thesis paper on sociology

• USF Research
• USF Libraries

Digital Commons @ USF > College of Arts and Sciences > Sociology > Theses and Dissertations

Sociology Theses and Dissertations

Theses/dissertations from 2023 2023.

Deconstructing and Decolonizing Identities of “Gender” and “Sex” When Viewed as Anti-Black: Black Narratives Outside of the Binary , Didier Salgado

“We Need to Figure Out Who We Are”: Reframing Manhood in an Online Discussion Forum , Tomas Sanjuan Jr.

Musicking Higher Education: An Analysis of the Effects of Music Pedagogy On College Classroom Atmospheres , April Smith

Framing, Emotion, and Contradiction in the Tampa Bay Times’ Climate Change Coverage , Madison Veeneman

Theses/Dissertations from 2022 2022

"Are We Done?": The Minimization of Covid-19 and the Individualization of Health in the United States , Cassidy R. Boe

Health and Friendships of LGBTQIA+ College Students , Komal Asim Qidwai

Organizing for Here and There: Exploring the Grassroots Organizing of the Puerto Rican Diaspora in the Tampa Bay Area , Dominique Rivera

Stitched Together: What We Learn from Secret Stories in Public Media , Sara D. Rocks

Theses/Dissertations from 2021 2021

"Duck Wars": Examining the Narrative Construction of a "Problem" Species , Jenna A. Bateman

The Debate on Physician-Assisted Death in the United States: A Narrative Analysis of Formula Stories , Rebecca Blackwell

The Social Correlates of War: Conflict Correlations Within Belief Systems. , Richard R. N. Decampa

Narrative Meaning Productions of Compassionate Healthcare: An Examination of Cultural Codes, Organizational Practices, and Everyday Realities , Carley Geiss

Racialized Morality: The Logic of Anti-Trafficking Advocacy , Sophie Elizabeth James

Green Business and the Culture of Capitalism: Constructing Narratives of Environmentalism , Julia S. Jester

Presenting Selves and Interpreting Culture: An Ethnography of Chinese International Tourism in the United States , Fangheyue Ma

Making A Home Away from Home: A Qualitative Study of African Students’ Practices of Integration in the United States , Alphonse O. Opoku

"They Say We're Expendable:" Race, Nation, and Citizenship in the Dominican Republic. , Edlin Veras

Theses/Dissertations from 2020 2020

A social network analysis of online gamers' friendship networks: Structural attributes of Steam friendships, and comparison of offline-online social ties of MMO gamers , Juan G. Arroyo-Flores

Family Response to a Diagnosis of Serious Mental Illness in Teens and Young Adults: A Multi-Voiced Narrative Analysis , Douglas J. Engelman

GoFundTransitions: Narratives of Transnormativity and the Limits of Crowdfunding Livable Futures , Hayden J. Fulton

"Courage Drives Us": Narrative Construction of Organizational Identity in a Cancer-Specific Health Non-Profit Organization , Katie J. Hilderbrand

“I woke up to the world”: Politicizing Blackness and Multiracial Identity Through Activism , Angelica Celeste Loblack

The Athletics Behind the Academics: The Academic Advisor’s Role in the Lives of Student Athletes , Max J.R. Murray

Red-Green Rows: Exploring the Conflict between Labor and Environmental Movements in Kerala, India , Silpa Satheesh

Winning “Americans” for Jesus?: Second-Generation, Racial Ideology, and the Future of the Brazilian Evangelical Church in the U.S. , Rodrigo Otavio Serrao Santana De Jesus

Theses/Dissertations from 2019 2019

Palatable Shades of Gender: Status Processes at the Intersections of Race, Gender, and Team Formation , Jasmón L. Bailey

American Converts to Islam: Identity, Racialization, and Authenticity , Patrick M. Casey

Meaning and Monuments: Morality, Racial Ideology, and Nationalism in Confederate Monument Removal Storytelling , Kathryn A. DelGenio

"Keep it in the Closet and Welcome to the Movement": Storying Gay Men Among the Alt-Right , Shelby Statham

Selling White Masculinity: An Analysis of Cultural Intermediaries in the Craft Beverage Industry , Erik Tyler Withers

Theses/Dissertations from 2018 2018

The Role of the Soldier in Civilian Life: Personal and Social Concerns that Influence Reintegration Processes , Matthew J. Ahlfs

“I Want to Be Who I Am”: Stories of Rejecting Binary Gender , Ana Balius

Breaking the Crass Ceiling? Exploring Narratives, Performances, and Audience Reception of Women's Stand-Up Comedy , Sarah Katherine Cooper

An Intersectional Examination of Disability and LGBTQ+ Identities In Virtual Spaces , Justine E. Egner

"I've never had that": An Exploration of how Children Construct Belonging and Inclusion Within a Foodscape , Olivia M. Fleming

Hybridizers and the Hybridized: Orchid Growing as Hybrid "Nature?" , Kellie Petersen

Coloring in the Margins: Understanding the Experiences of Racial/Ethnic and Sexual/Gender Minority Undergraduates in STEM , Jonathan D. Ware

Decreased Visibility: A Narrative Analysis of Episodic Disability and Contested Illness , Melissa Jane Welch

Theses/Dissertations from 2017 2017

“Have a Seat at our Table: Uncovering the Experiences of Black Students Attending a ‘Racially Diverse’ University” , Diamond Briggs

TERF Wars: Narrative Productions of Gender and Essentialism in Radical-Feminist (Cyber)spaces , Jennifer Earles

“Can You Believe They Think I’m Intimidating?” An Exploration of Identity in Tall Women , Elizabeth Joy Fuller

Black Girl Magic?: Negotiating Emotions and Success in College Bridge Programs , Olivia Ann Johnson

"What Are We Doing Here? This Is Not Us": A Critical Discourse Analysis of The Last Of Us Remastered , Toria Kwan

Behind the Curtain: Cultural Cultivation, Immigrant Outsiderness, and Normalized Racism against Indian Families , Pangri G. Mehta

From the Panels to the Margins: Identity, Marginalization, and Subversion in Cosplay , Manuel Andres Ramirez

Examining Forty Years of the Social Organization of Feminisms: Ethnography of Two Women’s Bookstores in the US South , Mary Catherine Whitlock

"There is No Planet B": Frame Disputes within the Environmental Movement over Geoengineering , David Russell Zeller Jr.

Theses/Dissertations from 2016 2016

“You Can Fight Logic…But You Can’t Fight God”: The Duality of Religious Text and Church as Community for White Lesbians in Appalachian and Rural Places , Jessica Mae Altice

Songwriting as Inquiry and Action: Emotion, Narrative Identity, and Authenticity in Folk Music Culture , Maggie Colleen Cobb

Unraveling the Wild: A Cultural Logic of Animal Stories in Contemporary Social Life , Damien Contessa

“It’s Not Like a Movie. It’s Not Hollywood:” Competing Narratives of a Youth Mentoring Organization , Carley Geiss

An Examination of Perspectives on Community Poverty: A Case Study of a Junior Civic Association , Monica Heimos Heimos

"I'm Not Broken": Perspectives of Students with Disabilities on Identity-making and Social Inclusion on a College Campus , Melinda Leigh Maconi

People and Pride: A Qualitative Study of Place Attachment and Professional Placemakers , Wenonah Machdelena Venter

Theses/Dissertations from 2015 2015

Mediated Relationships: An Ethnography of Family Law Mediation , Elaina Behounek

The Continuum of Ethno-Racial Socialization: Learning About Culture and Race in Middle-Class Latina/o Families , Maria D. Duenas

Getting Ahead: Socio-economic Mobility, Perceptions of Opportunity for Socio-economic Mobility, and Attitudes Towards Public Assistance in the United States , Alissa Klein

Beauty is Precious, Knowledge is Power, and Innovation is Progress: Widely Held Beliefs in Policy Narratives about Oil Spills , Brenda Gale Mason

Looking at Levels of Medicalization in the Institutional Narrative of Substance Use Disorders in the Military , Chase Landes Mccain

The Experience of Chronic Pain Management: A Multi-Voiced Narrative Analysis , Loren Wilbers

Theses/Dissertations from 2014 2014

Resources Matter: The Role of Social Capital and Collective Efficacy in Mediating Gun Violence , Jennifer Lynne Dean

More to Love: Obesity Histories and Romantic Relationships in the Transition to Adulthood , Hilary Morgan Dotson

Dieting, Discrimination, and Bullying: A Contextual Case Study of Framing in the National Association to Advance Fat Acceptance , Veronica Kay Doughman

Negotiating Muslim Womanhood: The Adaptation Strategies of International Students at Two American Public Colleges , Amber Michelle Gregory

Checking Out: A Qualitative Study of Supermarket Cashiers' Emotional Response to Customer Mistreatment , Michael E. Lawless

Managing Family Food Consumption: Going Beyond Gender in the Kitchen , Blake Janice Martin

Motherhood Bound by State Supervision: An Exploratory Study of the Experiences of Mothers on Parole and Probation , Kaitlyn Robison

In Search of the Artist: The Influences of Commercial Interest on an Art School - A Narrative Analysis , Michael Leonard Sette

"They're Our Bosses": Representations of Clients, Guardians, and Providers in Caregivers' Narratives , Dina Vdovichenko

Theses/Dissertations from 2013 2013

Constructing Legal Meaning in the Supreme Court Oral Arguments: Cultural Codes and Border Disputes , Jeffrey Forest Hilbert

"All Blacks Vote the Same?": Assessing Predictors of Black American Political Participation and Partisanship , Antoine Lennell Jackson

Expectations of Nursing Home Use, Psychosocial Characteristics and Race/Ethnicity: The Latino/a Case , Heidi Ross

Beyond the Door: Disability and the Sibling Experience , Morgan Violeta Sanchez Taylor

Theses/Dissertations from 2012 2012

A Mother's Love: A Narrative Analysis of Food Advertisements in an African American Targeted Women's Magazine , Janine Danielle Beahm

It's a Support Club, Not a Sex Club: Narration Strategies and Discourse Coalitions in High School Gay-Straight Alliance Club Controversies , Skyler Lauderdale

Beyond the Backlash: Muslim and Middle Eastern Immigrants' Experiences in America, Ten Years Post-9/11 , Gregory J. Mills

Competing Narratives: Hero and PTSD Stories Told by Male Veterans Returning Home , Adam Gregory Woolf

Theses/Dissertations from 2011 2011

"Can't Buy Me Wealth": Racial Segregation and Housing Wealth in Hillsborough County, Florida , Natalie Marie Delia Deckard

Friendship Networks, Perceived Reciprocity of Support, and Depression , Ryan Francis Huff

That is Bad! This is Good: Morality as Constructed by Viewers of Television Reality Programs , Joseph Charles Losasso

American Muslim Identities: A Qualitative Study of Two Mosques in South Florida , Azka Mahmood Mahmood

Ethnic Identities among Second-Generation Haitian Young Adults in Tampa Bay, Florida: An Analysis of the Reported Influence of Ethnic Organizational Involvement on Disaster Response after the Earthquake of 2010 , Herrica Telus

Theses/Dissertations from 2010 2010

Feral Cats and the People Who Care for Them , Loretta Sue Humphrey

Utilizing Facebook Application for Disaster Relief: Social Network Analysis of American Red Cross Cause Joiners , Jennie Wan Man Lai

Comparative Study of Intentional Communities , Jessica Merrick

More Than Bows and Arrows: Subversion and Double-Consciousness in Native American Storytelling , Anastacia M. Schulhoff

Between Agency and Accountability: An Ethnographic Study of Volunteers Participating in a Juvenile Diversion Program , Marc R. Settembrino

Predictors of Academic Achievement among Students at Hillsborough Community College: Can School Engagement Close the Racial Gap of Achievement? , Warren T. Smith

Theses/Dissertations from 2009 2009

Latent Newspaper Functions During the Impact Phase of Hurricane Katrina , Christina A. Brown

The Subjective Experience of PMS: A Sociological Analysis of Women’s Narratives , Christiana B. Chekoudjian

Sacred Selves: An Ethnographic Study of Narratives and Community Practices at a Spiritual Center , Sean E. Currie

Digging It: A Participatory Ethnography of the Experiences at a School Garden , Branimir Cvetkovic

Constructions of Narrative Identities of Women Political Candidates , Amy E. Daniels

“The Best We Can With What We Got”: Mediating Social and Cultural Capital in a Title I School , Jarin Rachel Eisenberg

Identities of Alternative Medicine Practitioners , Mychel Estevez

A Family „Affear‟: Three Generations of Agoraphobics , Sherri Elizabeth Green B.A.

“According to Wikipedia …”: A Comparative Analysis of the Establishment and Display of Authority in a Social Problems Textbook and Wikipedia , Alexander A. Hernandez

Realness and Hoodness: Authenticity in Hip Hop as Discussed by Adolescent Fans , Ginger L. Jacobson

Identity negotiation: The perspective of Asian Indian women , Pangri Mehta

Advanced Search

• Email Notifications and RSS
• All Collections
• USF Faculty Publications
• Open Access Journals
• Conferences and Events
• Theses and Dissertations
• Textbooks Collection

Useful Links

• Sociology Department Homepage
• Rights Information
• SelectedWorks
• Submit Research

Home | About | Help | My Account | Accessibility Statement | Language and Diversity Statements

Privacy Copyright

ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst

Home > SBS > Sociology > SOCIOL_THESES

Sociology Department Masters Theses Collection

Theses from 2024 2024.

The Racialization of Muslims , Shabia Furkan, Sociology

Theses from 2023 2023

Prevention of What? Competing Biological Citizenship Claims and the Biopolitics of Autism Prevention , Helene D. Grogan, Sociology

Moving Beyond the Gender Binary: A Critical Analysis and Review of Contemporary Scholarship on Nonbinary Gender Identities , Rie Harding, Sociology

Theses from 2022 2022

Superstar Firms and the State: Amazon in the U.S. and France during the Covid-19 Pandemic , Priscilla Hernandez, Sociology

A New Way to Get Groceries? Ride-Hail Services and Navigating Outside of Food Deserts , Kathryn Reynolds, Sociology

A Relational Investigation of Political Polarization on Twitter , Tyler Walton, Sociology

Slavery, Colonialism, and Other Ghosts: Presence and Absence in the Rise of American Sociology, 1895-1905 , Aaron Yates, Sociology

Theses from 2021 2021

Homophily, Gender-Typed Behavior, and Cultural Contexts in Adolescent Friendship Segregation , Chen-Shuo Hong, Sociology

Theses from 2020 2020

Seeing Like a State Cultural Agency: Creative Place-Making Transcripts of Local and State Actors , Jennifer Abrams, Sociology

The Welfare States: Examining U.S. State-Level Benefits For Families With Children, 1987-2015 , Anthony Huaqui, Sociology

Reproductive Journeys: Indo-Caribbean Women Challenging Gendered Norms , Tannuja Rozario, Sociology

Theses from 2019 2019

Job Mobility, Gender Composition, and Wage Growth , Youngjoon Bae, Sociology

Stigma in Class: Mental Illness, Social Status, and Tokenism in Elite College Culture , Katie R. Billings, Sociology

Discourse, Meaning-Making, and Emotion: The Pressure to have a “Feminist Abortion Experience” , Derek Siegel, Sociology

Theses from 2018 2018

Life Course Effects of Polyvictimization: Associations with Depression and Crime , Richard Carbonaro, Sociology

The Environmental Kuznets Curve Hypothesis as a Problematic: Beyond "Falsificationism" , Paul Erb, Sociology

A Tale of Force: Examining Factors that Influence Police Officer Use of Force , Kayla Preito-Hodge, Sociology

Theses from 2017 2017

Why Class Matters: Understanding the Relationship Between Class, Family Involvement, and Asian American College Students’ Success , Blair Harrington, Sociology

Labor Union Membership and Black Political Participation , Tiamba Wilkerson, Sociology

Theses from 2016 2016

Boys Just Want to Have Fun? Sexual Behaviors and Romantic Intentions of Gay and Straight Men in College Hookup Culture , Randy J. Barrios, Sociology

Gender Inequality: Nonbinary Transgender People in the Workplace , Skylar Davidson, Sociology

The Radicalism Plateau: Working Class Transformation, Housing Foreclosure and the Hegemony of the American Dream , Aaron C. Foote, Sociology

Revisiting Union Decline: An Analysis of Organized Labor's Crisis , Nathan Meyers, Sociology

Theses from 2015 2015

A "Greedy" Institution with Great Job Benefits: Family Structure and Gender Variation in Commitment to Military Employment , Karen M. Brummond, Sociology

Rejecting Reconstruction after Breast Cancer: Managing Stigmatized Selves , Marianne A. Joyce, Sociology

Cohort and Gender Differences and the Marriage Wage Premium: Findings from the NLSY79 and the NLSY97 , Misun Lim, Sociology

Black Politics of Folklore: Expanding the Sites and Forms of Politics in Colombia , Carlos Alberto Valderrama Pibe, Sociology

Theses from 2014 2014

Beauty Through Control: Forming Pro-Anorexic Identities in Digital Spaces , Kay A.S. McCurley, Sociology

Process Matters: Engaging the Productive Power of Sociological Research , Abby I. Templer, Sociology

The Subjectivity of Student Success: Instructor's Perceptions of the Ideal Student in a Compensatory Program for Minority Youth , Yolanda M. Wiggins, Sociology

Theses from 2013 2013

Same-Sex Marriage in Western Massachusetts , Ben A. Johnson, Sociology

Exploring the Effects of Friendship on Risky Sexual Behavior: A Look at Female Gang Members , Jenny C. Piquette, Sociology

Racism in a “Post-Racial” Era: Color-blind Discourse, Anti-Immigrant Racism, and White Injury Ideology in Discussions of Arizona Senate Bill 1070 , Cassaundra Rodriguez, Sociology

Theses from 2012 2012

China’s New Generation Migrant Workers , Lie Wang, Sociology

Theses from 2011 2011

Ripped from the Land, Shipped Away and Reborn: Unthinking the Conceptual and Socio-Geo-Historical Dimensions of the Massacre of Bellavista , Aurora Vergara Figueroa, Sociology

Theses from 2010 2010

Connections in Care: The Relationship Between Complementary, Alternative and Conventional Medicine , Amy Loomis, Sociology

Theses from 2009 2009

The Search for Self-Fulfillment: How Individualism Undermines Community Organizing , Rachel Rybaczuk, Sociology

Theses from 2008 2008

Race and Representation: A Case Study of Racial Diversity in Student Government , Rhys J. Livingstone, Sociology

Negotiating Discourses on Homoeroticism: The Coming Out and Other Tales by Colombian Immigrant Men in New York City , Erika Marquez, Sociology

Effects of Maternal Job Quality on Children's Reading Achievement , Ayse Yetis Bayraktar, Sociology

Theses from 2007 2007

Stealing Time and Being There: Fathers, Class and Time , Carla N. Russell, Sociology

Theses from 1975 1975

Getting 'Up' for the Meet: A Sociological Analysis of Drug Usage in the Sport of Olympic Weightlifting , Douglas C. Cooney, Sociology

Theses from 1934 1934

Methods of control of commercialized entertainment with special reference to the motion picture, in Worcester and Springfield, Mass , Robert B. Fletcher, Sociology

Theses from 1933 1933

A study of the depopulation of the small towns in Windham County, Vermont , Lauri S. Ronka, Sociology

Theses from 1932 1932

A study of children's judgements in relation to certain factors , Francis C. Pray, Sociology

Theses from 1916 1916

A study of community transitions: phases of a town's history with psychological and sociological interpretations , R. F. Lund, Sociology

Advanced Search

• Notify me via email or RSS
• Collections
• Disciplines

Author Corner

• Login for Faculty Authors
• Faculty Author Gallery
• Expert Gallery
• University Libraries
• Sociology Website
• UMass Amherst

This page is sponsored by the University Libraries.

© 2009 University of Massachusetts Amherst • Site Policies

Privacy Copyright

Home > Communities > College of Arts & Sciences > SOC > SOC-GRAD

Sociology Theses and Dissertations

Theses/dissertations from 2018 2018.

Bystander Self-Efficacy To Prevent Sexual Assault: An Evaluation Of The Impacts Of Online And In-Person Bystander Intervention Training , Morgan Paige Devine

Alcohol-Related Regret Among Undergraduate Students , Samantha Jo Feroni

Parental Involvement And Academic Outcomes Among First Generation College Students , Jordan A. Jaeger

The Effects Of Overnight Work Travel On Working Mothers And Fathers , Natalie Martinson

Informal Caregiving Strain: Exploring The Impact Of Gender, Race, And Income , Bria Elaine Willert

Theses/Dissertations from 2017 2017

The Effects Of Parenthood, Gender,and Gender Ideology On The Support For Paid Parental Leave , Amira Allen

Trailer Park Residents: Are They Worthy Of Society's Respect , Steve Anderson

Stigma And Restoration Of Civil Rights To Felons , Kimberly Paige Pithey

Theses/Dissertations from 2016 2016

Gender Differences In Factors Contributing To Frequency Of Victimization Among Youth In Residential Placement , Chelsey Hukriede

Schedule Flexibility And The Impact On Work-To-Family Conflict Among Low Earners And High Earners , Brittany Love

Academic Procrastination And Stimulating Substance Use Among College Undergraduates , Katlyn Moes

The Minnesota Army National Guard And Gender Expectations , Corbin David Routier

Concussion Knowledge And Attitudes: The Impact Of Hegemonic Masculinity , Allyssa Jean Schlosser

Contraceptive Self-Efficacy: Educational And Familial Influences , Jenelle Suzan Swenberger

The Impact Of Cultural Identity And Social Capital On American Indian Elders' Subjective Health , Cole Lewis Ward

Theses/Dissertations from 2015 2015

The Effect Of Policy Context On Work And Family Identity In Norway And The United States , Rebecca Folkman Gleditsch

The Differential Relationship Between Work-Family Conflict, Work Characteristics, And Psychological Distress Among Partnered And Single Mothers , Brooke Janae Kranzler

Theses/Dissertations from 2014 2014

Does Religion Affect Attitudes Towards Same-Sex Marriage? , Marc Anthony Franczak

Employment Characteristics And Mental Health: A Quantitative Study , Keegan Charles August Hahn

Public Support For Stricter Gun Control Laws In America Following The Tragedy At Sandy Hook Elementary , Ryan Jeffrey Hausmann

Differences In Political Contributions Among Men And Women Of The Corporate Elite In The 2008 Federal Election , Keith Ray Mccormick

Correctional Education Programs: Institutional Predictors Of Availability , Shamilya Marielle Mitchell

New York Police Department Stop, Question, And Frisk Program: Experiences Across Race And Gender , Thomas Mrozla

Theses/Dissertations from 2013 2013

The Effect Of Birth Order On Age At First Sex And Total Number Of Lifetime Sexual Partners , Lacey Christine Clark Anderson

Exploring the marital conflict of police officers: The roles of job stress, job burnout, and work-to-family conflict , Shannon Marie Morley

Family Factors And Perceived Coworker Support And Supervisor Support , Sara Narveson

Breast Cancer, Genetic Testing And Attribution of Responsibility , Lona Parsons Smith

Perceptions Of Parental Success: Implications For Family-To-Work Conflict And Family-To-Work Enhancement , Tami J. Vigesaa

Theses/Dissertations from 2012 2012

Job Satisfaction And Professional Employees' Perceptions Of Ict Use , Cody Ryle Asperheim

Workplace Characteristics, Work-To-Life Conflict, And Psychological Distress Among Medical Workers , Marissa S. Gravelle

Professional Mothers' Loyalty To Their Employers , Ashley Lynn Leschyshyn

Comparing the Environmental Attitudes and Behaviors of Native Americans and non-Native Americans , Franklin Sage

Social Distance In The College Classroom , Chassity Paige Sanner

Theses/Dissertations from 2009 2009

Perceptions of Weight Reduction Surgery: The Role of Stigma and the Attribution of Responsibility , Jessica Marie Behm

Theses/Dissertations from 2006 2006

Challenging Gender Stereotypes in the Classroom: How Students Respond to "Dreamworlds" , Angela Bailly

Cohabitation in North Dakota: A Socio-Legal Examination of the Congruence of the Law and Attitudes Towards Living Arrangements Among College Students , James Lee Foster

Theses/Dissertations from 2004 2004

Cons, Ex-Cons and Odinism Across Cultural and National Borders: Why Attempt to Procure Knowledge and Dare We Not? , Lene T. Vallestad

Theses/Dissertations from 2003 2003

Delinquent Recidivism and Diversion from Formal Juvenile Court Proceedings: A Cognitize Restructuring Approach , Robert James Amos Jr.

Concentrated Hog Feeding Operations and the Animal Rights Movement: A Website Diagnostic Frame Analysis , Venita M. Quamme

Theses/Dissertations from 2002 2002

Basque Assimilation Across Four Generations: Experiences in a Rural Community , Megan L. Olson DeMontigny

Theses/Dissertations from 2001 2001

The Effects of the Garrison Dam on the Community of Elbowoods , Melford MJ W. Gunderson

Theses/Dissertations from 2000 2000

Y2000 Alcohol and Drug Survey: An Examination of University of North Dakota Students , Michael A. Seredycz

Theses/Dissertations from 1999 1999

The Integration of Military Adolescents in a Civilian High School , Terri L. Eide

Theses/Dissertations from 1998 1998

Impact of the 1997 Red River Valley Flood on Marital Relationships , Karen M. Davis

Theses/Dissertations from 1997 1997

Anatomy of a Gang Suppression Unit: The Social Construction of an Organizational Response to Gang Problems , Carol A. Erickson

Theses/Dissertations from 1996 1996

Status Passage of the Science Fiction Fan: Becoming a Member of the Science Fiction Fan Subculture , B. Diane Miller

Theses/Dissertations from 1992 1992

Bring the Self Back In: An Empirical Critique of the Oversocialized Conception of Women in Sport , Kimberly Ann Tyler-Ayers

Theses/Dissertations from 1988 1988

Perceived Severity of Informal Sanctions: A Case Study of Convicted DUI Offenders in Cass County, North Dakota , Terry D. Stratton

Theses/Dissertations from 1986 1986

The Effects of Athletic Participation and Self-Concept on Juvenile Misbehavior , Timothy G. Driscoll

Theses/Dissertations from 1977 1977

Effects of Television on Rural Minnesota Viewer Attitudes Toward Capital Punishment , Beverly Brown Schulke

Theses/Dissertations from 1968 1968

The Affect of an Individual's Membership Segment on Attitude Orientation, Values, and Political Participation , James H. Larson

Theses/Dissertations from 1965 1965

Variation in Maternity Care and the Post Hospital , John P. Collette

Advanced Search

• Notify me via email or RSS
• Collections
• Disciplines

Author Corner

• Author Submission Agreement
• About the Library

Home | About | FAQ | My Account | Accessibility Statement

Privacy Copyright

• Mardigian Library
• Subject Guides

Sociology Research

• Develop Thesis Statements
• Online Library Access
• Start Finding Sources
• Search Sociology Databases
• Find Data & Statistics
• What is Peer-Review?
• Read & Analyze Articles
• Evaluate & Select Sources
• Use Your Sources
• Avoid Plagiarism
• Cite Your Sources
• Write Annotated Bibliographies
• Develop Paper Outlines
• Write Research Papers
• Use Interlibrary Loan This link opens in a new window

Developing a Research Topic and Focused Thesis Statement

A thesis statement clearly identifies the topic being discussed, includes the points discussed in the paper, and is written for a specific audience. Your thesis statement belongs at the end of your first paragraph, also known as your introduction. Use it to generate interest in your topic and encourage your audience to continue reading. 

Most researchers start out with a broad topic of interest and then narrow it down to a particular area of focus and question. If a topic is too broad, you will find too much information and the project will be unmanageable. It will be far easier for you to research and write your paper if you develop a strong focused research question or topic:

Do some exploratory research  on your topic idea, in your course textbook, class notes, and Mardigian Search to identify specific issues, arguments, and analytical approaches in your research area and then identify possible relationships between them. 

Ask yourself questions  about your topic idea:

• What concepts, issues, or other aspects of this topic interest you?
• What are the major issues, debates, and disagreements of the topic you are studying?
• What gaps, contradictions, or concerns arise as you learn more about it?
• What relationships are there between different aspects of the topic?
• How does the topic relate back to the larger themes discussed in your course(s)?

Focus your topic:   Use the information from your exploratory research to identify a few of the specific aspects that interest you and then use the questions you had about those to create your focused research question and thesis statement. 

Write about what interests you:  Professors want students to write about topics that they care about. If you're interested in the topic, it will be more fun for you to write your paper and probably more fun for your professor to read it, too.

Ask your course instructor or study advisor for feedback on your research question and thesis statement.

Picking Your Topic IS Research

Once you've picked a research topic for your paper, it isn't set in stone. It's just an idea that you will test and develop through exploratory research. This exploratory research may guide you into modifying your original idea for a research topic. Watch this video for more info:

• << Previous: Online Library Access
• Next: Start Finding Sources >>
• Last Updated: Apr 26, 2024 8:26 AM
• URL: https://guides.umd.umich.edu/soc

Call us at 313-593-5559

Chat with us

Text us: 313-486-5399

Email us your question

• 4901 Evergreen Road Dearborn, MI 48128, USA
• Phone: 313-593-5000
• Maps & Directions
• M+Google Mail
• Emergency Information
• UM-Dearborn Connect
• Wolverine Access

What this handout is about

This handout introduces you to the wonderful world of writing sociology. Before you can write a clear and coherent sociology paper, you need a firm understanding of the assumptions and expectations of the discipline. You need to know your audience, the way they view the world and how they order and evaluate information. So, without further ado, let’s figure out just what sociology is, and how one goes about writing it.

What is sociology, and what do sociologists write about?

Unlike many of the other subjects here at UNC, such as history or English, sociology is a new subject for many students. Therefore, it may be helpful to give a quick introduction to what sociologists do. Sociologists are interested in all sorts of topics. For example, some sociologists focus on the family, addressing issues such as marriage, divorce, child-rearing, and domestic abuse, the ways these things are defined in different cultures and times, and their effect on both individuals and institutions. Others examine larger social organizations such as businesses and governments, looking at their structure and hierarchies. Still others focus on social movements and political protest, such as the American civil rights movement. Finally, sociologists may look at divisions and inequality within society, examining phenomena such as race, gender, and class, and their effect on people’s choices and opportunities. As you can see, sociologists study just about everything. Thus, it is not the subject matter that makes a paper sociological, but rather the perspective used in writing it.

So, just what is a sociological perspective? At its most basic, sociology is an attempt to understand and explain the way that individuals and groups interact within a society. How exactly does one approach this goal? C. Wright Mills, in his book The Sociological Imagination (1959), writes that “neither the life of an individual nor the history of a society can be understood without understanding both.” Why? Well, as Karl Marx observes at the beginning of The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852), humans “make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past.” Thus, a good sociological argument needs to balance both individual agency and structural constraints. That is certainly a tall order, but it is the basis of all effective sociological writing. Keep it in mind as you think about your own writing.

Key assumptions and characteristics of sociological writing

What are the most important things to keep in mind as you write in sociology? Pay special attention to the following issues.

The first thing to remember in writing a sociological argument is to be as clear as possible in stating your thesis. Of course, that is true in all papers, but there are a couple of pitfalls common to sociology that you should be aware of and avoid at all cost. As previously defined, sociology is the study of the interaction between individuals and larger social forces. Different traditions within sociology tend to favor one side of the equation over the other, with some focusing on the agency of individual actors and others on structural factors. The danger is that you may go too far in either of these directions and thus lose the complexity of sociological thinking. Although this mistake can manifest itself in any number of ways, three types of flawed arguments are particularly common: 

• The “ individual argument ” generally takes this form: “The individual is free to make choices, and any outcomes can be explained exclusively through the study of their ideas and decisions.” While it is of course true that we all make our own choices, we must also keep in mind that, to paraphrase Marx, we make these choices under circumstances given to us by the structures of society. Therefore, it is important to investigate what conditions made these choices possible in the first place, as well as what allows some individuals to successfully act on their choices while others cannot.
• The “ human nature argument ” seeks to explain social behavior through a quasi-biological argument about humans, and often takes a form such as: “Humans are by nature X, therefore it is not surprising that Y.” While sociologists disagree over whether a universal human nature even exists, they all agree that it is not an acceptable basis of explanation. Instead, sociology demands that you question why we call some behavior natural, and to look into the social factors which have constructed this “natural” state.
• The “ society argument ” often arises in response to critiques of the above styles of argumentation, and tends to appear in a form such as: “Society made me do it.” Students often think that this is a good sociological argument, since it uses society as the basis for explanation. However, the problem is that the use of the broad concept “society” masks the real workings of the situation, making it next to impossible to build a strong case. This is an example of reification, which is when we turn processes into things. Society is really a process, made up of ongoing interactions at multiple levels of size and complexity, and to turn it into a monolithic thing is to lose all that complexity. People make decisions and choices. Some groups and individuals benefit, while others do not. Identifying these intermediate levels is the basis of sociological analysis.

Although each of these three arguments seems quite different, they all share one common feature: they assume exactly what they need to be explaining. They are excellent starting points, but lousy conclusions.

Once you have developed a working argument, you will next need to find evidence to support your claim. What counts as evidence in a sociology paper? First and foremost, sociology is an empirical discipline. Empiricism in sociology means basing your conclusions on evidence that is documented and collected with as much rigor as possible. This evidence usually draws upon observed patterns and information from collected cases and experiences, not just from isolated, anecdotal reports. Just because your second cousin was able to climb the ladder from poverty to the executive boardroom does not prove that the American class system is open. You will need more systematic evidence to make your claim convincing. Above all else, remember that your opinion alone is not sufficient support for a sociological argument. Even if you are making a theoretical argument, you must be able to point to documented instances of social phenomena that fit your argument. Logic is necessary for making the argument, but is not sufficient support by itself.

Sociological evidence falls into two main groups: 

• Quantitative data are based on surveys, censuses, and statistics. These provide large numbers of data points, which is particularly useful for studying large-scale social processes, such as income inequality, population changes, changes in social attitudes, etc.
• Qualitative data, on the other hand, comes from participant observation, in-depth interviews, data and texts, as well as from the researcher’s own impressions and reactions. Qualitative research gives insight into the way people actively construct and find meaning in their world.

Quantitative data produces a measurement of subjects’ characteristics and behavior, while qualitative research generates information on their meanings and practices. Thus, the methods you choose will reflect the type of evidence most appropriate to the questions you ask. If you wanted to look at the importance of race in an organization, a quantitative study might use information on the percentage of different races in the organization, what positions they hold, as well as survey results on people’s attitudes on race. This would measure the distribution of race and racial beliefs in the organization. A qualitative study would go about this differently, perhaps hanging around the office studying people’s interactions, or doing in-depth interviews with some of the subjects. The qualitative researcher would see how people act out their beliefs, and how these beliefs interact with the beliefs of others as well as the constraints of the organization.

Some sociologists favor qualitative over quantitative data, or vice versa, and it is perfectly reasonable to rely on only one method in your own work. However, since each method has its own strengths and weaknesses, combining methods can be a particularly effective way to bolster your argument. But these distinctions are not just important if you have to collect your own data for your paper. You also need to be aware of them even when you are relying on secondary sources for your research. In order to critically evaluate the research and data you are reading, you should have a good understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of the different methods.

Units of analysis

Given that social life is so complex, you need to have a point of entry into studying this world. In sociological jargon, you need a unit of analysis. The unit of analysis is exactly that: it is the unit that you have chosen to analyze in your study. Again, this is only a question of emphasis and focus, and not of precedence and importance. You will find a variety of units of analysis in sociological writing, ranging from the individual up to groups or organizations. You should choose yours based on the interests and theoretical assumptions driving your research. The unit of analysis will determine much of what will qualify as relevant evidence in your work. Thus you must not only clearly identify that unit, but also consistently use it throughout your paper.

Let’s look at an example to see just how changing the units of analysis will change the face of research. What if you wanted to study globalization? That’s a big topic, so you will need to focus your attention. Where would you start?

You might focus on individual human actors, studying the way that people are affected by the globalizing world. This approach could possibly include a study of Asian sweatshop workers’ experiences, or perhaps how consumers’ decisions shape the overall system.

Or you might choose to focus on social structures or organizations. This approach might involve looking at the decisions being made at the national or international level, such as the free-trade agreements that change the relationships between governments and corporations. Or you might look into the organizational structures of corporations and measure how they are changing under globalization. Another structural approach would be to focus on the social networks linking subjects together. That could lead you to look at how migrants rely on social contacts to make their way to other countries, as well as to help them find work upon their arrival.

Finally, you might want to focus on cultural objects or social artifacts as your unit of analysis. One fine example would be to look at the production of those tennis shoes the kids seem to like so much. You could look at either the material production of the shoe (tracing it from its sweatshop origins to its arrival on the showroom floor of malls across America) or its cultural production (attempting to understand how advertising and celebrities have turned such shoes into necessities and cultural icons).

Whichever unit of analysis you choose, be careful not to commit the dreaded ecological fallacy. An ecological fallacy is when you assume that something that you learned about the group level of analysis also applies to the individuals that make up that group. So, to continue the globalization example, if you were to compare its effects on the poorest 20% and the richest 20% of countries, you would need to be careful not to apply your results to the poorest and richest individuals.

These are just general examples of how sociological study of a single topic can vary. Because you can approach a subject from several different perspectives, it is important to decide early how you plan to focus your analysis and then stick with that perspective throughout your paper. Avoid mixing units of analysis without strong justification. Different units of analysis generally demand different kinds of evidence for building your argument. You can reconcile the varying levels of analysis, but doing so may require a complex, sophisticated theory, no small feat within the confines of a short paper. Check with your instructor if you are concerned about this happening in your paper.

Typical writing assignments in sociology

So how does all of this apply to an actual writing assignment? Undergraduate writing assignments in sociology may take a number of forms, but they typically involve reviewing sociological literature on a subject; applying or testing a particular concept, theory, or perspective; or producing a small-scale research report, which usually involves a synthesis of both the literature review and application.

The critical review

The review involves investigating the research that has been done on a particular topic and then summarizing and evaluating what you have found. The important task in this kind of assignment is to organize your material clearly and synthesize it for your reader. A good review does not just summarize the literature, but looks for patterns and connections in the literature and discusses the strengths and weaknesses of what others have written on your topic. You want to help your reader see how the information you have gathered fits together, what information can be most trusted (and why), what implications you can derive from it, and what further research may need to be done to fill in gaps. Doing so requires considerable thought and organization on your part, as well as thinking of yourself as an expert on the topic. You need to assume that, even though you are new to the material, you can judge the merits of the arguments you have read and offer an informed opinion of which evidence is strongest and why.

Application or testing of a theory or concept

The application assignment asks you to apply a concept or theoretical perspective to a specific example. In other words, it tests your practical understanding of theories and ideas by asking you to explain how well they apply to actual social phenomena. In order to successfully apply a theory to a new case, you must include the following steps:

• First you need to have a very clear understanding of the theory itself: not only what the theorist argues, but also why they argue that point, and how they justify it. That is, you have to understand how the world works according to this theory and how one thing leads to another.
• Next you should choose an appropriate case study. This is a crucial step, one that can make or break your paper. If you choose a case that is too similar to the one used in constructing the theory in the first place, then your paper will be uninteresting as an application, since it will not give you the opportunity to show off your theoretical brilliance. On the other hand, do not choose a case that is so far out in left field that the applicability is only superficial and trivial. In some ways theory application is like making an analogy. The last thing you want is a weak analogy, or one that is so obvious that it does not give any added insight. Instead, you will want to choose a happy medium, one that is not obvious but that allows you to give a developed analysis of the case using the theory you chose.
• This leads to the last point, which is the analysis. A strong analysis will go beyond the surface and explore the processes at work, both in the theory and in the case you have chosen. Just like making an analogy, you are arguing that these two things (the theory and the example) are similar. Be specific and detailed in telling the reader how they are similar. In the course of looking for similarities, however, you are likely to find points at which the theory does not seem to be a good fit. Do not sweep this discovery under the rug, since the differences can be just as important as the similarities, supplying insight into both the applicability of the theory and the uniqueness of the case you are using.

You may also be asked to test a theory. Whereas the application paper assumes that the theory you are using is true, the testing paper does not makes this assumption, but rather asks you to try out the theory to determine whether it works. Here you need to think about what initial conditions inform the theory and what sort of hypothesis or prediction the theory would make based on those conditions. This is another way of saying that you need to determine which cases the theory could be applied to (see above) and what sort of evidence would be needed to either confirm or disconfirm the theory’s hypothesis. In many ways, this is similar to the application paper, with added emphasis on the veracity of the theory being used.

The research paper

Finally, we reach the mighty research paper. Although the thought of doing a research paper can be intimidating, it is actually little more than the combination of many of the parts of the papers we have already discussed. You will begin with a critical review of the literature and use this review as a basis for forming your research question. The question will often take the form of an application (“These ideas will help us to explain Z.”) or of hypothesis testing (“If these ideas are correct, we should find X when we investigate Y.”). The skills you have already used in writing the other types of papers will help you immensely as you write your research papers.

And so we reach the end of this all-too-brief glimpse into the world of sociological writing. Sociologists can be an idiosyncratic bunch, so paper guidelines and expectations will no doubt vary from class to class, from instructor to instructor. However, these basic guidelines will help you get started.

Works consulted

We consulted these works while writing this handout. This is not a comprehensive list of resources on the handout’s topic, and we encourage you to do your own research to find additional publications. Please do not use this list as a model for the format of your own reference list, as it may not match the citation style you are using. For guidance on formatting citations, please see the UNC Libraries citation tutorial . We revise these tips periodically and welcome feedback.

Anson, Chris M., and Robert A. Schwegler. 2010. The Longman Handbook for Writers and Readers , 6th ed. New York: Longman.

Cuba, Lee. 2002. A Short Guide to Writing About Social Science , 4th ed. New York: Longman.

Lunsford, Andrea A. 2015. The St. Martin’s Handbook , 8th ed. Boston: Bedford/St Martin’s.

Rosen, Leonard J., and Laurence Behrens. 2003. The Allyn & Bacon Handbook , 5th ed. New York: Longman.

Ruszkiewicz, John J., Christy Friend, Daniel Seward, and Maxine Hairston. 2010. The Scott, Foresman Handbook for Writers , 9th ed. Boston: Pearson Education.

You may reproduce it for non-commercial use if you use the entire handout and attribute the source: The Writing Center, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

Make a Gift

• Research Guides
• Sources by Subject

Writing for Sociology

• Writing the Sociology paper
• How to think like a Sociologist - The Sociological Imagination
• How to think like a Sociologist - Secrets
• How to think like a Sociologist - What's the difference?
• How to think like a Sociologist - Autobiography
• How to think like a Sociologist - Games
• Resources for Research

Types of papers

• Resources for Writing
• What can YOU do?

The Sociology Writing Group in their publication A Guide to Writing Sociology Papers (5th Ed.), identify four types of papers based on data sources, as the most typical writing assignments given to undergraduate sociology students:

(1) the textual analysis paper , in which the student is asked to analyze some text such as an essay or book; the text itself provides the data in that the student is asked to explicate the text, not analyze the content.

(2) the ethnographic field research paper , in which the data is generated from observing and interacting with people in their normal social environments.

(3) the quantitative research paper , in which data is collected according to specific techniques of data collection and analysis in order to answer a sociological question.

(4) the general research paper , in which data is collected through library research in order to refine a research question, and to gather information in support of the paper's thesis,

• << Previous: Resources for Research
• Next: Resources for Writing >>
• Last Updated: May 1, 2024 1:53 PM
• URL: https://guides.temple.edu/c.php?g=247388

Temple University

University libraries.

See all library locations

• Library Directory
• Locations and Directions
• Frequently Called Numbers

Need help? Email us at [email protected]

• Utility Menu

Department of Sociology

Senior thesis information.

The department's Thesis Guide  contains advice about writing a thesis, a description of the overall process of writing and grading a thesis, and a list of required steps and deadlines.

For Juniors

Juniors interested in writing a senior thesis should part planning in Fall of Junior Year. A complete Thesis Writer's Schedule for Junior Year is available on our website.

For Seniors

Senior Thesis Support Seminar - SOCIOL 99A  

This is a seminar which meets once a week during the fall semester for students enrolled in Sociology 99. Attendance is mandatory. The purpose of the seminar is to help with the research stage of the thesis, to give detailed advice about the writing stage, and to share experiences in doing research. We have run the seminar for the last four years and it is described as very helpful by the students who took it.

Please see our Workshop's website for up-to-date information .

Reviewing Past Sociology Theses

All prize-winning theses are housed in the Pusey Archives and are available for review .  To locate theses, please search by authors last name.

• Concentration Requirements
• Data Analytics Track Requirements
• Junior Year Timeline and Statement of Intent
• Committee on the Use of Human Subjects
• How to Declare Sociology
• Joint Concentration
• Academic Resources
• Opportunities
• Alumni Profiles
• Sociology Courses

Thesis Writing Resources

Thesis Writer's Guide (updated Sept 2019) Junior Thesis Writers' Schedule (Updated 11/9/2023)

THESIS ADVISORS

• Graduate Students (searchable by research cluster)
• Statement of Intent Form
• Prospectus Approval 
• Finishing Up
• Sample Cover Page  

HELPFUL TIPS ON...

Basic Stata Help Data Collection Interview Strategies Major Sampling Schemes Qualitative Research Design Literature Review What Constitutes Plagiarism?

SENIOR THESIS WRITERS POSTERS

Edinburgh Research Archive

•   ERA Home
• Social and Political Sciences, School of

Sociology thesis and dissertation collection

By Issue Date Authors Titles Subjects Publication Type Sponsor Supervisors

Search within this Collection:

Welcome to Sociology , part of the School of Social and Political Studies at the University of Edinburgh. The Department began in 1964 and remains one of the most eminent in the UK for research, undergraduate teaching and postgraduate research.

This material is presented to ensure timely dissemination of scholarly and technical work. Copyright and all rights therein are retained by authors or by other copyright holders. All persons copying this information are expected to adhere to the terms and constraints invoked by each author's copyright. In most cases, these works may not be reposted without the explicit permission of the copyright holder.

Recent Submissions

Revelations of the aesthetic experience: artistic creation under constraint in contemporary cuba , conceptualising a new theoretical framework of inclusion/exclusion and gender-based violence within higher education in the united kingdom: a mixed-methods approach embracing computational social science , that's how we sound re-articulating nation through music performance in la escena independiente in lima, peru , indie encounters: exploring indie music socialising in china , bodyscapes of modernity: a post-critical sociology of art and the body in republican china (1912–1937) , what is ‘real food’ a discourse analysis of food education in taiwan , to have done with theory baudrillard, or the literal confrontation with reality , politics of economic collapse: a comparative historical sociology of the 2008 crisis , where ‘green’ parenting meets climate activism: understanding the affective, political, generative, but challenging ‘space in-between’ of radical eco-parenting , consensus and fragmentation: how variation in heterodox religious ideas affected mobilisation and outcomes in the rebellions of china’s qing era , participation for health equity: a comparison of citizens’ juries and health impact assessment , envisaging dataist modernity: the construction of edinburgh’s innovation apparatus , drug policing in china: drug laws, police culture, and police professionalisation , creative digital labour of meme making , ‘but why did you come back in the first place’ return migration to india: narratives of longing and belonging, ‘home’ and identity , sovereign debt and economic policy: a relational sociology of debt in the united kingdom, 1960s–1980s , going global: a contrast ethnography of new cosmopolitan elites and their world schools, in beijing and new york city , governance of primary care quasi-markets: a case study of the stockholm region in sweden , forest governance, forest dwelling people and construction of environmental subjects: case of redd+ and khasis in meghalaya, india , inscribing markets, shaping policy: a sociological investigation into the yield curve .

Sociology Research Paper

This sample sociology research paper features: 10800 words (approx. 36 pages), an outline, and a bibliography with 59 sources. Browse other research paper examples for more inspiration. If you need a thorough research paper written according to all the academic standards, you can always turn to our experienced writers for help. This is how your paper can get an A! Feel free to contact our writing service for professional assistance. We offer high-quality assignments for reasonable rates.

More Sociology Research Paper Examples:

• Disaster Research Paper
• Gambling Research Paper
• Group Dynamics Research Paper
• Human Ecology Research Paper
• Knowledge Research Paper
• Love Research Paper
• Quality of Life Research Paper
• Social Change Research Paper
• Social Movements Research Paper
• Social Networks Research Paper
• Social Stratification Research Paper
• Socialization Research Paper
• Sociology of Religion Research Paper

Introduction

The early sociology, the foundation of social science: statistical studies, the rise of american sociology, the substance of the sociological perspective, the passion for sociology, conclusion: the future of sociology.

• Bibliography

A commonly accepted definition of sociology as a special science is that it is the study of social aggregates and groups in their institutional organization, of institutions and their organization, and of the causes and consequences of changes in institutions and social organization. (Albert J. Reiss, Jr. 1968:1)

Academic Writing, Editing, Proofreading, And Problem Solving Services

Get 10% off with 24start discount code.

Within the contemporary context, sociologists are interested in human social interaction as people take one another into account as each behaves toward the other. Sociologists also take into analytical consideration the systemic units of interaction within social groups, social relations, and social organizations. As stated by Reiss (1968), the purview of sociology extends to

Governments, corporations, and school systems to such territorial organizations as communities or to the schools, factories, and churches . . . that are components of communities. . . . are also concerned with social aggregates, or populations, in their institutional organization. (P. 1) (adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || []).push({});

Sociology is, as Touraine (1990) suggests, an interpretation of social experience and is thus a part of the reality that the practitioners of the discipline attempt to observe and explain. To these areas we can add that sociology is a discipline that demystifies its subject matter, and it is, as Dennis H. Wrong (1990:21–22) notes, a debunker of popular beliefs, holds skeptical and critical views of the institutions that are studied (Smelser 1990), and challenges myth making (Best 2001).

The early history of sociology is a history of ideas developed in the European tradition, whereas the sociological approach of the last 150 years involved the development of concepts, methodology, and theories, especially in the United States (Goudsblom and Heilbron 2001). As American sociologists trained in the traditional theory and methods developed during the first eight decades of the twentieth century, we acknowledge our intellectual debt to the European founders. But beyond an earnest recognition of the classic work of the early founders, including Auguste Comte, Émile Durkheim, Alexis de Tocqueville, Frederic LePlay, Marcell Mauss, Max Weber, Karl Marx, and Harriet Martineau, most of whom were attracted to the European environment that included the liberalism, radicalism, and conservatism of the early to mid-nineteenth century (Nisbet 1966; Friedrichs 1970) and to what C. Wright Mills (1959) refers to as the sociological imagination that “enables us to grasp history and biography and the relations between the two within society” (p. 6), our approach to sociology is deeply embedded with and indebted to those individuals who established the Chicago, Harvard, Iowa, and Berkeley schools of thought. Similarly, as practitioners, our approach to the discipline of sociology is reflected in these distinctive American scholarly perspectives.

The American tradition of sociology has focused on social policy issues relating to social problems, the recognition of which grew out of the dynamic periods of social transformation wrought by the Industrial Revolution, the Progressive Era, world crises engendered by war, worldwide population shifts, increasing mechanization, and the effort of sociologists to create a specific niche for the discipline within a growing scientific community. This effort occurred first in North America and Western Europe and then, similar to cultural transitions of the past, within a global context. In every instance, the motives embedded within a science of society lie in the attempt to understand and offer proposals for solutions to whatever problems gain significant attention at a particular point in time.

In a most interesting work, Goudsblom and Heilbron (2001) pose that sociology represents a great diversity, or what some analysts may refer to as fragmentation, because the discipline grew as a part of the processes affecting societies and cultures worldwide throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Thus, as we move well into a new era and a new stage of academic development, it remains important that we recognize the sociological heritage as identified and discussed by these analysts. The five stages that sociology has experienced to date are (1) the predisciplinary stage prior to 1830, further identified as “protosociologies”; (2) the formation of the intellectual discipline, 1830–1890; (3) the formation of an academic discipline with diverging national traditions, 1890–1930; (4) the establishment of an international academic discipline, 1930–1970; and (5) a period of crisis, fragmentation, and attempts to develop a new synthesis, 1970–2000 (Goudsblom and Heilbron 2001:14574–80).

Consistent with the fifth stage, for almost four decades we have been witness to major changes in the substantive topics that undergo sociological inquiry both in the United States and, given the influence on the discipline by Canadian, European, and Scandinavian scholars, internationally. Among the areas more fully developed that might be identified as fragmentation are many of the most interesting sociological topics, including deviant behavior, the family, religion, gender, aging, health, the environment, science and technology, among so many seemingly unrelated topics. The unique conceptual paradigms of sociology serve as a template or pattern for seeing the social world in a special way. Every discipline and, indeed, every occupation employs templates or patterns to see and accomplish things in a unique fashion. Disciplines such as sociology rely on intellectual templates based on certain conceptual schemes or paradigms that have evolved through the development of a body of knowledge in those disciplines.

In its early era of the mid- to late nineteenth century, sociology was understood to represent anything relating to the study of social problems. Indeed, it was thought that the methods of the social sciences could be applied to social problems and used to develop solutions (Bernard and Bernard 1943). In focusing on such substance, O’Neill (1967:168–69) notes that periodicals of this early period had a sociological section in which news items relating to family matters, poverty, and labor often appeared. These early social scientists did not hold any special talents other than their training in theology. This situation was similar in the United States as well. It is not difficult, then, to imagine that, as Bramson (1961) notes, “For many American sociologists these problems evoked a moral response” (p. 75). Thus, the process of solving the problems of society was attempted by application of the conventional morality and the validation of Christian principles of piety rather than reform or progress.

Sociology was born as a result of a process, a process that directed a method of inquiry away from philosophy and toward positivism (MacIver 1934). Sociology was the result of a process caused by two major forces—namely, the Industrial Revolution and the French Revolution. The events, changes, and ideas that emerged from these two revolutions are found in the nineteenth-century thought pertaining to social order (Eisenstadt 1968). Following in the wake of the Age of Reason and the Renaissance, according to Nisbet (1966), this was a period of word formation:

Perhaps the richest period of word formation in history . . . which were either invented during this period or were modified to their present meanings: industry, industrialist, democracy, class, middle class, ideology, intellectual, rationalism, humanitarian, atomistic, masses, commercialism, proletariat, collectivism, equalitarian, liberal, conservative, scientist, crisis . . . [among others]. (P. 23)

These were words that held great moral and partisan interest in the European economy and culture; such passions were identified with politics as well.

Identified with European conservatism, which became infused by and with science, the visionary perspective promoted by Auguste Comte during the 1830s in his six-volume Positive Philosophy, later translated from the French and condensed into two volumes by Harriet Martineau, was based on the medieval model of European society.

This model of family, community, authority, tradition, and the sacred became the core of scientific sociology that was to serve notice that a science of society was essential to provide for more than commonsense analysis and to reestablish social order (MacIver 1934). Although unsuccessful in his quest to secure a professorship, Auguste Comte was a positivist, mathematician, and promoter of the scientific identity of the engineering profession (Noble 1999). Comte argued that positivism and the still-to-beidentified area of “sociology” would serve as a means of supporting his intention to create a unique perspective of human relations and a system to reestablish the social order and organization of society. Reestablishment of this new social order was to proceed in accordance with the positivist stage of evolution with its ineluctable natural laws that could and would be established through engaging the scientific perspective. Along with the arts, the science of sociology, according to Comte, was to emerge as the queen of the sciences, the scientia scientorum, and would ultimately supplant biology and cosmology.

If the restoration of order in French society was a preoccupation for many early-nineteenth-century scholars, including Auguste Comte, it was also the case, as Bramson (1961) notes, that

many of the key concepts of sociology illustrate this concern with the maintenance and conservation of order; ideas such as status, hierarchy ritual, integration, social function and social control are themselves a part of the history of the reaction to the ideals of the French Revolution. What conservative critics saw as resulting from these movements was not the progressive liberation of individuals, but increasing insecurity and alienation, the breakdown of traditional associations and group ties. (Pp. 13–14)

For social scientists of the early nineteenth century, many of the problems of the time were much more well defined than is the case in the contemporary experience.

Comte was fervently religious, and he believed those interested in science would constitute a “priesthood of positivism” that would ultimately lead to a new social order. According to Noble (1999),

A theist in spite of himself, Comte declared that the existence of the Great Being “is deeply stamped on all its creations, in moral, in the arts and sciences, in industry,” and he insisted, as had previous like-minded prophets since Erigena, that all such manifestations of divinity were equally vital means of mankind’s regeneration . . . Comte was convinced that people like himself, science-minded engineering savants occupied with the study of the sciences of observation are the only men whose capacity and intellectual culture fulfill the necessary conditions. (P. 85)

The legacy of this enthusiastic perspective is that sociology has been at the heart of the positivists’ contribution to the understanding of the human condition. It was also to serve in part as a basis for the reactions of conflict theorist Karl Marx, especially as these writings referred to the religious opiate of the masses deemed by Comte as critical to the reorganization of society (Noble 1999:87). The discipline continues to present an array of perspectives that have served to stimulate much controversy within both society and the discipline (see Turner 2001).

Although the sociological legacy of Harriet Martineau is substantial, as outlined by Lengermann and NiebruggeBrantley (1998), it was Martineau’s effort to translate and condense Auguste Comte’s six-volume magnum opus into a two-volume set of writings published in 1853 that allowed this important work to be available to the Englishspeaking world. Interestingly, Comte’s English translation came after Martineau’s sociological contributions, the richness of which was finally recognized by feminist researchers during the 1980s and 1990s. Martineau engaged in “participant observation” of the United States during the mid-1830s and subsequently published the two-volume Society in America (1836/1837), which is based on this excursion to the North American continent. Because of this experience, Martineau was able to lay the foundation for her treatise on research methodology in How to Observe Morals and Manners (1838).

Perhaps it is ironic that the distinctive difference between the European theoretical sociology and the empirical sociology practiced in the United States was advanced by events in Europe. Indeed, the origin of empirical sociology is rooted in Europe. Statistical studies began in the 1660s, thereby preceding the birth of all of the social sciences by a couple of centuries. The early statistical gatherers and analysts were involved in “political arithmetic” or the gathering of data considered relevant to public policy matters of the state, and as noted by Reiss (1968), the gathering of such data may have been accelerated to meet the needs of the newly emerging insurance industry and other commercial activities of the time. But it was the early work of the moral statisticians interested in reestablishing social order in the emerging industrial societies that was to lay the quantitative foundation for the discipline, especially the early scientific work of the French sociologist Émile Durkheim (Whitt 2001:229–35).

The second stage in the early history of quantification may have been related to the development of probability theory, the rise of the insurance industry, other commercial activities, and political necessity (Lecuyer and Oberschall 1968; Reiss 1968). English political arithmeticians, including John Graunt and William Petty, were destined to be followed by the efforts of the moral statisticians who engaged in data gathering in Belgium and France. Indeed, as early as 1831, the Belgian Adolphe Quetelet and the Frenchman Andre Michel de Guerry de Champneuf, in building on the early efforts of the practitioners of the “political arithmetic” that first began in the 1660s, were engaging in the government-sponsored data-gathering activity pertaining to data on moral topics, including suicide, prostitution, and illegitimacy. Such activities would prove quite instrumental in the establishment of the empirical social sciences. Even many of the methodologies developed during this same era of the early nineteenth century, as well as awareness of important ecological methodological issues such as statistical interactions, the ecological fallacy, and spuriousness, were developed by early moral statisticians such as Andre-Michel de Guerry and Adolphe Quetelet. Later, the work of Henry Morselli, Enrico Ferri, and Alfred Maury during this same century were to serve well the needs of aspiring European sociologists and even later members of the Chicago School of Sociology (Whitt 2001:229–31).

American sociology is one of the intellectual creations that has most deeply influenced our century. No other society ( the American ) has been more actively involved in understanding its own organizational change for the sake of knowledge itself. (Touraine 1990:252)

The birth of the social sciences in general and of sociology in particular is traced to the liberal democratic ideas generated by the British social philosophies of the seventeenth century—ideas that later were to be enhanced by the French Enlightenment of the eighteenth century and then transformed in the United States where these ideas served as the foundation for practical democratic society. The rise of American sociology can be traced to the early-nineteenthcentury social science movement, a movement that by the mid-1800s became a new discipline that was widely introduced into college and university curricula. The movement also led to the establishment of a national social science association that was to later spawn various distinctive social sciences, including sociology, as well as social reform associations (Bernard and Bernard 1943:1–8).

Although the promotion of the social sciences in the United States began as early as 1865 with the establishment of the American Association for the Promotion of Social Sciences and then, in 1869, creation of the American Social Science Association with its associationsponsored publication the Journal of Social Science, prior to the 1880s there had been no organized and systematic scientific research in the United States. This was the case simply because, as Howard W. Odum ([1927] 1965:3–20) noted, there was no university per se in which research as a scientific pursuit could be conducted. It is within the context of the movement to organize such a university that sociology and many other social sciences were embraced as viable academic disciplines, thereby allowing systematic research to be conducted in a rigorous manner. This also was a period of great emphasis on pursuing answers to new research questions through the evaluation of knowledge and the employment of methodological and statistical tools within an interdisciplinary context. Indeed, L. L. Bernard and Jessie Bernard (1943) posit that the vision of the founders of the American Social Science Association was “to establish a unified science of society which could and would see all human problems in their relationships and make an effort to solve these problems as unified wholes” (p. 601).

Thus, the social sciences in general and sociology in particular owe a great intellectual debt to the American intellects who studied at length with the masters of Europe. Included among these are notables such as William Graham Sumner, Lester Frank Ward, Albion Woodbury Small, Franklin Henry Giddings, John William Burgess, Herbert B. Adams, Thorstein Veblen, Frederick Jackson

Turner, James Harvey Robinson, George Vincent, Charles Horton Cooley, Edward Alsworth Ross, George Howard, Frank W. Blackmar, Ulysses G. Weatherly, John R. Commons, and Richard T. Ely (see Odum 1951, [1927] 1965); each of whom were well versed in scholarly areas other than sociology, including history, theology, economics, political science, and statistics. With the decline of the social science movement and its national association, the general discipline that emerged from the remains of social science was in fact sociology (Bernard and Bernard 1943:835).

The development of an intellectual and academic American sociology, like sociology in any part of the world, was and continues to be dependent on the social and political conditions of the country. In the United States, a liberal political climate and, in the aftermath of the Civil War, the advent of a system of a mass public education system, American sociology flourished. Thus, in countries in which the structure of the system of higher education was open to free inquiry, research was supported by private foundations and government contributions (Wright 1895), and the university was organized albeit loosely, sociology, subject to the polemics of its status as an academic science, gained entry if not acceptance among university faculty. Where education was available to the elite rather than the masses, sociology was less apt to flourish (Reiss 1968).

Another important factor is that American sociology arose basically without roots other than the growing influence of the social science movement in the United States and the emphasis on the virtues of science that permeated the intellectual and social environs of this same period. As noted by Neil J. Smelser (1990:49–60), American sociology did not experience the yoke of either European feudalism or any peculiar intellectual history. Rather, sociology came into being within American higher education during the 1880s and only after several other disciplines, including psychology and economics, had been accepted within the academy. Attempts among adherents of these other disciplines led to the establishment of the scientific theme within the social sciences. Early sociologists embraced this same scientific theme.

A second factor that had a profound effect on the early adherents of the sociological perspective is the social reform theme of the 1890s. The legacy of these two themes—namely, scientific respectability and social reform—became the dual platforms on which the unique American sociological perspective was to be based.

Although there was a great, direct influence of European thought, research, and the philosophy of the British Social Science Association on sociology to focus on attempting to solve America’s problems (Odum 1951:36–50), the rise of American sociology, at least during the first half of the twentieth century, was concomitant with the most dynamic period of technological, economic, and social reform changes ever recorded. In this context, Howard W. Odum (1951:52) views sociology as a product of the American social and cultural experience and places sociology’s heritage to be as “American as American literature,American culture, and the freedoms of the new world democracy” (p. 3). American sociology is thus part European and part American. Indeed, American sociology was envisioned early on as a social science that could and would assist policymakers and concerned citizens in creating the “American Dream.”

Consistent with this ideology, Odum (1951:59–60) identified three unique American developments, each of which influenced the direction of American sociology throughout the entire twentieth century. The first of these developments is the symbiotic relationship between the discipline and the American society and culture. The ideology that focused on the American Dream and its realization had a great influence.

The second development, according to Odum, is the emphasis on moral development and the motivation to establish ethics as a component of the educational curricula,American literature, and the social sciences, especially as these relate to ethical conduct, social justice, and public morality. Within sociology, this orientation is found in the application of sociological principles into economic and organizational behavior and the founding of the American Institute of Christian Sociology.

Finally, Odum (1951) notes, the American experience led to a research emphasis on social problems of a moral and economic nature. In an effort to better understand these social problems, sociologists organized the systematic study of issues such as waves of immigration, the working class, public disorder, neglect of children, violence toward women, intergroup conflict, urbanism, alcoholism, suicide, crime, mental illness, delinquency, and poverty (see also Fine 2006). This was the application side of sociology that held important social policy implication. However, there was also an early emphasis on a “general sociology” as opposed to a “special sociology” as was found at the more elite institutions of higher learning. Clearly, this difference foreshadowed the pure versus applied dichotomy that has generated so much discussion within the discipline (see Odum 1951:51–74).

Because of the important influence of the social science movement in the United States, there is some disagreement pertaining to who the founders and members of the first generation of American sociologists are (see Odum 1951, [1927] 1965). But publication of Lester Ward’s book Dynamic Sociology in 1883 does appear to mark the beginning of American sociology (Bramson 1961:84–85). On the other hand, there does not seem to be any disagreement as to the purpose of the American founders, and that was to establish a scientific theoretical base. Later, at the University of Chicago the goals were to establish a relationship between sociology and the classical problems of philosophy by focusing on process issues relating to elements of social control, such as conflict, competition, and accommodation (Kurtz 1986:95).

American sociology emerged concomitant with the challenges to legal philosophy and the discussion of questions relating to myriad questions that arose as the effects of industrialization were observed Calhoun (1919). Such questions have their focus on marriage, divorce, immigration, poverty, and health and how to employ the emerging scientific model to topical data that had been gathered by the nineteenth-century moral statisticians.

Leon Bramson (1961:47–48) observed that the most interesting aspect of American sociology in the first half of the twentieth century is that when affected by European theories of mass behavior and collective behavior, American sociologists, in their haste to establish a role for sociology in America, either transformed the meaning of the concepts to meet their needs or created new concepts to apply to the more liberal American social and political context. American sociologists, according to Bramson, also applied European theoretical concepts such as social pathology, social disorganization, and social control to the data referring to the American experience without regard for whatever special conditions should have been accounted for or even possible theoretical distortions; this issue is also discussed by Lester R. Kurtz (1986:60–83) in his evaluation of the Chicago School of Sociology.

Albert J. Reiss, Jr. (1968) notes that the first formal instruction of a sociology course in the United States was offered by William Graham Sumner, a professor of political and social science at Yale University, during 1876. The first, second, and third American Departments of Sociology were established at Brown University, the University of Chicago, and Columbia University, respectively (Kurtz 1986:93–97). Between 1889 and 1892, 18 American colleges and universities offered instruction in sociology, but in 1893, the University of Chicago was the first to develop a program that led to the granting of a Ph.D.

Despite the recognition of the emerging field of sociology as a distinctive area of inquiry, the focal point of a religious orientation and perhaps fervor expressed by social commentators in their discussions and analyses of the social issues that were to constitute the purview of sociology also engaged the attention of other early practitioners of the discipline. The social problems identified in the wake of expansion of the American West and the building of the railroads included issues relating to “the influx of immigrants, the rise of the factory system and the concentration of people in big cities. These comprised the now familiar catalogue of crime, delinquency, divorce, poverty, suicide, alcoholism, minority problems and slums” (Bramson 1961:75).

Alfred McClung Lee (1978:69) notes that ever since that time, sociologists have been attempting to divorce themselves from an ancestry that is historically rooted in the clergy, the police, utopian ideologues, social reformers, conservative apologists, journalistic muckrakers, radical thinkers, agitators, and civil libertarians.

Given the moral tone of much of the writing of many early American sociologists, it is noteworthy that in articulating the six “aims” of the American Journal of Sociology established at the University of Chicago in 1895, the scientific view of sociological concern so clearly defined several decades later by E. A. Ross (1936) was not so clear to many if not all of the moral philosophers of this earlier period. Witness the following comments offered by the founding editor of the American Journal of Sociology, Albion W. Small (1895):

Sociology has a foremost place in the thought of modern men. Approve or deplore the fact at pleasure, we cannot escape it. . . . To many possible readers the most important question abut the conduct of the Journal will be with reference to its attitude toward “Christian Sociology.” The answer is, in a word, towards Christian sociology sincerely deferential, toward “Christian sociologists” severely suspicious. (Pp. 1, 15)

These comments were of particular significance given that the American Journal of Sociology was not only the first journal of sociology created anywhere, but it was also, until 1936, the official journal of the American Sociological Society. Thus, the influence of both the Chicago School and the large number of contributions by its faculty and students to the American Journal of Sociology placed the work of the Chicago School at the forefront in shaping the early direction and substance of American, Canadian, and Polish sociology (Kurtz 1986:93–97). This was especially true in the subareas of urban and community studies, race and ethnic relations, crime and juvenile delinquency, deviance, communications and public opinion, and political sociology.

Leon Bramson (1961:73–95) identified three important phases in the rise of American sociology. The first period began in 1883 with the publication of Lester Ward’s Dynamic Sociology to about 1915 or 1918 with the publication of Robert E. Park’s essay on the city and/or the end of World War I, respectively. During this period, the founders began their earnest quest to establish the theoretical foundation as it related to the American experience focusing on “a liberal sociology of change and process, rather than one of conservation and equilibrium” (Bramson 1961:85).

This focus on change and process became even more evident during the second stage of American sociology, identified as the period between the two world wars. This was a period of academic expansion, with major increases in faculty and students, but even more important, led by sociologists at the University of Chicago, this was a period of specialization and the beginning of differentiation within sociology as the quest to develop a viable methodology began in earnest. This also was a meaningful period during which sociologists worked to establish the scientific status of the discipline and to earn respectability and academic legitimization. It was also a period during which many of the conceptual problems of sociology first began to emerge as its practitioners developed an increasingly complex technical vocabulary, a vast array of classification schema, and other abstract systems categories of thought. Perhaps assuming the need to compensate for a past that included so many nonscientifically moral reformistoriented representatives of the discipline, sociologists responded during this phase of development by creating complex theories that, for an extended period of time, were not only unintelligible to the layperson, but also the abstract nature of these grand theories exceeded the ability of social scientists to create methodologies appropriate to empirically test these theoretical models (Lee 1978). But despite this theoretical/methodological problem, this second stage of sociological development was also one in which much substance was created.

The history of sociology in America from prior to World War I to approximately the mid-1930s is, according to Kurtz (1986), a history of the school of thought promoted by the University of Chicago. If the second phase of American sociology is to be distinguished as a period dominated by the Chicago sociologists, it is also one that led Pitirim Sorokin to observe that American sociology was emerging as a distinctive brand:

The bulk of the sociological works in America are marked by their quantitative and empirical character while the bulk of the sociological literature of Europe is still marked by an analytical elaboration of concepts and definitions; by a philosophical and epistemological polishing of words. (Cited in Bramson 1961:89)

The period is characterized by a marked increase in the development of new and expanding methodologies and measurement. These new techniques included a plethora of scales intended to measure the theoretical concepts developed previously.

As noted, Goudsblom and Heilbron (2001) identify five phases of development of the discipline that cover the period prior to 1830 to the very end of the twentieth century. But the third phase of the development of American sociology, identified by Bramson (1961) as covering the period from 1940 to 1960, is noteworthy because this was a period during which the development and adoption of theories of the “middle-range” advocated by Robert K. Merton led to even greater specialization and differentiation of the discipline. In turn, sociologists began to develop ever-expanding areas of inquiry. Robert K. Merton ([1957] 1968), who wrote in reaction to the abstractness of the previous dominant position of the functionalist school of sociology, stated that theories of the middle range are

theories that lie between the minor but necessary working hypotheses that evolve in abundance during day-to-day research and the all-inclusive systematic efforts to develop a unified theory that will explain all the observed uniformities of social behavior, social organization and social change. (P. 39)

The all-inclusive efforts refer, of course, to the contributions of Talcott Parsons in The Structure of Social Action, originally published in 1937, and in 1951 with the appearance of The Social System.

The third phase of development can be characterized as the most enthusiastic period during which greater emphasis was placed on the application of sociological knowledge. As the field expanded, new outlets for sociological studies and knowledge were created, sociologists found employment in nonacademic settings such as government and business, and the new specialty areas of interest reflected the changes in American society, including a growing rise in membership in the middle class, the expansion of the suburbs, more leisure time, and the growth of bureaucracy. In lieu of the previous sociological interest in the reform of society and the more traditional social problems orientation of the discipline, the new sociology opted to leave such concerns to the social work profession and to special studies programs such as criminology. Thus, specialty areas emerged—areas such as the sociology of marriage and the family, and aging (later to be defined as gerontology), industrial sociology, public opinion, organizations, communications, and social psychiatry (later called mental health). From this point forward, the continued rise to respectability of sociology is attributed by analysts such as Robert Nisbet (1966) to the public recognition that societal problems are more integrative in nature than previously thought. This may also serve as a partial explanation for why the discipline is viewed by some as fragmented.

The logic and ethos of science is the search for the truth, the objective truth. Thus, the most fundamental problem the social scientist confronts, according to Gunnar Myrdal (1969), is this:

What is objectivity, and how can the student attain objectivity in trying to find out the facts and the causal relationships between facts? [That is,] How can a biased view be avoided? The challenge is to maintain an objectivity of that which the sociologist is a part. (P. 3)

Although the sociologies of the United States and Europe differ in perspective, both attempt to answer similar albeit distinguishable questions. In his discussion of “the two faces of sociology,” Touraine (1990:240) states that these differences lie in the scholarly research response to two problems: (1) How does society exist? (2) How are culture and society historically created and transformed by work, by the specific way nature and its resources are put to use, and through systems of political, economic, and social organization? Because the intellectual legacy of American sociological thought has been shaped to a large extent by the historical experience of creating a nation in which the rights and the will of the American people have been dominant, American sociologists have long focused on “institution” as a central concept and the significance of efforts of reform movements within the American society to affect its social organization. Thus, the substance of American sociology has been on topics such as the family, social organization, community, the criminal justice system, and law and society among the numerous institutionallevel areas of inquiry that are evaluated within the context of yet another American theoretical focus—namely, the emphasis on theories of the middle range. European sociologists, on the other hand, tend to focus on the second question while emphasizing the concept “revolution” in their analyses. Thus, even when similar topics such as social movements serve as the focus of inquiry, the American and European sociology responds from a different perspective (Touraine 1990). To understand the importance of this difference in perspective between the two sociologies, Alain Touraine (1990) poses the view that American sociology has a symbiotic relationship between culture and society, whereas European sociology integrates society and its history. Americans sociologists focus on society; the European sociology is focused on the rich history that serves as the backdrop for any attempt to understand social change.

Because the American experience is predicated on building a nation through the rule of law; the concepts of individualism, capitalism, and territorial conquest; and the attempt at integration of successive waves of immigrants to the North American continent,American sociology began its rise in prominence through an elitist intellectual process that dominated the academy during the early formative years of the discipline. Thus, it is perhaps ironic that an American sociology housed within the university setting would assume a critical teaching and research posture toward an elitist system of institutions that the early sociology assisted in creating. Within the context of certain kinds of social problems areas, such as ethnic studies, discrimination, and segregation, sociology and sociologists have been able to exert some influence. But in other important areas within which issues relating to elitist society may be involved, such as social class relations and economic and political power, the official and public perceptions of the efforts of American sociologists may not be as well received.

Many analysts of the past can be called on to render testimony in support of or apologize for the past efforts of sociologists to provide useful information, but none is perhaps more relevant than the following statement offered by George A. Lundberg (1947): “Good intentions are not a substitute for good techniques in either achieving physical or social goals” (p. 135). During the 1960s and 1970s, sociology, psychology, and other social science undergraduate job candidates customarily responded to interviewer queries with “I want to help people.” Similar to those who attended graduate school after World War II, these individuals were influenced by the potential of sociology to make a difference. But good intentions aside, the real issue is, How do we go about assisting/helping people? Perhaps the more educated and sophisticated we become, the more difficult are the answers to social problems and social arrangements that are deemed inappropriate or at least in need of some form of rearrangement. That is, the more we believe we already know the answers, the less apt we are to recognize the importance of the sociological perspective. Within this context, sociology necessarily must adhere to and advocate the use of the methods of science in approaching any social problem, whether this is local or international in scope.

Sociology has utility beyond addressing social problems and contributing to the development of new social policy. Indeed, the sociological perspective is empowering. Those who use it are in a position to bring about certain behavior in others. It has been said that “behavior that can be understood can be predicted, and behavior that can be predicted can likely be controlled.” It is not surprising that sociologists are often used to help select juries, develop effective advertising campaigns, plan political strategies for elections, and solve human relations problems in the workplace. As Peter Berger (1963) phrases it, “Sociological understanding can be recommended to social workers, but also to salesmen, nurses, evangelists and politicians—in fact to anyone whose goals involve the manipulation of men, for whatever purpose and with whatever moral justification” (p. 5). In some ways, it might be said that the sociological perspective puts one “in control.”

The manipulation of others, even for commendable purposes, however, is not without critical reaction or detractors. Some years back, industrial sociologists who worked for, or consulted with, industrial corporations to aid them to better address problems in the workplace were sometimes cynically labeled as “cow sociologists” because “they helped management milk the workers.” Knowledge is power that can be used for good or evil. The sociological perspective is utilitarian and empowering in that it can accomplish things for whatever purposes. Berger (1963) goes on to reflect the following:

If the sociologist can be considered a Machiavellian figure, then his talents can be employed in both humanly nefarious and humanly liberating enterprises. If a somewhat colorful metaphor may be allowed here, one can think of the sociologist as a condottiere of social perception. Some condottieri fight for the oppressors of men, others for their liberators. Especially if one looks around beyond the frontiers of America as well as within them, one can find enough grounds to believe that there is a place in today’s world for the latter type of condottiere. (P. 170)

Responding to the question, “Can science save us?” George A. Lundberg (1947) states “yes,” but he also equates the use of brain (the mind) as tantamount to employing science. Lundberg also posed the following: “Shall we place our faith in science or in something else?” (p. 142). Physical science is not capable of responding to human social issues. If sociologists have in a vain effort failed to fulfill the promise of the past, this does not indicate that they will not do so at some future time. Again, as Lundberg (1947) heeded long ago, “Science is at best a growth, not a sudden revelation. We also can use it imperfectly and in part while it is developing” (pp. 143–144).

And a few years later but prior to the turmoil that was to embroil the decades of the 1960s and 1970s, John Madge (1962) urged that a century after the death of the positivist Auguste Comte (now 150 years later) the structure of sociology remains incomplete. However, Madge recognized and demonstrates in The Origins of Scientific Sociology that sociology was slowly gaining in maturity and with this growth was on the verge of or within reach of achieving the status of a science. But it is also important to keep in focus the goals of science as articulated by Gunnar Myrdal (1969)—more specifically, “The goals of objectivity and effectiveness in research are honesty, clarity, and effectiveness” (p. 72). If the results of sociological research have been less than to the liking of policymakers and government and corporate leaders, then yet another of Myrdal’s insights is especially germane. That is,

Research is always and by logical necessity based on moral and political valuations, and the researcher should be obligated to account for them explicitly. When these valuations are brought out into the open any one who finds a particular piece of research to have been founded on what is considered wrong valuation can challenge it on that ground. (P. 74)

There are other reasons as well, reasons that complicate the delivery of the important message promoted by the discipline’s practitioners, for as noted by Joel Best (2003:11), sociology “is a perspective built on relativism, built on the recognition that people understand the world differently.” Indeed, many years earlier George C. Homans (1967) observed,

If some of the social sciences seem to have made little progress, at least in the direction of generalizing and explanatory science, the reason lies neither in lack of intelligence on the part of the scientists nor in the newness of the subject as an academic discipline. It lies rather in what is out there in the world of nature. (P. 89)

Such statements lie at the heart of the epistemological debate that began in the 1920s (see Reiss 1968:10–11) and continues into the modern era. Despite the vastness of sociological inquiry, it is obvious that a strong orientation toward the scientific study of human behavior, social interaction, and organizations continues and that this scientific focus is predicated on the assumption that such study is possible because it is based on the examination of phenomena that are subject to the operation of universal laws, a point not lost in the minds of the discipline’s founders. The counterpoint that the social sciences are cultural sciences and thereby fundamentally different from the physical sciences and also subject to different methodology and other evaluative criteria is representative of a longstanding European influence that also began in the 1920s.

Given the diversity and fluidity of the topics addressed and the levels of theories employed by sociologists, it is not surprising that many others do not agree. The counterargument is based on the premise that given the circumstances behind the evolution of science and the support it received in the past and the more repressive attention it receives in the contemporary experience from powerful interest groups, objective social science and the establishment of universal laws that are based on such inquiry may not be possible (see Turner 2001).

Whether or not one argues that the study of human society is unique, it is still extraordinary given the vast array of extant theories used to express the human experience and capacity. Witness the statement of one contemporary analyst who, in an intriguing assessment of the contemporary American “wilding” experience, wrote,

Sociology arose as an inquiry into the dangers of modern individualism, which could potentially kill society itself. The prospect of the death of society gave birth to the question . . . what makes society possible and prevents it from disintegrating into a mass of sociopathic and self-interested isolates? This core question of sociology has become the vital issue of our times. (Charles Derber 2003:18)

Only in part is Derber referring to the American experience. His assessment also speaks to the experience of Western Europe. Much social change has taken place, and the efforts of sociologists to describe and explain this change and to draw upon these insights to develop predictive models has led to a diversity of theories. Indeed, over time, the scientific paradigm shifts more generally described by Thomas Kuhn ([1962] 1970) are obvious in our discipline (see Friedrichs 1970). There have been, there are at present, and there undoubtedly will be future paradigm shifts within this evolving and apparently expanding discipline of sociology, many of which will focus, as has been the case in the past, on the social change process. And for all the so-called objectivity of a scientific sociology advocated by analysts such as George A. Lundberg (1947), the development of which is so eloquently described by Leon Bramson (1961)), sociologists have been involved in social activism and social engineering, that first occurred during the embryonic years of the discipline’s development (Volkart 1968). Such activism occurred again during the 1960s and 1970s, in many social justice areas, and in occupational settings such as those of the criminal justice system.

At present, sociological inquiry represents a vast array of topics and offers many competing theoretical models while its practitioners attempt to make sense of a rapidly changing world. For all its middle-range theories and studies that reflect the efforts of those dedicated to cumulative knowledge, it is also important that we recognize that the building of a paradigm as well as challenges to an extant paradigm are not relegated to the gathering of information alone. Indeed, if sociology is to advantage itself in the twenty-first century, it may be imperative that a dominant paradigm begins to identify the kinds of community needs that it can usually serve, for as Joseph R. Gusfield (1990) so clearly notes, sociology has been at odds with and a critic of the classical economic and individualistic interpretations of American life. Thus, whatever issues sociology may need to address at this juncture, perhaps we are hampered only by the limits of the sociological imagination. Again, the following comment by Homans (1967) is noteworthy:

The difficulties of social science lie in explanation rather than discovery. . . . Our trouble has not been with making discoveries but with organizing them theoretically—showing how they follow under a variety of given conditions from a few general principles. (Pp. 79, 105)

The present diversity of the discipline welcomed by so many social critics also serves as a barrier to the creation of a dominant theoretical paradigm. Without this focus, sociology remains in the minds of many of the discipline’s representatives a less-than-coherent discipline. Perhaps this is not different from the struggle of the 1960s as described by Gouldner (1970), a period that also was far less than organized and coherent and certainly far less civil in disagreement. It is important that sociologists take stock of their trade and question in earnest the utility of the work we do. As noted by Herbert L. Gans (1990),

By and large, we sociologists have been too distant from the society in which we operate and in which we are embedded, which funds us even if too poorly and which influences us surely more than we influence it. We are too busy trying to understand how that society functions . . . that we rarely think about our own functions—and dysfunctions. To some extent our failure to do so stems from a typical professional blindness, which results in our inability to distance ourselves sufficiently from ourselves and our routines to look systematically at what we are for and to whom. (Pp. 12–13)

Not all may agree, of course. Indeed, sociology in the United States and in Europe has been a critique of modern urban life with its emphasis on the individual, capitalism, and bureaucracy. In some instances, this critique of American society has been radical and reformist in its thrust (Gusfield 1990:31–46). And although American sociology had been shaped in part by psychology in establishing its methodology during the first two-thirds of the twentieth century, especially through a common socialpsychological area (see, e.g., Reiss 1968), it can be safely stated that American sociology has been transformed during the latter decades of the twentieth century.

Sociologists may be accused of engaging in an affair with their work. Witness the stirring comments of one colleague:

I fell in love with sociology when I was twelve. . . . Sociology was my savior. It saved me from the vexing confusion caused by my once despising the mundaneness of everyday life and deeply loving and admiring my people. It stabilized me by articulating the dedication that I felt for social justice. (Shahidian 1999:303–04)

We share this passionate approach to social science based on the insightful development of theory and empirical research, an approach that has, in turn, led to a vast array of subject matter. In light of these impressive contributions, the only aspect of this endeavor that may seem perplexing to some is that as we move further into the twenty-first century, there are those who continue to believe in and practice the scientific method; there also are those who argue that if the logic of science and the methods of scientific objectivity are to be carried to an extreme, sociology will lose or has already lost its humanistic perspective and, with this loss, the inclination toward active community involvement through social policy advocacy and practical intervention. As Peter L. Berger (1963) phrases it,

At the same time it is quite true that some sociologists, especially in America, have become so preoccupied with methodological questions that they have ceased to be interested in society at all. As a result, they have found out nothing of significance about any aspect of social life, since in science as in love a concentration on technique is quite likely to lead to impotence. (P. 13)

This dichotomy certainly is a matter of considerable debate, but perhaps most advocates and active practitioners of the discipline would fall somewhere in between these two orientations (see, e.g., Reiss 1968:10–11). In this regard, we are also optimistic that the sociological imagination will continue to be an important part of the work of sociologists as they take into consideration “a quality of mind that will help them to use information and to develop reason in order to achieve lucid summations of what is going on in the world and of what may be happening within themselves” (Mills 1959:5).

More than 170 years ago, sociology began to emerge from its philosophical and biological roots to it current status as an important social science. Early sociologists achieved renown based on their interest in providing information useful to appraise social policy issues. However, in the contemporary instance, there are strong indicators that sociology has not achieved the eminent position envisioned by the founders. Note the less-than-enthusiastic assessment offered by Black (1999):

The problems endemic to the discipline of sociology include the lack of a paradigm, disciplinary fragmentation, and the irreconcilability of science, ideology, and politics . . . and the lack of an occupational niche—[all these] place sociologists in the position of having constantly to defend the profession. (Pp. 261, 263)

Thus, as we move well into the twenty-first century, it is clear that sociology is engaged in yet another struggle to (re)identify itself. Perhaps such a struggle is to be expected of any science of human behavior. And nowhere is this situation more contentious than in the responses of representatives of the discipline to the question as to whether sociology is or is not yet considered an activity worthy of the label “scientific activity.”

At the center of this struggle lies the heart of any discipline—namely, sociological theory. Among the eminent theorists reporting on the status of sociology in this Handbook are individuals who represent the very best of what the discipline has to offer. That the message is suggestive of a continuing debate within the discipline is both disheartening and encouraging. It is disheartening in that after a period of more than 175 years, representatives of the discipline should be able to exclaim with great pride the accomplishments of so much activity instead of debating their scientific worth. It is encouraging because the current debate over the theory and the substance of the work sociologists engage in can only lead to the exploration of new and challenging frontiers. But the substance of sociological inquiry also represents a matter of contention for many research- and practitioner-oriented representatives of the discipline. Some contemporary analysts who have observed the developments within the academy during the past several decades call for a critical reevaluation of that which sociologists identify as the substance of research and understanding. Sociology has given birth to and generated intense interest in many areas of study that are no longer identified with the discipline. Because the specific subareas developed by sociologists became well accepted as legitimate applied disciplines within the academy, independent, overlapping units within the academy have been created.

If the 1960s represent the golden era of sociology, it is also a period, as described by Turner and Sica (2006), that is “remembered as a time of violence, massive social change, and personal transformation” (p. 4). The period had a profound effect on an entire generation of students, many of whom were instrumental in creating the new sociological emphasis that today is criticized for its diversity, the lack of continuity, and a failure to develop a unified paradigm. Whatever reservations that may continue to exist as we progress well into the twenty-first century, these can be hailed as a challenge. Thus, at the same time that community involvement and applied research are increasingly being devalued in the academic world, there is a distinct pressure, according to Harris and Wise (1998), for sociologists to become increasingly involved in the community and society.

This call to establish a public sociology may well combine with the three types of knowledge identified by Burawoy (2005)—the professional, critical, and policyspecific databases. In each of these areas, the initiative would be consistent with enthusiastic proclamations of the past. George A. Lundberg’s (1947) Can Science Save Us? serves as but one important example of those who promoted the application of social science insights to solve social problems. Of course, one major difference between the time when Lundberg wrote and now is that we are not rebounding from the tragedy of a world war. Indeed, it was during the post-World War II period and during the subsequent several decades that American sociology assumed its theoretical and empirical dominance (Odum 1951), especially in the area of deviant behavior (see Touraine 1990). Yet another important difference between then and now, as Harris and Wise (1998) suggest, is that sociologists need to be perceived as problem solvers rather than as social critics, and similar to the pleas of Marion Talbot (1896) at the end of the nineteenth century, much of the sociological may necessarily become interdisciplinary in nature. This perspective is supported as a portion of a more scholarly editorial philosophy articulated by Wharton (2006:1–2). Most noteworthy for our purpose are points three and four:

(3) Be aware and reflective about the . . . broader contributions to scholarship, policy, and/or activism . . . ; (4) produce useful knowledge—not merely in the applied sense of solving problems, but knowledge that is useful as basic research that can help people better understand and transform the social world. (P. 1)

These same kinds of issues—social activism and public policy research—were recognized at the end of the nineteenth century as strengths of the new discipline.

Thus, there appears to be hopeful as well as worrisome aspects of sociology at the end of the twentieth century (Lewis 1999). But this kind of enthusiasm and concern appears to be periodic throughout the history of the discipline as sociologists attempt to both define and then redefine the parameters of what some argue is too extensive a range of topics to allow practitioners of the discipline to be definitively identified (Best 2003). Witness the statement attributed to one of the coeditors of this Handbook who, in the early 1980s, wrote the following:

Future prospects for sociology(ists) no doubt will depend upon our ability to identify and respond to community needs, to compete for funds available from nontraditional sources, to work in applied areas, and to establish creative problemsolving strategies. The challenge before us should generate a healthy response. (Peck 1982:319–20)

Since that time and in the wake of a declining influence of the social sciences, there has been a response as evidenced by the many new areas of inquiry, many interdisciplinary in nature, that currently curry attention from sociologists. Indeed, there does appear to be a fragmentation, but this so-called fragmentation is consistent with an assessment offered by Beck (1999), “Sociology today, as throughout its history, is not unified. . . . we have never been able to sustain . . . unanimity and consistency for very long. Thank goodness” (p. 121).

Perhaps we do not engage in “normal science,” at least not in the sense that Thomas Kuhn ([1962] 1970) refers to it. That is, academic sociologists continue to function quite well even though they are outside the single frame of reference that usually serves as the paradigmatic foundation for the physical sciences. Normal science is rigid, but it is also burdened by uncertainty and inconsistency, as Friedrichs (1970) observes. In the case of sociology, this is found in the diversity of theoretical models and topical areas. Although some analysts lament the current state of the discipline, Jacobs (2004) recently observed that “some might view this diversity [of topics] as evidence of excessive fragmentation, (but) there are important theoretical connections” (p. v). Of course, the substance of manuscripts submitted for possible publication, the rubrics under which the research can be categorized, is quite different from the search for a common sociological paradigm. To wit, classic studies do exist, but none serve to forge a single paradigm. Thus, the future of the discipline will depend, as usual, on the contributions of those who may be relatively silent in the wake of less-than-acceptable “scholarship,” as suggested by Lewis (1999), but who nonetheless commit themselves to excellence by producing significant contributions to theory and application (see, e.g., Rossi 1999) that should, in the long run, counter the myriad productions that are less significant. Concomitant with this effort will be an increased awareness of and involvement in the applied and an earnest effort to again be a viable force in the policy-related aspects of sociology and society. In other words, we believe there will be a reawakening of and involvement in those aspects of sociology that served the discipline well during its early years of development in the United States (see Ross 1936) even as the applied social work-oriented practitioners broke away to form their own professional association (Odum 1951; Rossi 1999). Indeed, there exists a need for answers to myriad policy-oriented questions as well as applied concerns at all governmental levels.

But in the end, sociologists may, as Beck (1999:123) suggests, go where they go, where they want to go. This may again mean that sociologists will abandon important areas of inquiry that they helped to establish, leaving the sociological legacy to others. Sociologists will also move to create other areas of inquiry while questioning past and present assumptions and knowledge claims in an ongoing quest to better understand social arrangements and to engage in, as Beck (1999) observes, “life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness, and the sociological imagination” (p. 124). To this we can add the quest to establish the meaning of social justice in a rapidly changing democratic society.

Thus, contrary to dubious predictions of an ominous obscure future, the content of this Handbook attests to a much more positive and grand future orientation within the discipline that will include much more than the rigorous efforts to clean up conceptual problems that sociologists are supposedly noted for. Moreover, the epistemological debates of the past will undoubtedly continue as Turner (2001) and Best (2003) suggest, but in so doing, the future of academic sociology will again be broadened. This expansion will again, we think, involve the applied aspects of the discipline and engagement of the public through active involvement of sociologists in the four traditional areas—namely, through a public sociology with an emphasis on further development of the profession and a critical civic activism with the intent to broadly influence social policy. Moreover, the increasing influence of European sociology in the global community will undoubtedly continue; this influence is not only important, it is most welcome. Given the above, it may well be that another call to arms will result. There has been a movement, albeit a small movement, among highly regarded intellectuals (the National Association of Scholars) to enhance the substance and quality of academic teaching and scholarly activity. This, too, is welcome in sociology.

The world that engages a scientist, as noted by Friedrichs (1970), is one that emerges from a scientific tradition, along with its special vocabulary and grammar and environment. Sociology’s laboratory is the social world and on occasion its practitioners are criticized by those who argue the arcane nature of all that is considered scientific. If the normal science, as described by Thomas Kuhn ([1962] 1970) and Robert W. Friedrichs (1970), is to be realized within the discipline of sociology, then it may depend on efforts of young sociologists (see, e.g., Frickel and Gross 2005) who may capture the essence of such a paradigm in a general theory of scientific/intellectual movements. Such work may also serve to stimulate more thought as to the requisite initiatives essential for subsequently developing the kind of intellectual movement that will define once again, and actively promote, the substance of the sociological perspective.

If the emphasis of American sociology at the beginning of the twentieth century was unsophisticated, armchair science that “featured the study of general society and the ‘system’ of social theory, it reflected not only the almost universal philosophical approach but also the consistency of the best minds in interaction with European philosophy and American higher education” (Odum 1951:421–22). In the mid-twentieth century, sociology, similar to other social and physical sciences, struggled to determine whether the future of the discipline would continue to pursue a general systems theory of society or whether the discipline’s practitioners would develop more theory and then relate these theories to research and the scientific method (Odum 1951:422). At this critical midpoint of the century past, and in recognition of the importance of the discipline, Odum (1951) wrote that there is

the extraordinary need in the contemporary world for a social science to seek special knowledge of human society and welfare and meet the crises brought on by science and technology, so often out of perspective to human relations, and so to provide the basis for not only a social morale in an age of science but for societal survival as well. (P. 3)

At the end of the twentieth century, these comments rang clear, and as we move forward and well into the greater twenty-first-century experience, Odum’s words seem no less germane today than in the past.

Toward establishing the prospects for the future of this great academic discipline, we hasten to add how critical it is and will be to again acknowledge the important work of the founding mothers and fathers of sociology. Thus, at the end of the twentieth century, the state of sociology may have been debatable, but during the initial decades of the twenty-first century, sociologists will undoubtedly take up the challenge to pursue answers to vexing social problems that are, as Fine (2006:14–15) states, embedded with complex, dynamic, interconnected social systems. Some of the solutions to be tendered in the near future may not serve well the needs of all citizens, but these should nonetheless address policy issues relating to social freedom, social justice, and social equality while recognizing that such policies determine the behavior of those actors whom sociologists are intent to study. Herein American sociologists may now have achieved the requisite disciplinary maturity to employ the kind of sociological imagination envisioned by C. Wright Mills (1959) half a century ago. Such a sociology would, in the tradition of Europe, encompass a biography and history within society, thereby allowing sociology to represent not only a scientific enterprise but also to serve as a sensitizing discipline that allows us to continue to view the world in a new and interpretive fashion.

Finally, in some peculiar ways, the vexing problems that capture our attention during the early portion of the twenty-first century parallel those of the early twentieth century; this is true at all levels of society and perhaps even more so within those sectors that heretofore were barricaded from a critical analyses. The actors may have changed but, in general, the public concerns regarding the kinds of behavior tolerated and considered to be appropriate tend to remain the same. And as the moral entrepreneurs of the twenty-first century push their agendas, the new prohibitionist movements continue to capture the attention of policymakers, which may of necessity be cause for some sociologists at least to revisit many of the same topics that held sway in the past. Thus, we will continue to use templates in our lives to understand the world, physical and social, in which we exist. The sociological templates derived from the many conceptual constructs available provide us with a unique and perceptive perspective. As sociology further develops, new conceptual constructs will be added and will contribute to its unique perspective, thereby enhancing our ability to better analyze and understand human social behavior.

Bibliography:

• Beck, Bernard. 1999. “The Future of Sociology.” Sociological Inquiry 69:121–29.
• Berger, Peter L. 1963. Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective. Garden City, NY: Anchor Books.
• Bernard, L. L. and Jessie Bernard. 1943. Origins of American Sociology. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell.
• Best, Joel. 2001. Damned Lies and Statistics: Untangling Numbers from the Media, Politicians, and Activists. Berkeley: University of California Press.
• Best, Joel. 2003. “Killing the Messenger: The Social Problems of Sociology.” Social Problems 50:1–13.
• Black, Timothy. 1999. “Going Public: How Sociology Might Matter Again.” Special Section: Saving Sociology (Part II) Sociological Inquiry 690:257–75.
• Bramson, Leon. 1961. The Political Context of Sociology. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
• Burawoy, Michael. 2005. “For Public Sociology.” American Sociological Review 70:4–28.
• Calhoun, Arthur W. 1919. A Social History of the American Family: From Colonial Times to the Present. 3. Cleveland, OH: Arthur H. Clark.
• Crothers, Charles. 2001. “History of Sociology.” Pp. 1550–52 in Reader’s Guide to the Social Sciences, edited by J. Michie. Chicago, IL: Fitzroy Dearborn.
• Derber, Charles. 2003. The Wilding of America: Money, Mayhem, and the New American Dream. New York: Worth.
• Eisenstadt, Shmuel N. 1968. “The Development of Sociological Thought.” Pp. 23–36 in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, edited by D. L. Sills. New York: Macmillan/Free Press.
• Fine, Gary Alan. 2006. “The Chaining of Social Problems: Solution, and Unintended Consequences in the Age of Betrayal.” Social Problems 53:3–17.
• Frickel, Scott and Neil Gross. 2005. “A General Theory of Scientific/Intellectual Movements.” American Journal of Sociology 70:204–32.
• Friedrichs, Robert W. 1970. A Sociology of Sociology. New York: Free Press.
• Gans, Herbert J., ed. 1990. Sociology in America. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
• Goudsblom, J. and J. Heilbron. 2001. “History of Sociology.” Pp. 14574–80 in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, edited by N. J. Smelser and P. B. Baltes. Amsterdam: Elsevier.
• Gouldner, Alvin W. 1970. The Coming Crisis in Western Sociology. New York: Basic Books.
• Gusfield, Joseph R. 1990. “Sociology’s Effects on Society.” Pp. 31–46 in Sociology in America, edited by H. J. Gans. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
• Harris, Catherine and Michael Wise. 1998. “Grassroots Sociology and the Future of the Discipline.” American Sociologist Winter:29–47.
• Hollander, Paul. 1999. “Saving Sociology?” Sociological Inquiry 69:130–47.
• Homans, George C. 1967. The Nature of Social Science. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World.
• Jacobs, Jerry A. 2004. “ASR: Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow.” American Sociological Review 69:v–vi.
• Kuhn, Thomas S. [1962] 1970. The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. 2d ed. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
• Kurtz, Lester R. 1986. Evaluating Chicago Sociology. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
• Lecuyer, Bernard and Anthony R. Oberschall. 1968. “The Early History of Social Research.” Pp. 36–52 in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, edited by D. L. Sills. New York: Macmillan/Free Press.
• Lee, Alfred McClung. 1978. Sociology for Whom? New York: Oxford University Press.
• Lengermann, Patricia Madoo and Jill Niebrugge-Brantley. 1998. The Women Founders: Sociology and Social Theory, 1830–1930. Boston, MA: McGraw-Hill.
• Lewis, Michael. 1999. “Introduction: Saving Sociology (Part I).” Sociological Inquiry 69:106–109.
• Lundberg, George A. 1947. Can Science Save Us? New York: David McKay.
• MacIver, R. M. 1934. “Sociology.” Pp. 232–46 in Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, edited by E. R. A. Seligman and A. Johnson. New York: Macmillan.
• Madge, John. 1962. The Origins of Scientific Sociology. New York: Free Press.
• Martineau, Harriet. 1836/1837 . Society in America. London, England: Saunders & Otley .
• Martineau, Harriet. 1838. How to Observe Morals and Manners. London, England: Charles Knight.
• Merton, Robert K. [1957] 1968. Social Theory and Social Structure. New York: Free Press.
• Mills, C. Wright. 1959. The Sociological Imagination. New York: Oxford University Press.
• Myrdal, Gunnar. 1969. Objectivity in Social Research. New York: Pantheon Books.
• Nisbet, Robert A. 1966. The Sociological Tradition. New York: Basic Books.
• Noble, David F. 1999. The Religion of Technology. New York: Penguin Putnam.
• Odum, Howard W. 1951. American Sociology: The Story of Sociology in the United States through 1950. New York: Longmans, Green.
• Odum, Howard W. [1927] 1965. American Masters of Social Science. Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press.
• O’Neill, William L. 1967. Divorce in the Progressive Era. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
• Peck, Dennis L. 1982. “Future Prospects for Sociology(ists): Observations of a Non-Rural Sociologist.” The Rural Sociologist 2:315–21 .
• Reiss, Albert J. 1968. “Sociology: The Field.” Pp. 1–22 in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, edited by D. L. Sills. New York: Macmillan/Free Press.
• Ross, E. A. 1936. “Some Contributions of Sociology to the Guidance of Society.” American Sociological Review 1:29–32.
• Rossi, Peter H. 1999. “Saving Academic Sociology.” Sociological Inquiry 69:110–20.
• Shahidian, Hammed. 1999. “Saving the Savior.” Sociological Inquiry 69:303–27.
• Small, A. W. 1895. “The Era of Sociology.” American Journal of Sociology 1:1–15.
• Smelser, Neil J. 1990. “External Influences on Sociology.” Pp. 49–60 in Sociology in America, edited by H. J. Gans. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
• Talbot, Marion. 1896. “Sanitation and Sociology.” American Journal of Sociology 2:74–81.
• Touraine, Alain. 1990. “American Sociology Viewed from Abroad.” Pp. 239–52 in Sociology in America, edited by H. J. Gans. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
• Turner, Jonathan H. 2001. “Sociology, Survey.” Pp. 1538–50 in Reader’s Guide to the Social Sciences, edited by J. Michie. Chicago, IL: Fitzroy Dearborn.
• Turner, Stephen and Alan Sica. 2006. “Two Scholars Examine Golden Decade’s Imprint on Today’s Sociologists.” Footnotes 34(2):4.
• Volkart, E. H. 1968. “Thomas, W. I.” Pp. 1–6 in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 16, edited by D. L. Sills. New York: Macmillan/Free Press.
• Ward, Lester A. 1896. “Contributions to Social Philosophy. IX. The Purpose of Sociology.” American Journal of Sociology 2:446–60.
• Wharton, Amy S. 2006. “Letter from the Editor.” Social Problems 59:1–2.
• Whitt, Hugh P. 2001. “The Moral Statisticians” Pp. 229–35 in Encyclopedia of Criminology and Deviant Behavior, Historical, Conceptual, and Theoretical Issues, 1, edited by P. A. Adler, P. Adler, and J. Corzine. Philadelphia, PA: Brunner-Routledge.
• Wright, Carroll D. 1895. “Contributions of the United States Government to Social Science.” American Journal of Sociology 1(3):241–75.
• Wrong, Dennis H. 1990. “Sociology’s Effects on America.” Pp. 19–30 in Sociology in America, edited by H. J. Gans. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

ORDER HIGH QUALITY CUSTOM PAPER

DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln

Home > Sociology > Dissertations, Theses, and Student Research

Sociology, Department of

Department of sociology: dissertations, theses, and student research.

A Case for Friendship: A Mixed Methods Investigation of Close Friendships in Adulthood , Grace Kelly

Coverage Error Properties of Smartphone and Smartphone Operating System Ownership on Web Surveys: A Total Survey Error Perspective , Angelica Phillips

Attitudes Towards Public Basic Needs Programs: An Analysis of Question Order Effect, Period and Cohort Changes, and Differences Across Religious Traditions , Jamy K. Rentschler

The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on the Well-Being of People Incarcerated in United States Prisons , Kimberly Rivera

Settler colonial origins of intimate partner violence in Indigenous communities , Maia C. Behrendt

The Burden of Giving: Race, SES, and Nativity Differences in Providing Informal Financial Assistance , Nestor Hernandez

Factors Associated with Racial Differences in Health Care Access , Memory Manda

Effects of Victimization and Community Characteristics on Health Outcomes , Katie Meyer

Cover Guys: Masculinity, Sexuality, and Representations of Men's Bodies in Popular Magazines for Men , Trenton M. Haltom

MEASURING SOCIAL INTEGRATION: LINKING PERSONAL AND ASSOCIATIONAL TIES IN EGO NETWORKS , Sela Harcey

Protective Factors against Dating Violence Perpetration and Victimization , Meagan Kunitzer

Housework: Socialization Influences on Individual Performance, Couple Division of Labor and Mental Health , Jaala Robinson

The Relationship between Quality of Life, Extreme Climatological Conditions and Social Unrest in India , Daniel Schaefer

Twitch.tv and its LGBTQIA+ Tag: A Digital Ethnography Investigating How LGBTQIA+-affirming Video Game Streamers and Viewers Interact and Build LGBTQIA+ Spaces Online , Cadyn Alexander Williamson

How Does the Social World Shape the Experience of a Rare Disease? Social Position and the Development, Progression, and Medical Care for People With Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis , Jennifer A. Andersen

‘Do Unto Others’: Religiosity and Bullying in Adolescence and Emerging Adulthood , Joseph Jochman

The Consequences and Correlates of Racial Identity Discordance: An Explication of the Social Construction of Race , Eli X. Ornelas

Examining the Association Between Interviewer and Respondent Speaking Pace in Telephone Interviews , Angelica Nicole Phillips

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN STATE-LEVEL DYNAMICS, FIREARM POLICIES, AND COUNTY-LEVEL HOMICIDES , Shawn M. Ratcliff

Relationship Quality in Kin and Chosen Kin Familial Networks , Eliza Thor

Drinking Behaviors, Relationships And Recovery: A Relational Sociological Examination Of Addiction , Maia C. Behrendt

Interpersonal Discrimination and Mental Health among Minority Students at Predominantly White Institutions: Does Racial Identity Matter? , Marissa Lynn Cardwell

The Perfect Match? Correlates of Job Placement Among PhD Earners , Andrea Johnson

Social Networks and Science Identity: Does Peer Commitment Matter? , Grace Maridyth Kelly

Disabled and Out? Social Interaction Barriers and Mental Health among Older Adults with Physical Disabilities , Raeda Anderson

Disentangling the Roles of Modernization and Secularization on Fertility: the Case of Turkey , Dogan Hatun

Understanding Mental and Behavioral Health of American Indian Youth: An Application of the Social Convoy Model , Jerreed D. Ivanich

Birds of a Feather? Friendship Utilization by Sexual Minority Students During the Transition to College , Jessica Morrow

How State-Level Dynamics Shape Individual-Level Welfare Payments , Jamy Rentschler

Examining Retrospective Measurement of Ambivalence About First Births and Psychological Well-Being Using A Hybrid Cross-Survey Multiple Imputation Approach , Stacy Tiemeyer

Assessing Risks and Potential Protective Factors of Dating Violence Perpetration and Victimization , Brian Ermon Tussey

Not Infertile, Can’t Have Children: Non-Reproductive Health Barriers to a Wanted Child , Jennifer A. Andersen

WHO DO YOU KNOW: IMPROVING AND EXPLORING THE NETWORK SCALE-UP METHOD , Patrick Habecker

Protests in the Post-Cold War Era: World Systems Dynamics and Hardship Effects in Post-Colonial Countries , Shawn M. Ratcliff

Changing Public Opinion Towards LGB Rights: An Analysis of Data from the American National Election Studies, 1992-2012 , Jacob Paul Absalon

Examining the Interplay Between Spousal and Non-Spousal Social Support and Strain on Trajectories of Functional Limitations among Married Older Adults , Scott A. Adams

Fear and Loitering in Los Angeles: Contextualizing Fear in the Efficacy Framework , Benjamin J. Forthun

Three Studies Examining the Mechanisms Linking Stress Exposure to Delinquency and Substance Use among North American Indigenous Adolescents , Dane Steven Hautala

Understanding Transgender Community: Locating Support and Resiliency Using the Minority Stress Model , Rosalind D. Kichler

On The Street and On Campus: A Comparison of Life Course Trajectories Among Homeless and College Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Queer Young Adults , Rachel M. Schmitz

A Mediational Analysis of the Influence of Negative Coping Behaviors on Health Outcomes Associated with Adolescent School Bullying , Joseph C. Jochman

NETWORK SUPPORT VARIATION FOR BLACK WOMEN IN THE UNITED STATES: A MOBILITY STUDY OF IMMIGRANT AND NON-IMMIGRANT BLACK WOMEN , Lesa Annette Johnson

Capturing the Gendiverse: A Test of the Gender Self-Perception Scale, with Implications for Survey Data and Labor Market Measures , Alian Kasabian

A Model for Understanding Structure Versus Agency in the Participation of Minors in the Commercial Sex Market , Courtney Thrash

Faculty Parental Status: An Investigation of Network Homophily, Marginalization, and Supportive Work-Family Academic Culture , Megumi Watanabe

WHAT YOU DON’T KNOW CAN HURT YOU: EARLY LIFE COURSE RACIAL HEALTH DISPARITIES IN UNDIAGNOSED DIABETES , Anna C. Bellatorre

A Stress Process Model of Arrest among Homeless Women: Exploring Risk and Protective Factors , Kari C. Gentzler

Is Gaining, Losing or Keeping a Self-Identified Fertility Problem Associated with Changes in Self-Esteem? , Elizabeth A. Richardson

CONTEXTUALIZING COUPLES: THREE ESSAYS ON INEQUALITY, STRESS, AND DYADIC FUNCTIONING AS A LONGITUDINAL AND RECIPROCAL PROCESS , Deadric T. Williams

The Dynamics of Network-Religion Autocorrelation in Adolescent Friendship Networks , J Benjamin Cook

Sins of our Fathers (and Mothers): Impact of Parental Incarceration upon Education Outcomes , Patrick Habecker

Adolescent Depressive Symptoms and Substance Use: The Mediating Influence of Health Service Utilization , Sarah E. Malone

Does Exclusion From Normative Peer Groups in Early Adolescence Predict the Development of Substance Use Problems in Early Adulthood? , Cody R. Meyer

Multiple Motherhoods: An Examination of Mother Status on Life Satisfaction and Psychological Distress , Kayla M. Pritchard

Witnessing Inter-Parental Violence at Home: Adolescents and School Achievement , Renita Dawn Robinson-Tyrance

Tentative Transitions and Gendered Pathways: Exploring the Revolving Door of Young Adult Homelessness , Rachel M. Schmitz

Exploring Educational Pathways: Reintegration of the Formerly Incarcerated through the Academy , Grant E. Tietjen

A Phenomenology of the Meaning of Motherhood for African American and Hispanic Women Who Do Not Have Children in the United States , Amy M. Clark

PERCEIVED STIGMA AND STIGMA MANAGEMENT OF MIDWEST SECULARS , Christopher R. H. Garneau

The Sociology of Harriet Martineau in EASTERN LIFE, PRESENT AND PAST: The Foundations of the Islamic Sociology of Religion , Deborah A. Ruigh

Hard Work, Overcoming, and Masculinity: An Ethnographic Account of High School Wrestlers' Bodies and Cultural Worlds , Bryan Snyder

Abortion and Distress: The Role of State-Level Restrictive Policies Regarding Reproduction , Elizabeth Straley

Influences of Farming Background on Farm Women’s Employment Motivations , Alexis Swendener

Motherhood Situation and Life Satisfaction: Are Reasons for Having No Children Important? , Kari C. Gentzler

AVERSIVE RACISM AND IMPLICIT BIASES IN CIVIL RIGHTS WORKERS , Anne NM Hobbs

Religious Affiliation and Attendance as Predictors of Immigration Attitudes in Nebraska , Courtney Lyons Breitkreutz

Race and Gender Differences and the Role of Sexual Attitudes in Adolescent Sexual Behavior , Laura E. Simon

Infertility Help Seeking and Social Support: Do Conventional Theories Explain Internet Behaviors and Outcomes , Kathleen S. Slauson-Blevins

The Effect of Caretaker Separations on Indigenous Adolescents , Melissa L. Welch

Service Utilization Patterns of Homeless Youth , Sarah L. Akinyemi

Comparing Individual- and National- Level explanations of Environmental Attitudes , Andrew V. Bedrous

Variations in Social Support and Mental Health Among Black Women by Socioeconomic Status , Lesa A. Johnson

Learned Workers: Predicting Adult Education in the Labor Force , Alian S. Kasabian

Explaining College Partner Violence in the Digital Age: An Instrumental Design Mixed Methods Study , Lisa Melander

He Said, She Said: (Dis)agreement about the Occurrence of Intimate Partner Violence among Young Adult Couples , HarmoniJoie Noel

Marital Satisfaction Across the Transition to Parenthood , Kayla M. Sanders

Gender and Race Differences in Job Satisfaction and Commitment among STEM Faculty: The Influence of Network Integration and Work-Family Balance , Megumi Watanabe

The Relationship Between Breastfeeding and Child Care for Working Mothers in the United States , Patricia Wonch Hill

PREDICTORS OF EDUCATIONAL PROGRAM USAGE WITHIN UNITED STATES PRISONS , Grant E. Tietjen

Roscoe Pound and American Sociology: A Study in Archival Frame Analysis, Sociobiography and Sociological Jurisprudence , Michael R. Hill

Advanced Search

Search Help

• Notify me via email or RSS
• Administrator Resources
• How to Cite Items From This Repository
• Copyright Information
• Collections
• Disciplines

Author Corner

• Guide to Submitting
• Submit your paper or article
• Sociology Website

Home | About | FAQ | My Account | Accessibility Statement

Privacy Copyright

Study at Cambridge

About the university, research at cambridge.

• Undergraduate courses
• Events and open days
• Fees and finance
• Postgraduate courses
• How to apply
• Postgraduate events
• Fees and funding
• International students
• Continuing education
• Executive and professional education
• Courses in education
• How the University and Colleges work
• Term dates and calendars
• Visiting the University
• Annual reports
• Equality and diversity
• A global university
• Public engagement
• Give to Cambridge
• For Cambridge students
• For our researchers
• Business and enterprise
• Colleges & departments
• Email & phone search
• Museums & collections
• Current Students
• Undergraduates
• Department of Sociology
• Our History
• Job Vacancies
• Green Team overview
• Everyday Tips for the Office
• Environmental Action Plan
• Green Travel
• Green Cambridge
• Green Seminar Series
• Alumni overview
• Help support the Department of Sociology
• Alumni Benefits
• Alumni Events
• Academic Staff
• Affiliated Staff
• Postdoctoral and Research Staff
• Postgraduate Students
• Emeritus Academics
• Administrative Staff overview
• Paulina Baltsoukou
• Lara Gisborne
• Lucy O'Connor
• Lisa Watson
• Abigail Youngman
• Yvonne Frankfurth
• Yvonne Martin-Portugues
• Ellen Munnelly
• Lucian Stephenson
• Undergraduates overview
• Part I overview
• Supervisions
• One-Year Part II
• Undergraduate Teaching FAQs
• Postgraduates overview
• Library Services
• Resources & Training
• Support & Wellbeing
• Cambridge University Sociology Society (SocSoc)
• Generative AI and your learning
• Why study Sociology?
• Undergraduate Study overview
• Course Structure
• Applying to Sociology
• Fees and Funding
• Guidance for Teachers
• Preparing for Interview
• Student Testimonials
• Support and Services
• Postgraduate Study overview
• Choosing a Supervisor
• Applications overview
• Postgraduate FAQs

Visiting Scholars

• Outreach & Open Days
• Y10-13 Photography Competition
• Events overview
• News overview
• Decolonise Sociology ↗

The Department recommends that students write a total of four to six essays per paper over the course of Michalemas and Lent terms.

This equates to two or three essays per paper, per term. Since students take four papers, and terms are eight weeks long, two essays per paper would work out at one essay per week (if distributed evenly). Regardless of how many essays students choose to write, they will still receive six supervisions per paper over the course of both terms. This means three supervisions per paper, per term.

For two of these supervisions, the Sociology Department has a policy that allows students to prepare in another way besides an essay for the supervision, such as with a blog post , or a presentation on a reading or related current event. This should be agreed ahead of time with the supervisor in question.

Essays are expected to be around 1,500 to 2,000 words, which may sound like a lot to new students, but it is crucial practice for honing the skill of making a detailed, coherent and concise argument. The upper word limit is also important, as writing to wordcount (and deadline) are key academic skills, and this takes into consideration the marking workload of your supervisors.

Essay writing is one of the main means of study as well as a form of preparation for the exams , in which students are expected to draw on lecture material, supervision work, and independent reading. Over the course of the HSPS programme, students will be increasingly encouraged to supplement supervisors’ suggested readings with the sources they have encountered using their growing research skills.

Essay Writing FAQs

The sections below provide some answers to help students approach their essays. Students are encouraged to reach out to their peers, supervisors and/or Directors of Studies if they are having trouble with essay writing.

When you write an essay, you’ll need to find the suggested reading list provided in the paper guide. A reading list will usually contain a mixture of online resources like journal articles and Ebooks, and physical books which can be requested from the libraries; in 2020-21, however, given the coronavirus pandemic, we have adjusted our reading lists so that all texts are available electronically. Most of the readings you need for sociology are available via the Seeley library (Sociology, Land Economy), and you can find out how to access them on our Study Resources [link] page.

There are multiple copies of most of the books in the Seeley library so you shouldn’t have too much trouble getting hold of a text. Often you can request a book even if it has been taken out, in which case the student who has the book on loan will be expected to return the book in three days. If they’re not available at the Seeley library, the iDiscover website can show you all the locations where a book can be found in other university libraries.

Many College libraries also have undergraduate reading list collections, and it’s always worth emailing either the SPS or your college library if you’re struggling to access a text. Finally, if you can’t access a book or find an Ebook version online, Google Books often has parts of books - such as selected chapters - available to read for free. Your lecturer may also give tips for finding certain texts.

You will find you get much faster at reading and condensing arguments as you progress through your degree. Rather than trying to read everything, focus on the readings that the lecturer has marked as particularly important, and then use the additional recommended readings to gain a broader understanding and add more nuance to your essays.

What matters is that you’ve got a grasp of the key concepts and theories as portrayed in the available literature on a topic. When you’re first starting out, it may be better to focus on a few readings and give yourself more time to think and write. Another way of tackling reading lists is to split the workload with other people doing the same topic. Sharing notes and ideas not only helps consolidate your learning, it also makes life much, much easier.

If you’re assigned an entire book without chapter or page number suggestions, don’t feel you’re expected to read them cover to cover. Start with the introductory and concluding chapters to get a feel for the arguments. You can also check the contents page for sections or chapters that are especially relevant. Sometimes useful summaries, reviews, or commentaries on books are available online; for example, you can search for book reviews via Google Scholar.

Key to writing a good Sociology essay is a clear argument based on a careful and critical reading of the material relevant to the question. In the first instance, this will be the books and articles the paper organiser has indicated you should read in the paper guide. Pay careful attention to the language a particular author uses and attempt to situate the work in the social and intellectual context of the period in which it was written.

A good essay will provide an introduction that explains your interpretation of the question and how you intend to answer it, namely your essay’s structure and argument. As part of the process of building the argument, the body of the essay will outline, and critically evaluate, the different positions you’ve considered on the topic of the question (e.g. a question on class may discuss Marx, Weber and Durkheim’s differing understanding of the structural organisation of class and/or the subjective experience of class). This critical evaluation may include how well arguments are supported with empirical examples of events (including contemporary events not yet analysed in the literature), studies or statistical data.  Specifically, you can use the theory to help us understand an empirical case of your choice, and then use that empirical case to shed light on the strengths and weaknesses of that theory.

Here you can show further knowledge by referring to material beyond the reading list, as long as you demonstrate its relevance. The essay should conclude by summarising your argument and the justifications you have offered for it, as well as indicating the relevance of your argument in the broader theoretical and/or empirical context. Always try to justify your arguments by reference to concrete examples, studies, research or new work. Reference all your sources consistently and systematically. Finally give yourself time to re-read, edit and re-edit your essay. Often the process of re-reading and editing will improve an essay immensely. This process will, of course, be aided through discussions in supervisions and the further reflections they inspire for you.

When supervisors mark your essays (and indeed, your exams), they will be guided by the marking criteria, so it is best to familiarise yourself with these criteria. You can ask your supervisor for advice on how to interpret these criteria, which can be downloaded via WHERE [link].

The university and the faculty libraries have lots of guidance on essay-writing, which you can ask them about or find on their websites. Some colleges run workshops or have academics who provide support for essay-writing; your Director of Studies (DoS) should be able to point you in the right direction. This is especially useful for students who want to develop their academic writing skills, and can help build confidence for those who might feel a little out-of-practice.

Finally, it’s always good to share essays with friends taking the course to get a sense of their approaches. You can learn from your fellow students just as you can learn from university academics. Chatting through an issue that you’re finding confusing with a friend can have great results, because just by talking through your difficulties or thought processes, the path to the answers you need can become clearer.

The Department of Sociology University of Cambridge Free School Lane Cambridge CB2 3RQ

Tel: 01223 (3)34520

Contact: [email protected]

Privacy notice & cookie policies.

Website Updates

Profile Update Form

Research Project Form

Event Promotion Form

Tweet Request Form

Useful Information

Annual Reports

Equipment for Loan

IT Services Guide

twitterrrr.png

facebook_logo_square.png

117156_media_512x512.png

768px-youtube_play_button_square_2013-2017.svg_.png

© 2024 University of Cambridge

• Contact the University
• Accessibility
• Freedom of information
• Privacy policy and cookies
• Statement on Modern Slavery
• Terms and conditions
• University A-Z
• Undergraduate
• Postgraduate
• Research news
• About research at Cambridge
• Spotlight on...

Harvard University Theses, Dissertations, and Prize Papers

The Harvard University Archives ’ collection of theses, dissertations, and prize papers document the wide range of academic research undertaken by Harvard students over the course of the University’s history.

Beyond their value as pieces of original research, these collections document the history of American higher education, chronicling both the growth of Harvard as a major research institution as well as the development of numerous academic fields. They are also an important source of biographical information, offering insight into the academic careers of the authors.

Spanning from the ‘theses and quaestiones’ of the 17th and 18th centuries to the current yearly output of student research, they include both the first Harvard Ph.D. dissertation (by William Byerly, Ph.D . 1873) and the dissertation of the first woman to earn a doctorate from Harvard ( Lorna Myrtle Hodgkinson , Ed.D. 1922).

Other highlights include:

• The collection of Mathematical theses, 1782-1839
• The 1895 Ph.D. dissertation of W.E.B. Du Bois, The suppression of the African slave trade in the United States, 1638-1871
• Ph.D. dissertations of astronomer Cecilia Payne-Gaposchkin (Ph.D. 1925) and physicist John Hasbrouck Van Vleck (Ph.D. 1922)
• Undergraduate honors theses of novelist John Updike (A.B. 1954), filmmaker Terrence Malick (A.B. 1966),  and U.S. poet laureate Tracy Smith (A.B. 1994)
• Undergraduate prize papers and dissertations of philosophers Ralph Waldo Emerson (A.B. 1821), George Santayana (Ph.D. 1889), and W.V. Quine (Ph.D. 1932)
• Undergraduate honors theses of U.S. President John F. Kennedy (A.B. 1940) and Chief Justice John Roberts (A.B. 1976)

What does a prize-winning thesis look like?

If you're a Harvard undergraduate writing your own thesis, it can be helpful to review recent prize-winning theses. The Harvard University Archives has made available for digital lending all of the Thomas Hoopes Prize winners from the 2019-2021 academic years.

Accessing These Materials

How to access materials at the Harvard University Archives

How to find and request dissertations, in person or virtually

How to find and request undergraduate honors theses

How to find and request Thomas Temple Hoopes Prize papers

How to find and request Bowdoin Prize papers

• email: Email
• Phone number 617-495-2461

Related Collections

Harvard faculty personal and professional archives, harvard student life collections: arts, sports, politics and social life, access materials at the harvard university archives.

Sociology’s Role in Understanding the Modern World Essay

Introduction.

The modern world for each person is filled with social life, interaction, and constant changes. The causes and consequences of human behavior and culture affect not only the historical formation of our species but also every person’s life, both thousands of years ago and now. However, understanding these mechanisms and processes can be difficult. Thanks to the study of sociology, the scientific investigation of such a complex concept as society becomes possible. Sociology can help in understanding the modern world, and the role of social institutions for the individual and give the necessary ground to the solution of social problems.

In the last few years, the world has faced significant large-scale historical events that have had an unprecedented impact on society. After the COVID-19 pandemic, the way of life of many people has changed, and lockdowns have led to the connection and association of society, nature, and technology that was previously unimaginable. The most unexpected and surprising thing for me during the pandemic was how society came together. At first, it seemed to me that social distancing and the lack of opportunity to interact with people in the usual way should lead to the fact that people would start to distance themselves from each other, lose connections, and even fight for their survival regardless of others. I expected the same on a global scale because closing borders could lead to the fact that each country would have to deal with catastrophic consequences on its own.

However, in reality, the opposite happened, and people began to unite to help each other. This was manifested both on a local scale, such as the contactless delivery of food kits by volunteers to the most vulnerable segments of the population, such as the elderly, and a global scale. Governments of different countries and international companies began to join forces to counter the coordinated for a common goal. The study of sociology allowed me to understand that collective trouble gives rise to social solidarity. It brings people together, creating a foundation for physical and emotional support. The realization that official aid is rarely in the right place at the right time in sufficient numbers is giving impetus to civil society (Matthewman & Huppatz, 2020). Sociology, as a field concerned with modern social cohesion and transformation, is ideally positioned to remark on the coronavirus and its far-reaching implications.

An important concept for understanding modern processes in society, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, has become collective consciousness. During the study of sociology, this concept became a discovery for me. Emile Durkheim defined it as a set of public beliefs, morals, and views of society (Griffiths et al., 2015). Its practical application is related to the understanding of modern processes in society. Collective consciousness provides people with a sense of belonging and identity, as well as shapes their behavior. Wearing masks and observing coronavirus restrictions quickly became a new norm society accepted, a new component of collective consciousness. Those people who refused to adhere to these new generally accepted conditions faced shaming, ridicule, and even isolation; that is, they received punishment from society in a milder form. The same thing happened to those people who refused to be vaccinated. Although this phenomenon has negative consequences for individual members of society, its overall impact in the context of the COVID crisis seems to me positive since, for the first time in many years, it was related to the survival and well-being of mankind.

One of the key areas of life on which the study of sociology shed light for me was the importance of media and technology in society. They broaden social horizons while also altering the way people view and interact with one another (Griffiths et al., 2015). I felt the need to use technology more, especially social networks, during the pandemic, and from studying sociology, I understood what it is all about and how it affects society. Technological stratification played an important role during the pandemic. The coronavirus crisis has emphasized the intricate ways in which society and technology interact, urging more openness to the complex interactions between humans and non-humans.

It is difficult to comprehend the crisis’ experience and long-term implications for society without considering the acceleration of digitalization and digital divides. Where accessible, social digitality, and particularly social media, played an important role in the experience and reaction to the pandemic (Zinn, 2021). Social media played an important role in crisis management during the quarantine, serving as a source of valuable information and maintaining contact with friends and relatives. People shared the experience of how they adapted to new conditions and supported each other, making it easier to adapt to changes. However, people who did not have access to such information, such as the elderly, found themselves in a more difficult situation; they felt even more separated from society. The concept of the knowledge gap – the gap in information that builds as groups grow up without access to technology also contributed to this (Griffiths et al., 2015). However, some young people evaluated the social constraints they were previously subjected to and appreciated having more time for themselves. As a result, technology can help people who create new methods to incorporate digital media into their lives to reject unwelcome societal expectations.

The study of sociology allows seeing the world from the point of view of other people and realize the relationship not only with the global society but also to better understand closer and smaller communities and various institutions. The study of the institution of marriage and family has become the most valuable and productive for me. Both of these institutions have undergone a major metamorphosis in recent decades. The traditional concept of a family consisting of a husband, wife, and two children has been the model of the traditional family for a long time (Griffiths et al., 2015). Now families can be very different, consisting of same-sex people who do not set as their goal the birth and upbringing of children, and not enter into a legal marriage (Few‐Demo & Allen, 2020). However, the study of sociology makes it possible to understand that even such non-standard families perform their social functions. Families provide for each other’s physical, emotional, and social well-being (Griffiths et al., 2015). Understanding this allowed me to take a broader look at these institutions and rethink their role in my future life. It prepared me for life in a diverse and integrated world.

To conclude, the study of sociology allowed me to understand such a complicated notion of society better. It helped me understand why people acted the way they did during the pandemic and analyze my actions and experiences through the prism of this. It also became possible to assess the role of technology in a social context, especially in crises. Sociology helped me to better understand myself as a part of many social groups and understand how I can influence them and how they influence me. Many processes in society affect every person’s life, and the scientific understanding that sociology provides helps to be better prepared for life in a diverse world. It not only gives a practical understanding of the mechanisms of society but also teaches how to organize thinking to better understand myself and other people in the context of one whole.

Few‐Demo, A. L., & Allen, K. R. (2020). Gender, feminist, and intersectional perspectives on families: A decade in review . Journal of Marriage and Family , 82 (1), 326-345. Web.

Griffiths, H., Strayer, E., Keiths, N.J., Cody-Rydzewski, S., Scaramuzzo, G., Sadler, T., Vyain, S., Bryan, H., & Jones, F. (2015). Introduction to Sociology (2 nd ed.). 12th Media Services.

Matthewman, S., & Huppatz, K. (2020). A sociology of Covid-19 . Journal of Sociology , 56 (4), 675-683. Web.

Zinn, J. O. (2021). Conclusions: Towards a sociology of pandemics and beyond . Current Sociology , 69 (4), 603-617. Web.

• About the Sociology of Religion
• Changes in Social World and Sociology
• Subject Matter of Sociology
• Arendt’s Concept of Evil in the Rwanda Example
• Volleyball Team Diversity and Performance
• Roy and Persell's Core Concepts and Connection
• Discussion and Analysis: Race and IQ
• The Grounded Theory: Definition and Application
• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

IvyPanda. (2024, May 25). Sociology’s Role in Understanding the Modern World. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sociologys-role-in-understanding-the-modern-world/

"Sociology’s Role in Understanding the Modern World." IvyPanda , 25 May 2024, ivypanda.com/essays/sociologys-role-in-understanding-the-modern-world/.

IvyPanda . (2024) 'Sociology’s Role in Understanding the Modern World'. 25 May.

IvyPanda . 2024. "Sociology’s Role in Understanding the Modern World." May 25, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sociologys-role-in-understanding-the-modern-world/.

1. IvyPanda . "Sociology’s Role in Understanding the Modern World." May 25, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sociologys-role-in-understanding-the-modern-world/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Sociology’s Role in Understanding the Modern World." May 25, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sociologys-role-in-understanding-the-modern-world/.

Writing Academic Essays: Tips and Support: Informative Process Analysis

• Informative Process Analysis
• Cause and Effect Essay
• Compare and Contrast Essay
• Argumentative Essay
• Newspapers, Databases & Articles
• MLA Help, Grammar and Writing

More handouts for further help

Please see your syllabus for due dates for this essay. All essays will be turned in to the dropbox.

• Process Writing Print these tips to get you started.
• Process Reading Professional Example A great essay about writing a personal letter.

Module 2 Essay Notes

INFORMATIVE Process Analysis Essay.

Process analysis =  sequence of related events to explain how things work/ how things happen .

Directive process analysis =  how to do something step-by-step; directions for completing work (to make something). Examples: recipes, model kits, sewing patterns, etc.

***Informative process analysis*** = how something works. Examples: how to make a relationship that lasts; how to lose a guy in 10 days; how to be happy in life. Textbook example = how a zamboni works.

Topics : Should be something you know and do not have to research. A good way to find topics are to look at your hobbies, interests, and strengths. For example, you may wish to talk about how an oven works; how an internet search engine or face recognition works; or how a 2-year old child works!

Be sure you present the information chronologically (in time order). There are also many other ideas to think about before you start writing:

• Are you trying to persuade? Inform? (Yes, definitely.)
• Entertain? You may do more than one of these, by the way, but as per the title of the assignment, you MUST inform!
• your tone should always be professional - i t should not read like a text message, email, or letter to friend.
• For example, "Kids usually," "Fishermen often," or "Parents must.

The following information is true for all writing, but here it is again so you can refresh your memory.

Your introduction should:

• grab the reader's attention using some interesting facts or statistics or tell a story.
• include your thesis at the end of the first paragraph.

Your thesis:

• should introduce the process you will be explaining.
• will explain why the information given in your paper is important to know and understand.

Your conclusion should:

• restate the thesis, but not word-for-word.
• circle back to your introduction. In other words, if you told a story, finish that story here. If you cited a statistic, give another similar statistic here that makes better sense with the new information from the paper that has been given.
• it should not introduce any new ideas.
• Next: Cause and Effect Essay >>
• Last Updated: May 28, 2024 4:38 PM
• URL: https://slulibrary.saintleo.edu/essays_writing

Quick links

• Directories
• Make a Gift

Writing Papers That Apply Sociological Theories or Perspectives

This document is intended as an additional resource for undergraduate students taking sociology courses at UW. It is not intended to replace instructions from your professors and TAs. In all cases follow course-specific assignment instructions, and consult your TA or professor if you have questions.

About These Assignments

Theory application assignments are a common type of analytical writing assigned in sociology classes.  Many instructors expect you to apply sociological theories (sometimes called "perspectives" or "arguments") to empirical phenomena. [1]   There are different ways to do this, depending upon your objectives, and of course, the specifics of each assignment. You can choose cases that confirm (support), disconfirm (contradict), [2]  or partially confirm any theory.   

How to Apply Theory to Empirical Phenomena

Theory application assignments generally require you to look at empirical phenomena through the lens of theory.  Ask yourself, what would the theory predict ("have to say") about a particular situation. According to the theory, if particular conditions are present or you see a change in a particular variable, what outcome should you expect? 

Generally, a first step in a theory application assignment is to make certain you understand the theory! You should be able to state the theory (the author's main argument) in a sentence or two.  Usually, this means specifying the causal relationship (X—>Y) or the causal model (which might involve multiple variables and relationships). 

For those taking sociological theory classes, in particular, you need to be aware that theories are constituted by more than causal relationships.  Depending upon the assignment, you may be asked to specify the following:

• Causal Mechanism: This is a detailed explanation about how X—>Y, often made at a lower level of analysis (i.e., using smaller units) than the causal relationship.
• Level of Analysis: Macro-level theories refer to society- or group-level causes and processes; micro-level theories address individual-level causes and processes.
• Scope Conditions: These are parameters or boundaries specified by the theorist that identify the types of empirical phenomena to which the theory applies.
• Assumptions: Most theories begin by assuming certain "facts." These often concern the bases of human behavior: for example, people are inherently aggressive or inherently kind, people act out of self-interest or based upon values, etc.

Theories vary in terms of whether they specify assumptions, scope conditions and causal mechanisms.  Sometimes they can only be inferred: when this is the case, be clear about that in your paper.

Clearly understanding all the parts of a theory helps you ensure that you are applying the theory correctly to your case. For example, you can ask whether your case fits the theory's assumptions and scope conditions.  Most importantly, however, you should single out the main argument or point (usually the causal relationship and mechanism) of the theory.  Does the theorist's key argument apply to your case? Students often go astray here by latching onto an inconsequential or less important part of the theory reading, showing the relationship to their case, and then assuming they have fully applied the theory.

Using Evidence to Make Your Argument

Theory application papers involve making a claim or argument based on theory, supported by empirical evidence. [3]   There are a few common problems that students encounter while writing these types of assignments: unsubstantiated claims/generalizations; "voice" issues or lack of attribution; excessive summarization/insufficient analysis.  Each class of problem is addressed below, followed by some pointers for choosing "cases," or deciding upon the empirical phenomenon to which you will apply the theoretical perspective or argument (including where to find data).

A common problem seen in theory application assignments is failing to substantiate claims, or making a statement that is not backed up with evidence or details ("proof").  When you make a statement or a claim, ask yourself, "How do I know this?"  What evidence can you marshal to support your claim? Put this evidence in your paper (and remember to cite your sources).  Similarly, be careful about making overly strong or broad claims based on insufficient evidence.  For example, you probably don't want to make a claim about how Americans feel about having a black president based on a poll of UW undergraduates.  You may also want to be careful about making authoritative (conclusive) claims about broad social phenomena based on a single case study.

In addition to un- or under-substantiated claims, another problem that students often encounter when writing these types of papers is lack of clarity regarding "voice," or whose ideas they are presenting.  The reader is left wondering whether a given statement represents the view of the theorist, the student, or an author who wrote about the case.  Be careful to identify whose views and ideas you are presenting. For example, you could write, "Marx views class conflict as the engine of history;" or, "I argue that American politics can best be understood through the lens of class conflict;" [4]  or, "According to Ehrenreich, Walmart employees cannot afford to purchase Walmart goods."

Another common problem that students encounter is the trap of excessive summarization.  They spend the majority of their papers simply summarizing (regurgitating the details) of a case—much like a book report.  One way to avoid this is to remember that theory indicates which details (or variables) of a case are most relevant, and to focus your discussion on those aspects.  A second strategy is to make sure that you relate the details of the case in an analytical fashion. You might do this by stating an assumption of Marxist theory, such as "man's ideas come from his material conditions," and then summarizing evidence from your case on that point.  You could organize the details of the case into paragraphs and start each paragraph with an analytical sentence about how the theory relates to different aspects of the case. 

Some theory application papers require that you choose your own case (an empirical phenomenon, trend, situation, etc.), whereas others specify the case for you (e.g., ask you to apply conflict theory to explain some aspect of globalization described in an article). Many students find choosing their own case rather challenging.  Some questions to guide your choice are:

• Can I obtain sufficient data with relative ease on my case?
• Is my case specific enough?  If your subject matter is too broad or abstract, it becomes both difficult to gather data and challenging to apply the theory.
• Is the case an interesting one? Professors often prefer that you avoid examples used by the theorist themselves, those used in lectures and sections, and those that are extremely obvious.

Where You Can Find Data

Data is collected by many organizations (e.g., commercial, governmental, nonprofit, academic) and can frequently be found in books, reports, articles, and online sources.  The UW libraries make your job easy: on the front page of the library website ( www.lib.washington.edu ), in the left hand corner you will see a list of options under the heading "Find It" that allows you to go directly to databases, specific online journals, newspapers, etc. For example, if you are choosing a historical case, you might want to access newspaper articles.  This has become increasingly easy to do, as many are now online through the UW library.  For example, you can search The New York Times and get full-text online for every single issue from 1851 through today!  If you are interested in interview or observational data, you might try to find books or articles that are case-studies on your topic of interest by conducting a simple keyword search of the UW library book holdings, or using an electronic database, such as JSTOR or Sociological Abstracts.  Scholarly articles are easy to search through, since they contain abstracts, or paragraphs that summarize the topic, relevant literature, data and methods, and major findings.  When using JSTOR, you may want to limit your search to sociology (which includes 70 journals) and perhaps political science; this database retrieves full-text articles. Sociological Abstracts will cast a wider net searching many more sociology journals, but the article may or may not be available online (find out by clicking "check for UW holdings").  A final word about using academic articles for data: remember that you need to cite your sources, and follow the instructions of your assignment.  This includes making your own argument about your case, not using an argument you find in a scholarly article.

In addition, there are many data sources online.  For example, you can get data from the US census, including for particular neighborhoods, from a number of cites. You can get some crime data online: the Seattle Police Department publishes several years' worth of crime rates.  There are numerous cites on public opinion, including gallup.com. There is an online encyclopedia on Washington state history, including that of individual Seattle neighborhoods ( www.historylink.org ). These are just a couple options: a simple google search will yield hundreds more.  Finally, remember that librarian reference desks are expert on data sources, and that you can call, email, or visit in person to ask about what data is available on your particular topic.  You can chat with a librarian 24 hours a day online, as well (see the "Ask Us!" link on the front page of UW libraries website for contact information).

[1] By empirical phenomena, we mean some sort of observed, real-world conditions. These include societal trends, events, or outcomes. They are sometimes referred to as "cases."   Return to Reading

[2] A cautionary note about critiquing theories: no social theory explains all cases, so avoid claiming that a single case "disproves" a theory, or that a single case "proves" a theory correct. Moreover, if you choose a case that disconfirms a theory, you should be careful that the case falls within the scope conditions (see above) of the given theory. For example, if a theorist specifies that her argument pertains to economic transactions, it would not be a fair critique to say the theory doesn't explain dynamics within a family. On the other hand, it is useful and interesting to apply theories to cases not foreseen by the original theorist (we see this in sociological theories that incorporate theories from evolutionary biology or economics).   Return to Reading

[3] By empirical evidence, we mean data on social phenomena, derived from scientific observation or experiment.  Empirical evidence may be quantitative (e.g., statistical data) or qualitative (e.g., descriptions derived from systematic observation or interviewing), or a mixture of both. Empirical evidence must be observable and derived from real-world conditions (present or historical) rather than hypothetical or "imagined".  For additional help, see the "Where You Can Find Data" section on the next page.   Return to Reading

[4] If your instructor does not want you to use the first-person, you could write, "This paper argues…"   Return to Reading

•   Instagram
•   LinkedIn
•   Twitter
•   Newsletter

• Store Locator
• Sign In/Register Email Address Password Sign in Forgotten your password? Register
• Your Cart 0 Items 0 Subtotal $ 0 Order Total (NZD) $ 0 Cart Checkout
• Favourites Favourites
• View All Books
• best sellers
• new releases
• coming soon
• BARGAIN BOOKS
• locally loved favourites
• ockham nz book awards - winners
• nz book awards for children and young adults - finalists
• action & adventure
• comics, graphic novels & manga
• contemporary
• crime & thrillers
• general fiction
• poetry & plays
• science fiction & fantasy
• short stories
• non fiction
• art & photography
• biography & memoir
• business, finance & law
• computers & information technology
• crafts & hobbies
• education & reference
• health & wellbeing
• home & garden
• mathematics & science
• mind, body, spirit
• religion & spirituality
• sport & recreation
• new zealand art & culture
• new zealand biography & memoir
• new zealand cook books
• new zealand fiction
• new zealand history
• new zealand kids' fiction
• new zealand natural history
• new zealand non fiction
• new zealand pictorial
• new zealand travel & maps
• art & culture
• general maoritanga
• te reo maori
• baby & preschool
• picture books
• View All Stationery
• analysis books
• business books
• invoice books
• manifold books
• multipurpose
• order & delivery books
• receipt & deposit book
• commercial diaries
• designer diaries
• mid year diaries
• new zealand diaries
• standard diaries
• student diaries
• wallplanners
• bags & accessories
• gift & novelty
• journals & notebooks
• keepsakes & record books
• notecards & greeting cards
• archive & storage boxes
• concertina files
• copysafe pockets
• display books
• document wallets
• filing accessories
• index cards & boxes
• letter trays
• lever arch files
• magazine files
• manila folders
• presentation folders
• ringbinders
• suspension files
• desks & tables
• filing cabinets
• miscellaneous
• hygiene/safety
• adhesive, binding & fastenings
• calculators
• conference products
• desk accessories
• dispenser labels
• label makers & tape
• laminators, binders & shredders
• notebooks & pads
• office accessories
• scissors & cutters
• signs & tickets
• staplers & hole punches
• sticky notes
• tape dispensers
• coloured paper
• machine rolls
• photo paper
• photocopy paper
• book covering & book labels
• drawing pads & wallets
• exercise books
• learning & revision
• maths equipment
• pencil cases
• project boards
• refill pads
• school bags & accessories
• ballpoint pens
• erasable pens
• erasers & sharpeners
• fibre tip pens
• fountain pens
• highlighters
• mechanical pencils
• pen refills
• rollerball pens
• whiteboard markers
• View All Art & Craft
• activity & colouring books
• diamond art kits
• drawing & painting kits
• fabric & needle craft kits
• kids art & craft kits
• other craft kits
• coloured pencils
• glitter & embellishments
• modelling materials
• paint brushes
• paper craft
• sketch books & pads
• sewing & cross stitch
• tools & accessories
• View All Toys & Games
• board games
• educational toys
• indoor games
• general toys
• jigsaws & puzzles
• outdoor games
• squishmallows
• trading cards
• View All Technology
• headphones and earbuds
• cables & chargers
• keyboards & mice
• laptop bags & sleeves
• workspace set-up
• brother inkjet cartridges
• brother toners
• canon inkjet cartridges
• canon toners
• epson inkjet cartridges
• hp inkjet cartridges
• cd & dvd
• external hard drive
• memory cards
• usb flash drives
• accessories
• mobile sim cards
• adaptors & chargers
• power banks
• other technology

Digital Gift Card

Physical Gift Card

Check Card Balance

• Back to School
• Customer Service
• Big Deal Club

Max Weber’s Sociology Paperback

From "the protestant ethic thesis" and the american political culture to a sociology of civilizations.

By Stephen Kalberg

Or 4 payments of $22.42 with

Toggle filter item Description

Product code: 9781032631806

Toggle filter item Synopsis

Toggle filter item delivery.

• The delivery service does not include assembly or setup of kitset or electronic products.
• We do not ship to addresses outside of New Zealand.
• We reserve the right to refuse or negotiate delivery fees for non-standard orders. i.e. large volume orders.
• Physical Gift Cards will require a signature on delivery.
• Overweight threshold is set at 5kgs or greater.

Toggle filter item Shipping & Returns

Products can be returned in store, or by post, for exchange or credit as long as they are returned in saleable condition within 28 days.

Paper Plus Team Reviews

Prices and offers may vary between Paper Plus Website and Paper Plus Stores

All Payment Cards accepted