each case. Below are some of the most common logical fallacies and the ways in which they may negatively influence a social worker:

• Making hasty generalization : when a person draws conclusions before having enough information. A social worker may apply lessons from a handful of clients to an entire population of people (see Louis Cuff , above). It is important to examine the scientific literature in order to avoid this.
• Confusing correlation with causation : when one concludes that because two things are correlated (as one changes, the other changes), they must be causally related. As an example, a social worker might observe both an increase in the minimum wage and higher unemployment in certain areas of the city. However, just because two things changed at the same time does not mean they are causally related. Social workers should explore other factors that might impact causality.
• Going down a slippery slope : when a person concludes that we should not do something because something far worse will happen if we do so. For example, a social worker may seek to increase a client’s opportunity to choose their own activities, but face opposition from those who believe it will lead to clients making unreasonable demands. Clearly, this is nonsense. Changes that foster self-determination are unlikely to result in client revolt. Social workers should be skeptical of arguments opposing small changes because one argues that radical changes are inevitable.
• Appealing to authority : when a person draws a conclusion by appealing to the authority of an expert or reputable individual, rather than through the strength of the claim. You have likely encountered individuals who believe they are correct because another in a position of authority told them so. Instead, we should work to build a reflective and critical approach to practice that questions authority.
• Hopping on the bandwagon : when a person draws a conclusion consistent with popular belief. Just because something is popular does not mean it is correct. Fashionable ideas come and go. Social workers should engage with trendy ideas but must ground their work in scientific evidence rather than popular opinion.
• Using a straw man : when a person does not represent their opponent’s position fairly or with sufficient depth. For example, a social worker advocating for a new group home may depict homeowners that are opposed to clients living in their neighborhood as individuals concerned only with their property values. However, this may not be the case. Social workers should instead engage deeply with all sides of an issue and represent them accurately.

Key Takeaways

• Social work research occurs at the micro-, meso-, and macro-level.
• Intuition is a powerful, though limited, source of information when making decisions.
• All human thought is subject to errors in thinking and reasoning.
• Scientific inquiry accounts for cognitive biases by applying an organized, logical way of observing and theorizing about the world.
• Think about a social work topic you might want to study this semester as part of a research project. How do individuals commit specific errors in logic or reasoning when discussing a specific topic (e.g. Louis Cuff)? How can using scientific evidence help you combat popular myths that are based on erroneous thinking?
• Reflect on the strengths and limitations of your personal experiences as a way to guide your work with diverse populations. Describe an instance when your intuition may have resulted in biased or misguided thinking or behavior in a social work practice situation.

1.2 The scientific method

Learning objectives.

• Define science and social science
• Describe the differences between objective and subjective truth(s)
• Identify how qualitative and quantitative data are analyzed differently and how they can be used together
• Delineate the features of science that distinguish it from pseudoscience

If I asked you to draw a picture of science, what would you draw?  My guess is it would be something from a chemistry or biology classroom, like a microscope or a beaker. Maybe something from a science fiction movie. All social workers use scientific thinking in their practice. However, social workers have a unique understanding of what science means, one that is (not surprisingly) more open to the unexpected and human side of the social world.

Science and not-science

In social work, science is a way of ‘knowing’ that attempts to systematically collect and categorize facts or truths. A key word here is systematically –conducting science is a deliberate process. Scientists gather information about facts in a way that is organized and intentional, and usually follows a set of predetermined steps. Social work is not a science, but social work is informed by social science ; the science of humanity, social interactions, and social structures. In other words, social work research uses organized and intentional procedures to uncover facts or truths about the social world. And social workers rely on social scientific research to promote change.

Science can also be thought of in terms of its impostor, pseudoscience. Pseudoscience refers to beliefs about the social world that are unsupported by scientific evidence. These claims are often presented as though they are based on science. But once researchers test them scientifically, they are demonstrated to be false. A scientifically uninformed social work practitioner using pseudoscience may recommend any number of ineffective, misguided, or harmful interventions. Pseudoscience often relies on information and scholarship that has not been reviewed by experts or offers a selective and biased reading of reviewed literature.

An example of pseudoscience comes from anti-vaccination activists. Despite overwhelming scientific consensus that vaccines do not cause autism, a very vocal minority of people continue to believe that they do. Anti-vaccination advocates present their information as based in science, as seen here at Green Med Info . The author of this website shares real abstracts from scientific journal articles and studies but will only provide information on articles that show the potential dangers of vaccines, without showing any research that prevents the positive and safe side of vaccines. Green Med Info is an example of confirmation bias, as all data presented on the website supports what the pseudo-scientific researcher believes to be true. For more information on assessing causal relationships, consult Chapter 6 , where we discuss causality in detail.

The values and practices associated with the scientific method work to overcome common errors in thinking (such as confirmation bias). First, the scientific method uses established techniques from the literature to determine the likelihood of something being true or false. The research process often cites these techniques, reasons for their use, and how researchers came to the decision to use said techniques. However, each technique comes with its own strengths and limitations. Rigorous science is about making the best choice, being open about your process, and allowing others to check your work. It is important to remember that there is no “perfect” study – all research has limitations because all scientific methods come with limitations.

Skepticism and debate

Unfortunately, the “perfect” researcher does not exist. Scientists are human, so they are subject to error and bias, such as gravitating toward fashionable ideas and thinking their work is more important than others’ work. Theories and concepts fade in and out of use and may be tossed aside when new evidence challenges their truth. Part of the challenge in your research projects will be finding what you believe about an issue, rather than summarizing what others think about the topic. Good science, just like good social work practice, is authentic. When I see students present their research projects, those that are the strongest deliver both passionate and informed arguments about their topic area.

Good science is also open to ongoing questioning. Scientists are fundamentally skeptical. As such, they are likely to pursue alternative explanations. They might question the design of a study or replicate it to see if it works in another context. Scientists debate what is true until they arrive at a majority consensus. If you’ve ever heard that 97% of climate scientists agree that global warming is due to human activity [3] or that 99% of economists agree that tariffs make the economy worse [4] , you are seeing this sociology of science in action. This skepticism will help to catch situations in which scientists who make the oh-so-human mistakes in thinking and reasoning reviewed in Section 1.1.

Skepticism also helps to identify unethical scientists, as with Andrew Wakefield’s study linking the MMR vaccination and autism. When other researchers looked at his data, they found that he had altered the data to match his own conclusions and sought to benefit financially from the ensuing panic about vaccination (Godlee, Smith, & Marcovitch, 2011). [5] This highlights another key value in science: openness.

Through the use of publications and presentations, scientists share the methods used to gather and analyze data. The trend towards open science has also prompted researchers to share data as well. This in turn enables other researchers to re-run, replicate, and validate analyses and results. A major barrier to openness in science is the paywall. When you’ve searched online for a journal article (we will review search techniques in Chapter 3), you have likely run into the $25-$50 price tag. Don’t despair – your university should subscribe to these journals. However, the push towards openness in science means that more researchers are sharing their work in open access journals, which are free for people to access (like this textbook!). These open access journals do not require a university subscription to view.

Openness also means engaging the broader public about your study. Social work researchers conduct studies to help people, and part of scientific work is making sure your study has an impact. For example, it is likely that many of the authors publishing in scientific journals are on Twitter or other social media platforms, relaying the importance of study findings. They may create content for popular media, including newspapers, websites, blogs, or podcasts. It may lead to training for agency workers or public administrators. Regrettably, academic researchers have a reputation for being aloof and disengaged from the public conversation. However, this reputation is slowly changing with the trend towards public scholarship and engagement. For example, see this recent section of the Journal of the Society of Social Work and Research on public impact scholarship .

Science supported by empirical data

Pseudoscience is often doctored up to look like science, but the surety with which its advocates speak is not backed up by empirical data. Empirical data refers to information about the social world gathered and analyzed through scientific observation or experimentation. Theory is also an important part of science, as we will discuss in Chapter 5 . However, theories must be supported by empirical data–evidence that what we think is true really exists in the world.

There are two types of empirical data that social workers should become familiar with. Quantitative data refers to numbers and  qualitative data usually refers to word data (like a transcript of an interview) but can also refer to pictures, performances, and other means of expressing oneself. Researchers use specific methods designed to analyze each type of data. Together, these are known as research methods , or the methods researchers use to examine empirical data.

Objective truth

In our vaccine example, scientists have conducted many studies tracking children who were vaccinated to look for future diagnoses of autism (see Taylor et al. 2014 for a review). This is an example of using quantitative data to determine whether there is a causal relationship between vaccination and autism. By examining the number of people who develop autism after vaccinations and controlling for all of the other possible causes, researchers can determine the likelihood of whether vaccinations cause changes in the brain that are eventually diagnosed as autism.

In this case, the use of quantitative data is a good fit for disproving myths about the dangers of vaccination. When researchers analyze quantitative data, they are trying to establish an objective truth. An objective truth is always true, regardless of context. Generally speaking, researchers seeking to establish objective truth tend to use quantitative data because they believe numbers don’t lie. If repeated statistical analyses don’t show a relationship between two variables, like vaccines and autism, that relationship almost certainly does not exist. By boiling everything down to numbers, we can minimize the biases and logical errors that human researchers bring to the scientific process. That said, the interpretation of those numbers is always up for debate. That process can be subjective.

This approach to finding truth probably sounds similar to something you heard in your middle school science classes. When you learned about gravitational force or the mitochondria of a cell, you were learning about the theories and observations that make up our understanding of the physical world. We assume that gravity is real and that the mitochondria of a cell are real. Mitochondria are easy to spot with a powerful microscope and we can observe and theorize about their function in a cell. The gravitational force is invisible, but clearly apparent from observable facts, such as watching an apple fall. If we were unable to perceive mitochondria or gravity, they would still be there, doing their thing, because they exist independent of our observation of them.

Let’s consider a social work example. Scientific research has established that children who are subjected to severely traumatic experiences are more likely to be diagnosed with a mental health disorder (e.g., Mahoney, Karatzias, & Hutton, 2019). [6] A diagnosis of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is considered objective, and may refer to a mental health issue that exists independent of the individual observing it and is highly similar in its presentation across clients. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5, 2017) [7] identifies a group of criteria which is based on unbiased, neutral client observations. These criteria are based in research, and render an objective diagnosis more likely to be valid and reliable. Through the clinician’s observations and the client’s description of their symptoms, an objective determination of a mental health diagnosis can be made.

Subjective truth(s)

For those of you skeptics, you may ask yourself: but does a diagnosis tell a client’s whole story? No. It does not tell you what the client thinks and feels about their diagnosis, for example. Receiving a diagnosis of PTSD may be a relief for a client. The diagnosis may suggest the words to describe their experiences. In addition, this diagnosis may provide a direction for therapeutic work, as there are evidence-based interventions clinicians can use with each diagnosis. On the other hand, a client may feel shame and view the diagnosis as a label, defining them in a negative way and limiting their potential (Barsky, 2015). [8]

Imagine if we surveyed people with PTSD to see how they interpreted their diagnosis. Objectively, we could determine whether more people said the diagnosis was, overall, a positive or negative event for them. However, it is unlikely that the experience of receiving a diagnosis was either completely positive or completely negative. In social work, we know that a client’s thoughts and emotions are rarely binary, either/or situations. Clients likely feel a mix of positive and negative thoughts and emotions during the diagnostic process. These messy bits are subjective truths , or the thoughts and feelings that arise as people interpret and make meaning of situations. Uniquely, looking for subjective truths can help us see the contradictory and multi-faceted nature of people’s thoughts, and qualitative data allows us to avoid oversimplifying them into negative and positive feelings that could be counted, as in quantitative data. It is the role of a researcher, just like a practitioner, to seek to understand things from the perspective of the client. Unlike with objective truth, this will not lead to a general sense of what is true for everyone, but rather what is true for that one person.

Subjective truths are best expressed through qualitative data, or through the use of words (not numbers). For example, we might invite a client to tell us how they felt after they were first diagnosed, after they spoke with family, and over the course of the therapeutic process. While it may look different from what we normally think of as science (e.g. pharmaceutical studies), these stories are indeed a rich source of data for scientific analysis. However, it is impossible to analyze what this client said without also considering the sociocultural context in which they live. For example, the concept of PTSD is generated from Western thought and philosophy. How might people from other cultures understand trauma differently?

In the DSM-5 classification of mental health disorders, there is a list of culture-bound syndromes which appear only in certain cultures. For example,  susto describes a unique cluster of symptoms experienced by Latin Americans after a traumatic event (Nogueira, Mari, & Razzouk, 2015). [9]   Susto involves more physical symptoms than a traditional PTSD diagnosis. Indeed, many of these syndromes do not fit within a Western conceptualization of mental health because they differentiate less between the mind and body. To a Western scientist, susto may seem less real than PTSD. To someone from Latin America, their symptoms may not fit neatly into the PTSD framework developed in Western nations . Science has historically privileged knowledge from the United States and other nations in the West and Global North , marking them as objectively true. The objectivity of Western science as universally applicable to all cultures has been increasingly called into question as science has become less dominated by white males, and interaction between cultures and groups becomes broadly more democratic. Clearly, what is true depends in part on the context in which it is observed.

In this way, social scientists have a unique task. People are both objects and subjects. Objectively, you could quantify how tall a person is, what car they drive, how many adverse childhood experiences they had, or their score on a PTSD checklist. Subjectively, you could understand how a person made sense of a traumatic incident or how it contributed to certain patterns in thinking, negative feelings, or opportunities for growth, for example. It is this added dimension that renders social science unique to natural science, which focuses almost exclusively on quantitative data and objective truth. For this reason, this book is divided between projects using qualitative data and quantitative data.

There is no “better” or “more true” way of approaching social science. Instead, the methods a researcher chooses should match the question they ask. If you want to answer, “do vaccines cause autism?” you should choose methods appropriate to answer that question. It seeks an objective truth–one that is true for everyone, regardless of context. Studies like these use quantitative data and statistical analyses to test mathematical relationships between variables. If, on the other hand, you wanted to know “what does a diagnosis of PTSD mean to clients?” you should collect qualitative data and seek subjective truths. You will gather stories and experiences from clients and interpret them in a way that best represents their unique and shared truths. Where there is consensus, you will report that. Where there is contradiction, you will report that as well.

Mixed methods

In this textbook, we will treat quantitative and qualitative research methods separately. However, it is important to remember that a project can include both approaches. A mixed methods study, which we will discuss more in chapter 6, requires thinking through a more complicated project that includes at least one quantitative component, one qualitative component, and a plan to incorporate both approaches together. As a result, mixed methods projects may require more time for conceptualization, data collection, and analysis.

Finding patterns

Regardless of whether you are seeking objective or subjective truths, research and scientific inquiry aim to find and explain patterns. Most of the time, a pattern will not explain every single person’s experience, a fact about social science that is both fascinating and frustrating. Even individuals who do not know each other can create patterns that persist over time. Those new to social science may find these patterns frustrating because they may believe that the patterns describing their sex, age, or some other facet of their lives don’t represent their experience. It’s true. A pattern can exist among your cohort without your individual participation in it. There is diversity within diversity.

Let’s consider some specific examples. You probably wouldn’t be surprised to learn that a person’s social class background has an impact on their educational attainment and achievement. You may be surprised to learn that people select romantic partners that have similar educational attainment, which in turn, impacts their children’s educational attainment (Eika, Mogstad, & Zafar, 2019). [10] . People who have graduated college pair off with other college graduates, as so forth. This, in turn, reinforces existing inequalities, stratifying society by those who have the opportunity to complete college and those who don’t.

People who object to these findings tend to cite evidence from their own personal experience. However, the problem with this response is that objecting to a social pattern on the grounds that it doesn’t match one’s individual experience misses the point about patterns. Patterns don’t perfectly predict what will happen to an individual person. Yet, they are a reasonable guide that, when systematically observed, can help guide social work thought and action. When we don’t investigate these patterns scientifically, we are subject to developing stereotypes, biases, and other harmful beliefs.

A final note on qualitative and quantitative methods

There is not one superior way to find patterns that help us understand the world. As we will learn about in Chapter 5 , there are multiple philosophical, theoretical, and methodological ways to approach scientific truth. Qualitative methods aim to provide an in-depth understanding of a relatively small number of cases. They also provide a voice for the client. Quantitative methods offer less depth on each case but can say more about broad patterns because they typically focus on a much larger number of cases. A researcher should approach the process of scientific inquiry by formulating a clear research question and using the methodological tools best suited to that question.

Believe it or not, there are still significant methodological battles being waged in the academic literature on objective vs. subjective social science. Usually, quantitative methods are viewed as “more scientific” and qualitative methods are viewed as “less scientific.”  Part of this battle is historical. As the social sciences developed, they were compared with the natural sciences, especially physics, which rely on mathematics and statistics to come to a truth. It is a hotly debated topic whether social science should adopt the philosophical assumptions of the natural sciences—with its emphasis on prediction, mathematics, and objectivity—or use a different set of tools—contextual understanding, language, and subjectivity—to find scientific truth.

You are fortunate to be in a profession that values multiple scientific ways of knowing. The qualitative/quantitative debate is fueled by researchers who may prefer one approach over another, either because their own research questions are better suited to one particular approach or because they happened to have been trained in one specific method. In this textbook, we’ll operate from the perspective that qualitative and quantitative methods are complementary rather than competing. While these two methodological approaches certainly differ, the main point is that they simply have different goals, strengths, and weaknesses. A social work researcher should select the method(s) that best match(es) the question they are asking.

• Social work is informed by science.
• Social science is concerned with both objective and subjective knowledge.
• Social science research aims to understand patterns in the social world.
• Social scientists use both qualitative and quantitative methods, which, while different, are often complementary.

Examine a pseudoscientific claim you’ve heard on the news or in conversation with others. Why do you consider it to be pseudoscientific? What empirical data can you find from a quick internet search that would demonstrate it lacks truth?

• Consider a topic you might want to study this semester as part of a research project. Provide a few examples of objective and subjective truths about the topic, even if you aren’t completely certain they are correct. Identify how objective and subjective truths differ.

1.3 Evidence-based practice

• Explain how social workers produce and consume research as part of practice
• Review the process of evidence-based practice and how social workers apply research knowledge with clients and groups

“Why am I in this class?”

“When will I ever use this information?”

While students aren’t always so direct, I would wager a guess that these questions are on the mind of almost every student in a research methods class. And they are valid and important questions to ask!  While it may seem strange, the answer is that you will probably use these skills often. Social workers engage with research on a daily basis by consuming it through popular media, social work education, and advanced training. They also often contribute to research projects, adding new scientific information to what we know. As professors, we also sometimes hear from field supervisors who say that research competencies are unimportant in their setting. One might wonder how these organizations measure program outcomes, report the impact of their program to board members or funding agencies, or create new interventions grounded in social theory and empirical evidence.

Social workers as research consumers

Whether you know it or not, your life is impacted by research every day. Many of our laws, social policies, and court proceedings are grounded in some degree of empirical research and evidence (Jenkins & Kroll-Smith, 1996). [11] That’s not to say that all laws and social policies are good or make sense. But you can’t have an informed opinion about any of them without understanding where they come from, how they were formed, and what their evidence base is. In order to be effective practitioners across micro, meso, and macro domains, social workers need to understand the root causes and policy solutions to social problems their clients are experiencing.

A recent lawsuit against Walmart provides an example of social science research in action. A sociologist named Professor William Bielby was enlisted by plaintiffs to conduct an analysis of Walmart’s personnel policies in order to support their claim that Walmart engages in gender discriminatory practices. Bielby’s analysis shows that Walmart’s compensation and promotion decisions may indeed have been vulnerable to gender bias. In June 2011, the United States Supreme Court decided against allowing the case to proceed as a class-action lawsuit ( Wal-Mart Stores, Inc. v. Dukes , 2011). [12] While a class-action suit was not pursued in this case, consider the impact that such a suit against one of our nation’s largest employers could have had on companies, their employees, and even consumers around the country. [13]

A social worker might learn about this lawsuit through popular media, news media websites or television programs. Social science knowledge allows a social worker to apply a critical eye towards new information, regardless of the source. Unfortunately, popular media does not always report on scientific findings accurately. A social worker armed with scientific knowledge would be able to search for, read, and interpret the original study as well as other information that might challenge or support the study. As social work graduate students, you should be comfortable in your information literacy abilities, and your advocacy and practice should be grounded in these skills. Chapters 2, 3, and 4 of this textbook focus on information literacy , or how to understand what we already know about a topic and contribute to that body of knowledge.

When social workers consume research, they are usually doing so to inform their practice. Clinical social workers are required by a state licensing board to complete continuing education classes in order to remain informed on the latest information in their field. On the macro side, social workers at public policy think tanks consume information to inform advocacy and public awareness campaigns. Regardless of the role of the social worker, practice must be informed by research.

Evidence-based practice

Consuming research is the first component of evidence-based practice (EBP). Drisko and Grady (2015) [14] present EBP as a process composed of “four equally weighted parts: 1) current client needs and situation, (2) the best relevant research evidence, (3) client values and preferences, and (4) the clinician’s expertise” (p. 275). It is not simply “doing what the literature says,” but is rather a process by which practitioners examine the literature, client, self, and context to inform interventions with clients and systems (McNeese & Thyer, 2004). [15] It is a collaboration between social worker, client, and context. As we discussed in Section 1.2, the patterns discovered by scientific research are not applicable to all situations. Instead, we rely on our critical thinking skills to apply scientific knowledge to real-world situations.

The bedrock of EBP is a proper assessment of the client or client system. Once we have a solid understanding of what the issue is, we can evaluate the literature to determine whether there are any interventions that have been shown to treat the issue, and if so, which have been shown to be the most effective. You will learn those skills in the next few chapters. Once we know what our options are, we should be upfront with clients about each option, what the interventions look like, and what the expected outcome will be. Once we have client feedback, we use our expertise and practice wisdom to make an informed decision about how to move forward.

If this sounds familiar, it’s the same approach a doctor, physical therapist, or other health professional would use. This highlights a common critique of EBP: it is too focused on micro-level, clinical social work practice. Not every social worker is a clinical social worker. While there is a large body of literature on EBP for clinical practice, the same concepts apply to other social work roles as well. A social work manager should endeavor to be familiar with evidence-based management styles, and a social work policy advocate should argue for evidence-based policies.

In agency-based social work practice, EBP can take on a different role due to the complexities of the grant funding process. Funders naturally require agencies to demonstrate that their practice is effective. Agencies are almost always required to document that they are achieving the outcomes they intended. However, funders sometimes require agencies to choose from a limited list of interventions determined to be evidence-based practices. Not included in this model are clinical expertise and client values, which are key components of EBP and the therapeutic process. According to some funders, EBP is not a process conducted by a practitioner but instead consists of a list of interventions. Similar dynamics are at play in private clinical practice, in which insurance companies may specify the modality of therapy offered. For example, insurance companies may favor short-term, solution-focused therapy which minimizes cost. But what happens when someone has an idea for a new kind of intervention?  How do new approaches get “on the list” of EBPs of grant funders?

Social workers as research producers

Innovation in social work is incredibly important. Social workers work on wicked problems for their careers. For those of you who have practice experience, you may have had an idea of how to better approach a practice situation. That is another reason you are here in a research methods class. You (really!) will have bright ideas about what to do in practice. Sam Tsemberis relates an “ Aha! ” moment from his practice in this Ted talk on homelessness . While a faculty member at the New York University School of Medicine, he noticed a problem with people cycling in and out of the local psychiatric hospital wards. Clients would arrive in psychiatric crisis, stabilize under medical supervision in the hospital, and end up back at the hospital in psychiatric crisis shortly after discharge.

When he asked the clients what their issues were, they said they were unable to participate in homelessness programs because they were not always compliant with medication for their mental health diagnosis and they continued to use drugs and alcohol. The housing supports offered by the city government required abstinence and medication compliance before one was deemed “ready” for housing. For these clients, the problem was a homelessness service system that was unable to meet clients where they were–ready for housing, but not ready for abstinence and psychiatric medication. As a result, chronically homeless clients were cycling in and out of psychiatric crises, moving back and forth from the hospital to the street.

The solution that Sam Tsemberis implemented and popularized is called Housing First , and is an approach to homelessness prevention that starts by, you guessed it, providing people with housing first and foremost. Tsemberis’s model addresses chronic homelessness in people with co-occurring disorders (those who have a diagnosis of a substance use and mental health disorder). The Housing First model states that housing is a human right: clients should not be denied their right to housing based on substance use or mental health diagnoses.

In Housing First programs, clients are provided housing as soon as possible. The Housing First agency provides wraparound treatment from an interdisciplinary team, including social workers, nurses, psychiatrists, and former clients who are in recovery. Over the past few decades, this program has gone from a single program in New York City to the program of choice for federal, state, and local governments seeking to address homelessness in their communities.

The main idea behind Housing First is that once clients have a residence of their own, they are better able to engage in mental health and substance use treatment. While this approach may seem logical to you, it is the opposite of the traditional homelessness treatment model. The traditional approach began with the client abstaining from drug and alcohol use and taking prescribed medication. Only after clients achieved these goals were they offered group housing. If the client remained sober and medication compliant, they could then graduate towards less restrictive individual housing.

Conducting and disseminating research allows practitioners to establish an evidence base for their innovation or intervention, and to argue that it is more effective than the alternatives, and should therefore be implemented more broadly. For example, by comparing clients who were served through Housing First with those receiving traditional services, Tsemberis could establish that Housing First was more effective at keeping people housed and at addressing mental health and substance use goals. Starting first with smaller studies and graduating to larger ones, Housing First built a reputation as an effective approach to addressing homelessness. When President Bush created the Collaborative Initiative to Help End Chronic Homelessness in 2003, Housing First was used in a majority of the interventions and its effectiveness was demonstrated on a national scale. In 2007, it was acknowledged as an evidence-based practice in the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration’s (SAMHSA) EBP resource center. [16]

We suggest browsing around the SAMHSA EBP Resource Center and looking for interventions on topics that interest you. Other sources of evidence-based practices include the Cochrane Reviews digital library  and Campbell Collaboration . In the next few chapters, we will talk more about how to search for and locate literature about clinical interventions. The use of systematic reviews , meta-analyses , and randomized controlled trials are particularly important in this regard, types of research we will describe more in Chapter 3 and Chapter 4.

So why share the story of Housing First? Well, we want you to think about what you hope to contribute to our knowledge of social work practice. What is your bright idea and how can it change the world? Practitioners innovate all the time, often incorporating those innovations into their agency’s approach and mission. Using scientific research methods, agency-based social workers can demonstrate to policymakers and other social workers that their innovations should be more widely used. Without this wellspring of new ideas, social services would not be able to adapt to the changing needs of their communities. Social workers in agency-based practice may also participate in research projects taking place at their agency. Partnerships between schools of social work and agencies are a common way of testing and implementing innovations in social work. In such a case, all parties receive an advantage: clinicians receive specialized training, clients receive additional services, agencies gain prestige, and researchers can illustrate the effectiveness of an intervention.

Evidence-based practice highlights the unique perspective that social work brings to research. Social work both “holds” and critiques evidence. With regard to the former, “holding” evidence refers to the fact that the field of social work values scientific information. The Housing First example demonstrates how this interplay between valuing and critiquing science works–first by critiquing existing research and conducting research to establish a new approach to a problem. It also demonstrates the importance of listening to your target population and privileging their understanding and perception of the issue. While their understanding is not the result of scientific inquiry, it is deeply informed through years of direct experience with the issue and embedded within the relevant cultural and historical context. Although science often searches for the “one true answer,” social work researchers must remain humble about the degree to which we can really know, and must begin to engage with other ways of knowing that may originate from clients and communities.

See the video  below for an example of how “one true answer” about a population can often oversimplify things and overstate how much we know about how to intervene in a given situation.

Cultural Humility: People, Principles and Practices – Part 1 of 4 by Vivian Chavez is adapted under a Creative Commons license: Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) http://creativecommons.org/licenses/b…

While you may not become a scientist in the sense of wearing a lab coat and using a microscope, social workers must understand science in order to engage in ethical practice. In this section, we reviewed ways in which research is a part of social work practice, including:

• Determining the best intervention for a client or system
• Ensuring existing services are accomplishing their goals
• Satisfying requirements to receive funding from private agencies and government grants
• Testing a new idea and demonstrating that it should be more widely implemented

Using a social work practice situation that you have experienced, walk through the four steps of the evidence-based practice process and how they informed your decision-making. Reflect on some of the difficulties applying EBP in the real world.

• Talk with a social worker about how he or she produces and consumes research as part of practice. Consider asking them about articles that changed their practice or helped them think about a problem in a new way. They may talk more about a training or a book, rather than academic journal articles. Reflect on your personal career goals and how research will fit into your future practice.

1.4 Social work research

• Differentiate between formal and informal research roles
• Describe common barriers to engaging with social work research
• Identify alternative ways of thinking about research methods

Formal and informal research roles

I’ve been teaching research methods for six years and have found that many students struggle to see the connection between research and social work practice. First of all, it’s important to mention that social work researchers exist!  The authors of this textbook are social work researchers across university, government, and non-profit institutions. Matt and Cory are researchers at universities, focusing on disability policy, wellness & mental health, and intimate partner violence. Dalia is a behavioral health researcher at RTI International, a nonprofit research institute, where she studies the opioid epidemic. Kate is a researcher at the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission in Virginia, where she studies policies related to criminal justice. The career path for social workers in formal research roles is bright and diverse, as we each bring a unique perspective with our ethical and theoretical orientation.

Formal research results in written products like journal articles, government reports, or policy briefs. To get a sense of formal research roles in social work, consider asking a professor about their research. You can also browse around the top journals in social work: Trauma, Violence & Abuse , Child Maltreatment , Child Abuse & Neglect , Social Service Review , Family Relations , Journal of Social Policy , Social Policy & Administration , Research on Social Work Practice , Health & Social Care in the Community , Health & Social Work , British Journal of Social Work , Child & Family Social Work , International Journal of Social Welfare , Qualitative Social Work , Children & Youth Services Review , Social Work , Social Work in Health Care , Journal of Social Work Practice , International Social Work , Affilia Journal of Women and Social Work , and Clinical Social Work Journal .  Additionally, the websites to most government agencies, foundations, think tanks, and advocacy groups contain formal research often conducted by social workers.

But let’s be clear, studies show that most social work students are not interested in becoming social work researchers who publish journal articles or research reports (DeCarlo et al., 2019; Earley, 2014). [17] Once you enter post-graduate practice, you will need to apply your formal research skills to the informal research conducted by practitioners and agencies every day. Every time you are asking who, what, when, where and why, you are conducting informal research. Informal research can be more involved. Social workers may be surprised when they are asked to engage in research projects such as needs assessments, community scans, program and policy evaluations, and single system designs, to name a few. Macro-oriented students may have to conduct research on programs and policies as part of advocacy or administration. I cannot tell you the number former students who have contacted me looking for research resources or wanting to “pick my brain” about research they are doing as part of their employment.

Research for action

Regardless of whether a social worker conducts formal research that results in journal articles or informal research that is used within an agency, all social work research is distinctive in that it is active (Engel & Schutt, 2016). [18] We want our results to be used to effect social change. Sometimes this means using findings to change how clients receive services. Sometimes it means using findings to show the benefits of programs or policies. Sometimes it means using findings to speak with those oppressed and marginalized persons who have been left out of the policy creation process. Additionally, it can mean using research as the mode with which to engage a constituency to address a social justice issue. All of these research activities differ; however, the one consistent ingredient is that these activities move us towards social and economic justice.

Student anxieties and beliefs about research

Unfortunately, students generally arrive in research methods classes with a mixture of dread, fear, and frustration. If you attend any given social work education conference, there is probably a presentation on how to better engage students in research. There is an entire body of academic research that verifies what any research professor knows to be true. Honestly, this is why the authors of this textbook started this project. We want to make research more enjoyable and engaging for students. Generally, we have found some common myths and misconceptions get in the way of student success in research. Let’s see if any of these match with what you are thinking.

I’m never going to use this crap!

Students who tell me that research methods is not useful to them are saying something important. As a student scholar, your most valuable asset is your time. You give your time to the subjects you consider important to you and for your career. Because most social workers don’t become researchers or practitioner-researchers, students may feel that a research methods class is a waste of time. Our discussion of evidence-based practice and the ways in which social workers use research in practice brought home the idea that social workers play an important role in creating and disseminating new knowledge about social services.

On a more immediate level, learning about research methods and completing an individual research project allow students to focus in on a specific topic. This class is an invitation to conduct an independent study on a social work topic of interest to you. In this book, you will learn how to understand and apply the scientific method to that topic. Not only that, but the skills you learn in literature search and review will help you in every class in your MSW program.

Research is only for super-smart people

Research methods involves a lot of terminology that may be entirely new to social work students. Other domains of social work, such as practice, are easier to apply your intuition towards. You understand how to be an empathetic person, and your experiences in life can help guide you through a practice situation or even a theoretical or conceptual question. Research may seem like a totally new area in which you have no previous experience. In research methods there can be “wrong” answers. Depending on your research question, some approaches to data analysis or measurement, for example, may not help you find the correct answer.

The fear is entirely understandable. Research is not straightforward. As Figure 1.1 shows, it is a process that is non-linear, involving multiple revisions, wrong turns, and dead ends before you figure out the best question and research approach. You may have to go back to chapters after having read them or even peek ahead at chapters your class hasn’t covered yet.

Moreover, research is something you learn by doing…and stumbling a few times. It’s an iterative process, or one that requires many tries to get right. There isn’t a shortcut for learning research, but if you follow along with the exercises in this book, you can break down a student research project and accomplish it piece by piece. No one just knows research. It’s something you pick up by doing it, reflecting on the experiences and results, redoing your work, and revising it in consultation with your professor and peers. Research involves exploration, risk taking, and a willingness to say, “Let’s see what we will find!”

Research is designed to suck the joy from my life

We’ve talked already about the arcane research terminology, so I won’t go into it again here. But students sometimes perceive research methods as boring. Practice knowledge and even theory are fun to learn because they are easy to apply and provide insights into the world around you. Research just seems like its own weirdly shaped and ill-fitting puzzle piece.

I completely understand where this perspective comes from and hope there are a few things you will take away from this course that aren’t boring to you. In the first section of this textbook, you will learn how to take any topic and learn what is known about it. It may seem trivial, but this is actually a superpower. Your social work education will teach you basic knowledge that can be applied to nearly all social work practice situations as well as some applied material applicable to specific social work practice situations. However, no education will provide you with everything you need to know. And certainly, no professor can tell you what will be discovered over the next few decades of your practice. Our work on literature reviews in the next few chapters will help you increase your skills and knowledge to become a strong social work student and practitioner. Following that, our exploration of research methods will help you understand how theories, practice models, and techniques you learn in other classes are created and tested scientifically. Like a colorful puzzle, you’ll see how all of the pieces fit together.

Get out of your own way

Together, these misconceptions and myths can create a self-fulfilling prophecy for students. If you believe research is boring, you won’t find it interesting. If you believe research is hard, you will struggle more with assignments. If you believe research is useless, you won’t see its utility. If you’re afraid that you will make mistakes, then you won’t want to try. While we certainly acknowledge that students aren’t going to love research as much as we do (we spent over a year writing this book, so we like it a lot!), we suggest reframing how you think about research using the following touchstones:

• All social workers rely on social science research to engage in competent practice.
• No one  already knows research. It’s something I’ll learn through practice. And it’s challenging for everyone, not just me.
• Research is relevant to me because it allows me to figure out what is known about any topic I want to study.
• If the topic I choose to study is important to me, I will be more interested in exploring research to help me understand it further.

Students should be intentional about managing any anxiety coming from a research project. Here are some suggestions:

• Talk to your professor if you are feeling lost. We like students!
• Talk to a librarian if you are having trouble finding information about your topic.
• Seek support from your peers or mentors.

The structure of this textbook

The textbook is divided into five parts. In the first part (Chapters 1-4), we will review how to orient your research proposal to a specific question you want to answer and review the literature to see what we know about it. Student research projects come with special limitations, as you don’t have many resources, so our chapters are designed to help you think through those limitations and think of a project that is doable. In the second part (Chapters 5-8), we will bring in theory, causality, ethics to help you conceptualize your research project and what you hope to achieve. By the end of the second part, you will create a quantitative and qualitative research question. Parts 3 and 4 will walk you through how to conduct quantitative and qualitative research, respectively. These parts run through how to recruit people to participate in your study, what to ask them, and how to interpret the results of what they say. Finally, the last part of the textbook reviews how to connect research and practice. For some, that will mean completing program evaluations as part of agency-based practice. For others, it will mean consuming research as part of continuing education as a practitioner. We hope you enjoy reading this book as much as we enjoyed writing it!

If you are still figuring out how to navigate the book using your internet browser, consider watching our tutorial [LINK NEEDED]. Also, the exercises in each chapter offer you an opportunity to apply what you wrote to your own research project, so consider completing these as you read.

• Social workers engage in formal and informal research production as part of practice.
• If you feel anxious, bored, or overwhelmed by research, you are not alone!
• Becoming more familiar with research methods will help you become a better scholar and social work practitioner.
• With your peers, explore your feelings towards your research methods classes. Describe some themes that come up during your conversations. Identify which issues can be addressed by your professor and which can be addressed by students.
• Browse social work journals and identify an article of interest to you. Look up the author’s biography or curriculum vitae on their personal website or the website of their university.
• Cheung, J. C. S. (2016). Researching practice wisdom in social work. Journal of Social Intervention: Theory and Practice ,  25 (3), 24-38. ↵
• For more on the CSWE accreditation standards see https://www.cswe.org/CSWE/media/AccredidationPDFs/2015-epas-and-glossary_1.pdf and the EPAS index in this book. ↵
• See: https://climate.nasa.gov/faq/17/do-scientists-agree-on-climate-change/ ↵
• See: http://www.igmchicago.org/surveys/import-duties ↵
• Godlee   F. ,  Smith   J. , & Marcovitch   H . (2011) Wakefield’s article linking MMR vaccine and autism was fraudulent. British medical journal, 342 , 64-66. ↵
• Mahoney, A., Karatzias, T., & Hutton, P. (2019). A systematic review and meta-analysis of group treatments for adults with symptoms associated with complex post-traumatic stress disorder.  Journal of affective disorders ,  243 , 305-321. ↵
• American Psychiatric Association. (2017). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (5th ed.) . Washington, DC ↵
• Barsky, A. (2015). DSM-5 and the ethics of diagnosis. New social worker . Retrieved from: https://www.socialworker.com/feature-articles/ethics-articles/dsm-5-and-ethics-of-diagnosis/ ↵
• Nogueira, B. L., Mari, J. D. J., & Razzouk, D. (2015). Culture-bound syndromes in Spanish speaking Latin America: the case of Nervios, Susto and Ataques de Nervios. Archives of Clinical Psychiatry (São Paulo), 42( 6), 171-178. ↵
• Eika, L., Mogstad, M., & Zafar, B. (2019). Educational assortative mating and household income inequality. Journal of Political Economy, 127 (6), 2795-2835. ↵
• Jenkins, P. J., & Kroll-Smith, S. (Eds.). (1996). Witnessing for sociology: Sociologists in court . Westport, CT: Praeger. ↵
• Wal-Mart  Stores, Inc. v. Dukes , 564 U.S. (2011). The American Sociological Association (ASA) subsequently filed an amicus brief in support of what would be the class of individuals claiming gender discrimination. You can read the brief at http://asanet.org/images/press/docs/pdf/Amicus_Brief_Wal-Mart_v Dukes_et_al.pdf.  For other recent amicus briefs filed by the ASA, see  http://asanet.org/about/amicus_briefs.cfm . ↵
• Want to know more about the suit against Walmart or about Bielby’s analysis for the case? Check out the following source: Hart, M., & Secunda, P. M. (2009). A matter of context: Social framework evidence in employment discrimination class actions. Fordham Law Review ,  78 , 37-70. (2009). A matter of context: Social framework evidence in employment discrimination class action.  Fordham Law Review, 78 , 37–70. Retrieved from:  http://www.fordhamlawreview.org/assets/pdfs/Vol_78/Hart_Secunda_October_2009.pdf ↵
• Drisko, J. W., & Grady, M. D. (2015). Evidence-based practice in social work: A contemporary perspective. Clinical Social Work Journal ,  43 (3), 274-282. ↵
• McNeece, C. A., & Thyer, B. A. (2004). Evidence-based practice and social work. Journal of evidence-based social work ,  1 (1), 7-25. ↵
• Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (2007). Pathways' housing first program . Retrieved from:https://www.samhsa.gov/homelessness-programs-resources/hpr-resources/housing-first-supports-recovery ↵
• DeCarlo, M. P., Schoppelrey, S., Crenshaw, C., Secret, M. C., & Stewart, M. (2020, January 1). Open educational resources and graduate social work students: Cost, outcomes, use, and perceptions. https://doi.org/10.31235/osf.io/k4ytd; Earley, M. A. (2014). A synthesis of the literature on research methods education. Teaching in Higher Education, 19 (3), 242-253. ↵
• Engel, R. J. & Schutt, R. K. (2016) The practice of research in social work (4th edition) . Washington, DC: Sage Publications ↵

examining the smallest levels of interaction, usually individuals

examining interaction between groups and within communities

examining social structures and institutions

a “gut feeling” about what to do based on previous experience

“learning by doing” that guides social work intervention and increases over time

predictable flaws in thinking

observing and analyzing information in a way that agrees with what you already think is true and excludes other alternatives

a way of knowing that attempts to systematically collect and categorize facts or truths

the science of humanity, social interactions, and social structures

claims about the world that appear scientific but are incompatible with the values and practices of science

information about the social world gathered and analyzed through scientific observation or experimentation

numerical data

data derived from analysis of texts. Usually, this is word data (like a conversation or journal entry) but can also include performances, pictures, and other means of expressing ideas.

the methods researchers use to examine empirical data

a single truth, observed without bias, that is universally applicable

one truth among many, bound within a social and cultural context

a process composed of "four equally weighted parts: 1) current client needs and situation, (2) the best relevant research evidence, (3) client values and preferences, and (4) the clinician’s expertise" (Drisko & Grady, 2015, p. 275)

a study that combines raw data from multiple quantitative studies and analyzes the pooled data using statistics

Graduate research methods in social work Copyright © 2020 by Matthew DeCarlo, Cory Cummings, Kate Agnelli is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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The Handbook of Social Work Research Methods

• Bruce Thyer - Florida State University, USA
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The Handbook of Social Work Research Methods is a cutting-edge volume that covers all the major topics that are relevant for Social Work Research methods. Edited by Bruce Thyer and containing contributions by leading authorities, this Handbook covers both qualitative and quantitative approaches as well as a section that delves into more general issues such as evidence based practice, ethics, gender, ethnicity, International Issues, integrating both approaches, and applying for grants.

New to this Edition

• More content on qualitative methods and mixed methods
• More coverage of evidence-based practice
• More support to help students effectively use the Internet
• A companion Web site at www.sagepub.com/thyerhdbk2e containing a test bank and PowerPoint slides for instructors and relevant SAGE journal articles for students.

This Handbook serves as a primary text in the methods courses in MSW programs and doctoral level programs. It can also be used as a reference and research design tool for anyone doing scholarly research in social work or human services.

See what’s new to this edition by selecting the Features tab on this page. Should you need additional information or have questions regarding the HEOA information provided for this title, including what is new to this edition, please email [email protected] . Please include your name, contact information, and the name of the title for which you would like more information. For information on the HEOA, please go to http://ed.gov/policy/highered/leg/hea08/index.html .

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This book was not a good fit for my course. I adopted Research Methods in Practice (Remler and Van Ryzin) instead.

This textbook is exactly what I was looking for to update my course! It is comprehensive, yet easy to digest for an introduction course.

The topics were too dispersed - it could be a resource book but not my primary book.

I like Thyer's book, but I will use it as a recommended text, rather than a main text my research methods course. It can be a great resource for the doctoral students. For my needs, the text I currently use, Engel and Schutt, I think does a better job in covering Social Work research methodology. It has good structure and a continuity of ideas and themes.

Not as well written or as thorough as Essential Research Methods for Social Workers (Rubin)

• An outstanding cast of contributors
• Offers students the depth of topic that is difficult to achieve with a single authored text.
• More coverage of Evidence Based Practice

Sample Materials & Chapters

Chapter 1 - Introductory Principles of SocialWork Research

Chapter 3 - Probability and Sampling

For instructors

Select a purchasing option.

This title is also available on SAGE Research Methods , the ultimate digital methods library. If your library doesn’t have access, ask your librarian to start a trial .

Graduate research methods in social work

(2 reviews)

Matt DeCarlo, La Salle University

Cory Cummings, Nazareth University

Kate Agnelli, Virginia Commonwealth University

Copyright Year: 2021

ISBN 13: 9781949373219

Publisher: Open Social Work Education

Language: English

Formats Available

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Learn more about reviews.

Reviewed by Laura Montero, Full-time Lecturer and Course Lead, Metropolitan State University of Denver on 12/23/23

Graduate Research Methods in Social Work by DeCarlo, et al., is a comprehensive and well-structured guide that serves as an invaluable resource for graduate students delving into the intricate world of social work research. The book is divided... read more

Comprehensiveness rating: 4 see less

Graduate Research Methods in Social Work by DeCarlo, et al., is a comprehensive and well-structured guide that serves as an invaluable resource for graduate students delving into the intricate world of social work research. The book is divided into five distinct parts, each carefully curated to provide a step-by-step approach to mastering research methods in the field. Topics covered include an intro to basic research concepts, conceptualization, quantitative & qualitative approaches, as well as research in practice. At 800+ pages, however, the text could be received by students as a bit overwhelming.

Content Accuracy rating: 5

Content appears consistent and reliable when compared to similar textbooks in this topic.

Relevance/Longevity rating: 5

The book's well-structured content begins with fundamental concepts, such as the scientific method and evidence-based practice, guiding readers through the initiation of research projects with attention to ethical considerations. It seamlessly transitions to detailed explorations of both quantitative and qualitative methods, covering topics like sampling, measurement, survey design, and various qualitative data collection approaches. Throughout, the authors emphasize ethical responsibilities, cultural respectfulness, and critical thinking. These are crucial concepts we cover in social work and I was pleased to see these being integrated throughout.

Clarity rating: 5

The level of the language used is appropriate for graduate-level study.

Consistency rating: 5

Book appears to be consistent in the tone and terminology used.

Modularity rating: 4

The images and videos included, help to break up large text blocks.

Organization/Structure/Flow rating: 5

Topics covered are well-organized and comprehensive. I appreciate the thorough preamble the authors include to situate the role of the social worker within a research context.

Interface rating: 4

When downloaded as a pdf, the book does not begin until page 30+ so it may be a bit difficult to scroll so long for students in order to access the content for which they are searching. Also, making the Table of Contents clickable, would help in navigating this very long textbook.

Grammatical Errors rating: 5

I did not find any grammatical errors or typos in the pages reviewed.

Cultural Relevance rating: 5

I appreciate the efforts made to integrate diverse perspectives, voices, and images into the text. The discussion around ethics and cultural considerations in research was nuanced and comprehensive as well.

Overall, the content of the book aligns with established principles of social work research, providing accurate and up-to-date information in a format that is accessible to graduate students and educators in the field.

Reviewed by Elisa Maroney, Professor, Western Oregon University on 1/2/22

With well over 800 pages, this text is beyond comprehensive! read more

Comprehensiveness rating: 5 see less

With well over 800 pages, this text is beyond comprehensive!

I perused the entire text, but my focus was on "Part 4: Using qualitative methods." This section seems accurate.

As mentioned above, my primary focus was on the qualitative methods section. This section is relevant to the students I teach in interpreting studies (not a social sciences discipline).

This book is well-written and clear.

Navigating this text is easy, because the formatting is consistent

Modularity rating: 5

My favorite part of this text is that I can be easily customized, so that I can use the sections on qualitative methods.

The text is well-organized and easy to find and link to related sections in the book.

Interface rating: 5

There are no distracting or confusing features. The book is long; being able to customize makes it easier to navigate.

I did not notice grammatical errors.

The authors offer resources for Afrocentricity for social work practice (among others, including those related to Feminist and Queer methodologies). These are relevant to the field of interpreting studies.

I look forward to adopting this text in my qualitative methods course for graduate students in interpreting studies.

Table of Contents

• 1. Science and social work
• 2. Starting your research project
• 3. Searching the literature
• 4. Critical information literacy
• 5. Writing your literature review
• 6. Research ethics
• 7. Theory and paradigm
• 8. Reasoning and causality
• 9. Writing your research question
• 10. Quantitative sampling
• 11. Quantitative measurement
• 12. Survey design
• 13. Experimental design
• 14. Univariate analysis
• 15. Bivariate analysis
• 16. Reporting quantitative results
• 17. Qualitative data and sampling
• 18. Qualitative data collection
• 19. A survey of approaches to qualitative data analysis
• 20. Quality in qualitative studies: Rigor in research design
• 21. Qualitative research dissemination
• 22. A survey of qualitative designs
• 23. Program evaluation
• 24. Sharing and consuming research

Ancillary Material

About the book.

We designed our book to help graduate social work students through every step of the research process, from conceptualization to dissemination. Our textbook centers cultural humility, information literacy, pragmatism, and an equal emphasis on quantitative and qualitative methods. It includes extensive content on literature reviews, cultural bias and respectfulness, and qualitative methods, in contrast to traditionally used commercial textbooks in social work research.  

Our author team spans across academic, public, and nonprofit social work research. We love research, and we endeavored through our book to make research more engaging, less painful, and easier to understand. Our textbook exercises direct students to apply content as they are reading the book to an original research project. By breaking it down step-by-step, writing in approachable language, as well as using stories from our life, practice, and research experience, our textbook helps professors overcome students’ research methods anxiety and antipathy.  

If you decide to adopt our resource, we ask that you complete this short  Adopter’s Survey  that helps us keep track of our community impact. You can also contact  [email protected]  for a student workbook, homework assignments, slideshows, a draft bank of quiz questions, and a course calendar. 

About the Contributors

Matt DeCarlo , PhD, MSW is an assistant professor in the Department of Social Work at La Salle University. He is the co-founder of Open Social Work (formerly Open Social Work Education), a collaborative project focusing on open education, open science, and open access in social work and higher education. His first open textbook, Scientific Inquiry in Social Work, was the first developed for social work education, and is now in use in over 60 campuses, mostly in the United States. He is a former OER Research Fellow with the OpenEd Group. Prior to his work in OER, Dr. DeCarlo received his PhD from Virginia Commonwealth University and has published on disability policy.

Cory Cummings , Ph.D., LCSW is an assistant professor in the Department of Social Work at Nazareth University. He has practice experience in community mental health, including clinical practice and administration. In addition, Dr. Cummings has volunteered at safety net mental health services agencies and provided support services for individuals and families affected by HIV. In his current position, Dr. Cummings teaches in the BSW program and MSW programs; specifically in the Clinical Practice with Children and Families concentration. Courses that he teaches include research, social work practice, and clinical field seminar. His scholarship focuses on promoting health equity for individuals experiencing symptoms of severe mental illness and improving opportunities to increase quality of life. Dr. Cummings received his PhD from Virginia Commonwealth University.

Kate Agnelli , MSW, is an adjunct professor at VCU’s School of Social Work, teaching masters-level classes on research methods, public policy, and social justice. She also works as a senior legislative analyst with the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission (JLARC), a policy research organization reporting to the Virginia General Assembly. Before working for JLARC, Ms. Agnelli worked for several years in government and nonprofit research and program evaluation. In addition, she has several publications in peer-reviewed journals, has presented at national social work conferences, and has served as a reviewer for Social Work Education. She received her MSW from Virginia Commonwealth University.

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1.4: Social work research

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• Page ID 133318

• Matthew DeCarlo, Cory Cummings, & Kate Agnelli
• Open Social Work Education

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Learning Objectives

Learners will be able to...

• Differentiate between formal and informal research roles
• Describe common barriers to engaging with social work research
• Identify alternative ways of thinking about research methods

Formal and informal research roles

I’ve been teaching research methods for six years and have found that many students struggle to see the connection between research and social work practice. First of all, it’s important to mention that social work researchers exist! The authors of this textbook are social work researchers across university, government, and non-profit institutions. Matt and Cory are researchers at universities, and our research addresses higher education, disability policy, wellness & mental health, and intimate partner violence. Kate is a researcher at the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission in Virginia, where she studies policies related to criminal justice. Dalia, our editor, is a behavioral health researcher at RTI International, a nonprofit research institute, where she studies the opioid epidemic. The career path for social workers in formal research roles is bright and diverse, as we each bring a unique perspective with our ethical and theoretical orientation.

Formal research results in written products like journal articles, government reports, or policy briefs. To get a sense of formal research roles in social work, consider asking a professor about their research. You can also browse around the top journals in social work: Trauma, Violence & Abuse , Child Maltreatment ,  Child Abuse & Neglect , Social Service Review , Family Relations , Journal of Social Policy , Social Policy & Administration , Research on Social Work Practice , Health & Social Care in the Community , Health & Social  Work , British Journal of Social Work , Child & Family Social Work , International Journal of Social Welfare ,  Qualitative Social Work , Children & Youth Services Review , Social Work , Social Work in Health Care ,  Journal of Social Work Practice , International Social Work , Affilia Journal of Women and Social Work , and  Clinical Social Work Journal . Additionally, the websites to most government agencies, foundations, think tanks, and advocacy groups contain formal research often conducted by social workers.

But let’s be clear, studies show that most social work students are not interested in becoming social work researchers who publish journal articles or research reports (DeCarlo et al., 2019; Earley, 2014).\(^{17}\) Once you enter post-graduate practice, you will need to apply your formal research skills to the informal research conducted by practitioners and agencies every day. Every time you are asking who, what, when, where and why, you are conducting informal research. Informal research can be more involved. Social workers may be surprised when they are asked to engage in research projects such as needs assessments, community scans, program and policy evaluations, and single system designs, to name a few. Macro-oriented students may have to conduct research on programs and policies as part of advocacy or administration. We cannot tell you the number former students who have contacted us looking for research resources or wanting to “pick our brains” about research they are doing as part of their employment.

Research for action

Regardless of whether a social worker conducts formal research that results in journal articles or informal research that is used within an agency, all social work research is distinctive in that it is active (Engel & Schutt, 2016).\(^{18}\) We want our results to be used to effect social change. Sometimes this means using findings to change how clients receive services. Sometimes it means using findings to show the benefits of programs or policies. Sometimes it means using findings to speak with those oppressed and marginalized persons who have been left out of the policy creation process. Additionally, it can mean using research as the mode with which to engage a constituency to address a social justice issue. All of these research activities differ; however, the one consistent ingredient is that these activities move us towards social and economic justice.

Student anxieties and beliefs about research

Unfortunately, students generally arrive in research methods classes with a mixture of dread, fear, and frustration. If you attend any given social work education conference, there is probably a presentation on how to better engage students in research. There is an entire body of academic research that verifies what any research professor knows to be true. Honestly, this is why the authors of this textbook started this project. We want to make research more enjoyable and engaging for students. Generally, we have found some common perceptions get in the way of students (at least) minimally enjoying research. Let’s see if any of these match with what you are thinking.

I’m never going to use this crap!

Students who tell us that research methods is not useful to them are saying something important. As a student scholar, your most valuable asset is your time. You give your time to the subjects you consider important to you and for your career. Because most social workers don’t become researchers or practitioner-researchers, students may feel that a research methods class is a waste of time. As faculty members, we often hear from supervisors of students in field placements that research competencies “do not apply in this setting,” which further reinforces the idea that research is an activity performed only by academic researchers.

Our discussion of evidence-based practice and the ways in which social workers use research in practice brought home the idea that social workers play an important role in creating and disseminating new knowledge about social services. Furthermore, in the coming chapters, we will explore the role of research as a human right that is closely associated with the protection and establishment of other human rights. A human rights perspective also highlights the structural barriers students and practitioners face in accessing and applying scholarly knowledge in the practice arena. We hope that reframing research as something ordinary and easy to do will help address this belief that research is a useless skill.

One thing we can guarantee is that this class will be immediately useful to you. In particular, the skills you develop in finding, evaluating, and using scholarly literature will serve you throughout your graduate program and throughout your lifelong learning. In this book, you will learn how to understand and apply the scientific method to whatever topic interests you.

Research is only for super-smart people

Research methods involves a lot of terminology that may be entirely new to social work students. Other domains of social work, such as practice, are easier to apply your intuition towards. You understand how to be an empathetic person, and your experiences in life can help guide you through a practice situation or even a theoretical or conceptual question. Research may seem like a totally new area in which you have no previous experience. In research methods there can be “wrong” answers. Depending on your research question, some approaches to data analysis or measurement, for example, may not help you find the correct answer.

The fear is entirely understandable. Research is not straightforward. As Figure 1.1 shows, it is a process that is non-linear, involving multiple revisions, wrong turns, and dead ends before you figure out the best question and research approach. You may have to go back to chapters after having read them or even peek ahead at chapters your class hasn’t covered yet.

Figure 1.1 Research as a non-linear process

Moreover, research is something you learn by doing...and stumbling a few times. It’s an iterative process, or one that requires many tries to get right. There isn’t a shortcut for learning research, but if you follow along with the exercises in this book, you can break down a student research project and accomplish it piece by piece. No one just know s research. It’s something you pick up by doing it, reflecting on the experiences and results, redoing your work, and revising it in consultation with your professor and peers. Research involves exploration, risk taking, and a willingness to say, “Let’s see what we will find!”

Research is designed to suck the joy from my life

We’ve talked already about the arcane research terminology, so we won’t go into it again here. But students sometimes perceive research methods as boring. Practice knowledge and even theory are fun to learn because they are easy to apply and provide insights into the world around you. Research just seems like its own weirdly shaped and ill-fitting puzzle piece.

We completely understand where this perspective comes from and hope there are a few things you will take away from this course that aren’t boring to you. In the first section of this textbook, you will learn how to take any topic and learn what is known about it. It may seem trivial, but this is actually a superpower. Your social work education will teach you basic knowledge that can be applied to nearly all social work practice situations as well as some applied material applicable to specific social work practice situations. However, no education will provide you with everything you need to know. And certainly, no professor can tell you what will be discovered over the next few decades of your practice. Our work on literature reviews in the next few chapters will help you increase your skills and knowledge to become a strong social work student and practitioner. Following that, our exploration of research methods will help you understand how theories, practice models, and techniques you learn in other classes are created and tested scientifically. Eventually, you’ll see how all of the pieces fit together.

Get out of your own way

Together, these misconceptions and myths can create a self-fulfilling prophecy for students. If you believe research is boring, you won’t find it interesting. If you believe research is hard, you will struggle more with assignments. If you believe research is useless, you won’t see its utility. If you’re afraid that you will make mistakes, then you won’t want to try. While we certainly acknowledge that students aren’t going to love research as much as we do (we spent over a year writing this book, so we like it a lot!), we suggest reframing how you think about research using the following touchstones:

• All social workers rely on social science research to engage in competent practice.
• No one already knows research. It’s something I’ll learn through practice. And it’s challenging for everyone, not just me.
• Research is relevant to me because it allows me to figure out what is known about any topic I want to study.
• If the topic I choose to study is important to me, I will be more interested in exploring research to help me understand it further.

Students should be intentional about managing any anxiety coming from a research project. Here are some suggestions:

• Talk to your professor if you are feeling lost. We like students!
• Talk to a librarian if you are having trouble finding information about your topic.
• Seek support from your peers or mentors.

Another way to reframe your thinking is to look at Chapter 24, which discusses how to share your research project with the world. Consider the impact you want to make with your project, who you want to share it with, and what it will mean to have answered a question you want to know about the social world. Look at the variety of professional and academic conferences in which social work practitioners and researchers share their knowledge. Think about where you want to go so you know how to get started.

The structure of this textbook

The textbook is divided into five parts. In the first part (Chapters 1-5), we will review how to orient your research proposal to a specific question you want to answer and review the literature to see what we know about it. Student research projects come with special limitations, as you don’t have many resources, so our chapters are designed to help you think through those limitations and think of a project that is doable. In the second part (Chapters 6-9), we will bring in theory, causality, ethics to help you conceptualize your research project and what you hope to achieve. By the end of the second part, you will create a quantitative and qualitative research question. Parts 3 and 4 will walk you through how to conduct quantitative and qualitative research, respectively. These parts run through how to recruit people to participate in your study, what to ask them, and how to interpret the results of what they say. Finally, the last part of the textbook reviews how to connect research and practice. For some, that will mean completing program evaluations as part of agency-based practice. For others, it will mean consuming research as part of continuing education as a practitioner. We hope you enjoy reading this book as much as we enjoyed writing it!

If you are still figuring out how to navigate the book using your internet browser, please go to the  Downloads and Resources for Students page which contains a number of quick video tutorials. Also, the exercises in each chapter offer you an opportunity to apply what you wrote to your own research project, and the textbook is designed so that each exercise and each chapter build on one another, completing your proposal step-by-step. Of course, some exercises may be more relevant than others, but please consider completing these as you read

Key Takeaways

• Social workers engage in formal and informal research production as part of practice.
• If you feel anxious, bored, or overwhelmed by research, you are not alone!
• Becoming more familiar with research methods will help you become a better scholar and social work practitioner.
• With your peers, explore your feelings towards your research methods classes. Describe some themes that come up during your conversations. Identify which issues can be addressed by your professor and which can be addressed by students.
• Browse social work journals and identify an article of interest to you. Look up the author’s biography or curriculum vitae on their personal website or the website of their university.

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NASW members can access articles online at  Social Work Research .

Social Work Research publishes exemplary research to advance the development of knowledge and inform social work practice. Widely regarded as the outstanding journal in the field, it includes analytic reviews of research, theoretical articles pertaining to social work research, evaluation studies, and diverse research studies that contribute to knowledge about social work issues and problems.

Want to create or adapt books like this? Learn more about how Pressbooks supports open publishing practices.

Module 2 Chapter 1: The Nature of Social Work Research Questions

The search for empirical evidence typically begins with a question or hypothesis. The nature of the questions asked determine many features of the studies that lead to answers: the study approach, design, measurement, participant selection, data collection, data analysis, and reporting of results. Not just any type of question will do, however:

“When the question is poorly formulated, the design, analysis, sample size calculations, and presentation of results may not be optimal. The gap between research and clinical practice could be bridged by a clear, complete, and informative research question” (Mayo, Asano, & Barbic, 2013, 513).

The topic concerning the nature of social work research questions has two parts: what constitutes a research question, and what makes it a social work question. We begin this chapter by examining a general model for understanding where different types of questions fit into the larger picture of knowledge building explored in Module 1. We then look at research questions and social work questions separately. Finally, we reassemble them to identify strong social work research questions.

In this chapter, you will learn:

• 4 types of social work research for knowledge building,
• characteristics of research questions,
• characteristics of social work research questions.

Translational Science

The concept of translational science addresses the application of basic science discoveries and knowledge to routine professional practice. In medicine, the concept is sometimes described as “bench to trench,” meaning that it takes what is learned at the laboratory “bench” to practitioners’ work in the real-world, or “in the trenches.” This way of thinking is about applied science—research aimed at eventual applications to create or support change. Figure 1-1 assembles the various pieces of the translational science knowledge building enterprise:

Figure 1-1. Overview of translational science elements

Basic Research .   Federal policy defines basic research  as systematic study that is directed toward understanding the fundamental aspects of phenomena without specific applications in mind (adapted from 32 CFR 272.3). Basic research efforts are those designed to describe something or answer questions about its nature. Basic research in social and behavioral science addresses questions of at least two major types: epidemiology  and  etiology  questions.

Epidemiology questions. Questions about the nature of a population, problem, or social phenomenon are often answered through epidemiological methods. Epidemiology is the branch of science (common in public health) for understanding how a problem or phenomenon is distributed in a population. Epidemiologists also ask and address questions related to the nature of relationships between problems or phenomena—such as the relationship between opioid misuse and infectious disease epidemics (NAS, 2018). One feature offered by epidemiological research is a picture of trends over time. Consider, for example, epidemiology data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (the CDC) regarding trends in suicide rates in the state of Ohio over a four-year period (see Figure 1-2, created from data presented by CDC WONDER database).

Figure 1-2. Graph reflecting Ohio trend in suicide rate, 2012-2016

Since the upward trend is of concern, social workers might pursue additional questions to examine possible causes of the observed increases, as well as what the increase might mean to the expanded need for supportive services to families and friends of these individuals. The epidemiological data can help tease out some of these more nuanced answers. For example, epidemiology also tells us that firearms were the recorded cause in 46.9% of known suicide deaths among individuals aged 15-24 years across the nation during 2016 (CDC, WONDER database). Not only do we now know the numbers of suicide deaths in this age group, we know something about a relevant factor that might be addressed through preventive intervention and policy responses.

Epidemiology also addresses questions about the size and characteristics of a population being impacted by a problem or the scope of a problem. For example, a social worker might have a question about the “shape” of a problem defined as sexual violence victimization. Data from the United States’ 2010-2012 National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey (NISVS) indicated that over 36% of woman (1 in 3) and 17% of men (1 in 6) have experienced sexual violence involving physical contact at some point in their lives; the numbers vary by state, from 29.5% to 47.5% for women and 10.4% to 29.3% for men (Smith et al., 2017).

In developing informed responses to a problem, it helps to know for whom it is a problem. Practitioners, program administrators, and policy decision makers may not be aware that the problem of sexual violence is so prevalent, or that men are victimized at worrisome rates, as well as women. It is also helpful to know how the problem of interest might interface with other problems. For example, the interface between perpetrating sexual assault and alcohol use was examined in a study of college men (Testa & Cleveland, 2017). The study investigators determined that frequently attending parties and bars was associated with a greater probability of perpetrating sexual assault. Thus, epidemiological research helps answer questions about the scope and magnitude of a problem, as well as how it relates to other issues or factors, which can then inform next steps in research to address the problem.

Etiology questions.  Etiology research tests theories and hypotheses about the origins and natural course of a problem or phenomenon. This includes answering questions about factors that influence the appearance or course of a problem—these may be factors that mediate or moderate the phenomenon’s development or progression (e.g., demographic characteristics, co-occurring problems, or other environmental processes). To continue with our intimate partner violence example, multiple theories are presented in the literature concerning the etiology of intimate partner violence perpetration—theories also exist concerning the etiology of being the target of intimate partner violence (Begun, 2003). Perpetration theories include:

• personality/character traits
• biological/hereditary/genetic predisposition
• social learning/behavior modeling
• social skills
• self-esteem
• cultural norms (Begun, 2003, p. 642).

Evidence supporting each of these theories exists, to some degree; each theory leads to the development of a different type of prevention or intervention response. The “best” interventions will be informed by theories with the strongest evidence or will integrate elements from multiple evidence-supported theories.

Etiology research is often about understanding the mechanisms underlying the phenomena of interest. The questions are “how” questions—how does this happen (or not)? For example, scientists asked the question: how do opioid medications (used to manage pain) act on neurons compared to opioids that naturally occur in the brain (Stoeber et al., 2018)? They discovered that opioid medications used to treat pain bind to receptors  inside n erve cells, which is a quite different mechanism than the conventional wisdom that they behave the same way that naturally occurring (endogenous) opioids do—binding only on the surface  of nerve cells. Understanding this mechanism opens new options for developing pain relievers that are less- or non-addicting than current opioid medicines like morphine and oxycodone. Once these mechanisms of change are understood, interventions can be developed, then tested through intervention research approaches.

Intervention Research.  Interventions are designed around identified needs: epidemiology research helps to support intervention design by identify the needs. Epidemiology research also helps identify theories concerning the causes and factors affecting social work problems. Intervention development is further supported by later theory-testing and etiology research. However, developing an intervention is not sufficient: interventions need to be tested and evaluated to ensure that they are (1) safe, (2) effective, and (3) cost-efficient to deliver. This is where  intervention research  comes into play. Consider the example of Motivational Interviewing (MI) approaches to addressing client ambivalence about engaging in a behavior change effort. Early research concerning MI addressed questions about its effectiveness. For example, a meta-analytic review reported that “MI should be considered as a treatment for adolescent substance abuse” because the evidence demonstrated small, but significant effect sizes, and that the treatment gains were retained over time (Jensen et al., 2011). Subsequently, when its safety and effectiveness were consistently demonstrated through this kind of evidence, investigators assessed MI as cost-efficient or cost-effective. For example, MI combined with providing feedback was demonstrated to be cost-effective in reducing drinking among college students who engaged in heavy drinking behavior (Cowell et al., 2012).

Intervention research not only is concerned with the outcomes of delivering an intervention, but may also address the mechanisms of change  through which an intervention has its effects—not only what changes happen, but how  they happen. For example, investigators are exploring  how  psychotherapy works, moving beyond demonstrating that  it works (Ardito & Rabellino, 2011; Kazdin, 2007; Wampold, 2015). One mechanism that has garnered attention is the role of therapeutic alliance—the relationships, bonds, and interactions that occur in the context of treatment—on treatment outcomes.

Therapeutic alliance is one common factor identified across numerous types of effective psychotherapeutic approaches (Wampold, 2015). Authors summarizing a number of studies about therapeutic alliance and its positive relationship to treatment outcomes concluded that the quality of therapeutic alliance may be a more powerful predictor of positive outcome than is the nature or type of intervention delivered (Ardito & Rabellino, 2011). However, it is important to determine the extent to which (a) therapeutic alliance enhances clients’ symptom improvement, (b) gradual improvements in symptoms lead to enhanced therapeutic alliance, or (c) the relationship between therapeutic alliance and symptom improvement are iterative—they go back and forth, influencing each other over time (Kazdin, 2007).

Implementation Science . Social work and other disciplines have produced a great deal of evidence about “what works” for intervening around a great number of social work problems. Unfortunately, many best practices with this kind of evidence support are slow to become common practices.  Implementation science  is about understanding facilitators and barriers to these evidence-supported interventions becoming adopted into routine practice: characteristics of the interventions themselves, conditions and processes operating in the organizations where interventions are implemented, and factors external to these organizations all influence practitioners’ adoption of evidence supported interventions.

Even under optimal internal organizational conditions, implementation can be undermined by changes in organizations’ external environments, such as fluctuations in funding, adjustments in contracting practices, new technology, new legislation, changes in clinical practice guidelines and recommendations, or other environmental shifts” (Birken, et al, 2017).

Research for/about Research . In addition, social work investigators engage in research that is specifically about scientific methodology. This is where advances in measurement, participant recruitment and retention, and data analysis emerge. The results of these kinds of research studies are used to improve the research in basic, intervention, and implementation research. Later in the course you will see some of these products in action as we learn about best practices in research and evaluation methodology. Here are a few examples related to measurement methods:

• Concept mapping to assess community needs of sexual minority youth (Davis, Saltzburg, & Locke, 2010)
• Field methodologies for measuring college student drinking in natural environments (Clapp et al., 2007)
• Intergenerational contact measurement (Jarrott, Weaver, Bowen, & Wang, 2018)
• Perceived Social Competence Scale-II (Anderson-Butcher et al., 2016)
• Safe-At-Home Instrument to measure readiness to change intimate partner violence behavior (Begun et al., 2003; 2008; Sielski, Begun, & Hamel, 2015)
• Teamwork Scale for Youth (Lower, Newman, & Anderson-Butcher, 2016)

And, here are a few examples related to involving participants in research studies:

• Conducting safe research with at risk populations (Kyriakakis, Waller, Kagotho, & Edmond, 2015)
• Recruitment strategies for non-treatment samples in addiction studies (Subbaraman et al., 2015)
• Variations in recruitment results across Internet platforms (Shao et al., 2015)

Take a moment to complete the following activity.

Research Questions

In this section, we take a closer look at research questions and their relationship to the types of research conducted by investigators. It may be easier to understand research questions by first ruling out what are not research questions. In that spirit, let’s begin with examples of questions where applying research methods will not help to find answers:

• Trauma informed education. The first issue with this example is obvious: it is not worded as a question. The second is critically important: this is a general topic, it is not a research question. This topic is too vague and broad making it impossible to determine what answers would look like or how to approach finding answers.
• How is my client feeling about what just happened? This type of question about an individual is best answered by asking clinical questions of that individual, within the context of the therapeutic relationship, not by consulting research literature or conducting a systematic research study.
• Will my community come together in protest of a police-involved shooting incident? This type of question may best be answered by waiting to see what the future brings. Research might offer a guess based on data from how other communities behaved in the past but cannot predict how groups in individual situations will behave. A better research question might be: What factors predict community protest in response to police-involved shooting incidents?
• Should I order salad or soup to go with my sandwich? This type of question is not of general interest, making it a poor choice as a research question. The question might be reframed as a general interest question: Is it healthier to provide salad or soup along with a sandwich? The answer to that researchable question might inform a personal decision.
• Why divorce is bad for children. There are two problems with this example. First, it is a statement, not a question, despite starting with the word “why.” Second, this question starts out with a biased assumption—that divorce is bad for children. Research questions should support unbiased investigation, leading to evidence and answers representative of what exists rather than what someone sets out wanting to prove is the case. A better research question might be: How does divorce affect children?

Tuning back to our first example of what is not a research question, consider several possible school social work research questions related to that general topic:

• To what extent do elementary school personnel feel prepared to engage in trauma informed education with their students?
• What are the barriers and facilitators of integrating trauma informed education in middle school?
• Does integrating trauma informed education result in lower rates of suicidal ideation among high school students?

Is there a relationship between parent satisfaction and the implementation of trauma informed education in their children’s schools?

Does implementing trauma informed education in middle schools affect the rate of student discipline referrals?

What is the difference between these research questions and the earlier “not research” questions? First, research questions are specific. This is an important distinction between identifying a topic of interest (e.g., trauma informed education) and asking a researchable question. For example, the question “How does divorce affect children?” is not a good research question because it remains too broad. Instead, investigators might focus their research questions on one or two specific effects of interest, such as emotional or mental health, academic performance, sibling relationships, aggression, gender role, or dating relationship outcomes.

Related to a question being “researchable” is its feasibility for study. Being able to research a question requires that appropriate data can be collected with integrity. For example, it may not be feasible to study what would happen if every child was raised by two parents, because (a) it is impossible to study every child and (2) this reality cannot ethically be manipulated to systematically explore it. No one can ethically conduct a study whereby children are randomly assigned by study investigators to the compared conditions of being raised by two parents versus being raised by one or no parents. Instead, we settle for observing what has occurred naturally in different families.

Second, “good” research questions are relevant to knowledge building. For this reason, the question about what to eat was not a good research question—it is not relevant to others’ knowledge development. Relevance is in the “eye of the beholder,” however. A social work researcher may not see the relevance of using a 4-item stimulus array versus a 6-item stimulus array in testing children’s memory, but this may be an important research question for a cognitive psychology researcher. It may, eventually, have implications for assessment measures used in social work practice.

Third, is the issue of bias built into research questions. Remembering that investigators are a product of their own developmental and social contexts, what they choose to study and how they choose to study it are socially constructed. An important aspect at the heart of social work research relates to a question’s cultural appropriateness and acceptability. To demonstrate this point, consider an era (during the 1950s to early 1970s) when research questions were asked about the negative effects on child development of single-parent, black family households compared to two-parent, white family households in America. This “majority comparison” frame of reference is not culturally appropriate or culturally competent. Today, in social work, we adopt a strengths perspective, and avoid making comparisons of groups against a majority model. For example, we might ask questions like: What are the facilitators and barriers of children’s positive development as identified by single parents of diverse racial/ethnic backgrounds? What strengths do African American parents bring to the experience of single-parenting and how does it shape their children’s development? What are the similar and different experiences of single-parenting experienced by families of different racial/ethnic composition?

Research Questions versus Research Hypotheses . You have now seen examples of “good” research questions. Take, for example, the last one we listed about trauma informed education:

Based on a review of literature, practice experience, previous research efforts, and the school’s interests, an investigator may be prepared to be even more specific about the research question (see Figure 1-3). Assume that these sources led the investigator to believe that implementing the trauma informed education approach will have the effect of reducing the rate of disciplinary referrals. The investigator may then propose to test the following hypothesis:

Implementing trauma informed education in middle schools will result in a reduction in the number of student discipline referrals.

The research hypothesis  is a clear statement that can be tested with quantitative data and will either be rejected or not, depending on the evidence. Research hypotheses are predictions about study results—what the investigator expects the results will show. The prediction, or hypothesis, is based on theory and/or other evidence. A study hypothesis is, by definition, quantifiable—the answer lies in numerical data, which is why we do not generally see hypotheses in qualitative, descriptive research reports.

Hypotheses are also specific to one question at a time. Thus, an investigator would need to state and test a second hypothesis to answer the question:

The stated hypothesis might be:

Parent satisfaction is higher in middle schools where trauma informed education is implemented.

Figure 1-3. Increasing specificity from research topic to question to hypothesis

Social Work Questions

It is difficult to find a simple way to characterize social work research. The National Institutes of Health (NIH) described social work research in the following way:

Historically, social work research has focused on studies of the individual, family, group, community, policy and/or organizational level, focusing across the lifespan on prevention, intervention, treatment, aftercare and rehabilitation of acute and chronic conditions, including the effects of policy on social work practice (OBSSR, 2003, p. 5) .

For all the breadth expressed in this statement, it reflects only how social work research relates to the health arena—it does not indicate many other domains and service delivery systems of social work influence:

• physical, mental, and behavioral health
• substance misuse/addiction and other addictive behaviors
• income/poverty
• criminal justice
• child and family welfare
• housing and food security/insecurity
• environmental social work
• intimate partner, family, and community violence
• and others.

In addition to breadth of topic, social work research is characterized by its biopsychosocial nature. This means that social work researchers not only pursue questions relating to biological, psychological, and social context factors, but also questions relating to their intersections and interactions. Related to this observation is that social work not only addresses questions related to the multiple social system levels, social work also addresses the ways multiple levels intersect and interact (i.e., those levels represented in the NIH statement about individuals, families, groups, communities, organizations, and policy).

It is worth noting that research need not be conducted by social workers to be relevant to social work–many disciplines and professions contribute to the knowledge base which informs social work practice (medicine, nursing, education, occupational therapy, psychology, sociology, criminal justice, political science, economics, and more). Authors of one social work research textbook summarize the relevance issue in the following statement:

“To social workers, a relevant research question is one whose answers will have an impact on policies, theories, or practices related to the social work profession” (Grinnell & Unrau, 2014, p. 46).

Social Work Research Questions and Specific Aims

The kinds of questions that help inform social work practice and policy are relevant to understanding social work problems, diverse populations, social phenomena, or interventions. Most social work research questions can be divided into two general categories: background questions  and foreground questions . The major distinction between these two categories relates to the specific aims that emerge in relation to the research questions.

Background Questions.  This type of question is answerable with a fact or set of facts. Background questions are generally simple in structure, and they direct a straightforward search for evidence. This type of question can usually be formulated using the classic 5 question words: who, what, when, where, or why. Here are a few examples of social work background questions related to the topic of fetal alcohol exposure:

• Who is at greatest risk of fetal alcohol exposure?
• What are the developmental consequences of fetal alcohol exposure?
• When in gestation is the risk of fetal alcohol exposure greatest?
• Where do women get information about the hazards of drinking during pregnancy?
• Why is fetal alcohol exposure (FAE) presented as a spectrum disorder, different from fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS)?

These kinds of questions direct a social worker to review literature about human development, human behavior, the distribution of the problem across populations, and factors that determine the nature of a specific social work problem like fetal exposure to alcohol. Where the necessary knowledge is lacking, investigators aim to explore or describe the phenomenon of interest. Many background questions can be answered by epidemiology or etiology evidence.

Foreground Questions.  This type of question is more complex than the typical background question. Foreground questions typically are concerned with making specific choices by comparing or evaluating options. These types of questions required more specialized evidence and may lead to searching different types of resources than would be helpful for answering background questions. Foreground questions are dealt with in greater detail in our second course, SWK 3402 which is about understanding social work interventions. A quick foreground question example related to the fetal exposure to alcohol topic might be:

Which is the best tool for screening pregnant women for alcohol use with the aim of reducing fetal exposure, the T-ACE, TWEAK, or AUDIT?

This type of question leads the social worker to search for evidence that compares different approaches. These kinds of evidence are usually found in comparative reviews, or require the practitioner to conduct a review of literature, locating individual efficacy and effectiveness studies. Where knowledge is found to be lacking, investigators aim to experiment with different approaches or interventions.

Three Question Types and Their Associated Research Aims

Important distinctions exist related to different types of background questions. Consider three general categories of questions that social workers might ask about populations, problems, and social phenomena: exploratory, descriptive, and explanatory. The different types of questions matter because the nature of the research questions determines the specific aims and most appropriate research approaches investigators apply in answering them.

Exploratory Research Questions. Social workers may find themselves facing a new, emerging problem where there is little previously developed knowledge available—so little, in fact, that it is premature to begin asking any more complex questions about causes or developing testable theories. Exploratory research questions open the door to beginning understanding and are basic; answers would help build the foundation of knowledge for asking more complex descriptive and explanatory questions. For example, in the early days of recognition that HIV/AIDS was emerging as a significant public health problem, it was premature to jump to questions about how to treat or prevent the problem. Not enough was known about the nature and scope of the problem, for whom it was a problem, how the problem was transmitted, factors associated with risk for exposure, what factors influenced the transition from HIV exposure to AIDS as a disease state, and what issues or problems might co-occur along with either HIV exposure or AIDS. In terms of a knowledge evolution process, a certain degree of exploration had to occur before intervention strategies for prevention and treatment could be developed, tested, and implemented.

In 1981, medical providers, public health officials, and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) began to circulate and publish observations about a disproportionate, unexpectedly high incidence rate of an unusual pneumonia and Kaposi’s sarcoma appearing in New York City and San Francisco/California among homosexual men (Curran, & Jaffe, 2011). As a result, a task force was formed and charged with conducting an epidemiologic investigation of this outbreak; “Within 6 months, it was clear that a new, highly concentrated epidemic of life threatening illness was occurring in the United States” (Curran & Jaffe, 2011, p. 65). The newly recognized disease was named for its symptoms: acquired immune deficiency syndrome, or AIDS. Exploratory research into the social networks of 90 living patients in 10 different cities indicated that 40 had a sexual contact link with another member of the 90-patient group (Auerbach, Darrow, Jaffe, & Curran, 1984). Additionally, cases were identified among persons who had received blood products related to their having hemophilia, persons engaged in needle sharing during substance use, women who had sexual contact with a patient, and infants born to exposed women. Combined, these pieces of information led to an understanding that the causal infectious factor (eventually named the human immunodeficiency virus, HIV) was transmitted by sexual contact, blood, and placental connection. This, in turn, led to knowledge building activities to develop both preventive and treatment strategies which could be implemented and studied. Social justice concerns relate to the slow rate at which sufficient resources were committed for evolving to the point of effective solutions for saving lives among those at risk or already affected by a heavily stigmatized problem.

The exploratory research approaches utilized in the early HIV/AIDS studies were both qualitative and quantitative in nature. Qualitative studies included in-depth interviews with identified patients—anthropological and public health interviews about many aspects of their living, work, and recreational environments, as well as many types of behavior. Quantitative studies included comparisons between homosexually active men with and without the diseases of concern. In addition, social network study methods combined qualitative and quantitative approaches. These examples of early exploratory research supported next steps in knowledge building to get us to where we are today. “Today, someone diagnosed with HIV and treated before the disease is far advanced can live nearly as long as someone who does not have HIV” (hiv.gov). While HIV infection cannot (yet) be “cured,” it can be controlled and managed as a chronic condition.

Descriptive Research Questions.  Social workers often ask for descriptions about specific populations, problems, processes, or phenomena. Descriptive research questions  might be expressed in terms of searching to create a profile of a group or population, create categories or types (typology) to describe elements of a population, document facts that confirm or contradict existing beliefs about a topic or issue, describe a process, or identify steps/stages in a sequential process (Grinnell & Unrau, 2014). Investigators may elect to approach the descriptive question using qualitative methods that result in a rich, deep description of certain individuals’ experiences or perceptions (Yegidis, Weinbach, & Meyers, 2018). Or, the descriptive question might lead investigators to apply quantitative methods, assigning numeric values, measuring variables that describe a population, process, or situation of interest. In descriptive research, investigators do not manipulate or experiment with the variables; investigators seek to describe what naturally occurs (Yegidis, Weinbach, & Meyers, 2018). As a result of studies answering descriptive questions, tentative theories and hypotheses may be generated.

Here are several examples of descriptive questions.

• How do incarcerated women feel about the option of medication-assisted treatment for substance use disorders?
• What barriers to engaging in substance misuse treatment do previously incarcerated persons experience during community reentry?
• How often do emerging adults engage in binge drinking in different drinking contexts (e.g., bars, parties, sporting events, at home)?
• What percent of incarcerated adults experience a substance use disorder?
• What is the magnitude of racial/ethnic disparities in access to treatment for substance use disorders?
• Who provides supervision or coordination of services for aging adults with intellectual or other developmental disabilities?
• What is the nature of the debt load among students in doctoral social work programs?

An example of descriptive research, derived from a descriptive question, is represented in an article where investigators addressed the question: How is the topic of media violence and aggression reported in print media (Martins et al., 2013)? This question led the investigators to conduct a qualitative content analysis, resulting in a description showing a shift in tone where earlier articles (prior to 2000) emphasized the link as a point of concern and later articles (since 2000) assumed a more neutral stance.

Correlational Research Questions.  One important type of descriptive question asks about relationships that might exist between variables—looking to see if variable x  and variable y  are associated or correlated with each other. This is an example of a correlational research question; it does not indicate whether “x” causes “y” or “y” causes “x”, only whether these two are related. Consider again the topic of exposure to violence in the media and its relationship to aggression. A descriptive question asked about the existence of a relationship between exposure to media violence ( variable x ) and children’s expression of aggression ( variable y ). Investigators reported one study of school-aged children, examining the relationship between exposure to three types of media violence (television, video games, and movies/videos) and three types of aggression (verbal, relational, and physical; Gentile, Coyne, & Walsh, 2011). The study investigators reported that media violence exposure was, indeed, correlated with all three types of aggressive behavior (and less prosocial behavior, too).

For a positive correlation (the blue line), as the value of the “x” variable increases, so does the value of the “y” variable (see Figure 1-4 for a general demonstration). An example might be as age or grade in school increases (“x”), so does the number of preadolescent, adolescent, and emerging adults who have used alcohol (“y”). For a negative correlation (the orange line), as the value of the “x” variable increases, the value of the “y” variable decreases. An example might be as the number of weeks individuals are in treatment for depression symptoms (“x”), the reported depression symptoms decreases (“y”). The neutral of non-correlation line (grey) means that the two variables, “x” and “y” do not have an association with each other. For example, number of years of teachers’ education (“x”) might be unrelated to the number of students dropping out of high school (“y”).

Figure 1-4. Depicting positive, negative, and neutral correlation lines

Descriptive correlational studies are sometimes called comparison studies because the descriptive question is answered by comparing groups that differ on one of the variables (low versus high media violence exposure) to see how they might differ on the other variable (aggressive behavior).

Explanatory Research Questions. To inform the design of evidence-informed interventions, social workers need answers to questions about the nature of the relationships between potentially influential factors or variables. An explanatory research question  might be mapped as: Does variable x  cause, lead to or prevent changes in variable y  (Grinnell & Unrau, 2014)? These types of questions often test theory related to etiology.

Comparative research might provide information about a relationship between variables. For example, the difference in outcomes between persons experiencing a substance use disorder and have been incarcerated compared to others with the same problem but have not been incarcerated may be related to their employability and ability to generate a living-wage income for themselves and their families. However, to develop evidence-informed interventions, social workers need to know that variables are not only related, but that one variable actually plays a causal role in relation to the other. Imagine, for example, that evidence demonstrated a significant relationship between adolescent self-esteem and school performance. Social workers might spend a great deal of effort developing interventions to boost self-esteem in hopes of having a positive impact on school performance. However, what if self-esteem comes from strong school performance? The self-esteem intervention efforts will not likely have the desired effect on school performance. Just because research demonstrates a significant relationship between two variables does not mean that the research has demonstrated a  causal relationship between those variables. Investigators need to be cautious about the extent to which their study designs can support drawing conclusions about causality; anyone reviewing research reports also needs to be alert to where causal conclusions are properly and improperly drawn.

The questions that drive intervention and evaluation research studies are explanatory in nature: does the intervention ( x ) have a significant impact on outcomes of interest ( y )? Another type of explanatory question related to intervention research concerns the mechanisms of change. In other words, not only might social workers be interested to find out  what  outcomes or changes can be attributed to an intervention, they may also be interested to learn how  the intervention causes those changes or outcomes.

Chapter Summary

In this chapter, you learned about different aspects of the knowledge building process and where different types of research questions might fit into the big picture. No single research study covers the entire spectrum; each study contributes a piece of the puzzle as a whole. Research questions come in many different forms and several different types. What is important to recall as we move through the remainder of the course is that the decisions investigators make about research approaches, designs, and procedures all start with the nature of the question being asked. And, the questions being asked are influenced by multiple factors, including what is previously known and remains unknown, the culture and context of the questioners, and what theories they have about what is to be studied. That leads us to the next chapter.

Social Work 3401 Coursebook Copyright © by Dr. Audrey Begun is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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Social Work Research Methods That Drive the Practice

Social workers advocate for the well-being of individuals, families and communities. But how do social workers know what interventions are needed to help an individual? How do they assess whether a treatment plan is working? What do social workers use to write evidence-based policy?

Social work involves research-informed practice and practice-informed research. At every level, social workers need to know objective facts about the populations they serve, the efficacy of their interventions and the likelihood that their policies will improve lives. A variety of social work research methods make that possible.

Data-Driven Work

Data is a collection of facts used for reference and analysis. In a field as broad as social work, data comes in many forms.

Quantitative vs. Qualitative

As with any research, social work research involves both quantitative and qualitative studies.

Quantitative Research

Answers to questions like these can help social workers know about the populations they serve — or hope to serve in the future.

• How many students currently receive reduced-price school lunches in the local school district?
• How many hours per week does a specific individual consume digital media?
• How frequently did community members access a specific medical service last year?

Quantitative data — facts that can be measured and expressed numerically — are crucial for social work.

Quantitative research has advantages for social scientists. Such research can be more generalizable to large populations, as it uses specific sampling methods and lends itself to large datasets. It can provide important descriptive statistics about a specific population. Furthermore, by operationalizing variables, it can help social workers easily compare similar datasets with one another.

Qualitative Research

Qualitative data — facts that cannot be measured or expressed in terms of mere numbers or counts — offer rich insights into individuals, groups and societies. It can be collected via interviews and observations.

• What attitudes do students have toward the reduced-price school lunch program?
• What strategies do individuals use to moderate their weekly digital media consumption?
• What factors made community members more or less likely to access a specific medical service last year?

Qualitative research can thereby provide a textured view of social contexts and systems that may not have been possible with quantitative methods. Plus, it may even suggest new lines of inquiry for social work research.

Mixed Methods Research

Combining quantitative and qualitative methods into a single study is known as mixed methods research. This form of research has gained popularity in the study of social sciences, according to a 2019 report in the academic journal Theory and Society. Since quantitative and qualitative methods answer different questions, merging them into a single study can balance the limitations of each and potentially produce more in-depth findings.

However, mixed methods research is not without its drawbacks. Combining research methods increases the complexity of a study and generally requires a higher level of expertise to collect, analyze and interpret the data. It also requires a greater level of effort, time and often money.

The Importance of Research Design

Data-driven practice plays an essential role in social work. Unlike philanthropists and altruistic volunteers, social workers are obligated to operate from a scientific knowledge base.

To know whether their programs are effective, social workers must conduct research to determine results, aggregate those results into comprehensible data, analyze and interpret their findings, and use evidence to justify next steps.

Employing the proper design ensures that any evidence obtained during research enables social workers to reliably answer their research questions.

Research Methods in Social Work

The various social work research methods have specific benefits and limitations determined by context. Common research methods include surveys, program evaluations, needs assessments, randomized controlled trials, descriptive studies and single-system designs.

Surveys involve a hypothesis and a series of questions in order to test that hypothesis. Social work researchers will send out a survey, receive responses, aggregate the results, analyze the data, and form conclusions based on trends.

Surveys are one of the most common research methods social workers use — and for good reason. They tend to be relatively simple and are usually affordable. However, surveys generally require large participant groups, and self-reports from survey respondents are not always reliable.

Program Evaluations

Social workers ally with all sorts of programs: after-school programs, government initiatives, nonprofit projects and private programs, for example.

Crucially, social workers must evaluate a program’s effectiveness in order to determine whether the program is meeting its goals and what improvements can be made to better serve the program’s target population.

Evidence-based programming helps everyone save money and time, and comparing programs with one another can help social workers make decisions about how to structure new initiatives. Evaluating programs becomes complicated, however, when programs have multiple goal metrics, some of which may be vague or difficult to assess (e.g., “we aim to promote the well-being of our community”).

Needs Assessments

Social workers use needs assessments to identify services and necessities that a population lacks access to.

Common social work populations that researchers may perform needs assessments on include:

• People in a specific income group
• Everyone in a specific geographic region
• A specific ethnic group
• People in a specific age group

In the field, a social worker may use a combination of methods (e.g., surveys and descriptive studies) to learn more about a specific population or program. Social workers look for gaps between the actual context and a population’s or individual’s “wants” or desires.

For example, a social worker could conduct a needs assessment with an individual with cancer trying to navigate the complex medical-industrial system. The social worker may ask the client questions about the number of hours they spend scheduling doctor’s appointments, commuting and managing their many medications. After learning more about the specific client needs, the social worker can identify opportunities for improvements in an updated care plan.

In policy and program development, social workers conduct needs assessments to determine where and how to effect change on a much larger scale. Integral to social work at all levels, needs assessments reveal crucial information about a population’s needs to researchers, policymakers and other stakeholders. Needs assessments may fall short, however, in revealing the root causes of those needs (e.g., structural racism).

Randomized Controlled Trials

Randomized controlled trials are studies in which a randomly selected group is subjected to a variable (e.g., a specific stimulus or treatment) and a control group is not. Social workers then measure and compare the results of the randomized group with the control group in order to glean insights about the effectiveness of a particular intervention or treatment.

Randomized controlled trials are easily reproducible and highly measurable. They’re useful when results are easily quantifiable. However, this method is less helpful when results are not easily quantifiable (i.e., when rich data such as narratives and on-the-ground observations are needed).

Descriptive Studies

Descriptive studies immerse the researcher in another context or culture to study specific participant practices or ways of living. Descriptive studies, including descriptive ethnographic studies, may overlap with and include other research methods:

• Informant interviews
• Census data
• Observation

By using descriptive studies, researchers may glean a richer, deeper understanding of a nuanced culture or group on-site. The main limitations of this research method are that it tends to be time-consuming and expensive.

Single-System Designs

Unlike most medical studies, which involve testing a drug or treatment on two groups — an experimental group that receives the drug/treatment and a control group that does not — single-system designs allow researchers to study just one group (e.g., an individual or family).

Single-system designs typically entail studying a single group over a long period of time and may involve assessing the group’s response to multiple variables.

For example, consider a study on how media consumption affects a person’s mood. One way to test a hypothesis that consuming media correlates with low mood would be to observe two groups: a control group (no media) and an experimental group (two hours of media per day). When employing a single-system design, however, researchers would observe a single participant as they watch two hours of media per day for one week and then four hours per day of media the next week.

These designs allow researchers to test multiple variables over a longer period of time. However, similar to descriptive studies, single-system designs can be fairly time-consuming and costly.

Learn More About Social Work Research Methods

Social workers have the opportunity to improve the social environment by advocating for the vulnerable — including children, older adults and people with disabilities — and facilitating and developing resources and programs.

Learn more about how you can earn your  Master of Social Work online at Virginia Commonwealth University . The highest-ranking school of social work in Virginia, VCU has a wide range of courses online. That means students can earn their degrees with the flexibility of learning at home. Learn more about how you can take your career in social work further with VCU.

From M.S.W. to LCSW: Understanding Your Career Path as a Social Worker

How Palliative Care Social Workers Support Patients With Terminal Illnesses

How to Become a Social Worker in Health Care

Gov.uk, Mixed Methods Study

MVS Open Press, Foundations of Social Work Research

Open Social Work Education, Scientific Inquiry in Social Work

Open Social Work, Graduate Research Methods in Social Work: A Project-Based Approach

Routledge, Research for Social Workers: An Introduction to Methods

SAGE Publications, Research Methods for Social Work: A Problem-Based Approach

Theory and Society, Mixed Methods Research: What It Is and What It Could Be

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1.4 Understanding research

Learning objectives.

• Describe common barriers to engaging with social work research
• Identify alternative ways to thinking about research methods

Sometimes students struggle to see the connection between research and social work practice. Most students enjoy a social work theory class because they can better understand the world around them. Students also like practice because it shows them how to conduct clinical work with clients—i.e., what most social work students want to do.  It can be helpful to look critically at the potential barriers to embracing the study of social work.  Most student barriers to research come from the following beliefs:

Research is useless!

Students who say that research methods is not a useful class to them are saying something important. As a scholar (or student), your most valuable asset is your time. You give your time to the subjects you consider important to you and your future practice. Because most social workers don’t become researchers or practitioner-researchers, students feel like a research methods class is a waste of time.

Our discussion of evidence-based practice and the ways in which social workers use research methods in practice brought home the idea that social workers play an important role in creating new knowledge about social services. On a more immediate level, research methods will also help you become a stronger social work student. Upcoming chapters of this textbook will review how to search for literature on a topic and write a literature review. These skills are relevant in every classroom during your academic career. The rest of the textbook will help you understand the mechanics of research methods so you can better understand the content of those pesky journal articles your professors force you to cite in your papers.

Research is too hard!

Research methods involves a lot of terminology that is entirely new to social workers. Other domains of social work, such as practice, are easier to apply your intuition towards. You understand how to be an empathetic person, and your experiences in life can help guide you through a practice situation or even theoretical or conceptual question. Research may seem like a totally new area in which you have no previous experience. It can seem like a lot to learn. In addition to the normal memorization and application of terms, research methods also has wrong answers. There are certain combinations of methods that just don’t work together.

The fear is entirely understandable. Research is not straightforward. As Figure 1.1 shows, it is a process that is non-linear, involving multiple revisions, wrong turns, and dead ends before you figure out the best question and research approach. You may have to go back to chapters after having read them or even peek ahead at chapters your class hasn’t covered yet.

Moreover, research is something you learn by doing…and stumbling a few times. It’s an iterative process, or one that requires lots of tries to get right. There isn’t a shortcut for learning research, but hopefully your research methods class is one in which your research project is broken down into smaller parts and you get consistent feedback throughout the process. No one just knows research. It’s something you pick up by doing it, reflecting on the experiences and results, redoing your work, and revising it in consultation with your professor.

Research is boring!

Research methods is sometimes seen as a boring topic by many students. Practice knowledge and even theory are fun to learn because they are easy to apply and give you insight into the world around you. Research just seems like its own weird, remote thing.

Your social work education will present some generalist material, which is applicable to nearly all social work practice situations, and some applied material, which is applicable to specific social work practice situations. However, no education will provide you with everything you need to know. And certainly, no education will tell you what will be discovered over the next few decades of your practice. Our exploration of research methods will help you further understand how the theories, practice models, and techniques you learn in your other classes are created and tested scientifically.  The material you learn in research class will allow you to think critically about material throughout your entire program and into your social work career.

Get out of your own way

Together, the beliefs of “research is useless, boring, and hard” can create a self-fulfilling prophecy for students. If you believe research is boring, you won’t find it interesting. If you believe research is hard, you will struggle more with assignments. If you believe research is useless, you won’t see its utility. Let’s provide some reframing of how you might think about research using these touchstones:

• All social workers rely on social science research to engage in competent practice.
• No one already knows research. It’s something I’ll learn through practice. And it’s challenging for everyone.
• Research is relevant to me because it allows me to figure out what is known about any topic I want to study.
• If the topic I choose to study is important to me, I will be more interested in research.

Structure of this textbook

While you may not have chosen this course, by reframing your approach to it, you increase the likelihood of getting a lot out of it. To that end, here is the structure of this book:

In Chapters 2-5, you’ll learn about how research informs and tests theory. We’ll discuss how to conduct research in an ethical manner, create research questions, and measure concepts in the social world.

Chapters 6-10 will describe how to conduct research, whether it’s a quantitative survey or experiment, or alternately, a qualitative interview or focus group. We’ll also review how to analyze data that someone else has already collected.

Finally, Chapters 11 and 12 will review the types of research most commonly used in social work practice, including evaluation research and action research, and how to report the results of your research to various audiences.

Key Takeaways

• Anxiety about research methods is a common experience for students.
• Research methods will help you become a better scholar and practitioner.

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Social work is a broad and diverse field dedicated to enhancing the well-being and quality of life of individuals, families, groups, and communities. It is grounded in principles of social justice, human rights, and a commitment to empowering vulnerable, marginalized, and oppressed populations. Social workers strive to address social issues, promote positive social change, and advocate for the rights of individuals and communities. At its core, social work is concerned with helping people overcome challenges, providing support, and facilitating access to resources and services.

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• Published: 29 May 2024

The Retrospective Stressor Analysis (RSA): a novel qualitative tool for identifying causes of burnout and mitigation strategies during residency

• Kristin L. Chrouser 1 ,
• Laura Zebib 1 ,
• Blake F. Webb 2 ,
• Tandi Bagian 2 &
• Timothy Arnold 3 , 4  

BMC Medical Education volume  24 , Article number:  591 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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Resident physicians are at an increased risk of burnout due to their high-pressure work environments and busy schedules which can lead to poor mental health outcomes and decreased performance quality. Given variability among training programs and institutions across the United States, stressors likely differ, and interventions must be tailored to the local context, but few tools exist to assist in this process.

A tool commonly used in adverse event analysis was adapted into a “retrospective stressor analysis” (RSA) for burnout prevention. The RSA was tested in a group of chief residents studying quality improvement and patient safety in veteran’s hospitals across the United States. The RSA prompted them to identify stressors experienced during their residencies across four domains (clinical practice, career development, personal life, and personal health), perceived causes of the stressors, and potential mitigation strategies.

Fifty-eight chief residents completed the RSA. Within the clinical domain, they describe the stress of striving for efficiency and clinical skills acquisition, all while struggling to provide quality care in high pressure environments. In the career domain, identifying mentors and opportunities for research engagement was stressful. Within their personal lives, a lack of time-constrained their ability to maintain hobbies, relationships, and attend meaningful social events while also reducing their engagement in healthy behaviors such as exercise, optimal nutrition, and attending medical appointments. Within each of these domains, they identified and described stress mitigation strategies at the individual, departmental, and national levels.

The RSA is a novel tool that can identify national trends in burnout drivers while simultaneously providing tailored prevention strategies for residents and their training sites.

Peer Review reports

Resident physicians are vital to the US healthcare system, but burnout rates among residents range from 17–94%, with variation by specialty and program [ 1 , 2 ]. Burnout is characterized by emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and a reduced sense of personal accomplishment.[ 3 ] External factors like demanding work environments, high patient care standards, long hours, poor work-life balance, lack of mental health support, and mistreatment in the workplace, combined with internal factors such as perfectionist personality, neuroticism, and previous mental health diagnosis, heighten the risk of burnout [ 1 , 4 , 5 , 6 ].

Burnout can be detrimental to resident physicians’ personal and professional well-being, leading to decreased job satisfaction, increasing attrition, depression, substance use, and suicide [ 7 , 8 , 9 ]. Burnout can also have clinical implications, negatively affecting patient access and quality of care. Burned-out physicians are more likely to make medical errors, exhibit increased implicit and explicit biases, and become less productive [ 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 ]. Meta-analyses find that burnout among healthcare providers is associated with reduced patient satisfaction, quality indicators, and perceived patient safety [ 13 , 14 ]. Thus, patient safety, quality of care, and physician wellbeing are inextricably linked. Consequently, the Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education (ACGME) has enhanced requirements for residency program accreditation, emphasizing monitoring and maintaining well-being during residency training [ 15 ].

A recent review of interventions to reduce resident burnout notes the current literature is of marginal quality and results are inconclusive [ 16 ]. While self-care initiatives have been shown to alleviate burnout in some small samples, such interventions emphasize modification of internal factors. This shifts the responsibility onto residents and does not address the systemic and environmental factors that promote burnout. Studies suggest that interventions addressing external factors such as work-hour limitations, structured mentorship programs, and access to mental health programs are associated with decreased burnout among residents [ 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 ]. Bakker’s Job Demands-Job Resources Conceptual Model illustrates that burnout is a consequence of chronic work-related stress, when job demands exceed job resources and individuals can no longer cope [ 20 ]. Therefore, effective burnout prevention requires reduction of job demands and/or augmentation of job resources, and should address both internal and external risk factors unique to each specialty and residency program.

Given the ACGME’s interest in burnout prevention, many residency programs use standardized surveys to monitor resident burnout rates. Tailored information can be gleaned from measures such as the Mini ReZ, which assesses the impact of several common residency stressors (e.g., electronic health record, interruptions, sleep impairment) [ 21 , 22 ]. However, causes of burnout will likely change rapidly over time as institutions adopt new technologies, face novel challenges (like COVID-19), or respond to regulatory changes.[ 23 ] For example, the advent of the electronic health record (EHR) rapidly changed documentation processes and created new stressors that increased physician burnout [ 24 ]. In the context of a constantly changing environment, surveys that identify sources of burnout based on the existing literature may fail to promptly capture ever-shifting stressors. Surveys are confined to capturing trends in explicitly asked topics. This limits our ability to capture emerging or unknown stressors. Furthermore, there is a paucity of data on residents’ perceptions of the causes of burnout. Therefore, we need tools that can elucidate burnout drivers and potential prevention strategies in rapidly changing environments from the perspective of impacted individuals. This will aid resource allocation for high-yield improvements.

The adaptation of an adverse event analysis tool can leverage methods that are already familiar to residents in order to generate an understanding of burnout drivers and potential interventions. With growing evidence of the negative impact of burnout on providers, trainees, and patient care, institutions need innovative tools to monitor for new causes of burnout in changing environments. This will allow them to rapidly shift burnout prevention strategies when appropriate. This study aims to 1) characterize recent residency graduates’ perceptions of the drivers of burnout, 2) identify potential interventions for mitigating resident burnout, and 3) assess the utility of the RSA (retrospective stressor analysis) as a novel tool to identify a wider breadth of sources of resident burnout than found in the current literature as well as generate practical strategies to mitigate these causes.

Root-cause analysis (RCA) is a methodology to identify underlying causes of an adverse event and has been used in healthcare to characterize and help prevent future adverse outcomes [ 25 ]. Residents are typically familiar with RCA methodology, including the “five whys” and fishbone diagrams from their patient safety and quality improvement training. The final deliverable of an RCA is a list of “action items” to address or eliminate these underlying causes and prevent similar future problems. Similar to an RCA, this Retrospective Stressor Analysis (RSA) was designed to identify potential underlying causes of stressors and list possible corrective actions/prevention strategies (see Appendix A). The RSA has dual utility to 1) be used by institutions to explore resident perceptions of causes as a cohort and implement resident-derived interventions and 2) be used by residents as an opportunity for self-reflection on their own individual perceived burnout causes and identify actions they can personally take to mitigate burnout and improve resilience.

In March 2022, 87 VA Chief Residents in Quality Improvement and Patient Safety (CRQS) across 67 Veterans Affairs Healthcare Centers were given a homework assignment on Building Resilience/Preventing Burnout. Participants were instructed to recall stressors experienced during their residencies across four domains (clinical practice, career development, personal life, and personal health) that they felt increased their risk of burnout. Then they listed perceived causes of these stressors and potential prevention and mitigation strategies. After aggregating the deidentified data, we coded stressors and mitigation strategies and identified themes within each of the four domains (clinical practice, career development, personal life, and personal health). Evaluating each entry’s content and context, one author (KC) developed codes using thematic analysis. After compiling the initial codebook, a second coder (TA) coded 20% of the entries in each domain. Co-analysis agreement was > 80%, and disagreements were resolved by discussion. Given the large dataset, codes for stressors were then ranked by frequency within each domain and the top 15 illustrated as word clouds. Conceptual themes were identified within each domain.

Preventive strategies for each domain were compiled and categorized by intervention level (personal, departmental, national) and themes were identified. Participants received a deidentified compilation of prevention strategies as a resource to share with their medical education community. The University of Michigan Institutional Review Board reviewed this study and determined it to be exempt and waived ethical approval and consent to participate. The data are available from the corresponding author, Dr. Kristin Chrouser, upon request.

In 2022, 58 chief residents (67%) completed the RSA assignment. All responses were deidentified, so demographic information is not available. Participants identified 1020 stressors (306 clinical, 262 career, 247 personal life, and 205 personal health) and 569 mitigation strategies (165 clinical, 136 career, 133 personal life, and 135 personal health). Qualitative analysis of stressors and mitigation strategies revealed several themes within the four domains.

Themes from clinical practice domain stressors

Participants describe the stresses related to their clinical work (Fig.  1 ), such as high patient volume, patient acuity, challenging patient interactions, poor outcomes, and systems issues, including EHR frustrations, documentation hassles, administrative burden, and lack of backup. They highlighted challenges regarding the management of clinical work, such as striving for efficiency, admitting a lack of knowledge/experience, and asking for help. They were stressed by their adjustments to gaining seniority over the course of training related to role transition, acquiring leadership and teaching skills, and delegation challenges. They describe challenges related to their role as learners, such as time to study, gaining clinical knowledge, and learning procedures. They also describe their emotional experience/response to the stresses of their clinical role, including experiencing imposter syndrome, worry, the weight of responsibilities, emotion management, coping with mistakes, and facing inadequacies.

Clinical Practice Domain: Stressors that increased burnout risk*

*Size of word correlates with frequency of theme

Themes from the career development domain stressors

Participants describe various aspects of career development they considered stressful—such as research, publishing, presentations, teaching, committees, and professional relationships (Fig.  2 ). Many find career planning and career choices difficult, including fellowship decisions. They also recognize challenges in finding and becoming good mentors. Balancing academic and personal priorities and time management were common struggles. They also describe the additional stress of learning to cope with bias, competitiveness, failure, burnout, and performance anxiety.

Career Domain: Stressors that increased burnout risk*

Themes from the personal life domain stressors

Participants describe challenges in maintaining their personal lives as residents (Fig.  3 ). Lack of time is a common complaint, leading to difficulty separating work and home lives while describing concerns with a lack of opportunity to unwind from the stressors of residency. This includes inadequate time to invest in social life and maintain relationships with family and friends, eventually leading to erosion of social support. Social isolation was exacerbated by geographic separation from family support, moving to a new city, and COVID-19 restrictions.

Personal Life Domain: Stressors that increased burnout risk*

Many felt that long work hours led to difficulty coping with home stressors such as caregiving for children, family, and pets. Schedule inflexibility during residency led to missing important social events and being unavailable to manage family emergencies. They also recognized the difficulty of home maintenance, finances, and chores due to a lack of time. Residents described their emotional experience/response to these stresses in their personal lives as leading to guilt and feeling overwhelmed.

Themes from the personal health domain stressors

Participants described various challenges in maintaining their personal health as residents (Fig.  4 ). They described that a lack of time led to an inability to maintain healthy habits such as exercise, nutritious meals, proper hydration, and adequate sleep. Accessing physical and mental healthcare for themselves was difficult due to their schedules and social pressure to prioritize work over healthcare needs. Similarly, due to the demands and expectations of residency, many found it difficult to take a day off when ill.

Personal Health Domain: Stressors that increased burnout risk*

The struggle to cope and manage stress was a common complaint. Many participants noted this was exacerbated by the physical and mental stress of pregnancy and parenthood. They also described various emotional experiences related to their health: fear of COVID-19, feeling out of control, anxiety, and guilt for taking a sick day.

Mitigation strategies at the personal level

Table 1 outlines potential interventions to reduce burnout at various levels. For mitigation strategies on a personal level, many emphasized the importance of maintaining productivity through intentional organization within all domains. For example, within the clinical and career domains, their self-identified need for ongoing clinical learning could be achieved through setting clear goals and creating consistent study schedules, and within the personal domain, by scheduling designated time for relaxation, vacation, hobbies, and quality time with family. Interestingly, this also included creating time to prioritize one’s own health and attend medical appointments. Residents stressed the importance of determining clear personal goals, priorities, and setting expectations both at work and with family members. Many described the need to outsource home tasks, including house cleaning, grocery shopping, and childcare. Also, they described behaviors to automate healthy choices such as meal prepping, not purchasing unhealthy snacks, tracking water intake, and organizing resident meals with healthy options to maintain personal wellness.

Many residents commented on the importance of creating a team-like atmosphere in the work environment, including learning what tasks to delegate and consistently coordinating debrief sessions after adverse patient outcomes. They also discussed the importance of leveraging specific relationships, such as nursing staff, specialists, hospital resources, and asking for help from senior residents or faculty. Many advised the importance of adapting one’s mindset, such as adopting a reflective mindfulness practice, being vulnerable with peers and mentors, and reframing success and failure. A common theme was the importance of peer-to-peer relationships in discussing potential hurdles such as imposter syndrome and creating a culture where open discussion was encouraged.

Mitigation strategies at the departmental level

At the departmental level, participants emphasized the importance of mentorship and coaching. While some encouraged the importance of individually reaching out to potential mentors early and the utility of building peer relationships, others described the role institutions can play in creating mentorship programming. They desired mentors who would discuss imposter syndrome and failure and guide mentees through career and personal decisions. Many felt a need for significant shifts in culture to encourage open communication, sharing failures, and enhancing feedback mechanisms.

Some advised significant changes to patient care responsibilities, such as reduced work hours, capping the number of patients, and reduced note writing. Others described a need for greater standardization of clinical expectations such as templates for best practices, patient handoffs, consults, checklists, and “guides” for workflows in different clinic settings. Many described the need for augmenting the curriculum to include robust mechanisms for research support and increased training during orientation on communication skills, efficiency in the workplace, teaching, navigating difficult cases, managing imposter syndrome, and coping with failure.

Mitigation strategies at the national level

The most cited mitigation strategy across all domains was reducing resident duty hours. While many emphasized the role of institutions in complying with duty hour restrictions, further adjustments to duty hours require top-down implementation by the ACGME. Residents stated that there was a need for greater flexibility to utilize wellness days or sick leave. Given the stressors associated with family planning, many felt the ACGME and/or institutions should provide information and resources for cryopreservation, parental leave, and lactation. Lastly, increasing resident income was suggested as an effective strategy to alleviate resident budgetary stressors, accurately reflect work hours, and compensate some for the added stress of challenging work schedules such as jeopardy call schedules and night-float.

Burnout’s impact on physician well-being and quality of care is well established, and current rates are concerning [ 1 , 5 ]. Therefore, we need tools for ongoing assessment of the underlying causes of resident burnout and identification of potential interventions within local work environments. In this study, we describe the successful use of a novel tool, the retrospective stressor analysis (RSA), informed by the familiar RCA process, to characterize residents’ perceptions of burnout causes and potential mitigation strategies. To our knowledge, the field currently lacks alternatives to survey-based tools that will identify new sources of burnout and provide individuals and institutions with intervention strategies.

Participants in our study highlight how lack of time impacts their well-being in all four domains. This is not surprising as previous studies have shown a significant difference in the burnout rates of residents based on adherence to work-hour restrictions [ 26 ]. Similar to our findings, Mian et al., identified several common stressors among trainees that lead to burnout, such as overwork/sleep deprivation, emotional drain of caring for sick patients, lack of time for personal life outside training, and residency coinciding with major life events such as parenthood [ 27 ]. Related, Linzer et al. found burnout correlated with work-related conditions such as value alignment, teamwork, work control, and time pressures [ 22 ]. The RSA identified similar themes among participants. In addition, the RSA also provided greater context across the four domains to elucidate previously unacknowledged sources of stress, such as career decision-making, acquisition of leadership roles, and coping with adverse patient outcomes. To our knowledge, these have not been previously identified as potential sources of burnout within the resident population. Moreover, participants provided highly specific stressors, such as “variability in clinical preferences among attendings”, and potential mitigation strategies that program directors might find useful when restructuring expectations or generating standardized workflows.

While the RSA may be a novel resource for understanding burnout, there were some challenges with using it in practice. Despite clear instructions to list multiple causes, some participants did not identify more than one potential cause of their stressors, even though this is a common step used in root cause analysis. Failure to identify a variety of causes can reduce the diversity of proposed interventions. Despite this potential limitation, our cohort of residents still generated a large range of interventions for burnout prevention and mitigation. However, if RSA is used in smaller resident samples in the future without encouraging participants to provide a range of causes, this might generate a reduced range of interventions, thus limiting impact. The “personal life” domain was listed prior to “personal health,” so often participants included many factors in the personal life domain that would have been more appropriate under personal health, which made analysis of frequency by domain more challenging.

Moreover, proposed preventive strategies overwhelmingly focused on personal actions, although some participants suggested departmental/institutional/national policy reforms. The Institute for Healthcare Improvement’s Action Hierarchy Tool is used to assist RCA teams in identifying interventions with the strongest effect for sustained and successful system improvement [ 28 ]. Stronger actions are those that do not rely on human memory, such as architectural changes, forced functioning, removing unnecessary steps, and tangible involvement of leadership; while weaker actions, such as trainings and new procedures, rely on humans to remember to perform an action. Many of the recommended interventions identified using the RSA would be classified as weaker actions, as they rely on residents to remember and make time to perform specific tasks such as exercise, mindfulness, studying, and delegating in the clinical space. Future iterations of the tool should encourage the development of stronger intervention actions.

Although these challenges with RSA had minimal effect on data and analysis, our group refined the RSA tool for future data collection. Refinements included adjusting domain order to reduce categorization errors, adding reminders of QI tools useful in collecting a broader range of potential causes (5 whys, fishbone diagram), and providing examples of systemic preventive strategies (e.g., programs, policies). The revised RSA is available in Appendix B. Although our sample size was more than adequate to reach saturation for a qualitative study, the RSA’s usability, generalizability, and utility of our findings may vary among residents. The Chief Residents in Quality Improvement and Patient Safety were already familiar with RCA tools and methods, but this might not be the case for all residents, and future iterations may be informed by piloting the tool in varied resident populations. Participants also provided this data via a homework assignment, and even though they were assured their responses were confidential, fear of being identified by course directors may have influenced their responses. Demographics of participants were not collected, precluding any analysis based on specialty or gender. This is a limitation as burnout causes and mitigation recommendations might differ based on demographic categories.

The RSA provided findings consistent with factors known to contribute to burnout in the literature while generating a broader range of stressors than previously reported. RSA utilization can allow residency programs to identify emerging burnout drivers as medicine changes rapidly and provides a wealth of intervention ideas appropriate to the local context. Engaging residents in developing implementation strategies can serve the dual purpose of reinforcing skills applicable to adverse event analysis techniques and helping prevent resident burnout. Qualitative data assessment from the RSA could also be used by national associations to identify novel stressors and then generate new quantitative survey questions more appropriate for measurement within a larger population.

We adapted a familiar patient safety tool, root cause analysis (RCA), to create the retrospective stressor analysis (RSA) for burnout prevention. This novel tool allowed recent residency graduates to identify stressors they believe increased their risk of burnout and generate practical preventive strategies at personal, institutional, and national levels. Common themes highlighted the difficulty of inflexible schedules and lack of time invested in protective factors such as social support, mentorship, and healthy habits. The RSA is a novel tool that can identify national trends in the drivers of burnout while providing tailored prevention strategies for individuals, training sites, and the ACGME to consider for future implementation.

Disclaimers

The opinions expressed in this presentation are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect the view of the Department of Veterans Affairs or the United States government.

Availability of data and materials

The data are available from the corresponding author, Dr. Kristin Chrouser, upon request.

Abbreviations

Retrospective Stressor Analysis

American Council for Graduate Medical Education

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Chrouser, K.L., Zebib, L., Webb, B.F. et al. The Retrospective Stressor Analysis (RSA): a novel qualitative tool for identifying causes of burnout and mitigation strategies during residency. BMC Med Educ 24 , 591 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12909-024-05571-3

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Is College Worth It?

1. labor market and economic trends for young adults, table of contents.

• Labor force trends and economic outcomes for young adults
• Economic outcomes for young men
• Economic outcomes for young women
• Wealth trends for households headed by a young adult
• The importance of a four-year college degree
• Getting a high-paying job without a college degree
• Do Americans think their education prepared them for the workplace?
• Is college worth the cost?
• Acknowledgments
• The American Trends Panel survey methodology
• Current Population Survey methodology
• Survey of Consumer Finances methodology

A majority of the nation’s 36 million workers ages 25 to 34 have not completed a four-year college degree. In 2023, there were 19 million young workers who had some college or less education, including those who had not finished high school.

The overall number of employed young adults has grown over the decades as more young women joined the workforce. The number of employed young adults without a college degree peaked around 1990 at 25 million and then started to fall, as more young people began finishing college .

This chapter looks at the following key labor market and economic trends separately for young men and young women by their level of education:

Labor force participation

• Individual earnings

Household income

• Net worth 1

When looking at how young adults are doing in the job market, it generally makes the most sense to analyze men and women separately. They tend to work in different occupations and have different career patterns, and their educational paths have diverged in recent decades.

In 1970, almost all young men whose highest educational attainment was a high school diploma (98%) were in the labor force, meaning they were working or looking for work. By 2013, only 88% of high school-educated young men were in the labor force. Today, that share is 87%.

Similarly, 96% of young men whose highest attainment was some college education were in the labor force in 1970. Today, the share is 89%.

By comparison, labor force participation among young men with at least a bachelor’s degree has remained relatively stable these past few decades. Today, 94% of young men with at least a bachelor’s degree are in the labor force.

The long-running decline in the labor force participation of young men without a bachelor’s degree may be due to several factors, including declining wages , the types of jobs available to this group becoming less desirable, rising incarceration rates and the opioid epidemic . 2

Looking at labor force and earnings trends over the past several decades, it’s important to keep in mind broader forces shaping the national job market.

The Great Recession officially ended in June 2009, but the national job market recovered slowly . At the beginning of the Great Recession in the fourth quarter of 2007, the national unemployment rate was 4.6%. Unemployment peaked at 10.4% in the first quarter of 2010. It was not until the fourth quarter of 2016 that unemployment finally returned to its prerecession level (4.5%).

Studies suggest that things started to look up for less-skilled workers around 2014. Among men with less education, hourly earnings began rising in 2014 after a decade of stagnation. Wage growth for low-wage workers also picked up in 2014. The tightening labor markets in the last five years of the expansion after the Great Recession improved the labor market prospects of “vulnerable workers” considerably.

The COVID-19 pandemic interrupted the tight labor market, but the COVID-19 recession and recovery were quite different from the Great Recession in their job market impact. The more recent recession was arguably more severe, as the national unemployment rate reached 12.9% in the second quarter of 2020. But it was short – officially lasting two months, compared with the 18-month Great Recession – and the labor market bounced back much quicker. Unemployment was 3.3% before the COVID-19 recession; three years later, unemployment had once again returned to that level.

Full-time, full-year employment

Since the Great Recession of 2007-09, young men without a four-year college degree have seen a significant increase in the average number of hours they work.

• Today, 77% of young workers with a high school education work full time, full year, compared with 69% in 2011.
• 83% of young workers with some college education work full time, full year, compared with 70% in 2011.

The share of young men with a college degree who work full time, year-round has remained fairly steady in recent decades – at about 80% – and hasn’t fluctuated with good or bad economic cycles.

Annual earnings

Annual earnings for young men without a college degree were on a mostly downward path from 1973 until roughly 10 years ago (with the exception of a bump in the late 1990s). 3

Earnings have been increasing modestly over the past decade for these groups.

• Young men with a high school education who are working full time, full year have median earnings of $45,000 today, up from $39,300 in 2014. (All figures are in 2022 dollars.)
• The median earnings of young men with some college education who are working full time, full year are $50,000 today, similar to their median earnings in 2014 ($49,100).

It’s important to note that median annual earnings for both groups of noncollege men remain below their 1973 levels.

Median earnings for young men with a four-year college degree have increased over the past 10 years, from $67,500 in 2014 to $77,000 today.

Unlike young men without a college degree, the earnings of college-educated young men are now above what they were in the early 1970s. The gap in median earnings between young men with and without a college degree grew significantly from the late 1970s to 2014. In 1973, the typical young man with a degree earned 23% more than his high school-educated counterpart. By 2014, it was 72% more. Today, that gap stands at 71%. 4

Household income has also trended up for young men in the past 10 years, regardless of educational attainment.

This measure takes into account the contributions of everyone in the household. For this analysis, we excluded young men who are living in their parents’ home (about 20% of 25- to 34-year-old men in 2023).

• The median household income of young men with a high school education is $75,200 today, up from $63,800 in 2014. This is slightly lower than the highpoint reached around 2019.
• The median household income of young men with some college education is $92,200 today, up from $81,100 in 2014. This is close to the 2022 peak of $93,800.

The median household income of young men with at least a bachelor’s degree has also increased from a low point of $118,700 in 2014 after the Great Recession to $145,000 today.

The gap in household income between young men with and without a college degree grew significantly between 1980 and 2014. In 1980, the median household income of young men with at least a bachelor’s degree was about 38% more than that of high school graduates. By 2014, that gap had widened to 86%.

Over the past 10 years, the income gap has fluctuated. In 2023, the typical college graduate’s household income was 93% more than that of the typical high school graduate.

The 2001 recession and Great Recession resulted in a large increase in poverty among young men without a college degree.

• In 2000, among young men living independently of their parents, 8% of those with a high school education were in poverty. Poverty peaked for this group at 17% around 2011 and has since declined to 12% in 2023.
• Among young men with some college education, poverty peaked at 12% around 2014, up from 4% in 2000. Poverty has fallen for this group since 2014 and stands at 8% as of 2023.
• Young men with a four-year college degree also experienced a slight uptick in poverty during the 2001 recession and Great Recession. In 2014, 6% of young college graduates were in poverty, up from 4% in 2000. Poverty among college graduates stands at 5% in 2023.

Labor force trends for young women are very different than for young men. There are occupational and educational differences between young women and men, and their earnings have followed different patterns.

Unlike the long-running decline for noncollege young men, young women without a college degree saw their labor force participation increase steadily from 1970 to about 1990.

By 2000, about three-quarters of young women with a high school diploma and 79% of those with some college education were in the labor force.

Labor force participation has also trended upward for college-educated young women and has consistently been higher than for those with less education.

After rising for decades, labor force participation for young women without a college degree fell during the 2001 recession and the Great Recession. Their labor force participation has increased slightly since 2014.

As of 2023, 69% of young women with a high school education were in the labor force, as were 78% of young women with some college education. Today’s level of labor force participation for young women without a college degree is slightly lower than the level seen around 2000.

The decline in labor force participation for noncollege women partly reflects the declining labor force participation for mothers with children under 18 years of age . Other research has suggested that without federal paid parental and family leave benefits for parents, some women with less education may leave the labor force after having a baby.

In contrast, labor force participation for young women with a college degree has fully recovered from the recessions of the early 2000s. Today, 87% of college-educated young women are in the labor force, the highest estimate on record.

Young women without a college degree have steadily increased their work hours over the decades. The past 10 years in particular have seen a significant increase in the share of employed noncollege women working full time, full year (with the exception of 2021).

• In 2023, 69% of employed young women with a high school education worked full time, full year, up from 56% in 2014. This share is the highest it’s ever been.
• In 2023, 65% of employed women with some college worked full time, full year, up from 58% in 2014. This is among the highest levels ever.

The trend in the share working full time, full year has been similar for young women with college degrees. By 2023, 78% of these women worked full time, full year, the highest share it’s ever been.

Unlike young men, young women without a college education did not see their earnings fall between 1970 and 2000.

The 2001 recession and Great Recession also did not significantly impact the earnings of noncollege young women. In the past 10 years, their median earnings have trended upward.

• For young women with a high school diploma, median earnings reached $36,000 in 2023, up from $30,900 in 2014.
• For those with some college, median earnings rose to $40,000 in 2023 from $37,700 in 2014.

For young women with a college degree, median earnings rose steadily from the mid-1980s until the early 2000s. By 2003, they reached $62,100, but this declined to $55,200 by 2014. In the past 10 years, the median earnings of college-educated young women have risen, reaching $65,000 in 2023.

In the mid-1980s, the typical young woman with a college degree earned about 48% more than her counterpart with a high school diploma. The pay gap among women has widened since then, and by 2014, the typical college graduate earned 79% more than the typical high school graduate. The gap has changed little over the past 10 years.

Noncollege young women living independently from their parents have experienced large household income gains over the past 10 years, measured at the median.

• In 2023, young women with a high school diploma had a median household income of $61,600, up from $48,100 in 2014.
• The pattern is similar for young women with some college education. Their median income rose to $75,200 in 2023 from $64,600 in 2014.

The median household income for young women with a four-year college degree is significantly higher than it is for their counterparts without a degree. College-educated young women have made substantial gains in the past 10 years.

The income gap between young women with and without a college degree has widened over the decades. In 1980, the median household income of young women with a college degree was 50% higher than that of high school-educated women. By 2014, the income gap had grown to 139%. Today, the household income advantage of college-educated women stands at 121% ($136,000 vs. $61,600).

Poverty trends for young women mirror those for young men, although young women are overall more likely to be in poverty than young men. The past 10 years have resulted in a steep reduction in the share of noncollege women in poverty.

• Today, 21% of young women with a high school diploma are living in poverty. This is down from 31% in 2014.
• 15% of young women with some college education live in poverty, compared with 21% in 2014.
• Young women with a college degree are consistently far less likely than either group to be living in poverty (5% in 2023).

Along with young adults’ rising incomes over the past 10 years, there’s been a substantial increase in their wealth. This part of our analysis does not look at men and women separately due to limitations in sample size.

In 2022, households headed by a young high school graduate had a median net worth of $30,700, up from $12,700 in 2013. Those headed by a young adult with some college education had a median net worth of $52,900, up from $15,700 in 2013.

The typical wealth level of households headed by a young college graduate was $120,200 in 2022, up from $46,600 in 2013.

There has not been any significant narrowing of the wealth gap between young high school graduate and young college graduate households since 2013.

Wealth increased for Americans across age groups over this period due to several factors. Many were able to save money during the pandemic lockdowns. In addition, home values increased, and the stock market surged.

• Most of the analysis in this chapter is based on the Annual Social and Economic Supplement collected by the U.S. Census Bureau. Information on net worth is based on a Federal Reserve survey, which interviews fewer households. Due to this smaller sample size, the net worth of households headed by a young adult cannot be broken out by gender and education. ↩
• Bureau of Labor Statistics data indicates that the labor force participation rate for men ages 25 to 54 has been declining since 1953. ↩
• This analysis looks at the earnings of employed adults working full time, full year. This measure of earnings is not uncommon. For example, the National Center for Education Statistics publishes a series on the annual earnings of 25- to 34-year-olds working full time, full year. ↩
• Other studies using hourly wages rather than annual earnings find that the college wage premium has narrowed. For example, researchers at the San Francisco Federal Reserve report that the college wage gap peaked in the mid-2010s but declined by just 4 percentage points to about 75% in 2022. ↩

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