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How to write a teacher personal statement

Your personal statement is your first opportunity to show the school you’re a great fit for the job, and gets you closer to being shortlisted for an interview. The more you show how your skills and interests match the school’s ethos and values, the better. We’ve spoken to a range of teachers to get their top tips for success.

What experience do you have?

Schools want to hear about your trainee experience with different subjects, key stages, types of school, and working with a range of pupils.

Think about your approach to teaching, how you keep pupils engaged, and how you communicate with different kinds of people (children, staff, parents and carers). Ensure you provide evidence for how you have improved student engagement and built positive relationships with pupils.

Schools will be interested in your approach to behaviour management, so think about your go-to strategies.

Are you engaged in teaching theory and research?

Think about any research that has affected your teaching practice. Explain what has worked well and if it didn’t, what you learnt.

Are you up to date on safeguarding statutory guidance?

You need to demonstrate your awareness of the importance of safeguarding and the requirements of Keeping Children Safe in Education . Include any examples of how you worked with a Designated Safeguarding Lead.

What are your skills and qualities?

Are you a well-organised, confident, and motivated teacher? Say it, and provide examples! Schools are looking for great communicators, team players and relationship builders. Make sure you say how you create a positive learning environment, and consider skills like time management, organisation, and flexibility. Schools will also want to know how you overcome challenges.

How can you contribute to wider school life?

Set yourself apart by showing how your hobbies and achievements could contribute to the wider school community. Could you run an after school club or organise school trips?

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The Civil Service  Behaviours  are one element of the Success Profile. These are the things that people do that result in effective performance.  An example of a Civil Service behaviour is ‘Making Effective Decisions’.

For some jobs, you will be asked to consider the specific behaviours that are important for the job (these will be detailed in the job advert). Behaviours can be assessed in a number of ways and at various stages of the recruitment process.  At the application stage, you may be asked to give examples of how you have demonstrated a particular behaviour. This might be at work or somewhere else such as work experience, volunteering or in connection with a hobby.

How to provide evidence of a behaviour

Please take your time to read and understand the  Civil Service Behaviours .  This will provide you with an overview of the behaviours and give you a greater understanding of what we are looking for in the job. 

Think about everything you have done and achieved which relates to the specific behaviours you are being asked for. The more recent your examples the better, but you don’t necessarily have to make all your examples work-related. You can also include achievements from outside work, for example in a voluntary capacity. You must choose examples that enable you to describe specific things you did, not what your team did or what your work area did. Think of examples that: 

• clearly demonstrate the behaviour and the details that underpin it
• will allow you to explain in some detail what you personally did
• had positive results, although less successful examples can be used if you can demonstrate the lessons learned and how errors would be avoided in future

Using the  STAR model  (Situation, Task, Action, Result) may help you present your evidence.

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For some jobs, you will be asked to provide a CV (curriculum vitae) as part of your application. Here you can find information on how to write the best CV.

How to write your personal statement

For some jobs, you will be asked to provide a personal statement or statement of suitability. Here you can find information on how to show yourself in the best light.

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The recruitment process, and what evidence is asked for, varies depending on the job you are applying for. Here you can read about the different stages of recruitment.

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By Nik Taylor (Editor, The Uni Guide) | 18 August 2023 | 22 min read

How to write an excellent personal statement in 10 steps

Stand out from the crowd: here's how to write a good personal statement that will get you noticed

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Your personal statement forms a core part of your university application, and the sooner you get going, the better you can make it. You may think that your personal statement won’t matter as much to unis as your grades and experience but a great personal statement could make all the difference between you and a candidate with the same grades. Sure, your application might not reach that deal breaker stage. But is it something you want to leave to chance?  Here we’ll take you through the process of planning, writing and checking a good personal statement, so you end up with something you can submit with confidence. And to make sure the advice we're giving you is sound, we’ve spoken to admissions staff at loads of UK universities to get their view. Look out for video interviews and advice on applying for specific subjects throughout this piece or watch our personal statement playlist on YouTube .

• Are you looking for personal statement examples? Check our library of hundreds of real personal statements, on The Student Room

Personal statement deadlines

You'll need to make sure you've got your personal statement written well in advance of your application deadline. Below are the main university application deadline dates for 2024 entry.

2024 entry deadlines

16 October 2023: Deadline for applications to Oxford and Cambridge universities, along with most medicine, dentistry, and veterinary courses.   31 January 2024: Deadline for applications to the majority of undergraduate courses. After this date, universities will start allocating places on these courses –   but you can still apply after the 31 January deadline , as this article explains . 30 June 2024:  Students who apply after this date will be entered into Clearing .

• Read more: Ucas deadlines and key application dates

What is a personal statement?

A personal statement is a central part of your Ucas application, where you explain why you’ve chosen a particular course and why you’ll be good at it. It's your chance to stand out against other candidates and hopefully get that all-important offer. You only write one personal statement which is then read by each university you apply to, so if you are applying for more than one subject (or it's a combined course) it's crucial that you include common themes or reference the overall skills needed for all subjects. Personal statements are especially important if you’re trying to get on a very competitive course, where you need to do anything you can to stand out to admissions tutors. Courteney Sheppard, senior customer experience manager at Ucas, advises that your personal statement is "the only part of the application that you have direct control over. Do lots of research to demonstrate your passion, curiosity and drive to pursue your chosen subject." There’s a limit on how much you can write: your personal statement can be up to 4,000 characters (including spaces) or 47 lines of 95 characters (including spaces); whichever is shorter. This may appear generous (read: long) but once you've got going you may find yourself having to edit heavily.

• Read more: teacher secrets for writing a great personal statement

1. Plan what you want to cover

The first thing you need to do is make a plan. Writing a personal statement off the top of your head is difficult. Start by making some notes, answering the following questions:

• What do you want to study?
• Why do you want to study it?
• What is there about you that shows you’re suited to studying this subject at university? Think about your personality, as well as your experiences.
• What are your other interests and skills?

These few points are going to form the spine of your personal statement, so write them in a way that makes sense to you. You might want to make a simple bulleted list or you might want to get all arty and use a mindmap. Whatever you choose, your aim is the same. You want to get it clear in your own head why a university should offer you a place on its course. Getting those details down isn't always easy, and some people find it helpful to make notes over time. You might try carrying a notebook with you or set up a memo on your phone. Whenever you think of something useful for your personal statement, jot it down. Inspiration sometimes comes more easily when you’re thinking about something else entirely. It might help to take a look at The Student Room for some sample personal statements by university and sample personal statements by subjects , to give you an idea of the kind of thing you want to include. 

• Read more: personal statement FAQs

2. Show off your experience

Some things are worth adding to your personal statement, some things are not. Firmly in the second camp are your qualifications. You don’t need to mention these as there’s a whole other section of your personal statement where you get to detail them very precisely. Don’t waste a single character going on about how great your GCSE grades are – it’s not what the admissions tutor wants to read. What they do want to see is: what have you done? OK, so you’ve got some good grades, but so do a lot of other applicants. What have you done that’s different, that shows you off as someone who really loves the subject you’re applying for? Spend some time thinking about all the experience you have in that subject. If you’re lucky, this might be direct work experience. That’s going to be particularly appropriate if you’re applying for one of the more vocational subjects such as medicine or journalism . But uni staff realise getting plum work experience placements is easier for some people than others, so cast your net wider when you’re thinking about what you’ve done. How about after-school clubs? Debating societies? Are you running a blog or vlog? What key skills and experience have you picked up elsewhere (eg from hobbies) that could be tied in with your course choice? Remember, you’re looking for experience that shows why you want to study your chosen subject. You’re not just writing an essay about what you're doing in your A-level syllabus. Use this checklist as a guide for what to include:

• Your interest in the course. Why do you want to spend three years studying this subject at university?
• What have you done outside school or college that demonstrates this interest? Think about things like fairs/exhibitions, public lectures or voluntary work that is relevant to your subject.
• Relevant work experience (essential for the likes of medicine, not required for non-vocational courses such as English )
• Skills and qualities required for that career if appropriate (medicine, nursing and law as obvious examples)
• Interest in your current studies – what particular topics have made an impression on you?
• Any other interests/hobbies/experiences you wish to mention that are relevant either to the subject or 'going to uni'. Don't just list your hobbies, you need to be very selective and state clearly what difference doing these things has made to you.
• Plans for a gap year if you’re deferring entry.

Read more: 6 steps you need to take to apply to university

3. Be bold about your achievements

Don't be bashful about your achievements; that’s not going to help you get into uni. It's time to unleash your inner Muhammed Ali and get all “I am the greatest” with your writing. Do keep it focused and accurate. Do keep your language professional. But don’t hide your qualities beneath a layer of false modesty. Your personal statement is a sell – you are selling yourself as a brilliant student and you need to show the reader why that is true. This doesn’t come naturally to everyone, and if you’re finding it difficult to write about how great you are it’s time to enlist some help. Round up a friend or two, a family member, a teacher, whoever and get them to write down your qualities. Getting someone else’s view here can help you get some perspective. Don’t be shy. You are selling your skills, your experience and your enthusiasm – make sure they all leap off the screen with the way you have described them.

• Read more: the ten biggest mistakes when writing your personal statement  

4. How to start your personal statement

Type your personal statement in a cloud-based word processing program, such as Google Docs or Microsoft Word and don’t copy and paste it into Ucas Hub until it’s finished.  One of the benefits of doing it this way is that you can run spell check easily. (Please note, though, that Word adds "curly" quotation marks and other characters (like é or ü) that won't show up on your Ucas form, so do proofread it on Ucas Hub before submitting it to ensure it is how you typed it.)  Another big benefit is that you'll always have a backup of what you've written. If you're being super careful, you could always save your statement in another place as well. Bear in mind that extra spaces (eg adding spaces to the beginnings of paragraphs as indentation) are removed on Ucas. In your first sentence, cut to the chase. Why do you want to do the course? Don’t waste any time rambling on about the daydreams you had when you were five. Just be clear and concise – describe in one line why this course is so important to you. Then, in the rest of your intro, go into more detail in demonstrating your enthusiasm for the course and explaining how you decided this is what you want to do for the next three or more years. However you choose to start your statement, just avoid the following hoary old chestnuts. These have been some of the most used lines in personal statements over the years – they are beyond cliche, so don’t even think about it.

• From a young age I have (always) been [interested in/fascinated by]…
• For as long as I can remember, I have…
• I am applying for this course because… 
• I have always been interested in… 
• Throughout my life I have always enjoyed… 
• Reflecting on my educational experiences… 
• [Subject] is a very challenging and demanding [career/profession/course]… 
• Academically, I have always been… 
• I have always wanted to pursue a career in… 
• I have always been passionate about…   

5. Focus your writing on why you've chosen that subject

So you’ve got your intro done – time to nail the rest of it. Bear in mind that you’ve got to be a little bit careful when following a personal statement template. It’s easy to fall into the trap of copying someone else’s style, and in the process lose all of your own voice and personality from your writing. But there is a rough order that you can follow, which should help keep you in your flow. After your opening paragraph or two, get into any work experience (if you’ve got it). Talk about extracurriculars: anything you've done which is relevant to the subject can go here – hobbies, interests, volunteering. Touch on your career aspirations – where do you want this course to take you? Next, show your enthusiasm for your current studies. Cite some specific examples of current work that you enjoyed. Show off your relevant skills and qualities by explaining how you’ve used these in the past. Make sure you’re giving real-world examples here, not just vague assertions like “I’m really organised and motivated”. Try to use examples that are relevant.   Follow this up with something about you as a person. Talk about non-academic stuff that you like to do, but link it in some way with the course, or with how it shows your maturity for dealing with uni life. Round it all off by bringing your main points together, including a final emphasis of your commitment to studying this particular course.

• Read more: how to write your personal statement in an evening  

6. How long should a personal statement be?

You've got to work to a very specific limit when writing your personal statement. In theory you could use up to 4,000 characters – but you’re probably more likely to be limited by the line count. That's because it's a good idea to put line breaks in between your paragraphs (to make it more readable) and you only get a maximum of 47 lines. With this in mind, 3,500 characters is a more realistic limit. But when you’re getting started you should ignore these limits completely. At first, you just want to get down everything that you feel is important. You'll probably end up with something that is far too long, but that's fine. This is where you get to do some polishing and pruning. Keep the focus of your piece on the course you’re applying for, why you want to do it and why you’re perfectly suited to it. Look through what you’ve written so far – have you got the balance right? Chop out anything that goes on a bit, as you want each point to be snappy and succinct.

• Read more: universities reveal all about personal statements  

7. Keep it simple

8. Smart ways to end your personal statement

Writing a closing line that you’re happy with can feel as tricky as coming up with your opener. What you’re looking for here is a sign-off that is bold and memorable. The final couple of sentences in your statement give you the opportunity to emphasise all the good stuff you’ve already covered. Use this space to leave the reader in no doubt as to what an excellent addition you would be to their university. Pull together all your key points and – most importantly – address the central question that your personal statement should answer: why should you get a place on the course?

• Read more: universities explain how to end your personal statement with a bang  

9. Make sure your personal statement has no mistakes

Now you’ve got a personal statement you’re happy with, you need to make sure there are no mistakes. Check it, check it a second time, then check it again. Once you’ve done that, get someone else to check it, too. You will be doing yourself a massive disservice if you send through a personal statement with spelling and/or grammatical errors. You’ve got months to put this together so there really is no excuse for sending through something that looks like a rush job. Ask your teachers to look at it, and be prepared to accept their feedback without getting defensive. They will have seen many personal statements before; use what they tell you to make yours even better. You’ve also got another chance here to look through the content of your personal statement, so you can make sure the balance is right. Make sure your focus is very clearly on the subject you are applying for and why you want to study it. Don’t post your personal statement on the internet or social media where anyone can see it. You will get picked up by the Ucas plagiarism checker. Similarly, don't copy any that you find online. Instead, now is a good time to make your parents feel useful. Read your personal statement out to them and get them to give you feedback. Or try printing it out and mixing it up with a few others (you can find sample personal statements on The Student Room). Get them to read them all and then try to pick yours out. If they can't, perhaps there's not enough of your personality in there.  

10. Don't think about your personal statement for a whole week

If you followed the advice at the very start of this guide, you’ve started your personal statement early. Good job! There are months before you need to submit it. Use one of these weeks to forget about your personal statement completely. Get on with other things – anything you like. Just don’t go near your statement. Give it a whole week and then open up the document again and read through it with fresh eyes. You’ll gain a whole new perspective on what you’ve written and will be well placed to make more changes, if needed.

• Read more: how to write your personal statement when you have nothing interesting to say  

10 steps to your ideal personal statement

In summary, here are the ten steps you should follow to create the perfect personal statement.  

Personal statement dos and don'ts

• Remember that your personal statement is your personal statement, not an article written about your intended field of study. It should tell the reader about you, not about the subject.
• Only put in things that you’re prepared to talk about at the interviews.
• Give convincing reasons for why you want to study the course – more than just "enjoying the subject" (this should be a given).
• For very competitive courses, find out as much as you can about the nature of the course and try to make your personal statement relevant to this.
• Be reflective. If you make a point like 'I like reading', 'I travelled abroad', say what you got from it.
• Go through the whole thing checking your grammar and your spelling. Do this at least twice. It doesn’t matter if you’re not applying to an essay-based course – a personal statement riddled with spelling mistakes is just going to irritate the reader, which is the last thing you want to do. If this is something you find difficult then have someone look over it for you.
• Leave blank lines between your paragraphs. It’s easier for the reader to get through your personal statement when it’s broken into easily digestible chunks. Remember that they’re going to be reading a lot of these! Make yours easy to get through.
• Get someone else's opinion on your statement. Read it out to family or friends. Share it with your teacher. Look for feedback wherever you can find it, then act upon it.
• Don’t write it like a letter. Kicking off with a greeting such as "Dear Sir/Madam" not only looks weird, it also wastes precious space.
• Don’t make jokes. This is simply not the time – save them for your first night in the union.
• Don’t criticise your current school or college or try to blame teachers for any disappointing grades you might have got.
• Be afraid of details – if you want your PS to be personal to you that means explaining exactly which bits of work or topics or activities you've taken part in/enjoyed. It's much more compelling to read about one or two detailed examples than a paragraph that brushes over five or six.
• Just list what you're doing now. You should pull out the experiences that are relevant to the courses which you're applying to.
• Mention skills and activities without giving examples of when they have been demonstrated by you or what you learnt from them. Anyone can write "I have great leadership skills" in a PS, actually using a sentence to explain when you demonstrated good leadership skills is much rarer and more valuable.
• Refer to experiences that took place before your GCSEs (or equivalent).
• Give explanations about medical or mental health problems. These should be explained in your reference, not your PS.
• Apply for too many different courses, making it difficult to write a convincing personal statement which supports the application.
• Write a statement specific to just one institution, unless you're only applying to that one choice.
• Copy and paste the statement from somewhere else! This means do not plagiarise. All statements are automatically checked for plagiarism by Ucas. Those that are highlighted by the computer system are checked manually by Ucas staff. If you’re found to have plagiarised parts of your statement, the universities you apply to will be informed and it could jeopardise your applications.
• Use ChatGPT or another AI program to write your personal statement for you. Or, if you do, make sure you thoroughly edit and personalise the text so it's truly yours. Otherwise you're very much at risk of the plagiarism point above.

You may want to look at these...

How to write your university application.

Tips for writing your university application, including deadlines and personal statements

What to do if you miss the 25 January Ucas deadline and still want to apply to uni

How long does it take for universities to reply to your application?

It might feel like it's taking forever for your uni offers to come through. Find out what's going on, and when you should hear back

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How to write a personal statement

How to approach writing your personal statement for graduate applications.

If you’re applying for a grad course that requires a personal statement (sometimes also called a ‘statement of purpose’), it can be difficult to know where to start and what to include. Read on for tips from some of our masters’ students about their process and what they found helpful.

1. Before you start

The academic work is the most important reason why we’re here, but that also translates into work experiences, internships, volunteering. I think a big part of the personal statement is crafting that narrative of academic self that fits alongside your professional experiences, to give that greater picture of who you are as an academic. Lauren (MSc Modern Middle Eastern Studies)

Start by thinking about the skills, knowledge and interests you’ve acquired over time and how the course at Oxford will take them forward.

Your statement is the story you want to tell about yourself and your academic work to the department you are applying to.

Most of your application and its supporting documents communicate plain facts about your academic career so far. Your personal statement is your best opportunity to put these facts into context and show assessors how you’ve progressed and excelled.

Make sure you highlight evidence of your achievements (a high grade in a relevant area, an award or scholarship, a research internship).

Presenting yourself

When I was writing my personal statement, I went onto my course website. I looked at what they emphasised and what kind of students they were looking for, and I wrote about my experiences based on that. Kayla (MSc in Clinical Embryology)

Make it easy for an assessor to see how you meet the entry requirements for the course (you can find these on each course page ).

Don’t make any assumptions about what Oxford is looking for!

Get to know your department

You want to study this particular subject and you want to study at Oxford (you’re applying here, so we know that!) but why is Oxford the right place for you to study this subject? What interests or qualities of the academic department and its staff make it attractive to you?

Use your academic department’s website for an overview of their research, academic staff and course information (you'll find a link to the department's own website on each course page ).

I said, ‘why do I actually want to be here? What is it about being at Oxford that’s going to get me to what I want to do? Sarah (Bachelor of Civil Law)

Talk it out

Talking to others about your statement can be a great way to gather your ideas and decide how you’d like to approach it. Sarah even managed to get benefit out of this approach by herself:

“I spent a lot of time talking out loud. My written process was actually very vocal, so I did a lot of talking about myself in my room.”

2. The writing process

Know your format.

Make sure you’ve read all the guidance on the How to Apply section of your course page , so you know what’s needed in terms of the word count of the final statement, what it should cover and what it will be assessed for. This should help you to visualise roughly what you want to end up with at the end of the process.

Make a start

When it comes to writing your personal statement, just getting started can be the hardest part.

One good way to get around writer’s block is to just put it all down on the page, like Mayur.

First - write down anything and everything. In the first round, I was just dumping everything - whatever I’ve done, anything close to computer science, that was on my personal statement. Mayur (MSc Computer Science)

You’ll be editing later anyway so don’t let the blank page intimidate you - try writing a little under each of the following headings to get started:

• areas of the course at Oxford that are the most interesting to you
• which areas you’ve already studied or had some experience in
• what you hope to use your Oxford course experience for afterwards.

3. Finishing up

Get some feedback.

Once you’ve got a draft of about the right length, ask for feedback on what you’ve written. It might take several drafts to get it right.

This could involve getting in touch with some of your undergraduate professors to ask them to read your draft and find any areas which needed strengthening.

You could also show it to people who know you well, like family or friends.

Because they’re the first people to say, ‘Who is that person?’ You want the people around you to recognise that it really sounds like you. It can be scary telling family and friends you’re applying for Oxford, because it makes it real, but be brave enough to share it and get feedback on it. Sarah (Bachelor of Law)

Be yourself

Finally - be genuine and be yourself. Make sure your personal statement represents you, not your idea about what Oxford might be looking for.

We have thousands of students arriving every year from a huge range of subjects, backgrounds, institutions and countries (you can hear from a few more of them in our My Oxford interviews).

Get moving on your application today

To find out more about supporting documents and everything else you need to apply, read your course page and visit our Application Guide .

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Tips for writing your personal statement

How to write a personal statement it's difficult to know where to begin. get hints and tips on structure, content and what not to write from a university expert..

• An insider's view
• What admissions tutors look for

Structuring and preparing your personal statement

What to write in a personal statement, examples to avoid, an insider’s view .

Personal statements may seem formulaic, but they can be critical to the decision-making process, and admissions tutors do read them.

If you’re applying for a high-demand course, your personal statement could be the deciding factor on whether or not you get an interview.

The Director of Marketing and Student Recruitment at the University of Gloucestershire , James Seymour, shares some top tips on how to write a personal statement.

What makes a good personal statement?

This is your chance to demonstrate your enthusiasm and commitment and show us what value you can add to a university. In the vast majority of cases, universities are finding ways to make you an offer, not reject you – the personal statement is your chance to make this decision easier for them!

First, you need to explain why you want a place on a course. Take a look at James’ tips on what you should include:

• Explain the reason for your choice and how it fits in with your aspirations for the future
• Give examples of any related academic or work experience
• Show you know what the course will involve and mention any special subjects you’re interested in
• Demonstrate who you are by listing any positions you’ve held, memberships of teams or societies, and interests and hobbies
• Show consistency in your five UCAS choices. It may be difficult for an admissions tutor to take you seriously if your other choices, and references to them, are totally different. If your choices are different, you should explain this in your statement. The UCAS form is blind. Admissions tutors don’t know the other universities you’ve applied to, or your priorities, but you should still be consistent
• Keep it clear and concise – UCAS admissions are increasingly paperless – so most admissions tutors/officers will read your statement onscreen

Explain what you can bring to a course and try not to just list experiences, but describe how they have given you skills that will help you at university.

Don’t just say: I am a member of the college chess club. I also play the clarinet in the orchestra.

When you could say: I have developed my problem-solving skills through playing chess for the college; this requires concentration and analytical thought. I am used to working as part of a team as I play clarinet in the college orchestra and cooperate with others to achieve a finished production.

• Applying to university and UCAS deadlines
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What will admissions tutors look for in your personal statement?

To decide if you’re the right fit, universities and colleges are interested in how you express your academic record and potential. This should be backed up by your reference.

Those working in admissions look for evidence of:

• Motivation and commitment
• Leadership, teamwork and communication
• Research into your chosen subject
• Any relevant key skills

Admissions tutors aren't seeking Nobel laureates. They’re looking for enthusiasm for the course being applied for, and self-reflection into why you’d be suitable to study it. What value could you add to the course? Where would you like to go once you graduate?

Ben, the Admissions Manager for Law at the University of Birmingham , shared with us what he expects applicants to tell him in their personal statement:

The personal statement is not only an excellent opportunity to showcase applicants individual skills, knowledge, and achievements, but it also provides us with an insight into the type of student they aspire to be and how they could fit into the academic community. Ben Atkins, Law Admissions Manager at University of Birmingham

Real-life example: the good

Real-life example: the not-so-good

• How to make your personal statement stand out

You could have excellent experiences, but if they’re arranged in a poorly-written statement then the impact will be reduced. So, it’s important to plan your statement well.

A well-written personal statement with a clearly planned and refined structure will not only make the information stand out, but it’ll demonstrate you have an aptitude for structuring written pieces of work – a crucial skill needed for many university courses.

You can use it for other things too, such as gap year applications, jobs, internships, apprenticeships and keep it on file for future applications.

There's no one ‘correct’ way to structure your personal statement. But it’s a good idea to include the following:

• A clear introduction, explaining why you want to study the course
• Around 75% can focus on your academic achievements, to prove how you’re qualified to study it
• Around 25% can be about any extracurricular activity, to show what else makes you suitable
• A clear conclusion
• How to start a personal statement

Your personal statement is your chance to really show why you deserve a place on your chosen course. 

Remember to keep these in mind:

• Be clear and concise – the more concentrated the points and facts, the more powerful
• Use positive words such as achieved, developed, learned, discovered, enthusiasm, commitment, energy, fascination…
• Avoid contrived or grandiose language. Instead use short, simple sentences in plain English
• Insert a personal touch if possible, but be careful with humour and chatty approaches
• Use evidence of your learning and growth (wherever possible) to support claims and statements
• Plan the statement as you would an essay or letter of application for a job/scholarship
• Consider dividing the statement into five or six paragraphs, with headings if appropriate
• Spelling and grammar DO matter – draft and redraft as many times as you must and ask others to proofread and provide feedback
• For 2022 – 23 applications, refer to the challenges you've faced during the pandemic in a positive way

Don’t 

• Over-exaggerate
• Come across as pretentious
• Try to include your life history
• Start with: "I’ve always wanted to be a..."
• Use gimmicks or quotations, unless they're very relevant and you deal with them in a way that shows your qualities
• Be tempted to buy or copy a personal statement – plagiarism software is now very sophisticated and if you're caught out you won’t get a place
• Make excuses about not being able to undertake activities/gain experience – focus on what you were able to do positively, e.g. as a result of coronavirus

For further details, read our detailed guide on  what to include in a personal statement  and the best things to avoid.

Note that if you decide to reapply for university the following year, it's a good idea to consider making some changes to your personal statement. Mention why you took a year off and talk about what skills you've learnt. If you're applying for a completely different subject, you'll need to make more changes.

James gives us real-life examples of things to avoid:

I enjoy the theatre and used to go a couple of times a year. (Drama)

I am a keen reader and am committed to the study of human behaviour through TV soaps!

I have led a full life over the last 18 years and it is a tradition I intend to continue.

I describe myself in the following two words: 'TO ODIN!' the ancient Viking war cry. (Law)

My favourite hobby is bee-keeping and I want to be an engineer.

My interest in Medicine stems from my enjoyment of Casualty and other related TV series.

I have always had a passion to study Medicine, failing that, Pharmacy. (A student putting Pharmacy as her fifth choice after four medical school choices – Pharmacy can be just as popular and high status as Medicine.)

Some final advice

Above all, remember that a personal statement is your opportunity to convince a university why it should offer you a place. So, make it compelling and there’s a much higher chance they will.

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• UCAS Personal Statements Are Changing in 2025

Last Updated: 16th January 2023

Author: Matthew Amalfitano-Stroud

Table of Contents

It was announced by UCAS in January of 2023 that traditional Personal Statements will be removed from the university application process in the UK. 

Since 1993, UCAS has required university applicants in the UK to submit a 4,000-character Personal Statement during the application process, which would then be accessed by university admissions teams to assist in the shortlisting process. 

However, it has been confirmed by UCAS that this process will be changing as soon as 2025. Here, we dissect the announcement, discuss what we currently know about this change and explain how this could affect your university application. Let’s begin:  

In short, this is what you need to know:

• UCAS Personal Statements are being replaced by a multi-question survey that gives applicants the chance to explain various aspects of their application.
• This change could be implemented as early as the 2025 admissions cycle for 2026 Entry in the UK.
• This will affect all applicants, both home and internationals, looking to attend a UK university in 2026 and beyond.
• Students will need to learn how to take on these new questions rather than traditional Personal Statement writing.
• Teachers will need to be prepared to do research on this new system and provide support for students in order to maximise their chances of success.
• We at UniAdmissions are keeping a very close eye on the situation and will update this guide as new information surfaces. We will also ensure that our support systems are up-to-date and effective at helping students through these changes.

What are Personal Statements Being Replaced with?

With the announcement that the current system for UCAS Personal Statements will be getting replaced, it is only natural to be asking what will be replacing it. Thankfully, we have already been given some idea of what to expect. 

Unlike the other major shake-up to the 2024 admission process, the removal of various admissions tests including the BMAT , the official announcement has provided us with an explanation of what UCAS is seeking to implement instead of traditional Personal Statements. 

Put simply, the current format of providing a 4,000-character piece of writing will be replaced with a series of specific questions which applicants must answer. These questions will still allow you to write your answers out, but you will be answering set questions instead of having to plan and structure a full statement from scratch. 

The specifics of this system have not been announced yet, including the number of questions and the character limits. We also don’t know what the questions will be yet as they are still being developed. However, we do know the key areas that these questions will focus on (all points are taken directly from the UCAS report): 

• Motivation for Course – Why do you want to study these courses?
• Preparedness for Course – How has your learning so far helped you to be ready to succeed on these courses?
• Preparation through other experiences – What else have you done to help you prepare, and why are these experiences useful?
• Extenuating circumstances – Is there anything that the universities and colleges need to know about, to help them put your achievements and experiences so far into context?
• Preparedness for study – What have you done to prepare yourself for student life?
• Preferred Learning Styles – Which learning and assessment styles best suit you – how do your courses choices match that?

Of course, this is all subject to change as UCAS is still actively working with universities to determine what they want most from applicants. However, it seems that they are aiming to cover the same ground as traditional Personal Statements while also allowing applicants to discuss more personal factors such as motivation, preference and extenuating circumstances. 

At UniAdmissions, we ensure all of our students receive the most up-to-date support.

At UniAdmissions, we’re working tirelessly to ensure that our tutors, curriculum and resources are ready to get our students through these changes. You can join them today and ensure you get the support you need to make it through the 2024 admissions cycle . 

Discover our Oxbridge Premium Programmes below and find out how you can enrol and triple your chances of success .

When Are UCAS Personal Statements Being Replaced?

The initial announcement stated that these reforms to the Personal Statement system will be introduced in the 2024 admissions cycle for 2025 entry. However, UCAS have since gone back on this and delayed the change to as early as 2025 (for 2026 Entry). However, this change could also occur the following year for 2027 Entry. 

UniAdmissions contacted UCAS directly to confirm if a date had been set for the implementation of the new Personal Statement format. The representative stated the following: 

The current discussion around the Personal Statement changes are to improve the application process for all applicants. At the moment the earliest this change would take place is in the 2026 application cycle. There won't be any changes this year. UCAS Representative

It’s worth mentioning that these plans have been in place for a fair amount of time, with discussions of reforming the application process starting in April 2021. However, this change still won’t be implemented for another year, so applicants applying for 2025 (and potentially 2026) Entry will still need to submit a traditional Personal Statement. 

Why Are UCAS Personal Statements Being Removed?

The announcement of these reforms was made on January 12th 2023 via a blog post on the official HEPI website. This post highlights the amendments being made to the Personal Statement process and the research that was conducted to influence this change.  

Interestingly, the data quoted in this post states that the majority of applicants surveyed were happy with the current Personal Statement process, with 72% feeling positive about it. However, the same survey indicated that 83% of applicants found the process stressful and 79% felt unable to complete theirs without support. This is the data that most likely influenced the changes. 

The post’s writer, Kim Eccleston, states that they are aiming to provide better support for both applicants and universities, creating “a more supportive framework” that allows applicants to write about what the universities need to know in a less restrictive way. It is also stated in a more detailed outline of the announcement that both students and teachers preferred the use of specific questions instead of free-form writing. 

However, a previous post released in November 2022 provides even more insight into the reasoning behind this decision. Based on data featured in HEPI Debate Paper 31 , various industry professionals had commented on the challenges facing applicants of certain background when it comes to the current style of Personal Statement. 

Within the quotes featured here, the traditional UCAS Personal Statement was described as “ambiguous” , “unfair” and “barometers of middle-class privilege” . These comments may potentially be in reference to the current importance of work experience, which can be difficult to obtain without connections in certain industries, as well as additional experiences which may not be available to all applicants.  

Therefore, this new system should presumably reduce the barriers for disadvantaged applicants by shifting focus to each individual’s own interest and abilities within their chosen subjects. 

Other Changes being Made by UCAS

Personal Statements are only one of five key areas being altered by UCAS, as highlighted in the blog post. This is certainly the most significant action taking place, but other changes to the application process include: 

• Academic references are being reformed, moving from a free-text approach to a set of three questions, similar to the Personal Statement reforms.
• The 'Entry Grade Report' will be created, which allows applicants to see grade profiles that have been accepted for courses over a five year period.
• A 'Course Recommendation Tool' is being created to provide applicants with personalised suggestions for courses based on their current grades and preferences.
• A 'Fair Access Programme' is being created to encourage widening access and participation.

Overall, it seems these changes all have the same intent; to level the playing field and make university applications more achievable for everyone. 

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How will this affect my university application?

As previously stated, if you are applying to university this year for 2025 Entry, you will not be affected by these reforms and will need to submit a traditional Personal Statement to UCAS like previous years. 

For applicants applying for 2026/27 Entry and beyond, your application will follow this new process, meaning you won’t have to submit a full Personal Statement but will instead need to answer a series of questions relating to your application and abilities for your chosen course. 

When hearing that the whole process will be changing, this typically instils a feeling of dread as you’ll be treading new ground that no one else has experienced before. However, it’s important to understand that UCAS states these changes are being made for the benefit of both the applicants and the universities. 

As we’ve already discussed, a key part of the reason this change is being implemented is that a high percentage of applicants found writing a traditional Personal Statement stressful, which is counterintuitive to what UCAS is trying to achieve. By providing applicants with a strong framework, in the form of specific questions, this new process should allow more applicants to provide better quality statements for universities. 

This change is also set to be particularly beneficial to those from disadvantaged backgrounds, as the process will allow them to better express their ability regardless of any areas that may be lacking due to factors out of their control. Essentially, the new process should allow more people to stand a better chance of making a good impression despite limitations. 

How Can I Start Preparing?

If you’re starting your preparations early, the main barrier you’ll face at this stage of preparation is not knowing what the questions will be, as they have yet to be announced. There are no resources available currently that cover this system, so you’re going to have to be independent with your preparation here.

Since we have a rough outline of what the questions to focus on, you should still be able to practice your responses. Although they won’t be as relevant any more, it would still be helpful to check out Personal Statement guides and examples as these can help you pin down the language and writing style you use. 

With all this information now available to us, you should be able to get a sense of what to do for your application in the coming years. The initial introduction of this system in 2024 will act as a test of its effectiveness, so elements could be changed in the years following. However, the important thing is that you understand how things are changing from the current system and how you can make the most of the new system. 

If you are applying for university in 2023 for 2024 Entry, you will need to make sure you’re ready to write your Personal Statement. Thankfully, UniAdmissions have plenty of resources to help you through it, including our Ultimate UCAS Personal Statement Guide and our collection of successful Oxbridge Personal Statements . 

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Blog BEIS Digital

https://beisdigital.blog.gov.uk/2023/03/10/the-art-of-applying-to-the-civil-service/

• The art of applying to the Civil Service

BEIS is changing, find out how by reading about the work in the 3 new departments . We'll continue using this blog for updates on our digital work for now. 

Hello, I am Enrico D’Annunzio (he/him) the People and Development lead here in our Digital team.

As you may have seen in the news, BEIS is splitting up. Alongside the new-look Department for Business and Trade, we’re also creating two new departments: the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero, and the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology.

All BEIS Digital’s work is continuing, and there’s going to be a lot of demand for digital skills in the new departments.

I’m going share with you some of my tips on how to apply for a job in the Civil Service, hopefully helping you apply for some of the fantastic opportunities we have available.

Joining the Civil Service

I am relatively new to the Civil Service, joining in 2021 after working as an agency recruiter in the private sector. When I began applying for roles in the Civil Service I was fascinated by the process and how it differed from the countless companies I had recruited for.

The Civil Service recruits using a process called Success Profiles . This is just a different way of looking at candidates that means we can assess your application with a wider lens. It takes your transferable skills into account, rather than just your direct work experience.

Transferable skills for digital roles can be assessed through looking at things such as what you do at work, your abilities and potential abilities, and your strengths.

The Digital, Data and Technology profession

Roles that are part of the Digital, Data and Technology (DDaT) profession in the Civil Service have a defined set of skills outlined by the DDaT Profession Capability Framework .

Roles on the framework will have a list of skills needed to work in each role and a brief description of what they mean. We are transparent about the skills required for each role so you can be confident that you are applying for a job that matches your skills.

For example, a Data Analyst will require the skill of data management – understanding data sources, data organisation and data storage. You can see how the same role uses the same skills at different levels at https://www.gov.uk/guidance/data-analyst.

Tips on applying for a digital job

1) keep a bank of examples.

I have a section at the back of my note pad where I jot down things I do at work that make me think “this would be a great interview example”.

We have all been there when we are writing a job application or sitting in an interview and struggle to think of a good example - even though we know we have done this task hundreds or even thousands of times!

Keeping a log of these is a fail-safe way to look back and reflect on the good work you have done, and then pick the best examples for your application or interview.

You can look at skills required for your role in the DDaT framework and use these skills as the skeleton for your example bank.

2) Personal statement

Most of our applications will require a personal statement. You might also see it called a cover letter or suitability statement.

When writing a statement, tailor it to the role you are applying for. The best way to tailor your statement is to address each essential skill outlined on the job advertisement and let us know how your transferable skills and/or experience make you the right person for the role.

Check the key skills for your role in the DDaT framework looping in key skills noted on the framework for your role into your statement.

I have read many amazing personal statements during my time as a recruiter, I love to hear all about the amazing skills and experience people have. However, personal statements that are curated and address the skills outlined on the job advert stand out.

3) Essential skills

When looking at a job advert or writing a personal statement or CV you should always look through the essential skills and explain how you can demonstrate these.

It might surprise you that a role maybe two grades above you can be a great match based on essential skills. This has happened to me before - it was great to be assessed on my skills rather than my “time in role”.

4) STAR method

The STAR method is a way of structuring the examples you give at interview. It stands for Situation, Tasks, Action and Results.

It’s a fantastic way to articulate an example in a clear and concise way allowing those on the interview panel to easily mark how you have addressed the question.

Read more information on the STAR method and how to answer interview questions .

All the best for your future applications and please keep an eye on our LinkedIn page for candidate application sessions we run virtually!

These sessions cover what we have noted above in more detail and give you the opportunity to ask any questions you may have about the application process.

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• Education, training and skills
• Responses to post-inspection surveys: inspections and visits between 1 April 2023 and 31 March 2024

Methodology: Responses to post-inspection surveys: inspections and visits between 1 April 2023 and 31 March 2024

Published 28 June 2024

Applies to England

© Crown copyright 2024

This publication is licensed under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3 or write to the Information Policy Team, The National Archives, Kew, London TW9 4DU, or email: [email protected] .

Where we have identified any third party copyright information you will need to obtain permission from the copyright holders concerned.

This publication is available at https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/responses-to-post-inspection-surveys-inspections-and-visits-between-1-april-2023-and-31-march-2024/methodology-responses-to-post-inspection-surveys-inspections-and-visits-between-1-april-2023-and-31-march-2024

Introduction

This document contains methodology and quality information relevant to our official statistics in development release of ‘Responses to post-inspection surveys: inspections and visits’ data, which we intend to publish once a year.

Methodology

We invite leaders of state-funded schools, independent schools and further education and skills, early years and social care providers to complete the post-inspection survey when they receive the final version of their inspection report.

The post-inspection survey information helps us to keep improving. The insights from survey responses:

• give individual inspectors first-hand feedback from providers on the quality of their work and help them in their own personal development
• give managers information relating to direct line management groups that helps them to improve the quality of inspection, inspectors and inspection reports
• allow strategic high-level monitoring of providers’ views regarding the quality of inspection

The survey supports our policy and framework decisions and operational planning. More broadly, it also gives us insights into the impact of our work and relationship with the sectors.

The survey is voluntary. We do not oblige schools or providers to complete it.

The survey is not anonymous. As outlined above, we use the data to provide first-hand feedback to inspectors and their managers that otherwise would not be available to us.

The survey contains questions about the school or provider’s inspection experience and several statements. Respondents are requested to read each statement and select one of the options according to how strongly they agree or disagree with the statement.

We have provided a separate data release for each remit. They give a summary of the number of responses for all the statements where the school or provider chooses to ‘strongly agree’, ‘agree’, ‘disagree’ or ‘strongly disagree’, or responds ‘don’t know’ (where applicable). We also present the percentage of providers that strongly agree or agree to each statement.

Responses to the survey shown by schools and providers’ overall effectiveness outcome are on a separate tab. Where there is no full overall outcome, for example in an ungraded inspection of a good or outstanding school, we have given details of responses.

To calculate response rates to the survey, we have divided the total number of survey responses received by the relevant number of inspections or visits in the time period.

For state-funded schools, where there has been most external interest, we include weighting in our reporting. This weighting accounts for the varying response rates across different inspection outcomes. We welcome views about this and whether this is useful. Details of the weighting methodology are available in the latest state-funded survey data release.

Official statistics in development

The Office for Statistics Regulation ( OSR ) regulates our statistical practice.

OSR sets the standards of trustworthiness, quality and value in the Code of Practice for Statistics that all producers of official statistics should comply with.

We have produced this data as official statistics in development . These are official statistics that are being developed; they are existing statistics that are being produced in line with the standards of trustworthiness, quality and value in the Code of Practice for Statistics. We aim to develop these statistics so that they can, eventually, be produced to the standards of the Code.

You are welcome to contact us directly at [email protected] with any comments about how we meet these standards.

Over the next 6 months, we will review any feedback we receive on this data release. We will use this feedback:

• to assess whether to continue to publish these statistics
• to evaluate whether the statistics should be published as official statistics

Alternatively, you can contact OSR by emailing [email protected] or through the OSR website.

Applying the Code of Practice

This section is broken down by the 3 pillars of the Code of Practice for Statistics :

• trustworthiness

Trustworthiness

Timeliness and punctuality.

We currently publish data once a year. We include details of inspections that we have carried out within the reporting period.

We publish data at 9.30am on the date pre-announced in the publication schedule.

You can also find information on any delay in publication on the publication schedule.

The average production time for this official statistics release is approximately 3 months after the last inspection in the financial year. This time covers:

• obtaining and cleaning the data
• drafting findings
• quality assuring all outputs
• receiving internal sign-off
• uploading the information to GOV.UK

On the day that we publish the statistics, we announce it on our social media channels. We give pre-release access in accordance with the Pre-release to Official Statistics Order (2008).

Accuracy and reliability

We get information on responses, inspections and outcomes from our administrative systems. We aim to produce the highest-quality statistics. However, sometimes the data on the administrative system is different from the data on published inspection reports. This could be due, for example, to changes during the quality assurance process. If the data recorded on the system affects reporting, we will provide a note in the release.

Technical production

Technical production of the official statistics publication may also result in manual errors. We use a rigorous procedure for assuring data quality so we can minimise the risk of reporting errors. If we discover an error in the document, we place a note on the website and upload a corrected version of the document as soon as possible.

Read more information on issues relating to using administrative data .

Data obtained from other sources

We do not use data from external sources in this publication.

Information in this release has the following distinct purposes:

• it allows sector leaders, families and providers to see the feedback we received from our post-inspection surveys
• it allows media outlets to use our key findings to inform the public about the feedback we received from our post-inspection surveys
• it allows Ofsted staff to use our key findings to inform inspection framework development and underpin policies to improve standards

The data included in the release is generated by our inspection process and is, therefore, administrative data.

Accessibility and clarity

We publish our releases in an accessible format on GOV.UK. The information is publicly available, and there are no restrictions on access to the published data. Each release includes all responses received for inspections taking place in the financial year. The aim of the data is to keep users informed of the feedback that we receive about our inspection.

Each release includes underlying supporting data in an accessible format, to allow users to perform their own analysis. Users may use and reuse this information (not including logos) free of charge in any format or medium, under the terms of the Open Government Licence.

Performance, cost and burden on respondents

There is no burden on respondents in relation to this statistics release because data is a by-product of Ofsted’s inspection process. The only cost is the internal resource involved in collating the release.

Assessment of users’ needs and perceptions

We will review these official statistics in development to ensure that they meet users’ needs.

We welcome feedback about our statistical releases. If you have any comments, questions or suggestions, please contact [email protected] .

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2023 Report on International Religious Freedom: China (Includes Hong Kong, Macau, Tibet, and Xinjiang)

• Read a Section: China

Hong Kong | Macau | Tibet | Xinjiang

• EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Reports on Hong Kong, Macau, Tibet, and Xinjiang are appended at the end of this report.

The constitution of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which cites the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), states that citizens “enjoy freedom of religious belief” but limits protections for religious practice to “normal religious activities” without defining “normal.” The government recognizes five official religions: Buddhism, Taoism, Islam, Protestantism, and Catholicism. Only religious groups belonging to one of the five state-sanctioned “patriotic religious associations” representing these religions are permitted to register with the government and are officially permitted to hold worship services. Regulations require clergy to pledge allegiance to the CCP and socialism and to “resist illegal religious activities and religious extremist ideology, and resist infiltration by foreign forces using religion.” On September 1, new administrative measures took effect requiring monasteries, churches, mosques, temples, and other “places of religious activity” to uphold the leadership of the CCP, implement “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics,” and promote the “Sinicization” of religion. The measures also stipulate that the content of sermons should both reflect “socialist core values” and be integrated with “traditional Chinese culture.”

The law bans religious or spiritual groups that the government considers to be “cults” or promote heterodox teachings. Laws ban unauthorized domestically generated online religious content and prohibit overseas organizations and individuals from operating online religious information services in the country without a permit. National law prohibits organizations or individuals from interfering with the state educational system for minors, effectively barring individuals younger than 18 from participating in most religious activities or receiving religious education.

The government continued to assert control over religious groups and to restrict the activities and personal freedom of religious adherents it perceived as threatening state or CCP interests, according to religious groups, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and international media reports. NGOs and media outlets continued to report deaths in custody and that the government tortured, physically abused, arrested, disappeared, detained, sentenced to prison, subjected to forced indoctrination in CCP ideology, and harassed adherents of both registered and unregistered religious groups for activities related to their religious beliefs and practices. Due to a lack of transparency regarding law enforcement’s persecution of religious followers, estimates of those imprisoned during the year for their religious beliefs ranged from the low thousands to more than 10,000. NGOs reported that some previously detained individuals were denied freedom of movement even after their release. The Dui Hua (Dialogue) Foundation’s Political Prisoner Database said that as of December 31, authorities held 2,772 prisoners on charges of “organizing/using a cult to undermine implementation of the law.”

According to Minghui , a Falun Gong-affiliated publication, 188 Falun Gong adherents died during the year as a result of persecution. Minghui also reported that during the year authorities imprisoned 755 Falun Gong practitioners, arrested 3,457, and harassed 2,749 others, with harassment and arrests increasing around politically sensitive events. In March, the New York City Bar Association published a report that found there was “ample evidence China continues to engage in forced organ harvesting of prisoners of conscience.” NGOs reported that the government continued to pressure unregistered religious groups to join state-sanctioned patriotic religious associations or disband, subjecting their leaders to arrests and harassment. The unregistered Church of Almighty God (CAG) reported that during the year, the government arrested at least 12,463 members in large-scale raids conducted in multiple provinces, imprisoned at least 2,207, and subjected at least 5,832 to torture or forced indoctrination. According to the CAG, at least 20 members died as a result of persecution. NGOs reported authorities raided Protestant house churches and detained and arrested members for conducting “illegal religious activities.” Authorities continued to severely restrict Muslims from participating in the Hajj.

The government continued its multiyear campaign of “Sinicization” to bring all religious doctrine and practice in line with CCP doctrine, which included requiring clergy of all faiths to attend political indoctrination sessions, suggesting content for sermons that emphasized loyalty to the CCP and the state, and pushing for the “harmonization” of religion with a Han-centric conception of Chinese traditional culture. There were reports authorities continued to remove “Arab” architectural features such as domes and minarets from Hui mosques in multiple provinces. Authorities continued to require CCP members and members of the armed forces to be atheists and forbade them to engage in religious practices. Leaders of the state-sanctioned religious groups and government officials worked together to inculcate religious personnel with party ideology and to eliminate and, in some instances, defrock “dissident” clergy whom authorities deem insufficiently “patriotic.” The government prosecuted unregistered clergy for “fraud.” In some instances, it withheld social welfare benefits from individuals who refused to reject folk religions. The government continued its campaign against religious groups it characterized as “cults,” including the CAG and Falun Gong, and it conducted propaganda campaigns aimed at school-age children against xie jiao (literally “heterodox teachings”).

According to reports, the government maintained a near-ubiquitous system of high-technology surveillance of religious sites and expanded use of local party cadres to surveil neighbors and report “cult-related activities, illegal preaching, and other political and security risks.” Authorities blocked religious websites and censored religious content from the popular messaging service WeChat. Authorities continued to restrict the printing and distribution of the Bible, the Quran, and other religious literature and penalized businesses that copied and published religious materials. One human rights group said local officials commonly treated unauthorized religious and “superstitious” books, including unauthorized versions of Bibles, the same as pornography with regard to penalties for their production, distribution, and possession. During the year, the government raided and outlawed house church schools, academies, and summer camps in rural and urban parts of the country.

NGOs and individuals reported that authorities conducted physical and digital surveillance overseas on Falun Gong adherents, Uyghur Muslims and other Muslims and members of religious minority groups from Xinjiang, and Tibetan Buddhists and harassed, detained, or otherwise persecuted their family members in China. They pressured members of religious minority groups living overseas to spy on fellow expatriates. Authorities sought the refoulement of Uyghurs from foreign countries, and pressured members of other religious minority groups to return to China.

The two-year provisional agreement on the appointment of bishops between the government and the Holy See, originally signed in 2018 and renewed in 2020 and 2022, remained in effect through October 2024. Some Catholic Church leaders viewed the agreement as an exception to government regulations prohibiting foreign involvement in religion. During the year, the Holy See publicly indicated the PRC had violated the agreement on multiple occasions, with the Holy See Foreign Minister-equivalent saying Holy See diplomats were attempting to negotiate “improvements.” On April 4, PRC authorities unilaterally transferred Bishop Joseph Shen Bin from the Haimen Diocese in Jiangsu Province to serve as bishop of the vacant Shanghai Diocese, without Vatican consultation or concurrence. In July, the Pope officially approved Shen Bin’s appointment but the Vatican’s Prime Minister-equivalent said the PRC’s unilateral action “seems to disregard the spirit of dialogue and cooperation” of the bishops agreement.

Christians, Muslims, Tibetan Buddhists, and Falun Gong practitioners reported societal discrimination in employment, housing, and business opportunities. Media outlets observed a rise in antisemitic rhetoric on Chinese social media following the October 7 Hamas terrorist attack on Israel.

The U.S. Secretary of State, the U.S. Ambassador to the PRC, and other senior State Department officials, as well as U.S. embassy and consulate general representatives, issued public statements, including via social media, supporting religious freedom and condemning the PRC’s abuses of the rights of members of religious minority groups in the country, including in Tibet, Xinjiang, and Hong Kong. On November 15, during a Summit meeting with President Xi, the U.S. President directly raised concerns regarding PRC human rights abuses, including in Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong. The Secretary of State, U.S. Ambassador, and other embassy and consulate general officials met with a range of government officials to advocate greater religious freedom and tolerance and for the release of individuals imprisoned for religious reasons. The Ambassador and other embassy and consulate general officials met with members of registered and unregistered religious groups, family members of religious prisoners, NGOs, and others to reinforce U.S. support for religious freedom.

On August 22, the Secretary of State announced visa restrictions against unnamed PRC government officials “for their involvement in the forcible assimilation of more than one million Tibetan children in government-run boarding schools.” On December 8, the U.S. Treasury Department sanctioned two Chinese nationals under the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act for their connection to serious human rights abuses in Xinjiang, and the Department of Homeland Security added three PRC entities to the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act Entity List for participating in forced labor transfers of Uyghurs and other religious and ethnic minority groups in the Xinjiang region.

Since 1999, China has been designated as a “Country of Particular Concern” (CPC) under the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 for having engaged in or tolerated particularly severe violations of religious freedom. On December 29, 2023, the Secretary of State redesignated China as a CPC and identified the following sanction that accompanied the designation: the existing ongoing restriction on exports to China of crime control or detection instruments and equipment, under the Foreign Relations Authorization Act of 1990 and 1991 (Public Law 101-246), pursuant to section 402(c)(5) of the act.

Religious Demography

The U.S. government estimates the total population at 1.4 billion (midyear 2023). The 2019 State Council Information Office (SCIO) report, Seeking Happiness for People : 70 Years of Progress on Human Rights in China , reported that there are approximately 200 million religious adherents in the country. A 2018 SCIO white paper on religion in the country states there are approximately 5,500 religious groups. In August, the Pew Research Center published a report titled Measuring Religion in China that concluded levels of religious identity in China have remained stable since 2010.

The 2018 Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) found that 90 percent of respondents report no religious affiliation, while 4 percent report identifying as Buddhist, 3 percent as adherents of folk religions, 2 percent as Christian, and 1 percent as Muslim. Measurements of religious affiliation, however, vary depending on survey methodology. As reported by Pew in August, while only 4 percent of the population “identify with or believe in Buddhism,” according to the 2018 GCSS, 33 percent report “believing in Buddha and/or a bodhisattva,” indicating some individuals hold syncretic beliefs that combine Buddhism, Chinese folk religions, and broader Chinese traditional practices. The 2018 GCSS found that 2 percent of Chinese believe in Christianity, but 7 percent of respondents to the 2018 China Family Panel Studies survey said they believe in Jesus or tianzhu , the word used by Chinese Catholics for God. Using different methodology, researchers from Boston University estimate Christians total 106 million.

Local and regional figures for the number of religious followers, including those belonging to the five officially recognized religions, are unclear. Local governments do not release these statistics, and even official religious organizations do not have accurate numbers. The Pew Research Center and other observers say the numbers of adherents of many religious groups often are underreported. In 2021, the U.S. government estimated Buddhists comprise 18.2 percent of the country’s total population, Christians 5.1 percent, Muslims 1.8 percent, followers of folk religions 21.9 percent, and atheists or unaffiliated persons 52.2 percent, with Hindus, Jews, and Taoists comprising less than 1 percent. According to a 2017 estimate by the NGO Freedom House, there are more than 350 million religious adherents in the country, including seven to 20 million Falun Gong practitioners, 12 million Roman Catholics, six to eight million Tibetan Buddhists, and hundreds of millions who follow various folk traditions. According to Boston University’s 2020 World Religion Database, there are 499 million folk and ethnic religionists (34 percent), 474 million agnostics (33 percent), 228 million Buddhists (16 percent), 106 million Christians (7.4 percent), 100 million atheists (7 percent), 23.7 million Muslims (1.7 percent), and other religions adherents who together constitute less than 1 percent of the population, including 5.9 million Taoists, 1.8 million Confucians, 20,500 Sikhs, and 2,900 Jews. According to 2015 data from the World Jewish Congress, the country’s Jewish population is 2,500 and concentrated in Beijing, Shanghai, and Kaifeng.

The SCIO’s 2018 white paper found the number of Protestants to be 38 million. Among these, there are 20 million Protestants affiliated with the Three Self-Patriotic Movement (TSPM), the state-sanctioned umbrella organization for all officially recognized Protestant churches, according to information on TSPM’s website in 2017. The SCIO report states there are six million Catholics, although media and international NGO estimates suggest there are 10-12 million, approximately half of whom practice in churches not affiliated with the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association (CCPA), the state-sanctioned umbrella organization for Catholics. Accurate estimates on the numbers of Catholics and Protestants, as well as other faiths, are difficult to calculate because many adherents practice exclusively at home or in churches that are not state sanctioned.

According to the 2018 SCIO white paper, there are 10 ethnic minority groups totaling more than 20 million persons for whom Islam is the majority religion. The Pew August report estimates 17 million Chinese identify as Sunni Muslims. The two largest Muslim ethnic minority groups are Hui and Uyghur, with Hui Muslims concentrated primarily in the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region and in Qinghai, Gansu, and Yunnan Provinces. The State Administration of Religious Affairs (SARA), also referred to as the National Religious Affairs Administration, estimates the Muslim Hui population at 10.6 million. Uyghur Muslims are concentrated in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region.

While there is no reliable government breakdown of the Buddhist population by school, the vast majority of Buddhists are adherents of Mahayana Buddhism, according to the Pew Research Center. Most ethnic Tibetans practice Tibetan Buddhism, although a sizeable minority practices Bon, a pre-Buddhist Indigenous religion.

Prior to the government’s 1999 ban on Falun Gong, the government estimated there were 70 million adherents. Falun Gong sources estimate that tens of millions continue to practice privately.

Section II.

Status of government respect for religious freedom.

• Legal Framework

The constitution, which cites the leadership of the CCP and the guidance of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong and Xi Jinping Thought, states citizens “enjoy freedom of religious belief,” but it limits protections for religious practice to “normal religious activities” without defining “normal.” It states religion may not be used to disrupt public order, impair the health of citizens, or interfere with the educational system. The constitution provides for the right to hold or not to hold a religious belief and declares that state organs, public organizations, and individuals may not discriminate against citizens “who believe in or do not believe in any religion.” The constitution states, “Religious bodies and religious affairs are not subject to any foreign domination.”

The law does not allow individuals or groups to take legal action against the government based on the religious freedom protections afforded by the constitution. Criminal law allows the state to sentence government officials to up to two years in prison if they violate a citizen’s religious freedom.

The government recognizes five official religions: Buddhism, Taoism, Islam, Protestantism, and Catholicism. Regulations require religious organizations to register with the government. Only religious groups belonging to one of the five state-sanctioned religious associations are permitted to register, and only these organizations may legally hold worship services. The five associations, which operate under the direction of the CCP’s United Front Work Department (UFWD), are the Buddhist Association of China (BAC), Taoist Association of China, Islamic Association of China, TSPM, and CCPA. Other religious groups, such as Protestant groups unaffiliated with the official TSPM or Catholics professing loyalty to the Holy See but not affiliated with the CCPA, are not permitted to register as legal entities. The law does not provide a mechanism for religious groups independent of the five official patriotic religious associations to obtain legal status.

The CCP is responsible for creating religious regulations and oversees the UFWD, which in turn manages the SARA’s functions and responsibilities. The SARA is responsible for implementing the CCP’s regulations on religious affairs and administers the provincial and local bureaus of religious affairs.

The 2020 Administrative Measures for Religious Groups regulate the organization, function, offices, supervision, projects, and economic administration of communities and groups at the national and local levels. The measures state that only registered groups may operate legally and stipulate that religious organizations must support the leadership of the CCP, adhere to the direction of Sinicization, and implement the values of socialism. They state specifically that religious organizations shall “follow the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, abide by laws, regulations, rules, and policies, correctly handle the relationship between national law and canon, and enhance national awareness, awareness of the rule of law, and citizenship.”

The SARA’s 2021 Administrative Measures for Religious Clergy require all clergy to pledge allegiance to the CCP and socialism. The measures state religious clergy “should love the motherland, support the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, support the socialist system, abide by the constitution, laws, regulations, and rules, practice the core values of socialism, adhere to the principle of independent and self-administered religion in China, adhere to the direction of the Sinicization of religion in China, and operate to maintain national unity, religious harmony, and social stability.” The measures also state that clergy should “resist illegal religious activities and religious extremist ideology, and resist infiltration by foreign forces using religion.” The measures also provide that “entrance to religious places of worship should be regulated through strict gatekeeping, verification of identity, and registration.” The measures create a database of “religious personnel” to track their performance and also stipulate that authorities shall hold religious organizations and institutions responsible for the behavior of individual religious clergy. They stipulate religious staff should study “the contents of doctrines and regulations that are conducive to social harmony, progress of the times, and health and civilization.” The measures instruct religious clergy to integrate these doctrines and regulations into “preaching and to play a role in promoting the Sinicization of religion in our country.”

On September 1, revisions to the 2005 Administrative Measures for Religious Activity Venues took effect requiring “places of religious activity” to uphold the leadership of the CCP, implement “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for the New Era,” and promote the Sinicization of religion. Ensuring support for and compliance with these policies is listed as the first responsibility of managers of religious institutions, who are also required to establish a system to ensure religious personnel study CCP policies. The measures also stipulate that the content of sermons should both reflect “socialist core values” and be integrated with “traditional Chinese culture.” The updated measures prohibit the construction of large open-air religious statues outside temples and churches, and state religious activity sites “shall integrate Chinese culture and embody Chinese style in areas such as architecture, sculpture, painting, and decoration.” They require managers of religious venues to “prevent foreign forces from using religion to infiltrate” their organization.

Measures promulgated in 2022 ban unauthorized domestic online religious content and prohibit overseas organizations and individuals from operating online religious information services in the country without a permit. The measures direct government regulators to ban content that uses religion “to incite subversion of state sovereignty, oppose the leadership of the Communist Party, undermine the socialist system, national and ethnic unity, and social stability, or advocate extremism, terrorism, national separatism, and religious fanaticism.” The measures require that any individual or organization engaging in “cyberspace religious information-releasing services, reposting services, and dissemination platform services,” such as streaming or publishing sermons, obtain a government permit to do so and validate that permit every three years. Without a permit, organizations and individuals “must not proselytize online, carry out religious education or training, publish preaching or repost or link to related content, organize the carrying out of religious activities online, or broadcast religious rites such as obeisance to Buddha, burning incense, ordinations, services, masses, or baptisms, through means such as text, images, audio, or video either live or in recordings.” To acquire a permit, individuals or organizations must apply to the religious affairs department of the government of the province, autonomous region, or municipality where they are located.

The law bans certain religious or spiritual groups. Criminal law defines banned groups as “cult [xie jiao] organizations” and provides for criminal prosecution of individuals belonging to such groups and punishment of up to life in prison. There are no published criteria for determining or procedures for challenging such a designation. Criminal law prohibits “organizing and using a sect, cult, or superstition to undermine implementation of the law.” Violations carry a maximum sentence of life imprisonment.

The CCP maintains an extralegal, party-run security apparatus to eliminate the Falun Gong religious group and other banned organizations. The government considers Falun Gong an “illegal organization.” The government continues to ban the Guanyin Method religious group (Guanyin Famen or the Way of the Goddess of Mercy) and Zhong Gong (a qigong exercise discipline). The government also characterizes a number of Christian groups as “cult organizations,” including the Shouters, CAG (also known as Eastern Lightning), Society of Disciples (Mentu Hui), Full Scope Church (Quan Fanwei Jiaohui), Spirit Sect, New Testament Church, Three Grades of Servants (San Ban Puren), Association of Disciples, Established King Church, Family Federation for World Peace and Unification (Unification Church), Family of Love, and South China Church.

According to regulations, in order to register, religious organizations must submit information on the organization’s historical background, members, doctrines, key publications, minimum funding requirements, and government sponsor, which must be one of the five state-sanctioned religious associations. Registration information is required only once, but religious organizations must reregister if changes are made to the required documentation.

The civil code permits a religious organization established according to law to apply for the status of a “legal person” (nonprofit entity). This status permits such organizations to own property, publish approved materials, train staff, and collect donations, and facilitates authorities’ ability to track and regulate religious institutions.

Religious and other regulations permit the five official patriotic religious associations to engage in activities such as building places of worship, training religious leaders, publishing literature, and providing social services to local communities. The CCP’s UFWD, including the SARA, and the Ministry of Civil Affairs provide policy guidance and supervision on the implementation of these regulations.

Regulations stipulate that individuals who participate in unsanctioned religious activities are subject to criminal and administrative penalties. The regulations also stipulate that any form of income from illegal activities or illegal properties shall be confiscated and a fine imposed of between one to three times the value of the illegal income or properties. If the illegal income or properties cannot be identified, officials may impose a fine of less than 50,000 renminbi (RMB) ($7,000). Authorities may penalize property owners renting space to unregistered religious groups by confiscating those properties and related income and levying fines of between RMB 20,000 ($2,800) and RMB 200,000 ($28,000).

Government policy allows registered religious groups to engage in charitable work, but regulations specifically prohibit faith-based organizations from proselytizing while conducting charitable activities. Authorities require faith-based charities, like all other charitable groups, to register with the government. Once they are registered as official charities, authorities allow them to raise funds publicly and to receive tax benefits. The government does not permit unregistered charitable groups to raise funds openly, hire employees, open bank accounts, or own property. According to several unregistered religious groups, the government requires faith-based charities to obtain official cosponsorship of their registration application from the local official religious affairs bureau. Authorities often require these groups to affiliate with one of the five state-sanctioned religious associations.

The law requires members of religious groups to seek approval to travel abroad for “religious training, conferences, pilgrimages, and other activities.” Anyone found organizing such activities without approval may be fined between RMB 20,000 ($2,800) and RMB 200,000 ($28,000). Authorities may seize illegally obtained income connected to such travel and, “if the case constitutes a crime, criminal responsibility shall be investigated according to law.” The regulations permit only the Islamic Association of China to organize Muslim pilgrimage trips and require that those who apply to join the Hajj be “patriotic, law-abiding, and have good conduct,” have never before participated in the Hajj, and be in sound physical and mental health. Travelers must also be able to pay all costs associated with Hajj travel and oppose religious extremism.

Regulations specify that no religious structure, including clerical housing, may be transferred, mortgaged, or utilized as an investment. SARA regulations restrict religious groups conducting business or making investments by stipulating the property and income of religious groups, schools, and venues must not be distributed and should be used for activities and charities befitting their purposes; any individual or organization that donates funds to build religious venues is prohibited from owning those venues.

Regulations impose a limit on foreign donations to religious groups, stating such donations must be used for activities that authorities deem appropriate for the group and the site. Regulations state that donations exceeding RMB 100,000 ($14,000) must be submitted to the local government for review and approval. Religious groups, religious schools, and “religious activity sites” may not accept donations from foreign sources that have conditions attached.

SARA regulations require that religious activity “must not harm national security” or support “religious extremism.” The regulations do not define “extremism.” Measures to safeguard national unity and respond to “religious extremism” include monitoring groups, individuals, and institutions. Penalties for “harm to national security” may include suspending groups and canceling the credentials of clergy. The counterterrorism law describes “religious extremism” as the ideological basis of terrorism and states religious extremism uses “distorted religious teachings or other means to incite hatred or discrimination, or advocate violence.”

National laws allow each provincial administration to issue its own regulations concerning religious affairs, including penalties for violations. In addition to the five officially recognized religions, local governments may, at their discretion, permit followers of certain unregistered religions to carry out religious practices.

By law, prison inmates have the right to believe in a religion and maintain their religious faith while in custody, but not a right to exercise their faith, such as by accessing prayer facilities or meeting with clergy. According to law, Muslim prisoners are reportedly allowed to have meals with the “halal” label.

The law does not define what constitutes proselytizing. The constitution states that no state unit, social organization, or individual may force a citizen to believe or not believe in a religion. Offenders are subject to administrative and criminal penalties.

By law and judicial interpretation, it is a crime to force others to wear “extremist” garments or symbols; doing so is punishable by up to three years’ imprisonment, short-term detention, or controlled (supervised) release, as well as a concurrent fine. Authorities have discretion to punish individuals for voluntarily wearing such garments or symbols. The law and its interpretation do not define what garments or symbols are considered “extremist.”

Publication and distribution of literature containing religious content must follow guidelines determined by the State Publishing Administration. Publication of religious material must also conform to guidelines determined by the Propaganda Department of the CCP Central Committee. Online activities (“online religious information services”) of religious groups require prior approval from the provincial religious affairs bureau, a requirement that overlaps with measures passed in 2022 regulating religious content online. Authorities may confiscate religious texts published without authorization, including Bibles, Qurans, and Buddhist and Taoist texts, and close unauthorized publishing houses.

The government offers some subsidies for the construction of state-sanctioned places of worship and religious schools. To establish a place of worship, a religious group must first receive approval from the religious affairs department of the local government when the facility is proposed, and again before services are first held at that location. Religious organizations must submit dozens of documents to register during these approval processes, including detailed management plans of their religious activities, exhaustive financial records, and personal information on all staff members. Religious communities not going through the formal registration process may not legally have a dedicated facility or worship meeting space. Therefore, every time such groups want to reserve a space for worship, such as by renting a hotel room or an apartment, they must seek a separate approval from government authorities for that specific service. Worshipping in a space without prior approval, gained either through the formal registration process or by seeking an approval for each service, is considered an illegal religious activity and is subject to criminal or administrative penalties.

Among other qualifications, national regulations require Muslim clerics to “uphold the leadership of the CCP; [and] love Islam and serve Muslims.” According to sources, imams must pass an examination testing their ideological knowledge to renew their license each year.

By regulation, if a religious structure is to be demolished or relocated because of city planning or the construction of “key” projects, the party responsible for demolishing the structure must consult with its local bureau of religious affairs (guided by the SARA) and the religious group using the structure. If all parties agree to the demolition, the party conducting the demolition must agree to rebuild the structure or to provide compensation equal to its appraised market value.

Regulations allow only the five state-sanctioned religious associations or their affiliates to form and register religious schools. Children younger than 18 are prohibited from participating in religious activities and receiving religious education, even in schools run by religious organizations. One regulation states that no individual may use religion to hinder the national education system and that no religious activities may be held in schools. The law mandates the teaching of atheism in schools, and a CCP directive provides guidance to universities on how to prevent foreign proselytizing of university students. The Administrative Measures for Religious Schools issued by the SARA in 2021 stipulate that religious schools should ensure the curriculum includes CCP ideological training.

Ministry of Education regulations prohibit private tutors, including those based abroad, from using textbooks “propagating religious teachings, doctrines, canons, xie jiao, or feudal superstitions, etc.”

The law states job applicants shall not face discrimination in hiring based on religious belief.

The PRC is not a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). With respect to Macau, the central government notified the UN Secretary-General that residents of Macau shall not be restricted in the rights and freedoms to which they are entitled unless otherwise provided for by law. In case of restrictions, the restrictions shall not contravene the ICCPR. With respect to Hong Kong, the central government notified the UN Secretary-General that the ICCPR would also apply to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.

Government Practices

• Abuses Involving Violence, Detention, or Mass Resettlement

Authorities continued to arrest and otherwise detain leaders and members of religious groups, often those connected with groups not registered with the state-sanctioned religious associations. Authorities reportedly used vague or insubstantial charges, sometimes in connection with religious activity, to convict and sentence leaders and members of religious groups to years in prison. Due to the lack of transparency regarding law enforcement’s persecution of religious followers, estimates of those imprisoned during the year for their religious beliefs ranged from the low thousands to more than 10,000.

NGOs, religious groups, and media sources continued to report torture, denial of medical treatment, deaths in custody, enforced disappearances (often through “residential surveillance at a designated location” – a form of black-site detention utilized by authorities against individuals accused of endangering state security), and organ harvesting in prison of individuals whom authorities targeted based on their religious beliefs or affiliation. NGOs and media reported authorities used violence during arrests and tortured detainees, including by forcing them to maintain stress positions, beating them, depriving them of food, water, and sleep, and subjecting them to forced indoctrination. NGOs reported that some previously detained individuals were denied freedom of movement even after their release.

In March, the Christian advocacy NGO ChinaAid reported that authorities arrested staff of the Church of Abundance in Xi’an, Shaanxi Province, including Fu Juan and pastors Lian Changnian and Lian Xuliang, officially for “fraud,” and tortured them at a black site. ChinaAid reported that officers also tortured other Christians identified as Brother Wang and Brother Jia. Police cuffed Wang’s hands and feet to a chair, covered his head with a curtain, and “tried to compel him to betray his pastors and give up his faith.” Police fastened Jia to a tiger chair to immobilize him, forced smoke into his eyes for 20 minutes, and forced him to squat for three hours during interrogation.

Minghui reported in December that it confirmed 188 deaths during the year as a result of persecution of Falun Gong members and an additional 66 deaths that occurred in prior years. Minghui stated many deaths were linked to injuries sustained while under torture in detention or incarceration, while others died after being denied adequate medical treatment. For example, Minghui reported that Wuhan resident Zong Ming, a Falun Gong practitioner, died in January, six days after her release from an eight-month stay in a reeducation center. On her release, Zong was reportedly emaciated and struggled to speak. She died after hospital staff refused to treat her. Another practitioner, Hu Yongxiu, died in custody six days after police arrested her on March 30 for talking to people about Falun Gong outside of a hospital in Wuhan, Hubei Province, according to Minghui.

According to NGOs, authorities continued to arrest Falun Gong practitioners in large numbers. Minghui reported that authorities imprisoned 755 Falun Gong practitioners during the year (compared with 446 in 2022), arrested 3,457 individuals in 30 provinces and municipalities, and harassed 2,749 others through raids, orders to attend mandatory indoctrination classes, loss of their jobs, and other discrimination. Harassment and arrests increased around politically sensitive events, such as the annual meetings of the National People’s Congress and Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, both held in March, and “World Falun Dafa Day” on May 13. Human rights advocates expressed concern about ongoing detention and in some cases reports of torture of Falun Gong practitioners, often for alleged activities related to Falun Gong practice. Detained individuals included Chen Yang, Cao Zhimin, Liu Aihua, Zhou Deyong, Meng Zhaohong, Kong Qingping, Hou Lijun, and Xu Na. Falun Gong practitioner Wang Zhiwen, who was imprisoned from 1999-2014, reportedly remained subject to an exit ban, i.e., prohibited from leaving the country.

According to Minghui, “Often during arrests, practitioners face excessive violence by the police. Once in custody, they may be victims of torture as the police attempt to force them to renounce Falun Gong or provide information about what they have done to raise awareness about the persecution or their interactions with other practitioners.” For example, on February 20, police arrested Zhang Jue of Nanjing, Jiangsu Province, for talking to people about Falun Gong on the street. Police tied her to a tiger bench, beamed bright light into her eyes, and interrogated her for the entire night without allowing her to sleep.

According to the Christian advocacy NGO CSW (formerly Christian Solidarity Worldwide), Falun Gong practitioner Feng Yunqing remained in Wuhan Women’s Prison at year’s end, serving a seven-and-a-half-year sentence for “using a cult to undermine law enforcement.” Authorities arrested Feng in 2017 after she posted videos to the internet regarding the government’s persecution of Falun Gong, Christian house churches, and human rights activists. CSW said authorities kept her husband Fang Bin, a Falun Gong practitioner and COVID-19 whistleblower, under strict surveillance after his April release from prison.

According to the Falun Dafa Information Center, on June 12, authorities sentenced Falun Gong practitioners He Binggang and his fiancee Zhang Yibo to six- and five-years’ imprisonment, respectively, for their alleged involvement in developing and maintaining firewall circumvention software. Minghui reported Falun Gong practitioners developed the software, called oGate, to overcome government internet censorship. Police arrested He and Zhang in Shanghai in 2021, along with other Falun Gong practitioners from different parts of the country believed to be involved in oGate. Authorities reportedly denied He access to his attorney during his detention.

Civil society organizations continued to express concern over reports that authorities forced members of religious organizations, in particular Falun Gong members and ethnic Uyghurs, to serve as organ donors. In March, the New York City Bar Association published a report titled Human Organ Supply: Report on Ethical Considerations and Breaches in Organ Harvesting Practices that found there was “ample evidence China continues to engage in forced organ harvesting of prisoners of conscience.” Writing in Voices in Bioethics in March, one of the New York City Bar Association report’s authors said that in China, “there is evidence that people incarcerated for religious beliefs and practices (Falun Gong) and ethnic minorities (Uyghurs) have been subjects of forced organ harvesting,” with witnesses testifying to “the removal of organs from live people without ample anesthesia, summonses to the execution grounds for organ removal, methods of causing death for the purpose of organ procurement, removing eyes from prisoners who were alive, and forcing live prisoners into operating rooms.”

In August, the Europe-based Coordination of Associations and Individuals for Freedom of Conscience and the Romanian Independent Society of Human Rights, joined by the Association for Ethical Organ Transplants and 12 other NGOs, submitted a written statement to the UN Human Rights Council calling on the UN Secretary-General to initiate a fact-finding mission regarding forced organ harvesting in China. The statement also called on the World Health Organization (WHO) to include a verification of the end of forced organ harvesting of Chinese Falun Gong members in its One Health agenda.

Multiple Falun Gong practitioners reported to Minghui that authorities forced them to undergo medical examinations against their will while in detention and to provide blood samples.

The NGO Dui Hua reported that as of December 31, authorities held as prisoners 2,772 individuals for “organizing/using a cult to undermine implementation of the law.”

Media and NGOs reported that despite the provisional agreement on the appointment of bishops between the Holy See and the government, the government continued to harass, detain, disappear, arrest, imprison, and in some cases defrock Catholic clergy who did not join the state-sanctioned CCPA. ChinaAid and Union of Catholic Asian News ( UCA News ) reported in September that a court in Wenzhou, Zhejiang Province, convicted Catholic priest Father Joseph Yang Xiaoming of “impersonating religious personnel” and obtaining money by fraud after he refused to join the CCPA. The local religious affairs bureau began a case against Yang in 2021 after he refused to register with the government following his ordination. The court ordered the confiscation of “illegal proceeds” totaling RMB 28,473 ($4,000), fined Yang RMB 1,500 ($210), and ordered him to cease practicing as a priest. UCA News said Yang was reportedly ordained by Bishop Peter Shao Zhumin, a Vatican-approved bishop whom PRC authorities arrested several times for refusing to join state-run church bodies, and that religious affairs bureau personnel had acknowledged the validity of his ordination certificate. According to ChinaAid, Yang termed the religious affairs bureau’s actions “unjust” and a violation of canon law.

Members of the CAG, an unregistered organization that authorities labeled a “cult”, faced large-scale detention and arrest in 29 provinces, according to civil society reporting. The CAG reported that during the year, the government arrested at least 12,463 individuals, compared with 10,895 arrests in 2022. Authorities sentenced at least 2,207 individuals to prison (compared with 1,901 in 2022), including 1,094 individuals who received sentences of three years or more. Authorities subjected at least 5,832 to torture or forced indoctrination. The highest number of arrests occurred in Jiangsu, Anhui, Zhejiang, and Shandong Provinces.

According to the CAG, at least 20 members died as a result of persecution during the year. The CAG stated police subjected detainees who refused to renounce their faith to sleep deprivation for up to 10 days, being suspended with wrists handcuffed, prolonged standing or sitting, stress positions, electric shock, and beatings. According to family members, some individuals who died in custody appeared bruised, malnourished, and emaciated. According to Bitter Winter, an online publication that tracks religious liberty and human rights abuses in the country, one CAG member died three days after her arrest; police said she hanged herself but relatives viewing the body reported there were no marks from hanging on her neck and that she appeared to have head wounds. One woman, pursued by police, jumped to her death.

In September, Bitter Winter reported that early in the year, the government began a broad campaign to eliminate the CAG. Public security, national security, armed police, and special forces police carried out joint operations to arrest CAG members. Authorities reportedly surveilled church members for months or even years prior to conducting mass arrests. For example, on June 15, authorities in Zhejiang Province arrested at least 1,043 CAG members. Authorities transferred some of those arrested to reeducation centers or black sites where they subjected church members to physical and psychological torture and forced “deprogramming.” One Anhui Province public security officer told Bitter Winter , “This is a nationwide, coordinated purge; our focus this year is on cracking down on The Church of Almighty God.” One officer reportedly told a detainee during interrogation, “This time, we’re uprooting leaders from regions down to smaller districts, and then to local churches, and the intensity of the strike will continue to increase.”

CSW and ChinaAid reported that in July, authorities in Shanxi Province prosecuted three leaders of the Linfen Covenant House Church – Li Jie, Han Xiaodong, and Wang Qiang – as a criminal “clique” for establishing an illegal organization without official approval and “luring” individuals to pay tithes. ChinaAid said authorities began in February to harass members of the church, which refused to join the TSPM. Authorities pressured church members to sign statements declaring themselves to be victims of fraud and pledging not to attend the church in the future. According to CSW, authorities held Li and Han incommunicado and subjected them to coercion and abuse, including sleep deprivation.

According to Bitter Winter , authorities in April arrested Pastor Wang Changchun of the Bengbu Living Stone Reform Church in Anhui Province. Authorities first accused him of “illegal business operations” but in August changed the charges to fraud, which carries a maximum penalty of seven years. They also charged Wang’s wife and four co-workers with fraud. According to Bitter Winter , the charges were part of the government’s ongoing efforts to crack down on house churches that refused to join the TSPM. In 2018, Wang Changchun was among the house church leaders who signed a statement drafted by Pastor Wang Yi of Chengdu’s Early Rain Covenant Church protesting the 2017 regulations tightening control on religious activities. Pastor Wang Yi remained imprisoned and without access to a Bible for personal use, according to human rights advocates.

The Associated Press reported in December that authorities detained Ding Zhongfu and four other senior members of the Ganquan house church in Anhui Province on suspicion of fraud. Ding’s wife said Ganquan church had been forced to move multiple times in the past decade to avoid police. Ding managed the church’s finances, and the deed to the property where the congregation met was put under his and two other church members’ names because the government did not recognize the church.

Bitter Winter reported that as part of an ongoing campaign against xie jiao groups among the Yi ethnic minority in the Honghe Hani and Yi Autonomous Prefecture, Yunnan Province, authorities in September sentenced Miao Xuqiong, a 75-year-old Falun Gong practitioner, to four years in prison. Authorities detained Miao in 2021 and held her incommunicado. Authorities previously detained her from 2016-2020 for her Falun Gong activity.

Bitter Winter and ChinaAid reported that authorities on September 18 again arrested street evangelist Chen Wensheng, this time in Hengyang, Hunan Province, for organizing and financing unlawful assemblies. According to ChinaAid, Chen has been a well-known traveling preacher for years since converting to Christianity and authorities constantly surveilled and harassed him and his family, including by arresting him seven times since 2021, to pressure him to stop evangelizing.

ChinaAid reported that on September 28, police raided the Sunday service of the Beijing Zion Church, the largest house church in the capital, and arrested the 31 individuals attending the service. Police subsequently released all but two individuals, Huang Duojia and Li Mingjie, whom they detained for more than 100 hours.

According to ChinaAid, in April, authorities released Guangzhou Bible Reform Church member Gao Heng after he served one year and 10 months in prison for “provoking trouble and picking quarrels.” According to fellow parishioners, immediately upon his release, authorities took Gao to Huanggang, Hubei Province, his registered residence, and detained him there. A court in Guangzhou City, Guangdong Province, convicted Gao in 2022 in a secret trial after he held up a sign reading “pray for the country” in a Guangzhou metro station in June 2021. Church members said that following Gao’s arrest, authorities pressured his family to cut ties with the church.

• Abuses Limiting Religious Belief or Expression

Reports from human rights NGOs and religious groups, as well as government statements, indicated officials continued efforts to Sinicize religious doctrine and practice for the five officially recognized religions. According to the Pew Research Center, the government’s Sinicization policy “requires religious groups to align their doctrines, customs, and morality with Chinese culture. The campaign particularly affects so-called ‘foreign’ religions – including Islam as well as Catholicism and Protestantism – whose adherents are expected to prioritize Chinese traditions and to show loyalty to the state.” NGOs and religious groups said Sinicization policies continued to contribute to repression and harassment of religious practitioners who refused to participate in state-sanctioned religious organizations.

In August, Radio Free Asia (RFA) reported on the government’s updates to the 2005 Administrative Measures for Religious Activity Venues, saying, “The ruling Chinese Communist Party is stepping up control over religious venues that will ban ties with overseas organizations while forcing them to deliver ‘patriotic’ education to believers.” RFA said the rules formed part of an ongoing political campaign to Sinicize religious activity that already included the hanging of portraits of Xi Jinping in churches, a ban on religious Christmas services, and enforced demolition work at major mosques and churches to remove domes and crosses. Chang Chia-lin, a professor at the Institute of Mainland China at Taiwan’s Tamkang University, said the new rules represented the triumph of politics over spirituality. One monk told RFA, “Buddhism is a religion of wisdom, which should train people to think independently. But Sinicized Buddhism is just a form of organizational brainwashing in disguise.” The monk said authorities revoked his religious credentials and put him under close surveillance, including monitoring his phone, after he publicly criticized the Sinicization policy.

In March 20 remarks delivered at a provincial religious work conference in Guangzhou, Guangdong governor Wang Weizhong emphasized the Sinicization of religion, guiding religion to comply with socialism, strengthening management of the clergy and religious sites, strengthening management of religious content online, and nurturing “politically reliable” religious representatives.

The government reported officials and religious leaders in Fujian Province held several events during the year designed to promote the Sinicization of religion. State media reported that on May 31, the Fujian Taoist Association established an education center to promote the Sinicization of Taoism and encourage Taoists to “love the Party, the country, and socialism.” According to the UFWD, the Central Institute of Socialism and the Fujian Two Christian Councils (composed of the TSPM and the China Christian Council) held a conference from August 15 to 16 at which attendees discussed how best to use Christian theology to promote peace, patriotism, and national unity. In Fuzhou, government officials and religious leaders convened the 2023 Fujian Religion Sinicization Research Forum from August 15 to 17. Attendees included more than 60 Buddhist, Taoist, Muslim, Catholic, and Protestant leaders from five regions.

The Guangdong Islamic Association reported that on March 12, it hosted a two-day training session for imams at the Shenzhen Mosque in Shenzhen, Guangdong Province, to promote the Sinicization of Islam. Officials from the provincial religious affairs bureau and UFWD attended. At the event, Imam Wang Wenjie, vice president of the Islamic Association of China, called on provincial imams to “study and implement the spirit of the 20th Party Congress.”

Bitter Winter reported that on September 6, Yang Faming, president of the Islamic Association of China, spoke at the 3rd Jiangsu Provincial Forum on Adhering to the Sinicization of Islam held in Nanjing, Jiangsu Province. Yang said Muslims should “comprehensively and accurately study and understand the spirit of the 20th National Congress of the CCP, and deeply understand the decisive significance of supporting the Central Committee of the CCP and General Secretary Xi Jinping and adhere to their political guidance.” He also said Muslims should “further promote the Sinicization of Islam in our country and rely on the profound ideological resources and historical traditions of the Jinling School to do a good job in the application of Confucianism to Islam.”

The Guangdong Buddhist Association reported that in April, it convened 60 local Buddhist leaders at the Jiangmen Guanyin Temple in Jiangmen City to discuss the Sinicization of Buddhism in Guangdong Province. According to an account of the conference published on the Jiangmen government website, participants agreed they should be guided by Xi Jinping’s “important exposition on religious work” and “lead Buddhist believers to focus their will and strength on the new journey of comprehensively building a socialist country.”

Tibet Press reported that on September 5, the state-run BAC held a training course for 100 Buddhist leaders from all parts of the country, plus UFWD officials, at Mount Wutai in Shanxi Province, one of the country’s most sacred Buddhist sites. BAC president Master Yanjue urged participants to study and implement the spirit of the 20th National Congress of the CCP and Xi Jinping Thought. Attendees were also tasked with studying and implementing Xi’s views on religious work. Tibet Press noted Buddhism has existed in China for millennia and said the training course “was not aimed at preserving or enhancing the existing harmony between Buddhism and Chinese culture. Instead, it was yet another step in the CCP’s campaign to reframe Chinese Buddhism in its own image.” According to Tibet Press , the CCP’s Sinicization effort “raises concerns about the erosion of the unique spiritual identity of Chinese Buddhism, which has evolved over centuries. Monastic traditions, meditation practices, and philosophical teachings may be subsumed under the umbrella of party ideology. Moreover, the risk of religious persecution and suppression looms large. The CCP’s efforts to exert control over religious institutions and beliefs can stifle the freedom of religious expression, undermining the very essence of Buddhism as a path to spiritual enlightenment.”

State media reported that at an event marking the seventieth anniversary of the BAC in October, Politburo Standing Committee member and chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference Wang Huning called for developing Buddhist teachers who were “politically reliable” and said the Buddhist community must guide religious believers to “continuously enhance identification with the motherland, the Chinese nation, Chinese culture, the Chinese Communist Party, and socialism with Chinese characteristics.”

The South China Morning Post reported in December that at the 11th National Chinese Christian Conference, where new leaders for the TSPM and CCPA were elected, Wang Huning said leaders of Christian groups “should adhere to the direction of Sinicization of Christianity” and “interpret the doctrines that conform to the development and progress requirements of contemporary China, the core values of socialism and the excellent traditional Chinese culture.”

Bitter Winter reported that on July 25 and 26, the state-run Taoist Association of China and several Taoist temples and institutes around the country held a conference titled “Taoism on the Sea: The First Forum on the Theory and Practice of Sinicization of Taoism” in Shanghai. The director of the Shanghai Municipal Bureau of Ethnic and Religious Affairs told attendees Taoism needed to be “rectified” and modernized. Presenters encouraged teachers of Taoist painting and calligraphy to produce works that expressed “thoughts of loving the Party, the country, and socialism.” Bitter Winter said, “Taoism is quintessentially Chinese. The campaign confirms that ‘Sinicizing’ religion does not mean making it more Chinese, but more subservient to the CCP.”

In September, Bitter Winter reported that during the year, the Propaganda Department and Civilization Office of the CCP Committee of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region instituted a pilot program in several villages that offered financial and in-kind incentives to farmers demonstrating they had rejected “illegal religious superstition.” Conversely, authorities withheld subsidies from individuals whose rejection of such “superstitions” they deemed insufficient. For example, in Ejin Horo Banner (Chinese: Yijinhuoluo County), site of the Genghis Khan Mausoleum, authorities used the program to discourage shamanic practices associated with the Mongolian leader’s religious worship. Bitter Winter said the program “explicitly aimed at eradicating traditional Mongolian culture and spirituality. In an area plagued by poverty and unemployment, those who resist may literally starve.”

Authorities continued to require CCP members and members of the armed forces to be atheists and forbade them from engaging in religious practices. Members found to belong to religious organizations were subject to expulsion, although these rules were not universally enforced. Most public office holders are CCP members, and membership is widely considered a prerequisite for success in a government career. These restrictions on religious belief and practice also applied to retired CCP members.

• Abuses Involving the Ability of Individuals to Engage in Religious Activities Alone or In Community with Others

Religious rights advocacy groups and media reported the government continued to prohibit or hinder the activities of religious groups not affiliated with the state-sanctioned religious associations, including unregistered Protestants, Catholics, Muslims, Buddhists and others. At times, authorities said they shuttered a gathering because the group or its activities were unregistered; at other times, the place of worship lacked necessary permits. Local authorities tacitly allowed some unregistered groups to operate, but in other cases, authorities required unregistered religious groups to disband, leaving their congregants with the sole option of attending services under a state-sanctioned religious leader.

The SARA continued to maintain publicly available statistics on some, but not all, registered religious groups, but did not update that information annually. According to the SARA, there were 42,439 Buddhist temples and 8,349 Taoist temples registered in the country as of the end of 2021. The SARA did not publish the number of registered Islamic mosques, Catholic churches, or Protestant churches. According to 2014 SARA statistics (the most recent available), more than 5.7 million Catholics worshipped in sites registered to the CCPA. The SCIO’s 2018 white paper on religion in the country stated that approximately 144,000 places of worship were registered to conduct religious activities in the country, among which were 33,500 Buddhist temples (including 28,000 Han Buddhist temples, 3,800 Tibetan Buddhist monasteries, and 1,700 Theravada Buddhist temples), 9,000 Taoist temples, 35,000 mosques, 6,000 CCPA churches and places of assembly spread across 98 dioceses, and 60,000 TSPM churches and places of assembly. The SCIO white paper also estimated there were more than 384,000 religious personnel in the country: 222,000 Buddhist, 40,000 Taoist, 57,000 Muslim, 57,000 Protestant, and 8,000 Catholic.

ChinaAid and other sources said state-affiliated religious organizations continued explicitly to consider political “trustworthiness” in adjudicating licenses for clergy members. ChinaAid reported the Fujian Two Christian Councils held its annual conference to review/renew clergy members’ licenses on April 13. Zhang Jiyou, vice president of the Fujian Christian Association, a parallel organization with the Fujian Two Christian Councils, told clergy members attending the conference to resist foreign infiltration and continue Sinicizing Christianity. According to ChinaAid, the TSPM used the annual inspection and renewal of certificates to inculcate religious personnel with party ideology and encourage them to “put political loyalty above all else,” and eliminate “dissident” clergy whom authorities deem insufficiently “patriotic.” NGOs and media said they observed similar practices among provincial and local-level religious associations across the country.

The state media outlet Xinhua reported in February that the BAC and Taoist Association of China had launched a public, searchable database of “approved” religious leaders, citing “frequent cases in recent years of fraudsters posing as religious figures.” State media reported in May that similar databases had been launched for Catholic, Protestant, and Muslim religious workers. A UFWD official told the state-run People’s Daily the database was necessary because “criminals have been using their religious identities to recruit followers, attract support, build temples, and sell religious supplies at high prices.”

ChinaAid reported that in March, authorities in Shandong Province began a pilot program of assigning “social credit” scores to religious workers. The social credit scores were designed to measure an individual’s political consciousness and graded clergy as excellent, good, fair, poor, or very poor. ChinaAid stated the credit assessment program would “comprehensively curb the expression and practice of Christian faith among religious personnel,” and noted that clergy would be judged by nonbelievers. Officials stated they were implementing this system in furtherance of CCP policies regarding comprehensive “strict governance of religion.”

Bitter Winter reported that on August 8, authorities in Nanning, Guangxi Province, detained Park Kwang-Zhe, pastor of the New Life Christian Church, for “disturbing the social order in the name of religion” after he reportedly refused to join the state-run TSPM. House church members told Bitter Winter that when they complained “disturbing the social order” was a vague charge that allowed police to detain pastors and congregants for no reason whatsoever, police replied that being active in an “illegal” form of religion, such as a non-state-sanctioned church, “already ‘disturbs the social order.’”

During the year, there were numerous reports that authorities raided nongovernment-affiliated houses of worship and other unauthorized religious spaces, held clergy and parishioners in custody, and confiscated religious material.

Authorities in Foshan, Guangdong Province, raided two unregistered churches in May, according to RFA and ChinaAid. On May 7, officers forcibly entered a Fengsheng Gospel Church member’s home where several congregants were watching online Christian programming, charged those gathered with holding an “illegal assembly,” and fined each person present RMB 200 ($28). On May 24, police, security personnel, and religious affairs officers raided the Jiasheng Gospel Church premises, searched the personal belongings of everyone there, interrogated and filmed all those present, and confiscated furniture, computers, and books. Police also detained the pastor, Deng Yanxiang, and three other church workers on the charge of “illegal business operation” for printing religious texts. Authorities issued formal arrest warrants for the detainees on June 28.

International Christian Concern reported on July 11 that authorities in Xiamen, Fujian Province, fined Pastor Yang Xibo of the non-TSPM-affiliated Xunsiding Church RMB 400,000 ($56,000) for holding church services without proper registration. Authorities disbanded the church, the largest house church in the city, in 2019 and expelled its members from their place of worship. According to RFA, the congregation continued to meet in alternative locations, despite police raids and large administrative fines. In April, RFA reported the Intermediate People’s Court of Xiamen ruled against Pastor Yang in his appeal of a RMB 200,000 ($28,000) fine he had received in 2021 for “organizing an illegal assembly.”

According to ChinaAid, on May 7, plainclothes police raided five congregations of the Guangzhou Bible Reformed Church in Guangzhou, Guangdong Province, during Sunday services, detaining clergy members and church workers and interrogating them for hours, despite Pastor Huang Xiaoning protesting that such conduct violated the group’s constitutional rights. ChinaAid said the church had been targeted for years for refusing to join the TSPM. On June 4, police interrupted the church’s Sunday service in a rented hotel conference room, citing regulations requiring that religious activities be performed in registered religious sites. Police recorded the identities of each participant and seized books. ChinaAid reported that on June 21, authorities harassed Huang by cutting the power supply to his apartment and blocking the front door keyhole so he could not enter. On August 24, the Chinese Christian Justice Fellowship posted on social media that the Panyu District Civil Affairs Bureau in Guangzhou identified the Guangzhou Bible Reformed Church as an “illegal social organization.”

ChinaAid reported that on May 4, authorities raided the Renewal Christian Church in Heshan, Guangdong Province, during the church’s ordination ceremony for its new pastor. They detained six church members, including Elder Xie Xudeng, teacher Huang Weihong, and the choir director, and questioned them for hours regarding “illegal religious activities” before releasing them. According to ChinaAid, unnamed sources had reported the congregation to police.

Bitter Winter reported that in August, three TSPM officials inspected the communities of Anhui and Shaanxi Provinces and Guangxi Autonomous Region to ensure Christian communities there were complying with the new Administrative Measures for Religious Activity Venues that required such venues to uphold principles of Sinicization. Pastor Gao Feng, chair of the Board of Supervisors of the National Two Christian Councils, led the inspections. The board reminded local pastors that minors were not allowed in worship services and held study sessions devoted to the new administrative measures. Bitter Winter said the TSPM would likely target other provinces with short-notice inspection tours in future.

Bitter Winter reported in June that authorities in Sanhe, Hebei Province, raided the home of Yang Yingle after he allowed friends to use his home for a private prayer and Bible study gathering. Police interrogated participants and also confiscated Yang’s computer and religious books. Authorities cut off Yang’s water and electricity service for one day. They warned him that such gatherings were illegal and would result in further cuts to his water and electricity service if they continued, followed by potentially more serious consequences. Bitter Winter said, “It is not the first time that cutting water and electricity is used by the CCP authorities to terrorize and blackmail Christians.”

ChinaAid reported that on August 20, police raided New Hope House Church in Meizhou, Guangdong Province, during its Sunday service for “illegal religious activities.” Police detained Pastors Lan Yi and Zeng Hu, in addition to other parishioners. They subsequently released all the detainees with the exception of Pastors Lan and Zeng, whom they held for seven days and five days, respectively.

CSW reported that in the lead up to a December 9 online service of the Early Rain Covenant Church commemorating the fifth year anniversary of a government crackdown on the church, church members said Chengdu authorities in Sichuan Province subjected them to power cuts, telephone warnings, door-to-door threats, stalking, the stationing of police outside family homes, and being forcibly taken to police stations, all in an effort to prevent or deter them from participating. Authorities detained church subdeacon Jia Xuewei for 15 days, and also detained preacher Dai Zhichao on suspicion of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.”

Catholic news outlet AsiaNews reported in January that authorities detained Catholic bishop Shao Zhumin to prevent him from attending the funeral of Father Chen Nailiang, a member of the “underground” (non-CCPA-affiliated) Catholic Church. Authorities also detained Shao’s secretary, Father Jiang Sunian. Shao was ordained a bishop in 2011 with Vatican approval, but his appointment was not accepted by the two state-sanctioned church bodies, the Bishops’ Conference of the Catholic Church in China and the CCPA. He was not among the Vatican-approved bishops recognized by the CCPA under the 2018 Sino-Vatican provisional agreement on the appointment of bishops. AsiaNews said authorities had detained Shao multiple times previously and pressured him to join the CCPA. In 2022, they detained him to prevent him from joining Holy Week celebrations.

In August, America, a Jesuit Catholic magazine, reported that while the UFWD barred mainland Chinese bishops and Catholics from traveling to Mongolia to join events related to Pope Francis’s August 31-September 4 visit to Ulaanbaatar, it permitted Catholic leaders from Hong Kong to make the trip. The magazine wrote, “The order makes clear that the mainland Chinese bishops do not enjoy the same freedom that bishops in other countries have today to meet the Pope or take part in universal church events.” The magazine stated that “the order appears to reflect not only the uneasy current state of Sino-Vatican relations but also the Chinese Communist Party’s fear of religion in general, and Christianity in particular.”

Authorities continued to severely restrict Muslims from participating in the Hajj. NPR reported in August that the government dispatched public security officials to airports to screen outbound travelers to Muslim-majority countries and coerced pilgrims already outside China to return home. The NPR report found that in Qinghai Province, home to a significant number of Hui Muslims, authorities largely stopped issuing passports to Hui and Uyghur residents. Authorities required individuals who did receive passports to sign letters promising not to complete the Hajj while abroad. Individuals found to have made the Hajj privately without authorization were arrested or detained on return. The government made available a limited number of slots to Muslims to join government-sanctioned Hajj tours, but waiting lists stretched beyond five years.

U CA News reported in September that authorities in several provinces banned traditions and worship activities associated with the Hungry Ghost festival, a major folk religious celebration, calling them “uncivilized.”

The government continued to label many religious groups, including the CAG, Shouters, All-Sphere Church, Guanyin Method, and others as cults or “xie jiao” organizations. It outlawed membership in such groups and continued to conduct anticult campaigns in public venues and schools. For example, the government newspaper Guangxi Daily reported that in April, the Ningming County Political and Legal Affairs Committee held an anti-xie jiao lecture attended by more than 1,300 teachers and students at a primary school in Chengzhong Township in the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region.

On May 9, the NGO Dui Hua wrote in its Human Rights Journal , “The number of women incarcerated in Chinese prisons has grown faster than the population of incarcerated men over the past decade, and women are disproportionately represented in criminal cases involving unorthodox religious groups.” In an April submission to the UN Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the human rights group reported that while women accounted for 8 percent of the country’s prison population, they constituted more than 40 percent of persons incarcerated between 1998 and March 31 for violations of the criminal code’s Article 300 anticult/antisuperstition provisions. Dui Hua’s Political Prisoner Database held historical records on 11,400 women subject to coercive measures for violating Article 300, including 1,400 active cases. The majority of women were Falun Gong and CAG adherents, followed by other “unorthodox” Protestant groups, Buddhist groups, qigong organizations, and others. In its submission to the committee, Dui Hua said women continued to be the main target of PRC “anticult” propaganda, which relied on stereotypes of women as “weak willed and psychologically vulnerable, with a propensity to succumb to coercion or monetary enticements from cults.”

The Dui Hua submission to CEDAW said women continued to receive harsh sentences for Article 300 violations. For example, one unnamed female Falun Gong practitioner received a 15-year prison sentence in late 2022, to be followed upon her release in 2036 by four years of “supplemental deprivation of political rights,” during which time she would be deprived of voting and free speech rights and subject to “intense police monitoring and travel restrictions as a ‘targeted person.’” Dui Hua stated this was among the longest prison sentences observed for a Falun Gong member convicted solely of an Article 300 offense. Dui Hua reported that one woman CAG leader in Shaanxi Province received a 15-year prison sentence for her membership in the church.

Dui Hua’s submission to CEDAW also highlighted a continued drop in transparency for cases brought against members of religious organizations charged under Article 300. Authorities largely purged Article 300-related judgments and judicial decisions from public databases in 2021 and published few new judgments, even as arrests and convictions continued, Dui Hua reported, significantly impairing the NGO’s ability to understand the scope of legal action against religious groups and practitioners.

The Guangdong Anticult Network website continued to publish articles during the year with titles such as “Twenty-five years of being imprisoned by Falun Gong,” “Exposing the doomsday lies of the Almighty God cult,” and “Accidentally enter a cult and regret it for a whole lifetime.” It also continued to publish cartoons and animated videos with anticult messages aimed at children. Guangzhou city authorities in Guangdong Province also continued the multiyear practice of distributing anticult educational literature. Media reported that in April, the Political and Legal Affairs Committee of the Baiyun District Committee of Guangzhou collaborated with multiple municipalities to distribute anticult literature, conduct anticult training, and participate in anticult publicity activities with the goal of “creating a good social atmosphere … to fight against evil.” Media further reported that local authorities in Guangzhou’s Nansha District sponsored a street fair in September with the aim of “making everyone deeply aware of the serious harm brought by cult organizations to individuals, families, and society” and encouraging the public to report suspected cult activities.

According to media and human rights NGOs, authorities maintained near-ubiquitous surveillance of religious sites through the development and widespread deployment of advanced technology such as artificial intelligence, closed-circuit television and facial recognition software, and social media applications that tracked individuals’ movements. Human rights groups stated authorities increasingly relied on surveillance to monitor and intimidate political dissidents, religious leaders and adherents, Tibetans, and Uyghurs. The technology included facial recognition and “gait recognition” video surveillance, allowing police not only to monitor a situation but also to identify individuals in crowds quickly.

RFA reported in October that authorities continued to expand use of the “grid management” surveillance system, in which neighborhoods were divided into units of 15-20 households each and “grid workers” assigned “to comprehensively collect basic information on people, events, places, objects, emotions, etc., within their grid.” A social media post by the Sichuan provincial government in March said such grid work was aimed at “discovering and reporting hidden risks, reactionary propaganda, cult-related activities, illegal preaching, and other political and security risks.” A separate report by CSW found that in Yunnan Province alone – home to approximately 47 million individuals, less than 4 percent of China’s population – the government employed 12,473 grid workers across 9,370 “ethnic and religious management grids.”

In March, ChinaAid reported authorities required individuals in Henan Province to register online in an app called “Smart Religion” and to make advance reservations in the app to attend services in churches, mosques, or Buddhist temples. The provincial religious affairs bureau developed the app, which purported to use advanced comprehensive databases and artificial intelligence in its operation. Applicants had to provide detailed personal information, including occupation and date of birth, and show a reservation code before entering the place of worship. ChinaAid said the cumbersome application procedures had reduced the number of individuals attending church.

The physical security technology firm IPVM reported in November that state-owned technology company Hikvision won an approximately $9 million “Smart Campus” government project in mid-2022 that “alerts administrators to any ethnic minority students ‘suspected of fasting’ during Ramadan based on ‘dining records.’ The alerts are part of a larger surveillance system against ethnic minority students that tracks what books they borrow, their holiday destinations, family information, and more.” IPVM said, “Hikvision responded by admitting it won the project but alleging, without evidence, that these alerts were never actually developed/deployed.” Minjiang University, a public university with approximately 16,000 students in Fuzhou, Fujian Province, announced the successful completion of the project’s first phase in December 2022.

ChinaAid reported in September that the CCP influenced major telecommunication companies to censor religious groups and individuals attempting to post religious content on social media platforms such as WeChat, pursuant to regulations controlling religious content on the internet. The CCP stated that religious content could only be published if the publisher possessed an “Internet Religious Information Service License.” Only organizations registered with the government qualified to obtain such licenses. The government instructed the telecommunication companies to suspend the accounts of individuals who did not have a license.

Authorities continued to restrict the printing and distribution of the Bible, the Quran, and other religious texts. In June, Bitter Winter reported that authorities commonly treated nonauthorized religious and “superstitious” books, including unauthorized editions of Bibles, in the same way as pornography with regard to penalties for their production, distribution, and possession. According to Bitter Winter , in June, police and Market Supervision Bureau officers in Shangcheng County, Henan Province, searched bookstores for unauthorized religious or “superstitious” publications. Authorities particularly targeted bookstores near schools and colleges. Bitter Winter said local believers “resented a policy that puts non-authorized religious books and pornography in the same category.”

In March, the UN Economic and Social Council’s Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights expressed concern about “reports of systematic and massive destruction of religious sites, such as mosques, monasteries, shrines and cemeteries, particularly in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region and in the Tibet Autonomous Region.”

Authorities continued to require religious buildings and sites deemed insufficiently “Chinese” to remove religious symbols or significantly modify their architecture to resemble Buddhist pagodas and Confucian temples. In some cases, this led to significant property destruction. The New York Times reported in June that the predominantly Hui Muslim residents of Tonghai County, Yunnan Province, resisted local officials’ plans to remove the dome and minarets of the fourteenth century Najiaying Mosque and replace them with more “Chinese” architectural features. Resulting protests, which Al Jazeera reported involved thousands of demonstrators, led to the arrest of more than 30 persons. According to an article in Foreign Affairs in September, “The mosques of Najiaying and nearby Shadian have stood as relics of the Chinese state’s past tolerance of Islam and Muslims in Yunnan. They are the last two mosques in the province to still boast traditionally Arab features, namely domes and minarets.” The Foreign Affairs analysts said the protests in Yunnan “highlight one of the last bastions of Muslim resistance against religious repression.” The analysts reported that after a delay, work continued to remove the dome and minarets, adding that local authorities had visited Hui families to compel their signatures on “consent” forms sanctioning the “reforming” of the mosque. Media reported throughout the year that authorities ordered similar changes to several mosques across a range of Hui Muslim communities.

According to Voice of America (VOA), in July, the Gansu provincial government began demolishing the Xiguan Mosque in Lanzhou. The mosque was built in the late 1500s during the Ming dynasty, demolished during the Cultural Revolution, and rebuilt in the 1980s. Scholars told VOA the mosque’s demolition marked the end of freedom of religion for the country’s Muslims. One local university professor told VOA, “The mosque is a support for the Muslim faith, and other things cannot substitute for it.” She said that in the next few years, the religious space for Hui Muslims would become “increasingly closed and narrow, extending from mosques to all aspects.”

According to RFA, VOA, and Bitter Winter , in April, authorities completed the large-scale Sinicization of Beijing’s Songyu and Doudian Mosques, the largest mosques in Northern China, demolishing their minarets and replacing Arab-style rounded cupolas with sloped-roof Chinese-style spires, although they reportedly did not alter the interiors. Media coverage contained before and after photographs showing that both mosques’ exteriors were completely transformed. The progovernment Sing Tao Daily reported placards in the mosque displayed political slogans such as “Study and implement the spirit of the 20th Party National Congress” and “Adhere to the direction of Sinicization of religions in China.”

Human Rights Watch said in November that the government was significantly reducing the number of mosques in Ningxia and Gansu Provinces under its “mosque consolidation” policy. The NGO said authorities had decommissioned, closed down, demolished, and converted mosques for secular use as part of the government’s efforts to restrict the practice of Islam.

ChinaAid reported that on August 3, authorities in Wenzhou, Zhejiang Province, announced they would remove the cross from the Dongqiao Church. Sources told ChinaAid that in July, authorities in Shanxi Town, Yongjia County, and Lucheng District ordered local churches to remove plaques and characters from their walls that contained “Christian phrases” such as “Emmanuel,” “Jesus,” “Christ,” and “Jehovah.”

According to SARA data last updated in 2022, religious groups ran 94 schools in the country, compared with 87 in 2021. These included 43 Buddhist (37 in 2021), 11 Taoist (10 in 2021), 10 Islamic, nine Catholic, and 21 Protestant. Authorities continued to bar students younger than 18 from receiving religious instruction, but multiple local sources said enforcement and implementation of the prohibition varied widely across and within regions. According to the SARA, there were six national-level religious colleges.

Individuals seeking to enroll at an official seminary or other institution of religious learning continued to be required to obtain the support of the corresponding state-sanctioned religious association. The government continued to require students to demonstrate “political reliability,” and political issues were included in examinations of graduates from religious schools. Both registered and unregistered religious groups reported a shortage of trained clergy.

ChinaAid reported in March that authorities required parents of preschoolers in Wenzhou, Zhejiang Province, to sign a “Pledge of Commitment for the Family Not to Hold Religious Beliefs.” The pledge included promises to uphold CCP laws and not to hold religious beliefs, participate in religious activities, propagate religious information, or join Falun Gong or other “cults.” While officials had asked teachers to make similar commitments in the past, ChinaAid said this was the first instance in which they imposed such a requirement on students’ families. The NGO said that on February 15, CCP cadres in Xiaoshan, Zhejiang Province, held an event at which kindergarten teachers signed a similar pledge.

According to ChinaAid, during the year, the government continued to raid and outlaw house church schools, academies, and summer camps in rural and urban parts of the country. The NGO said, “Suppression of Christian education relates closely to the Chinese government’s ideological control by brainwashing children.” ChinaAid estimated 50,000 families in the country, the vast majority of them Christian, illegally homeschooled their children to “counter the ideological indoctrination.” ChinaAid reported that on July 25, 15 police officers in Taiyuan, Shanxi Province, raided the summer camp of the Zion Reformed Church and administratively detained four members, including Pastor An Yankui, for 15 days on charges of “carrying out activities in the name of an illegal social organization.” Police confiscated children’s Bibles, teachers’ mobile phones, books, and other personal belongings. On August 20, police in Handan, Heibei Province, raided a Christian children’s summer camp. Police detained two teachers and summoned other Sunday school teachers for interrogation. On October 11, police in Luliang, Shanxi Province, raided Lishi Church Academy, confiscated school supplies, Bibles, psalm books, and Bible commentaries, and arrested Liu Cui, a member of the church who was tutoring six children. Authorities sentenced Liu to 10 days of administrative detention. ChinaAid said her husband, a nonbeliever, disapproved of his wife’s church activities and informed on her.

In September, Bitter Winter reported that authorities raided the Christian school Yabo Academy in Zhengzhou, Henan Province, and ordered it to cease operations. Authorities fined the academy administrators the maximum penalty of RMB 200,000 ($28,000) for conducting religious education and training without authorization.

• Transnational Repression

In February, the Uyghur Human Rights Project published a report titled “ On the Fringes of Society”: Humanitarian Needs of the At-Risk Uyghur Diaspora. The report stated, “The Chinese state actively interferes with the ability of Uyghur exiles to meet their basic humanitarian needs, often with the help of foreign governments, subjecting them to harassment, intimidation, surveillance, enforced statelessness, family separation, and community and cultural trauma.” Uyghurs living abroad faced refoulement and forcible deportation back to China.

International media and NGOs reported that PRC authorities or their representatives continued to pressure Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslims and members of ethnic and religious minority groups from Xinjiang living abroad to spy on fellow expatriates. They also reportedly pressured individuals to return to China or cease advocacy on behalf of residents of Xinjiang and threatened retaliation against family members still in Xinjiang if the individuals living overseas did not comply. In July, the BBC reported that in one instance, a PRC officer facilitated a video call between a Uyghur refugee living in the United Kingdom and his mother in Xinjiang. In addition to arranging the call, the officer overtly listened in on the conversation, limiting their ability to speak freely. The Uyghur refugee said the officer subsequently called him and offered to pay him to spy on Uyghur rights activists in London. The refugee said there was an implicit threat against his family if he refused.

During the year, Sheffield University in the United Kingdom published a report titled “ We know you better than you know yourself”: China’s T ransnational R epression of the Uyghur D iaspora . The report stated that “the scale of transnational repression in the Uyghur diaspora is universal, and its impact severely restricts their rights to free speech and associations, and the capacity to maintain their culture.” Tactics included “increased use of Uyghur informants to gather intelligence … harassing isolated individuals, placing community figures under surveillance, quietly intimidating Uyghurs from speaking publicly, and even enlisting them to create positive images of China.” Two-thirds of the 48 UK-resident Uyghurs interviewed reported PRC authorities directly threatened them or their families if they failed to cooperate and, conversely, offered to allow them contact with family in Xinjiang if they ceased rights advocacy or agreed to collect information on other Uyghur expatriates.

RFA reported in February that PRC police coerced Uyghurs who migrated to Turkey – which had the largest Uyghur population outside Central Asia – to spy on their own community. Several Uyghur expatriates told RFA that after they downloaded PRC communication and social media applications to their phones to stay connected with friends and relatives in Xinjiang, PRC officials attempted to manipulate those digital ties to try to coerce them into spying on their communities abroad.

In August, the NGO Safeguard Defenders published a report titled Targeted in T ürkiye: China’s Transnational Repression against Uyghurs . The report stated that PRC officials surveilled and harassed Uyghurs living in Turkey and utilized networks of expatriate Uyghur informants – themselves often victims of transnational repression – to collect information for use in coercing family members abroad to cease criticism of the PRC or to take part in pro-PRC propaganda. According to the report, PRC police called individuals and overtly threatened to harm their relatives living in Xinjiang if they did not cooperate.

On November 11, Bitter Winter reported that Turkey-based Uyghur activist Yidiresi Aishan (also known as Idris Hasan) remained in custody in Morocco and under threat of extradition to China. Aishan, originally from Xinjiang, fled to Turkey in 2012 after PRC authorities increasingly harassed him. In Turkey, he was known for advocating the rights of Uyghurs in the PRC. According to media reports, Moroccan authorities detained Aishan at the airport in Casablanca after he arrived from Turkey in July 2021 because of a PRC-filed 2017 Interpol red notice identifying him as a “terrorist” that Interpol subsequently cancelled on the grounds that it was “of a political, military, religious, or racial character.” In December 2021, the Court of Cassation in Rabat issued a favorable opinion on the extradition request. In 2022, a panel of experts in the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and international NGOs advocated Aishan’s release, stating that if returned to China, Aishan risked serious human rights violations including arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, or torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment.

In May, the Geneva-based human rights NGO Alkarama reported the whereabouts of Uyghurs Nurmemet Rozi and Hamidulla Wali were unknown following their transfer to Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, in March, possibly in preparation for their deportation to China. The PRC sought the refoulement of Rozi and Hamidulla, along with Abula Buheliquemu and Buheliquemu’s 13 year-old daughter, Miremaiti Baibure. Saudi authorities detained Rozi and Wali in 2020 at the Chinese embassy’s request after they traveled to Mecca from Turkey on Umrah pilgrimag and detained Abula and her daughter in 2022 near Mecca. In 2022, foreign governments, Amnesty International, other NGOs including the World Uyghur Congress, and legal experts from the United Nations called on the Saudi government in this case to uphold its international commitment not to refoul individuals who would face torture, cruel punishment, or persecution upon returning to their home country.

Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) reported in March that the relatives of ethnic Kazakhs who leave China become hostages, giving the government leverage in forcing the emigres into silence. Activist Erbol Dauletbekuly told RFE/RL, “For each person who decides to go abroad, at least three relatives must register as ‘hostages.’ Authorities warn that if they give interviews or criticize China after going abroad, the relatives will be held accountable.” RFE/RL reported that a naturalized Kazakh citizen of Chinese origin, Rahima Sembaiqyzy, visited her relatives in Xinjiang while pregnant with her fifth child. Authorities arrested her, forced her to have an abortion, and incarcerated her for two months in prison, followed by 10 months in a reeducation camp. They finally allowed her to return to Kazakhstan after she registered her parents as “hostages.” When she subsequently spoke to the media about her experience in Xinjiang, authorities arrested her brother. She also lost contact with her parents. Sembaiqyzy told RFE/RL they were likely ordered not to communicate with her.

Sources reported PRC authorities engaged in transnational repression against the approximately 150,000 Tibetans living outside the Tibet Autonomous Region and Tibetan autonomous prefectures and counties, many as refugees in India and Nepal. They frequently subjected the Tibetan overseas community to harassment, monitoring, and cyberattacks. In a March statement, Tenzin Dorjee of the Tibet Action Institute said government authorities continued to pressure and threaten China-resident families of Tibetans living in other countries to dissuade their relatives from criticizing PRC policies towards Tibetans. A wide range of diaspora and civil society sources reported PRC embassies and consulates frequently required ethnic Tibetans seeking consular services to provide detailed information on family members and personal connections in China. As this information was generally not requested of other travelers or citizens living abroad, many viewed it as an implied threat that the PRC government would punish relatives in retaliation for criticism of PRC policies.

Sources reported that the PRC continued to pressure Nepal to implement a border systems management agreement and a mutual legal assistance treaty that could result in the refoulement of Tibetan refugees to China and to decline to register or issue identity documents to Tibetan refugees. Nepal did not take additional steps to implement the agreements, but also continued not to register Tibetans. Nepal last registered and issued documentation to Tibetan refugees in 1995.

Transnational repression targeting members of banned religious groups continued, in particular against members of Falun Gong. In a May report, the Falun Dafa Information Center stated that PRC authorities conducted physical and digital surveillance on Falun Gong members who attended college in the United States. One student studying in Illinois reported PRC diplomats in the United States ordered the Chinese Student and Scholars Association at his university to expel him from the group for publishing information on Falun Gong on his personal website. Multiple students cited in the report said PRC authorities had harassed, detained, or otherwise persecuted their family members in China to discourage their Falun Gong-related activities in the United States, or to coerce the students to return to China.

In April, a U.S. federal prosecutor in the Eastern District of New York charged two defendants in connection with opening and operating an undeclared overseas “police station” in lower Manhattan for the PRC’s Ministry of Public Security. The complaint said one defendant, a New York City resident, had assisted the PRC government by participating in counterprotests in Washington, D.C. against members of Falun Gong and helping locate persons of interest to the PRC government.

In May, a U.S. federal prosecutor in the Southern District of New York charged two individuals with acting and conspiring to act in the United States as unregistered agents of the PRC. The U.S. Department of Justice said the individuals allegedly furthered the PRC government’s transnational repression campaign against Falun Gong practitioners by attempting to bribe a purported Internal Revenue Service official who was actually an undercover law enforcement agent.

In October, the Falun Dafa Association of Canada reported the CCP used political infiltration, disinformation, manipulation, intimidation, assault, surveillance, and harassment to silence Falun Gong adherents and suppress Canadian public support for Falun Gong.

The Falun Dafa Association reported the PRC government pressured foreign entertainment venues in multiple countries to refuse to host or cancel already scheduled performances of the U.S.-based Falun Gong-affiliated dance troupe Shen Yun. Many of the performers are Falun Gong practitioners and, in addition to traditional Chinese dances, some dances portray present-day religious persecution of Falun Gong practitioners in China.

Media outlets and NGOs reported in March that immigration authorities in Thailand detained 63 members of the Shenzhen Holy Reformed Church – a group of Christians originally from China – for overstaying their visas. The group had applied in Thailand with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees for refugee status, stating that they had experienced harassment and surveillance from suspected PRC authorities pressuring them to return since leaving China, and that they feared being forcibly deported without asylum status. In April, the Thai government facilitated their departure for resettlement in a third country.

• Abuses Involving Discrimination or Unequal Treatment

In November, Freedom House published its Freedom in the World 2023 report analyzing political rights and civil liberties in China. According to the report, “The political system is dominated in practice by ethnic Han Chinese men. Societal groups such as women, ethnic and religious minority groups, and LGBT+ people have no opportunity to gain meaningful political representation.” Their presence in government or party organizations was largely “symbolic.”

• Other Developments Affecting Religious Freedom

The PRC government and the Holy See do not have formal diplomatic relations, and the Holy See continued to have no official representative to the PRC despite its requests to open a liaison office in Beijing. The two-year provisional agreement on the appointment of bishops between the government and the Holy See, originally signed in 2018 and renewed in 2020 and 2022, remained in effect through October 2024. The agreement, the text of which has never been made public, regulates appointments and transfers of bishops in China. Some Catholic Church leaders viewed the agreement as an exception to government regulations prohibiting foreign involvement in religion. During the year, the Holy See publicly indicated the PRC had violated the agreement on multiple occasions, with Foreign Minister-equivalent Archbishop Paul Richard Gallagher saying in April it was “not the best deal possible” and that Holy See diplomats were attempting to negotiate “improvements.”

Media reported that on April 4, PRC authorities unilaterally transferred Bishop Joseph Shen Bin from the Haimen Diocese in Jiangsu Province to serve as bishop of the vacant Shanghai Diocese, without consulting the Vatican. On April 4, Director of the Holy See Press Office Matteo Bruni told Vatican News , “The Holy See had been informed a few days ago of the decision of the Chinese authorities” to transfer the bishop and “learned from the media of the installation this morning.” On July 15, the Pope decided to accept the PRC’s unilateral instillation by officially appointing Shen as bishop of Shanghai within the Catholic Church’s organizational structure. Cardinal Pietro Parolin, the Vatican Prime Minister-equivalent, told Vatican News the Pope “decided to rectify the canonical irregularity, in view of the greater good of the diocese” but said China’s unilateral action “seems to disregard the spirit of dialogue and cooperation” of the bishops agreement. The bishopric of Shanghai had been vacant for 10 years following the death of Bishop Jin Luxian in April 2013. Media reported no change in the status of Auxiliary Bishop of Shanghai Thaddeus Ma Daqin, whom authorities placed under house arrest following his resignation from the CCPA in 2012. The Vatican had previously expressed its wish that Ma replace Bishop Jin. In October, Bishop Shen told the diocesan magazine he supported both “independence and autonomy in running the Church” and “the direction of the Sinicization of the Catholic Church in China.”

As of year’s end, the trial of 91-year-old Cardinal Joseph Zen, the former Catholic Bishop of Hong Kong and an outspoken defender of civil rights in Hong Kong and mainland China, on charges that he violated Hong Kong’s National Security Law by “colluding with foreign forces” remained pending and Zen remained free on bail. Zen had to surrender his travel documents, including his passport, to Hong Kong authorities as condition of his bail; however, in January, the Hong Kong government allowed Zen to travel to the Vatican for three days to attend the funeral of Pope Emeritus Benedict XVI, and media outlets reported Zen met privately with Pope Francis while in Rome.

Section III.

Status of societal respect for religious freedom.

Because the government and individuals closely link religion, culture, and ethnicity, it was difficult to categorize many incidents of societal discrimination as being solely based on religious identity. Christians, Muslims, Tibetan Buddhists, and Falun Gong practitioners reported societal discrimination in employment, housing, and business opportunities. There were also reports that Uyghur Muslims, Tibetan Buddhists, and members of other religious minority groups continued to face difficulties in finding accommodation when they traveled.

Discrimination against potential or current tenants based on their religious beliefs reportedly continued. Falun Gong practitioners continued to report difficulties in finding landlords who would rent them apartments. Sources stated government enforcement of provisions on “suspicious activity” in the Public Security Administration Punishment law continued to move the country further away from informal discriminatory practices by individual landlords towards a more formalized enforcement of codified discriminatory legislation.

International media outlets reported that antisemitic content on domestic social media platforms increased during the year. In July, the China Media Project reported that some nationalist social media accounts promoted antisemitic conspiracy theories accusing Jews of promoting the Opium Wars in the 19th century and collaborating with Imperial Japan by financing its military industry during World War II. The report noted such theories built on stereotypes long common in China that characterized Jews as “inherently intelligent, clever, business savvy, and wealthy.” In September, one foreign social media user who engaged with PRC counterparts wrote in the Diplomat magazine that even online comments supportive of Jews often contained antisemitic tropes “praising Jews for their business acumen and ability to make money.”

After the October 7 Hamas terrorist attack on Israel, the New York Times reported that “a surge of antisemitism and anti-Israeli sentiment [had proliferated] across the Chinese internet and state media” despite heavy state-directed censorship of other sensitive topics. The Times said a state media outlet hosted a social media discussion stating that Jews controlled a disproportionate amount of U.S. wealth, which drew responses that included antisemitic stereotypes and attempts to downplay the Holocaust. VOA also reported that at one point following the October 7 attack, the hashtag “3 percent Jewish population in the U.S. controls over 70 percent of American wealth” became one of the top trending topics on social media. On November 13, Deutsche Welle reported, “Anti-Jewish hate is sweeping across Chinese online platforms. People are praising both Hamas and Adolf Hitler, for example, and posting anti-Israel abuse. In a country that normally heavily censors its internet, those comments largely are being allowed to stay up.”

Section IV.

U.s. government policy and engagement.

The Secretary of State, U.S. Ambassador to the PRC, and other senior Department of State officials, as well as embassy and consulate general representatives, repeatedly and publicly expressed concerns about abuses of religious freedom in the country, including in Tibet, Xinjiang, and Hong Kong.

On November 15, during the Summit meeting with President Xi, the U.S. President directly raised concerns regarding PRC human rights abuses, including in Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong.

The U.S. Ambassador to the PRC publicly called for the PRC to respect religious freedom and the rights of members of religious minority groups, including in posts on social media on the anniversaries of the detention of Uyghur doctor Gulshan Abbas in September and Uyghur tech entrepreneur Ekpar Asat in April. In April, the Ambassador hosted an iftar to demonstrate respect for Islam and express support for religious freedom and interfaith dialogue.

During his meetings with senior PRC officials on October 26-27 in Washington, D.C. and June 18-19 in Beijing, the Secretary of State raised concerns about human rights violations in the PRC, including Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong, as well as individual cases of concern.

On May 15, the U.S. Ambassador at Large for Religious Freedom said at the release of the 2022 Report on International Religious Freedom , “The People’s Republic of China seized, imprisoned, and banished predominantly Muslim Uyghurs to re-education camps. They continue the repression of Tibetan Buddhists, Chinese Christians, and Falun Gong practitioners – many of whom are fleeing the PRC’s abuses.” The Ambassador added, “Uyghurs have witnessed the PRC government destroy or repurpose their mosques or cemeteries. Authorities also destroy the monasteries of Tibetan Buddhists and expelled monks and nuns.”

In April, the Secretary of State joined other G7 foreign ministers in issuing a joint communique, stating, “We continue to raise our concerns with China on reported human rights violations and abuses, including in Xinjiang and Tibet. We reiterate our concerns over the continued erosion of Hong Kong’s autonomy rights and freedoms and call on China to act in accordance with its international commitments and legal obligations, including those enshrined in the Sino-British Joint Declaration and the Basic Law.”

In a July 20 social media statement, the State Department spokesperson recognized 24 years since the PRC launched a campaign of repression against Falun Gong and its practitioners, advocates, and human rights defenders and expressed solidarity with this community.

Embassy and consulate general officials regularly sought meetings with a range of government officials managing religious affairs to obtain more information on government policies and to advocate greater religious freedom and tolerance. Some government officials, such the Guangzhou Ethnic and Religious Affairs Commission in Guangdong Province, continued their practice of declining multiple requests to meet. Embassy and consulate general officials, including the Ambassador and Consuls General, urged government officials at the central, provincial, and local levels, including those at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other ministries, to stop abuses of religious adherents and to implement stronger protections for religious freedom. The Ambassador regularly highlighted religious freedom concerns in meetings with senior officials. The Department of State, embassy, and consulates general regularly called upon the government to release prisoners of conscience and advocated on behalf of persons imprisoned for religious reasons in individual cases.

Embassy and consulate general representatives, including the Ambassador, Consuls General in Guangzhou, Shanghai, and Wuhan, and other officials, met with religious groups, as well as academics, NGOs, members of registered and unregistered religious groups, and family members of individuals imprisoned on account of religion to reinforce U.S. support for religious freedom. Embassy and consulate general officials met with religious leaders to convey the importance of religious pluralism in society and to learn about issues facing religious communities. PRC authorities consistently harassed and intimidated religious leaders to dissuade them from speaking with U.S. officials. Authorities continued to prevent members of religious communities from attending events at the embassy and consulates general, and security services questioned individuals who did attend.

The embassy continued to amplify Department of State religious freedom initiatives directly to local audiences through postings to the embassy website and to its Weibo, WeChat, and Twitter accounts. Over the course of the year, the embassy published more than two dozen messages promoting religious freedom, including videos, statements, images, and infographics.

Embassy social media accounts highlighted National Religious Freedom Day in January and the Secretary of State’s speech at the civil society-led International Religious Freedom Summit in February. In May, embassy posts on the Secretary of State’s remarks announcing the 2022 Report on International Religious Freedom received more than 250,000 impressions on Weibo, WeChat, and Twitter. In November, an embassy Weibo post reporting that the U.S. President had raised concerns over PRC human rights violations in Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong with President Xi received more than 1.7 million views. A December 10 statement by the Ambassador on International Human Rights Day stressed U.S. support for fundamental rights, including religious freedom. In total, embassy posts amplifying religious freedom initiatives garnered more than 6.3 million views and nearly 85,000 engagements. The tone of the comments from PRC social media users was largely critical of embassy posts, especially concerning Xinjiang and Tibet issues.

On August 22, the Secretary of State announced visa restrictions on unspecified PRC officials “for their involvement in the forcible assimilation of more than one million Tibetan children in government-run boarding schools.” In an accompanying statement, the Secretary of State said, “These coercive policies seek to eliminate Tibet’s distinct linguistic, cultural, and religious traditions among younger generations of Tibetans. We urge PRC authorities to end the coercion of Tibetan children into government-run boarding schools and to cease repressive assimilation policies, both in Tibet and throughout other parts of the PRC.”

On December 8, the U.S. Treasury Department sanctioned Gao Qi and Hu Lianhe under the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act for their connection to serious human rights abuses in Xinjiang. Gao led the Yili Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture Public Security Bureau and served as prefectural vice governor. Hu served as deputy office director for the Xinjiang Work Coordination Small Group of the Central Committee, which was closely involved in the “de-extremification” through re-education campaign.

In addition, on December 8, the Department of Homeland Security-led interagency Forced Labor Enforcement Task Force added three PRC entities – COFCO Sugar Holding Company, Ltd., Sichuan Jingweida Technology Group Company, Ltd., and Anhui Xinya New Materials Company, Ltd. – to the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act Entity List for participating in forced labor transfers of Uyghurs and members of other religious and ethnic minority groups in the Xinjiang region.

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• Section I. Religious Demography
• Section III. Status of Societal Respect for Religious Freedom
• Section IV. U.S. Government Policy and Engagement

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The lessons of 1989: freedom and our future.