International law has emerged from an effort to deal with conflict among states, since rules provide order and help to mitigate destructive conflict. It is developed in a number of ways. First, law often comes out of international agreements and treaties between states. Treaties are the most important source of international law and also serve as the origins of IGOs, which in turn are important sources of law. Second, customary practices that have evolved over time often become codified in law. Third, general legal principles that are common to a significant number of states can become part of the corpus of international law. Finally, law arises from the community of international legal scholars. Particularly on more technical issues, their expertise is often accepted by political leaders.
The existence of law, however, does not mean that conflict is any easier to resolve.[1] Instead, as law becomes more elaborate and constraining, it becomes increasingly contentious. The powerful do not wish to be constrained in their ability to respond to threats. At the same time, developing countries see much of international law as being crafted largely without their input, primarily due to the so-called democratic deficit in intergovernmental organizations ( IGOs ), which now are typically the negotiating venues for the creation of new law.
In this essay, we discuss the origins of international law, and analyze how international law has evolved in the twentieth century, focusing on the individualization of international law. Finally, we examine some of the contemporary criticisms of international law.
Perhaps the first question to ask is whether in fact international law is law at all. The primary distinction between domestic and international law is that the latter often lacks an enforcement mechanism. There is no government to enforce the law, as there is in domestic situations. International law is often as much a source of conflict as it is a solution to them. Most forms of international law are contested. Rarely is it agreed upon universally. As will be seen below, it is not enforceable unless powerful countries see it in their interest to do so. What is more, cross-cultural differences make its interpretation and implementation difficult. Another question is whether international laws can be considered law if they are not translated into domestic laws where there is greater potential for enforcement. By adapting international law into domestic statutes, governments theoretically provide enforcement mechanisms . There are also instances in which domestic law not only does not contain international law, but is in fact in contradiction to it.
Despite all of this, international law is often followed. This can be attributed in part to Great Power backing, but also much of international law is based on customary practice. International law may be enforced by states taking unilateral action if it is in their interest or through multilateral measures where sufficient consensus exists. Reciprocity can play a role, as benefits in other areas may be gained from following laws. In addition to ad hoc efforts to enforce international laws, a number of formal courts have been established for that purpose.
Historical origins.
It can be argued that international law began in 1648 with the Peace of Westphalia, which asserted the sovereign equality of states. Rules concerning the conduct of war ( jus ad bellum and jus in bello ) soon emerged, most famously codified in the Geneva Conventions of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Organizations soon emerged to facilitate the creation of law and to mediate disputes. The League of Nations sought unsuccessfully to effectively outlaw war. Recently, the clearest source of international law has been the United Nations. The U.N. Charter defines the conditions for the legal use of force, and the U.N. has served as the principal negotiating venue for the creation of new international law. The most recent development has been international law targeting individuals rather than states, as is evidenced by the creation of the International Criminal Court. These issues will be taken up after a review of state-oriented courts.
States have created an evolving collection of international institutions to facilitate the creation and maintenance of international law. The Hague Conference of 1899 established the Permanent Court of Arbitration, which was an institution to which states could come for dispute settlement. It was a forerunner to the Permanent Court of International Justice, created in the aftermath of World War I in 1921. It derived largely from the Treaty of Versailles, and laid the groundwork for the protection of minority rights . The Permanent Court of International Justice was reconstituted in 1946 as the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which is still in existence.
The ICJ was created as a judicial body to hear cases involving disputes between nation-states. It is made up of 15 judges, elected for nine-year terms. The judges are elected by the U.N. General Assembly and Security Council, based on nominations made to the Secretary-General. In order for the ICJ to hear a case, all state parties to the dispute must accept its jurisdiction. The ICJ remained marginal until the 1980s as the Soviet bloc rejected it, and Third World states soured on the idea after some early unfavorable rulings. After the ICJ ruled against the U.S. in the case brought by Nicaragua regarding the mining of Nicaraguan waters, however, it gained renewed credibility, the number of states recognizing its jurisdiction jumped dramatically, and its docket was flooded with cases.[2]
Europe has seen the most dramatic development of supranational courts. The European Court of Justice is the sole judicial organ for the European Union. It is independent in its decision-making, and its purpose is to ensure that European law is followed. The court's independence is enhanced by the fact that only one judgment of the court is released, not individual positions. The Court is generally regarded as one of the most "European-minded" institutions in the E.U., in other words acting on the principles articulated for the E.U., rather than on state interests.[3] The European Court of Human Rights has been the most active of any international human rights court, with individuals utilizing it more to assert rights than in the resolution of interstate disputes.
The Americas have also developed a significant regional court system. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights was established in the 1970s and has acted primarily as an advisory body; it has never heard a case. At times, it has been criticized as a tool for the United States to wield influence over its neighbors. However, it has also proven to be an important moral voice in the region, particularly as Latin American states have struggled with political transitions.
States have long relied on treaties and other international agreements for security against war. The first important move beyond laws of war was the Kellogg-Briand Pact, signed by 63 countries in 1928, which condemned "recourse to war for the solution of international controversies" and foreswore war as an instrument of policy. However, the conflicts of the 1930s made this agreement moot.
Many of the core principles of international law related to conflict prevention have been incorporated into the U.N. Charter. They are:
These principles often prove to be in tension with one another, however. This confusion was exacerbated by subsequent treaties, such as the 1948 convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In practice, the protection of human rights has placed limitations on respecting state sovereignty, and force has been deemed the only effective means to protect human rights on a number of occasions.
One of the clearest appeals to international law emerged with respect to Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait. The Iraqi invasion was a clear violation of Kuwaiti sovereignty, and the ensuing Gulf War was a multilateral effort to enforce international law. The growing role of international law can be seen in the creation of the "no-fly zones" in Iraq via U.N. Security Council Resolution 688 of April 1991, which served as the legal precedent for a range of initiatives later in the decade, from Somalia to East Timor.
Initially, these actions were rationalized by arguing that internal conflict had effects that spilled across borders, but human rights discourse increasingly replaced this argument.[4] These principles of state sovereignty and human rights came into clear conflict in the war in the Balkans. Yugoslavia responded in part to Western threats by making appeals to international law. Yugoslavia sued the NATO countries in the International Court of Justice for aggression and genocide. The Court rejected the argument, but the legality of the Kosovo bombing remains uncertain.[5]
The question of terrorism has also become a difficult one for states to deal with using international law, particularly as targets become increasingly international. Some steps have been taken to address these issues. A number of conventions have been created to deal with issues ranging from aircraft hijacking to hostage-taking and abductions, but all suffer from lack of enforcement. Part of the difficulty in dealing with terrorism is a general lack of consensus over what groups and tactics would fall under such law. The law, however, still largely reflects an overly state-centric view that makes it difficult to deal with the growth of transnational groups. Taking action against groups often requires infringing on sovereignty, another core principle of international law.
One of the most dramatic developments in international law has been the growth of laws focusing on the individual, which provide protection and require accountability. Whereas in the past, international law focused primarily on regulating state behavior and defining states rights, it has increasingly been involved in identifying individual rights and holding individuals accountable. This trend began after WWII. The identification of individual responsibility in the Nuremberg Trials after World War II was followed by the creation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the United Nations. The Declaration passed largely because the Communist Bloc was abstaining at the time. In the years that have followed, there has been a proliferation of international covenants that have specified additional rights. The Yugoslav and Rwandan war crimes tribunals established by the U.N. in the 1990s, the International Criminal Court (ICC), and international covenants specifying additional rights, represent further developments.
Of the two war crimes tribunals, the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has received the most attention. The ICTY initially suffered because it pursued only low-level criminals, assuming that peace negotiations required the participation of high-level leaders. Yet in mid-1995 Prosecutor Richard Goldstone indicted Bosnian Serb leaders Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic. The peace talks continued, and the former leaders became increasingly marginalized,[6] although they remain at large. States have often been reluctant to aggressively go after war criminals if their soldiers would be placed in harm's way.[7] The ICTY became more aggressive when it indicted Slobodan Milosevic, a sitting head of state, in May 1999 for crimes against humanity.
The International Criminal Court (ICC)
The events of the 1990s, and the perceived strengths and weaknesses of the ICTY, did much to draw renewed attention to the idea of a global criminal court. The forerunner of the ICC was modeled on programs such as the United Nations War Crimes Commission, which was established by the Allies in 1943. In the post-war years, the idea of a permanent court was much talked about, but was overshadowed by the Cold War and reemerged only in 1989 initially as a means to deal with the international drug trade. Both the ICTY and ICTR (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda) pointed to the need for a permanent body that would be a stronger deterrent and also could be more efficient, since the cost of a standing body could be less than the start-up costs of ad hoc bodies.
In late 1995, the U.N. General Assembly created the Preparatory Committee on the Establishment of an International Criminal Court (PrepCom), which held a series of sessions over the next three years. Intense diplomatic activity ensued, culminating in a June-July 1998 diplomatic conference that resulted in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Jurisdiction over genocide , crimes against humanity, war crimes, and aggression was granted the ICC, although the latter crime awaits further diplomatic clarification. The statute entered into force in 2002 after the ratification by the requisite 60 countries. In early 2003, the judges and the Prosecutor were elected. Judges must be nationals of one of the State Parties (states that signed and ratified the agreement) and possess legal expertise. The judiciary must be balanced in a number of respects, representing: the major legal systems of the world; geographic areas; gender; and expertise on specific issues. The 18 judges are elected by the Assembly of States Parties and serve a single nine-year term. The Prosecutor and Deputy Prosecutor(s) are elected by an absolute majority of the Assembly of States Parties for a single nine-year term. Procedures have also been established for the early removal of judges and prosecutors, to ensure accountability.
Bringing a case before the ICC is a relatively long process. For the ICC to act, jurisdiction must be accepted by either the state where the crime was committed, or the state from which the accused came. If ICC jurisdiction exists, investigations may be initiated in a number of ways. A state-party can bring a case. The U.N. Security Council also can, even in circumstances where the jurisdiction outlined above does not exist. In addition, the Prosecutor may also initiate the process him or herself, although the Pre-Trial Chamber must approve of any investigation initiated by the Prosecutor by finding that there is a reasonable basis to proceed and that the case falls within ICC jurisdiction.
What is more, the ICC is meant to be complementary to national courts. Therefore, the ICC will not proceed if a State is or has been investigating the crime, unless the State is seen to be unwilling or unable to proceed. The ICC Prosecutor must notify all states that it is initiating an investigation, and states are able to assert a superior right to exercise jurisdiction. The U.N. Security Council can block proceedings through a positive resolution, but this prohibition lasts for only one year. Once a case has been initiated, the Prosecutor evaluates whether to proceed with the investigation. It is the job of the Pre-Trial Chamber to determine whether to issue warrants and orders requested by the Prosecutor. If the warrant is issued, after the accused has been informed of the charges against him or her, the Pre-Trial Chamber determines whether to confirm the charges. The trial would proceed from there.
The strength of the ICC remains to be proven, particularly since the U.S. does not support the court. The U.S. is concerned that its troops on peacekeeping missions would be subject to prosecution that might be politically motivated. The U.S. would also like the Prosecutor to have less independent authority, and more control exercised by the Security Council, where the U.S. has veto power. Other countries may have similar misgivings, but may lack the international influence to take a decisive stand. They may fear the potential embarrassment of having their human rights records put on trial. Leaders who have violated the human rights of their citizens or others may fear prosecution. The U.S. case remains somewhat unique since it has the largest military in the world and tends to be involved in more places more frequently. It also reflects a concern for entangling international obligations that has been an undercurrent of U.S. foreign policy for much of its history. In essence, the U.S. is reluctant to give up the ability to act in its self-interest that its power provides.
Although much of this discussion has portrayed international law as a potential means of conflict management or resolution, it should be remembered that law is itself a source of significant conflict. The shape and content of law often favors particular groups or countries. Not only is international law often most influential when it favors the strongest, but the powerful are also typically the source of law. For example, because much of international law is formed by the U.N., the Security Council has a disproportionate influence in shaping it.
One prominent example of might makes right in international law is in the realm of laws related to trade and investment. Enforcement comes largely through power, which means that the developed world often controls the agenda. They have the market power to punish and entice smaller states to comply. The creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995 marked a dramatic advancement in the development of trade law and enforcement mechanisms over what existed under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). The WTO has been widely criticized for "green room"[8] agenda-setting by the global North, and other actions that put the South at a disadvantage.[9] New laws also create significant administrative burden for poor states, which is perhaps not bad for the long run, but makes for costly compliance.[10]
At base, though, law is only as effective as the means of enforcement and developing countries lack the power to retaliate effectively. Trade law is branching out into new areas as well, which will potentially put the South at an even greater disadvantage. Efforts are in various stages to link trade law to a range of issues from intellectual property regulations (TRIPs) to the environment to labor standards. TRIPs appear to favor Northern multinational corporations, while not protecting indigenous knowledge.[11] It also promises to make the cost of drugs to fight deadly illnesses such as AIDS a severe burden for poor countries. In terms of environmental law, it is often seen by the South as cutting off the path to development that the North took long ago, leaving the South in permanent dependency.
At the same time, the WTO's Dispute Settlement Understanding does take many steps to help developing countries operate on equal footing, compared to the GATT.[12] Each case must have a representative from the South as one of the three hearing the case. Voting is more explicit than under the GATT. Provisions have also been made to provide expertise to delegations from the South, but they are still left unable to shape the agenda. In sum, the WTO Dispute Settlement System does provide better opportunity for developing countries to bring complaints, but they often lack the technical expertise to take advantage of it.
International law has also been criticized as fundamentally Western. Certainly, most international law is based on Western notions. One sign of this might be that the Western Countries are more compliant with the international laws on human rights.[13] Others argue, however, that the widespread acceptance of international law is evidence that the principles on which it is based are not strictly Western. Still, it is not clear that many developing countries are entirely free to accede to these rules, as the WTO example above suggests. Western countries are able to provide incentives for less powerful countries to accede to their wishes. Either way, however, it means that international law has at least some force behind it, though not nearly as much as domestic legal systems.
[1] William A. Schabas, "International Law and Response to Conflict," in Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict , eds. Chester A. Crocker, Fen Osler Hampson, and Pamela Aall (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press, 2001), 603-618. < http://www.amazon.com/Turbulent-Peace-Challenges-Managing-International/dp/1929223277 >.
[3] Trevor C. Hartley, The Foundations of European Community Law, Third Edition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). Access revised edition (2010) here.
[4] Schabas 2001.
[5] Ibid, 607.
[7] Gary Jonathan Bass, Stay the Hand of Vengeance : The Politics of War Crimes Tribunals Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000). < http://books.google.com/books?id=M3XeD1OvxRYC >.
[8] So called green room deals refer to pre-negotiation meetings of representatives of developed countries in which they agree to a position for negotiations involving the broader international community. Given their power and influence, they are then able to present a unified front in negotiations with developing countries and therefore shape the debate such to favor their interests.
[9] Sarah Anderson, ed., Views from the South: The Effects of Globalization and the WTO on Third World Countries (Chicago: Food First Books, 2000) < http://books.google.com/books?id=fai2AAAAIAAJ >.; Walden Bello, "Reforming the WTO is the Wrong Agenda," in Globalize This!: The Battle Against the World Trade Organization and Corporate Rule, eds. Kevin Danaher and Roger Burback (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 2000) 103-119. < http://books.google.com/books?id=3lRjQgAACAAJ >.
[10] Magda Shahin, From Marrakesh to Singapore: The WTO and Developing Countries. Penang, Malaysia: Third World Network. < http://books.google.com/books?id=CdC2AAAAIAAJ >.
[11]Anderson 2000.
[12] Kofi Oteng Kufuor, "From the GATT to the WTO -- The Developing Countries and the Reform of the Procedures for the Settlement of International Trade Disputes," Journal of World Trade 31, no. 5 (October 1997): 117-147.
[13] Louis Henkin, The Age of Rights (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990). < http://books.google.com/books?id=jxYCBOV1IwwC >.
Use the following to cite this article: Brahm, Eric. "International Law." Beyond Intractability . Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Conflict Information Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder. Posted: September 2003 < http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/international-law >.
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This chapter discusses that across the board, international law is an important part of the structure of our international society. It adds that states accept it as such, and their record in observing it bears comparison with the level of law observance in many countries. It stresses that international law is a part of the structure for it is an integral part of it and not an optional extra; and that it is but one part in the overall equation — important, but not to the exclusion of other parts. It explains that the importance of international law is a function of its effectiveness and its ability to respond to change. Both, at the present time and for the most part, are adequate, but perhaps only just. It adds that neither can be taken away for granted. It clarifies that both need attention and development within a framework of respect for the international rule of law, if a stable international order is to prevail.
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This book contains ten writings on different aspects of international law, each of them cross-referenced, in instances in which information in one is relevant to points made in another. The first essay considers the character of the subject, and its relation to other entities of relevance to it, such as its compatibility with national law and its relation to maritime law. The second one considers different types of legal instruments in settings of international law, and explains how to read a multilateral convention, using the Convention for the International Sale of Goods as an example. The third part discusses the characteristics of a state and the concept of recognition, the fourth reviews the various roles that institutions take in international law, concentrating in particular on major regional organisations, and the fifth explores the extent to which the World Trade Organisation and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade provide for developing countries.
Essay Six summarises the framework for international labour law and investigates its contents and workings, then the seventh considers which countries predominate in the running of international institutions. The eighth paper explores how regional entities might co-operate with international institutions in the harmonisation of the law, and the ninth one investigates the place of negotiation as a method of international dispute resolution. Finally, the tenth essay considers the past, present and future of international law, and reviews especially the role of language.
Graeme Baber is an independent legal researcher, specializing in international, European and United Kingdom financial law. He has published more than 30 articles, comments, briefings and updates across these areas, and his previous books with Cambridge Scholars Publishing include The Impact of Legislation and Regulation on the Freedom of Movement of Capital in Estonia, Poland and Latvia and The Free Movement of Capital and Financial Services: An Exposition? His most recent book is a treatise entitled The European Union and the Global Financial Crisis: A View from 2016 (Nova Science Publishers). Graeme is an experienced teacher of university students, lecturing on both financial law and international law.
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Jeremy bentham, objects of international law..
If a citizen of the world had to prepare an universal international code, what would he propose to himself as his object? It would be the common and equal utility of all nations: this would be his inclination and his duty. Would or would not the duty of a particular legislator, acting for one particular nation, be the same with that of the citizen of the world? That moderation, which would be a virtue in an individual acting for his own interests, would it become a vice, or treason, in a public man commissioned by a whole nation? Would it be sufficient for him to pursue in a strict or generous manner their interests as he would pursue his own?---or would it be proper, that he should pursue their interests as he would pursue his own, or ought he so to regulate his course in this respect as they would regulate theirs, were it possible for them to act with a full knowledge of all circumstances? And in this latter case, would the course he would pursue be unjust or equitable? What ought to be required of him in this respect?
Whatever he may think upon these questions---how small soever may be the regard which it may be wished that he should have for the common utility, it will not be the less necessary for him to understand it. This will be necessary for him on two accounts: In the first place, that he may follow this object in so far as his particular object is comprised in it;---secondly, that he may frame according to it, the expectations that he ought to entertain, the demands he ought to make upon other nations. For, in conclusion, the line of common utility once drawn, this would be the direction towards which the conduct of all nations would tend---in which their common efforts would find least resistance---in which they would operate with the greatest force---and in which the equilibrium once established, would be maintained with the least difficulty.
Let us take, for example, the famous law with respect to prizes, adopted by so many nations at the suggestion of Catherine II. of Russia. How formidable soever may have been the initiating power, there is no reason to think that it was fear which operated upon so many nations, together so powerful, and some of them so remote: it must have been its equity, that is to say, its common utility, or, what amounts to the same thing, its apparent utility, which determined their acceptance of it. I say real or apparent; for it will be seen that this is not the place to decide without necessity upon a question so delicate and complex.
But ought the sovereign of a state to sacrifice the interests of his subjects for the advantage of foreigners? Why not?---provided it be in a case, if there be such an one, in which it would have been praiseworthy in his subjects to make the sacrifice themselves.
Probity itself, so praiseworthy in an individual, why should it not be so in a whole nation? Praiseworthy in each one, how can it be otherwise in all? It may have been true that Charles the Second did well in selling Dunkirk: he would not have done less well, had he not put the price in his own pocket.
It is the end which determines the means. Here the end changes (or at least appears to change;) it is therefore necessary that the means should change or appear to change also.
The end of the conduct which a sovereign ought to observe relative to his own subjects,---the end of the internal laws of a society,---ought to be the greatest happiness of the society concerned. This is the end which individuals will unite in approving, if they approve of any. It is the straight line---the shortest line---the most natural of all those by which it is possible for a sovereign to direct his course. The end of the conduct he ought to observe towards other men, what ought it to be, judging by the same principle? Shall it again be said, the greatest happiness of his own subjects? Upon this footing, the welfare, the demands of other men, will be as nothing in his eyes: with regard to them, he will have no other object than that of subjecting them to his wishes by all manner of means. He will serve them as he actually serves the beasts, which are used by him as they use the herbs on which they browse---in short, as the ancient Greeks, as the Romans, as all the models of virtue in antiquity, as all the nations with whose history we are acquainted, employed them.
Yet in proceeding in this career, he cannot fail always to experience a certain resistance---resistance similar in its nature and in its cause, if not always in its certainty and efficacy, to that which individuals ought from the first to experience in a more restricted career; so that, from reiterated experience, states ought either to have set themselves to seek out---or at least would have found, their line of least resistance, as individuals of that same society have already found theirs; and this will be the line which represents the greatest and common utility of all nations taken together.
The point of repose will be that in which all the forces find their equilibrium, from which the greatest difficulty would be found in making them to depart.
Hence, in order to regulate his proceedings with regard to other nations, a given sovereign has no other means more adapted to attain his own particular end, than the setting before his eyes the general end---the most extended welfare of all the nations on the earth. So that it happens that this most vast and extended end---this foreign end---will appear, so to speak, to govern and to carry with it the principal, the ultimate end; in such manner, that in order to attain to this, there is no method more sure for a sovereign than so to act, as if he had no other object than to attain to the other;---in the same manner as in its approach to the sun, a satellite has no other course to pursue than that which is taken by the planet which governs it.
For greater simplicity, let us therefore substitute everywhere this object to the other:---and though unhappily there has not yet been any body of law which regulates the conduct of a given nation, in respect to all other nations on every occasion, as if this had been, or say rather, as if this ought to be, the rule,---yet let us do as much as is possible to establish one.
1. The first object of international law for a given nation:---Utility general, in so far as it consists in doing no injury to the other nations respectively, having the regard which is proper to its own well-being.
2. Second object:---Utility general, in so far as it consists in doing the greatest good possible to other nations, saving the regard which is proper to its own well-being.
3. Third object:---Utility general, in as far as it consists in the given nation not receiving any injury from other nations respectively, saving the regard due to the well-being of these same nations.
4. Fourth object:---Utility general, in so far as it consists in such state receiving the greatest possible benefit from all other nations, saving the regard due to the well-being of these nations.
It is to the two former objects that the duties which the given nation ought to recognize may be referred. It is to the two latter that the rights which it ought to claim may be referred. But if these same rights shall in its opinion be violated, in what manner, by what means shall it apply, or seek for satisfaction? There is no other mode but that of war. But war is an evil---it is even the complication of all other evils.
5. Fifth object:---In case of war, make such arrangements, that the least possible evil may be produced, consistent with the acquisition of the good which is sought for.
Expressed in the most general manner, the end that a disinterested legislator upon international law would propose to himself, would therefore be the greatest happiness of all nations taken together.
In resolving this into the most primitive principles, he would follow the same route which he would follow with regard to internal laws. He would set himself to prevent positive international offences---to encourage the practice of positively useful actions.
He would regard as a positive crime every proceeding---every arrangement, by which the given nation should do more evil to foreign nations taken together, whose interests must be affected, than it should do good to itself. For example, the seizing a port which would be of no use except as the means of advantageously attacking a foreign nation;---the closing against other nations, or another nation, the seas and rivers, which are the highways of our globe;---the employing force or fraud for preventing a foreign nation from carrying on commerce with another nation. But by their reciprocity, injuries may compensate one another.
In the same manner, he would regard as a negative offence every determination by which the given nation should refuse to render positive services to a foreign nation, when the rendering of them would produce more good to the last-mentioned nation, than would produce evil to itself. For example if the given nation, without having reason to fear for its own preservation (occupying two countries of which the productions were different,) should obstinately prohibit commerce with them and a foreign nation:---or if when a foreign nation should be visited with misfortune, and require assistance, it should neglect to furnish it:---or, in conclusion, if having in its own power certain malefactors who have malâ fide committed crimes to the prejudice of the foreign nation, it should neglect to do what depends upon it to bring them to justice.
War is, it has been said, a species of procedure by which one nation endeavours to enforce its rights at the expense of another nation. It is the only method to which recourse can be had, when no other method of obtaining satisfaction can be found by complainants, who have no arbitrator between them sufficiently strong, absolutely to take from them all hope of resistance. But if internal procedure be attended by painful ills, international procedure is attended by ills infinitely more painful---in certain respects in point of intensity, commonly in point of duration, and always in point of extent. The counterpart of them will, however, be found in the catalogue of offences against justice.
The laws of peace would therefore be the substantive laws of the international code: the laws of war would be the adjective laws of the same code.
The thread of analogy is now spun; It will be easy to follow it. There are, however, certain differences.
A nation has its property---its honour--and even its condition. It may be attacked in all these particulars, without the individuals who compose it being affected. Will it be said that it has its person? Let us guard against the employment of figures in matter of jurisprudence. Lawyers will borrow them, and turn them into fictions, amidst which all light and common sense will disappear; then mists will rise, amidst the darkness of which they will reap a harvest of false and pernicious consequences.
Among nations, there is no punishment. In general, there is nothing but restitution, to the effect of causing the evil to cease;---rarely, indemnification for the past; because among them there can scarcely be any mauvaise foi . There is but too much of it too often among their chiefs; so that there would be no great evil if, at the close of his career, every conqueror were to end his days upon the rack---if the justice which Thomyris executed upon Cyrus were not deemed more striking, and his head were not thrown into a vessel of blood,---without doubting that the head of Cyrus was most properly thrown there. But however dishonest the intention of their chiefs may be, the subjects are always honest. The nation once bound---and it is the chief which binds it---however criminal the aggression may be, there is properly no other criminal than the chief:---individuals are only his innocent and unfortunate instruments. The extenuation which is drawn from the weight of authority, rises here to the level of an entire exemption.
The suffrages of the principle of antipathy are here found in accord with the principle of utility: on the one part, vengeance wants a suitable object; on the other hand, every punishment would be unnecessary, useless, expensive, and inefficacious.
As to the third and fourth objects, it is scarcely necessary to insist on them:---nations as well as men, sovereigns as well as individuals pay sufficient attention to their own interests---there is scarcely any need to seek to lead them to it. There remain the two first and the last.
To actions by which the conduct of an individual tends to swerve from the end which internal laws ought to propose to themselves, I have given, by way of anticipation, the name of offences:---by a similar anticipation, we may apply the same appellation to actions by which the conduct of a whole nation swerves from the object which international laws ought to propose to themselves.
Among sovereigns, as well as among individuals, there are some offences de bonne foi ; there are others de mauvaise foi . One must be blind to deny the latter---one must be much more sadly blind to deny the other. People sometimes think to prove their discernment by referring everything to the latter head, or to prove it equally by referring everything to the former. It is in this manner they proceed in judging of men, and especially of sovereigns: they grant to them an intelligence without limits, rather than recognise in them a grain of probity; they are believed never to have blushed at folly, provided that it has had malignity for its companion. So much has been said of the injustice of sovereigns, that I could wish a little consideration were given to the still more common injustice of their detractors; who, whilst they preserve their concealment, revenge themselves upon the species in general, for the adulation which in public they lavish upon individuals.
Forward to: [ Essay 2, The Principles of International Law ] Of Subjects, or of the Personal Extent of the Dominion of the Laws. Up to: [ Intro and Table of Contents, The Principles of International Law, ]
The meaning of jurisdiction, state and federal examples, examples of concurrent jurisdiction.
Understanding jurisdiction is a crucial skill impeded by the multitude of the differences and possibilities of intersection between state and federal laws, making it a challenging endeavor. Discerning the differences, similarities, and inconsistencies among the laws of different levels permits not only engaging with the described requirements through achieving an appropriate level of personal professionalism but also developing adequate critical thinking. Therefore, through defining jurisdiction concepts and the use of examples, it possible to better understand the situation, currently in place in the US system of laws.
Jurisdiction as an official method is choice power that is granted upon those relevant to the selective jurisdictional scope, usually subdivided into the aspects of the whole concept. In the US Constitution, historically, it is Article III that creates the prerequisites to “create a federal judicial system” through the investment of power on a national level (Chemerinsky, 2016, p. 2). Local, state, and federal courts, therefore, can individually carry out punishment for the breaching of their laws with a court for each level of a jurisdictional misdemeanor.
Concurrent jurisdiction occurs when two sections responsible for prescriptive action intersect, either in the case of a conflict of state and federal interests or when differing authorities cross within the same level. An appropriate example of intersection would be a conflict of interests between criminal and economic incidents due to the far-reaching effects of financial malpractice (Ryngaert, 2015). The legal situation is made even more complicated since “besides formal legal rules, there are customary or consensus practices that are also of importance” (Rosenbaum & Schap, 2016, p. 201). This situation creates circumstances where not only different states within the US attain the possibility of declaring concurrent interests but also create prerequisites for differing ways of practicing law.
The state examples of judicial authority could be easily presentable, in the event of situational conditions contained within one US state. Taking a theoretical couple from Idaho as an example, vehicular manslaughter of another state citizen or the previous theft of the car would still retain them to be solely within the scope of Idaho jurisdiction (Idaho Legislature, 2018). Their case could become federal if their actions fell under the competency of the US Constitution or breaching federal laws (Siegel, Schmalleger, & Worrall, 2017).
This level could be achieved by the same Idaho couple if they decided to rob a federal agency insured bank or attempted to bring drugs from Canada into the country, involving the US as a stakeholder. Drug smuggling and the robbery of such capacity immediately make them a responsibility of the federal court.
Concurrent jurisdiction requires a more delicate approach, especially in such cases as harmful environmental conditions that affect people living in specific states, such as the example of California and its drought that made water rights relevant. Effectively, the case consists of “concurrent jurisdiction between the state agency and the state trial court for water rights disputes,” with no possible clarification on whose authority is superior (Wong, 2017, p. 68). While granting this right to the state trial courts would seem natural for dispute claims, it is the state’s agency that has more competencies to deal with the issues that arisen.
Using examples to demonstrate the possibility and existence of state, federal, and concurrent jurisdiction helps solidify the already apperceived knowledge on the matter. Due to the fact that the US is composed of states, concurrent jurisdiction becomes a particularly common issue with different states attempting to claim heightened authority in some matters in opposition to others. Solving these issues becomes possible only through a deep understanding of not only the underlying problems but also the current judicial state of affairs.
Chemerinsky, E. (2016). Federal jurisdiction (7th ed.). New York, NY: Wolters Kluwer.
Idaho Legislature. (2018). Title 18 crimes and punishments. Chapter 40 homicide. Web.
Rosenbaum, D. I., & Schap, D. (2016). Differences among state court jurisdictions in damages calculations. In Frank D. Tinari (Ed.), Forensic Economics (pp. 191-204). New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.
Ryngaert, C. (2015). Jurisdiction in international law (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Siegel, L. J., Schmalleger, F., & Worrall, J. L. (2017). Courts and criminal justice in America (3rd ed.). New York, NY: Pearson.
Wong, Z. A. (2017). Exhausted of concurrent jurisdiction: A reexamination of National Audubon v. Superior Court of Alpine County. Washington Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 7 (1), 65-89.
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Definition of international law, what is international law, types of international law, public international law, private international law, supranational law, international criminal law, international law example involving the death penalty, related legal terms and issues.
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es of international law.7. The latter are the rights and freedom. contained within the UDHR.Thus, there are arguments for the UDHR to be both customary international law and principles of international law - which should ensure its standing in relation to the Me. bers of the United Nations.Who may rely on prov.
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