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The French Revolutions: Causes and Impacts Essay

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Introduction

Origin and experience of the 1789 revolution, origin and experience of the 1848 revolution, similarities.

Bibliography

France has had many major revolutions that changed the country’s face, politically, socially and economically. By the 1700s, it had a full strength monarch system of government in which the king held absolute power also known as an absolute monarchy, most typified by Louis XIV.

The nobles that were allowed to make legislations were corrupt and often enriched themselves leaving the poor or the so-called third estates to lavish in poverty. This paper will attempt to compare and contrast the two revolutions, which occurred in 1789 and 1848, focusing on their causes as well as the impacts associated with their occurrences.

The 1789 revolution took place at a time when the French monarchy had absolute power, governing the whole country and implementing high tax due to massive debt caused by wars that King Louis XVI had participated in including the American war of independence. Its causes were mainly the hard social, economic and political cataclysm that they had and were worsening each day. The country was heading into bankruptcy, making life much more difficult; people died daily and were buried in pauper graves, privileges were given to the nobles and the church. This led to a surge in protests involving mainly of the public and their sympathizers in various French cities like Paris, Lyon, Marseille, among others.

The monarch’s symbol of power was the Bastille jail in Paris that had been in place for the past 400 years and its attack signified the beginning of a republican government. This saw execution of King Louis amid protest from other European countries that supported the rule of monarchy, and duped France into wars with other states like Britain, which had a constitutional monarchy, Spain and the Netherlands as well as Belgium.

The impacts of this ‘terror’ were worsened by the soaring prices with the devaluation of French currency due to unprecedented war that was in existence. This prompted price control in almost all foodstuffs as the Jacobins seized power in a reign of terror. The national assembly that was constituted mainly by the third estate constituted a committee of public safety, whose days were numbered with the escalating famine and shortages that faced the country. Besides, workable laws were still in the process of making as they fought to install a feasible constitution. Tax levied by the Catholic Church, which owned the largest land in the country added more injury to already soaring economic problems.

The effects were realized but at a price since even though rights of citizens were instilled, ravaging famine, wars and terror consumed the population. This revolution took new shift as power changed hands from monarchy, through to the Robespierre, Jacobins, in 1794 then to Directory through to 1799 when Napoleon took over under Consulate. Secularism became rampant; innovations, wars, and the restoration of monarchy are some of the results that surfaced.

For instance, After the King’s execution, Revolutionary tribunal and public safety committee were instituted; this saw a reign of terror, with ruling faction brutally killing potential enemies irrespective of their age, sex or condition. Paris alone recorded about 1400 deaths in the last six weeks to 27 July 1794, when it was replaced by Directory in 1975. This brought together 500 representatives, in a bicameral legislature consisting of two chambers, which lasted about 4 years to 1799 when it was replaced by Consulate.

This revolution took place in Europe at a time when reforms were the main activity. This ended the reinstated monarchy that had replaced the earlier revolution. A second republic was instituted and later saw the election of Louis Napoleon as its president although he went on to establish an empire that lasted another 23 years. The Orleans monarch had been put in place following a protest that saw the July monarch, Charles abdicate his throne and flee to England in 1830. This new monarch stood among three opposing factions, the socialists, legitimists, and the republicans. With Louis Philippe at the helm of Orleans’s rule, mainly supported by the elites, favors were given to the privileged set; this led to disenfranchisement of the working classes as well as most of the middle class.

Another problem that caused this revolution was the fact that only landowners were allowed to vote, separating the poor from the rich. The leader never cared for the needs of his subjects as some people were not permitted in the political arena. He also opposed the formation of a parliamentary system of government. Furthermore, the country was facing another economic crisis, and depression of the economy due to poor harvest. Poor transport system affected aid efforts during the depression and the crushing of those who rebelled.

It started with banquets as protests were outlawed, resulting in protests and barricades once Philippe outlawed banquets forcing him to abdicate and flee to England as well. Provisional government was formed, in what was called a second republic. Unemployment relief was incorporated in government policies and universal suffrage enacted, which added 9 million more voters. Workshops were organized which ensured the ‘right to work’ for every French citizen. Other impacts included reduced trading and luxury as the wealthy fled and this meant servicing credits was a problem. Conservatism increased in the new government with struggles emerging between the classes. Eventually, politics tilted to the right and this revolution failed once again, ushering in the second empire.

The two revolutions had very many similarities in their origins; the first was started out of social and political problems like, unemployment, which was widely prevalent. Similarly, the second was also aimed at establishing the right to work. In both cases, forced protests were used to ensure that revolutions took place and they all failed; the first, giving way to emperor Napoleon Bonaparte and the second ushering emperor napoleon III.

In both cases, corruption was rampant as could be seen in the nobles of the first monarchy and the elite who were favored in the second monarch. Financial crisis and expected economic depression was significant in causing the two revolutions. The impacts were also similar in some ways as there were no stable governments during the two revolutions.

The first revolution was more radical as it caused terror and war as compared to the second, which was less violent; this is evident in the assault on Bastille. The causes of the first revolution were more founded on the basic rights of the people as compared to the second. The first revolution occurred when there was limited freedom to the public with their rights restricted to one vote by the third estate, while in the second revolution, there were provisional governments that had liberated some of the restrictions like the universal suffrage and characterized by struggles between classes.

The first revolution was the initiation of the revolutions that followed and was characterized with heavy loss of lives during the reign of terror, while the second was characterized by more political and social systems that enforced changes.

The two revolutions failed to fulfill all their goals although they made several crucial changes such as universal suffrages, which added 9 million new voters. Many thoughts have considered the revolutions to make a huge impact on British Philosophical, intellectual and political life, having a major impact on the Western history. Some of the sympathizers of the revolution like Thomas Paine among other English radicals shared their sentiment at first, as they believed it was a sign of liberty, fraternity and Equality.

However, when it turned into exterminations and terror, it gave second thoughts to the earlier supporters. In the end, after the second revolution’s failure, a second state was put in office, led by Napoleon III; he purged the republicans, thereby dissolving the National Assembly, and then established a second empire, restoring the old order. It is imperative to note that the revolutions made great significance in the developments of Europe as a whole.

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French Revolution

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The French Revolution (1789-1799) was a period of major societal and political upheaval in France. It witnessed the collapse of the monarchy, the establishment of the First French Republic, and culminated in the rise of Napoleon Bonaparte and the start of the Napoleonic era. The French Revolution is considered one of the defining events of Western history.

The Revolution of 1789, as it is sometimes called to distinguish it from later French revolutions, originated from deep-rooted problems that the government of King Louis XVI of France (r. 1774-1792) proved incapable of fixing; such problems were primarily related to France's financial troubles as well as the systemic social inequality embedded within the Ancien Régime . The Estates-General of 1789 , summoned to address these issues, resulted in the formation of a National Constituent Assembly, a body of elected representatives from the three societal orders who swore never to disband until they had written a new constitution. Over the next decade, the revolutionaries attempted to dismantle the oppressive old society and build a new one based on the principles of the Age of Enlightenment exemplified in the motto: " Liberté, égalité, fraternité ."

Although initially successful in establishing a French Republic, the revolutionaries soon became embroiled in the French Revolutionary Wars (1792-1802) in which France fought against a coalition of major European powers. The Revolution quickly devolved into violent paranoia, and 20-40,000 people were killed in the Reign of Terror (1793-94), including many of the Revolution's former leaders. After the Terror, the Revolution stagnated until 1799, when Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821) took control of the government in the Coup of 18 Brumaire , ultimately transitioning the Republic into the First French Empire (1804-1814, 1815). Although the Revolution failed to prevent France from falling back into autocracy, it managed to succeed in other ways. It inspired numerous revolutions throughout the world and helped shape the modern concepts of nation-states, Western democracies, and human rights.

Most of the causes of the French Revolution can be traced to economic and social inequalities that were exacerbated by the brokenness of the Ancien Régime (“old regime”), the name retroactively given to the political and social system of the Kingdom of France in the last few centuries of its initial existence. The Ancien Régime was divided into three estates, or social orders: the clergy, nobility, and commoners. The first two estates enjoyed many social privileges, including tax exemptions, that were not granted to the commoners, a class that made up well over 90% of the population. The Third Estate was burdened with manual labor as well as paying most of the taxes.

Rapid population growth contributed to the general suffering; by 1789, France was the most populous European state with over 28 million people. Job growth had not kept up with the swelling population, leaving 8- 12 million impoverished. Backwards agricultural techniques and a steady string of terrible harvests led to starvation. Meanwhile, a rising class of wealthy commoners, the bourgeoisie, threatened the privileged position of the aristocracy, increasing tensions between social classes. Ideas of the Age of Enlightenment also contributed to national unrest; people began to view the Ancien Régime as corrupt, mismanaged, and tyrannical. Hatred was especially directed toward Queen Marie Antoinette , who was seen to personify everything wrong with the government.

A final significant cause was France's monumental state debt, accumulated by its attempts to maintain its status as a global power. Expensive wars and other projects had put the French treasury billions of livres into debt, as it had been forced to take out loans at enormously high interest rates. The country's irregular systems of taxation were ineffective, and as creditors began to call for repayment in the 1780s, the government finally realized something had to be done.

The Gathering Storm: 1774-1788

On 10 May 1774, King Louis XV of France died after a reign of nearly 60 years, leaving his grandson to inherit a troubled and broken kingdom. Only 19 years old, Louis XVI was an impressionable ruler who adhered to the advice of his ministers and involved France in the American War of Independence. Although French involvement in the American Revolution succeeded in weakening Great Britain , it also added substantially to France's debt while the success of the Americans encouraged anti-despotic sentiments at home.

In 1786, Louis XVI was convinced by his finance minister, Charles-Alexandre Calonne, that the issue of state debt could no longer be ignored. Calonne presented a list of financial reforms and convened the Assembly of Notables of 1787 to rubberstamp them. The Notables, a mostly aristocratic assembly, refused and told Calonne that only an Estates-General could approve such radical reforms. This referred to an assembly of the three estates of pre-revolutionary France , a body that had not been summoned in 175 years. Louis XVI refused, realizing that an Estates-General could undermine his authority. Instead, he fired Calonne and took the reforms to the parlements .

The parlements were the 13 judicial courts that were responsible for registering royal decrees before they went into effect. Consisting of aristocrats, the parlements had long struggled against royal authority, still bitter that their class had been subjugated by the "sun king" Louis XIV of France a century before. Spotting a chance to recover some power, they refused to register the royal reforms and joined the Notables in advocating for an Estates-General. When the crown responded by exiling the courts, riots erupted across the country; the parlements had presented themselves as champions of the people, thereby winning the commoners' support. One of these riots erupted in Grenoble on 7 June 1788 and led the three estates of Dauphiné to gather without the king's consent. Known as the Day of Tiles, this is credited by some historians as the start of the Revolution. Realizing he had been bested, Louis XVI appointed the popular Jacques Necker as his new finance minister and scheduled an Estates-General to convene in May 1789.

Rise of the Third Estate: February-September 1789

Across France, 6 million people participated in the electoral process for the Estates-General, and a total 25,000 cahiers de doléances , or lists of grievances, were drawn up for discussion. When the Estates-General of 1789 finally convened on 5 May in Versailles, there were 578 deputies representing the Third Estate, 282 for the nobility, and 303 for the clergy. Yet the double representation of the Third Estate was meaningless, as votes would still be counted by estate rather than by head. As the upper classes were sure to vote together, the Third Estate was at a disadvantage.

Subsequently, the Third Estate refused to verify its own elections, a process needed to begin proceedings. It demanded votes to be counted by head, a condition the nobility staunchly refused. Meanwhile, Louis XVI's attention was drawn away by the death of his son, paralyzing royal authority. On 13 June, having reached an impasse, the Third Estate commenced roll call, breaking protocol by beginning proceedings without the consent of the king or the other orders. On 17 June, following a motion proposed by Abbé Emmanuel-Joseph Sieyès , the Third Estate officially proclaimed itself a National Constituent Assembly. Two days later, the clergy formally voted to join it, and the nobility begrudgingly followed suit. On 20 June, after finding themselves locked out of the assembly hall, the deputies of the National Assembly met in the royal tennis court. There, they swore the Tennis Court Oath, promising never to disband until they had given France a new constitution. The French Revolution had begun.

Louis XVI realized he needed to regain control. In early July, he called over 30,000 soldiers into the Paris Basin, and on 11 July, he dismissed Necker and other ministers considered too friendly to the insolent revolutionaries. Fearing the king meant to crush the Revolution, the people of Paris rioted on 12 July. Their uprising climaxed on 14 July with the Storming of the Bastille , when hundreds of citizens successfully attacked the Bastille fortress to loot it for ammunition. The king backed down, sending away his soldiers and reinstating Necker. Unnerved by these events, the king's youngest brother, Comte d'Artois, fled France with an entourage of royalists on the night of 16 July; they were the first of thousands of émigrés to flee.

In the coming weeks, the French countryside broke out into scattered riots, as rumors spread of aristocratic plots to deprive citizens of their liberties. These riots resulted in mini-Bastilles as peasants raided the feudal estates of local seigneurs, forcing nobles to renounce their feudal rights. Later known as the Great Fear , this wave of panic forced the National Assembly to confront the issue of feudalism . On the night of 4 August, in a wave of patriotic fervor, the Assembly announced that the feudal regime was "entirely destroyed" and ended the privileges of the upper classes. Later that month, it accepted the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen , a landmark human rights document that championed the general will of the people, separation of powers, and the idea that human rights were universal. These two achievements are considered the most important and longest-lasting accomplishments of the Revolution.

A People's Monarchy: 1789-1791

As the National Assembly slowly drafted its constitution, Louis XVI was sulking in Versailles. He refused to consent to the August Decrees and the Declaration of the Rights of Man, demanding instead that the deputies include his right to an absolute veto in the new constitution. This enraged the people of Paris, and on 5 October 1789, a crowd of 7,000 people, mostly market women , marched from Paris to Versailles in the pouring rain, demanding bread and that the king accept the Assembly's reforms. Louis XVI had no choice but to accept and was forced to leave his isolation at Versailles and accompany the women back to Paris, where he was installed in the Tuileries Palace . Known as the Women's March on Versailles , or the October Days, this insurrection led to the end of the Ancien Régime and the beginning of France's short-lived constitutional monarchy.

The next year and a half marked a relatively calm phase of the Revolution; indeed, many people believed the Revolution was over. Louis XVI agreed to adopt the Assembly's reforms and even appeared reconciled to the Revolution by accepting a tricolor cockade. The Assembly, meanwhile, began to rule France, adopting its own ill-fated currency, the assignat , to help tackle the outstanding debt. Having declawed the nobility, it now turned its attentions toward the Catholic Church. The Civil Constitution of the Clergy , issued on 12 July 1790, forced all clerics to swear oaths to the new constitution and put their loyalty to the state before their loyalty to the Pope in Rome . At the same time, church lands were confiscated by the Assembly, and the papal city of Avignon was reintegrated into France. These attacks on the church alienated many from the Revolution, including the pious Louis XVI himself.

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14 July 1790, the first anniversary of the Bastille, saw a massive celebration on the Champ de Mars . Led by the Marquis de Lafayette , the Festival of the Federation was meant to mark the unity of the newly liberated French people under the magnanimous rule of their citizen-king. But the king had other plans. A year later, on the night of 20-21 June 1791, he and his family left the Tuileries in disguise and attempted to escape France in what has become known as the Flight to Varennes . They were quickly caught and returned to Paris, but their attempt had irrevocably destroyed any trust the people had in the monarchy. Calls began to mount for Louis XVI to be deposed, while some even began to seriously demand a French Republic. The issue divided the Jacobin Club, a political society where revolutionaries gathered to discuss their goals and agendas. Moderate members loyal to the idea of constitutional monarchy split to form the new Feuillant Club, while the remaining Jacobins were further radicalized.

On 17 July 1791, a crowd of demonstrators gathered on the Champ de Mars to demand the king's deposition. They were fired on by the Paris National Guard, commanded by Lafayette , resulting in 50 deaths. The Champ de Mars Massacre sent republicans on the run, giving the Feuillants enough time to push through their constitution, which centered around a weakened, liberal monarchy. On 30 September 1791, the new Legislative Assembly met, but despite the long-awaited constitution, the Revolution was more divided than ever.

Birth of a Republic: 1792-1793

Many deputies of the Legislative Assembly formed themselves into two factions: the more conservative Feuillants sat on the right of the Assembly president, while the radical Jacobins sat to his left, giving rise to the left/right political spectrum still used today. After the monarchs of Austria and Prussia threatened to destroy the Revolution in the Declaration of Pillnitz , a third faction split off from the Jacobins, demanding war as the only way to preserve the Revolution. This war party, later known as the Girondins, quickly dominated the Legislative Assembly, which voted to declare war on Austria on 20 April 1792. This began the French Revolutionary Wars (1792-1802), as the old regimes of Europe , feeling threatened by the radical revolutionaries, joined together in a coalition against France.

Initially, the war went disastrously for the French. The summer of 1792 saw a Prussian army accompanied by French royalist émigrés slowly march toward Paris. In August, the invaders issued the Brunswick Manifesto, threatening to destroy Paris should any harm come to the French royal family. This threat sent the people of Paris into a hysterical panic that led to the Storming of the Tuileries Palace on 10 August 1792, the insurrection that finally toppled the monarchy. Still fearful of counter-revolutionary enemies who might aid the Prussians, Paris mobs then invaded the city's prisons and murdered over 1,100 people in the September Massacres .

On 20 September 1792, a French army finally halted the Prussian invasion at the miraculous Battle of Valmy . The next day, the jubilated Legislative Assembly officially proclaimed the French Republic. The later French Republican calendar dated itself from this moment, which was seen as the ultimate accomplishment of humankind. The Assembly was disbanded, and a National Convention was convened to draft a new constitution. One of the Convention's first tasks was to decide the fate of the deposed Louis XVI; ultimately, he was tried and guillotined on 21 January 1793, his family kept imprisoned in the Tower of the Temple until the trial and execution of Marie Antoinette that October. The trial and execution of Louis XVI shocked Europe, causing Great Britain, Spain, and the Dutch Republic to enter the coalition against France.

Reign of Terror: 1793-1794

After the decline of the Feuillants, the Girondins became the Revolution's moderate faction. In early 1793, they were opposed by a group of radical Jacobins called the Mountain, primarily led by Maximilien Robespierre , Georges Danton , and Jean- Paul Marat. The Girondins and the Mountain maintained a bitter rivalry until the fall of the Girondins on 2 June 1793, when roughly 80,000 sans-culottes , or lower-class revolutionaries, and National Guards surrounded the Tuileries Palace, demanding the arrests of leading Girondins. This was accomplished, and the Girondin leaders were later executed.

The Mountain's victory deeply divided the nation. The assassination of Marat by Charlotte Corday occurred amidst pockets of civil war that threatened to unravel the infant republic, such as the War in the Vendée and the federalist revolts . To quell this dissent and halt the advance of coalition armies, the Convention approved the creation of the Committee of Public Safety , which quickly assumed near total executive power. Through measures such as mass conscription, the Committee brutally crushed the civil wars and checked the foreign armies before turning its attention to unmasking domestic traitors and counter-revolutionary agents. The ensuing Reign of Terror, lasting from September 1793-July 1794 resulted in hundreds of thousands of arrests, 16,594 executions by guillotine, and tens of thousands of additional deaths. Aristocrats and clergymen were executed alongside former revolutionary leaders and thousands of ordinary people.

Robespierre accumulated almost dictatorial powers during this period. Attempting to curtail the Revolution's rampant dechristianization, he implemented the deistic Cult of the Supreme Being to ease France into his vision of a morally pure society. His enemies saw this as an attempt to claim total power and, fearing for their lives, decided to overthrow him; the fall of Maximilien Robespierre and his allies on 28 July 1794 brought the Terror to an end, and is considered by some historians to mark the decline of the Revolution itself.

Thermidorians & the Directory: 1794-1799

Robespierre's execution was followed by the Thermidorian Reaction , a period of conservative counter-revolution in which the vestiges of Jacobin rule were erased. The Jacobin Club itself was permanently closed in November 1794, and a Jacobin attempt to retake power in the Prairial Uprising of 1795 was crushed. The Thermidorians defeated a royalist uprising on 13 Vendémiaire (5 October 1795) before adopting the Constitution of Year III (1795) and transitioning into the French Directory , the government that led the Republic in the final years of the Revolution.

Meanwhile, French armies had succeeded in pushing back the coalition's forces, defeating most coalition nations by 1797. The star of the war was undoubtedly General Napoleon Bonaparte, whose brilliant Italian campaign of 1796-97 catapulted him to fame. On 9 November 1799, Bonaparte took control of the government in the Coup of 18 Brumaire, bringing an end to the unpopular Directory. His ascendency marked the end of the French Revolution and the beginning of the Napoleonic era.

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Power Struggles in the Reign of Terror

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French Revolution - List of Free Essay Examples And Topic Ideas

The French Revolution (1789-1799) was a period of radical social and political upheaval in France, leading to significant changes in French and global history. Essays on the French Revolution could explore its causes, significant events like the Storming of the Bastille or the Reign of Terror, and its lasting impact on French society and the wider world. Moreover, discussions on the ideologies and key figures of the Revolution would provide a deeper insight. We have collected a large number of free essay examples about French Revolution you can find at Papersowl. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.

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How To Write an Essay About French Revolution

Understanding the french revolution.

Before starting an essay about the French Revolution, it's crucial to have a comprehensive understanding of this pivotal historical event. The French Revolution, which took place from 1789 to 1799, was a period of radical social and political upheaval in France that had a lasting impact on French history and the wider world. Begin your essay by outlining the key causes of the Revolution, including the financial crisis, social inequalities, and the influence of Enlightenment ideas. Discuss the major events of the Revolution such as the fall of the Bastille, the Reign of Terror, and the rise of Napoleon Bonaparte. Understanding the complexities of these events and their interrelations is essential for writing a well-informed essay.

Developing a Thesis Statement

A strong essay on the French Revolution should be centered around a clear, concise thesis statement. This statement should present a specific viewpoint or argument about the Revolution. For instance, you might analyze the role of the Third Estate in propelling the Revolution, the impact of the Revolution on the establishment of democratic principles, or the reasons for the transition from revolution to the Napoleonic era. Your thesis will guide the direction of your essay and provide a structured and coherent analysis.

Gathering Historical Evidence

To support your thesis, gather historical evidence from credible sources. This may include primary sources like contemporary letters, speeches, and political documents, as well as secondary sources like scholarly articles and history books. Analyze this evidence critically, considering the context, perspective, and purpose of each source. Use this evidence to build your argument and provide depth to your analysis of the French Revolution.

Analyzing Key Events and Figures

Dedicate a section of your essay to analyzing key events and figures of the French Revolution. Discuss how these events were pivotal in the progress of the Revolution and examine the roles and contributions of significant figures such as Louis XVI, Marie Antoinette, Maximilien Robespierre, and Napoleon Bonaparte. This analysis will help readers understand the complexities and dynamics of the Revolution.

Concluding the Essay

Conclude your essay by summarizing the main points of your discussion and restating your thesis in light of the evidence presented. Your conclusion should tie together your analysis and emphasize the significance of the French Revolution in shaping modern political and social thought. You might also want to reflect on the broader implications of the Revolution, such as its impact on the concept of citizenship and the spread of democratic ideals.

Reviewing and Refining Your Essay

After completing your essay, review and refine it for clarity and coherence. Ensure that your arguments are well-structured and supported by historical evidence. Check for grammatical accuracy and ensure that your essay flows logically from one point to the next. Consider seeking feedback from peers, teachers, or historians to further refine your essay. A well-written essay on the French Revolution will not only demonstrate your understanding of this crucial period in history but also your ability to engage critically with historical narratives.

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The execution of Robespierre and his accomplices, 17 July 1794 (10 Thermidor Year II). Robespierre is depicted holding a handkerchief and dressed in a brown jacket in the cart immediately to the left of the scaffold. Photo courtesy the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris

Vive la révolution!

Must radical political change generate uncontainable violence the french revolution is both a cautionary and inspiring tale.

by Jeremy Popkin   + BIO

If the French Revolution of 1789 was such an important event, visitors to France’s capital city of Paris often wonder, why can’t they find any trace of the Bastille, the medieval fortress whose storming on 14 July 1789 was the revolution’s most dramatic moment? Determined to destroy what they saw as a symbol of tyranny, the ‘victors of the Bastille’ immediately began demolishing the structure. Even the column in the middle of the busy Place de la Bastille isn’t connected to 1789: it commemorates those who died in another uprising a generation later, the ‘July Revolution’ of 1830.

The legacy of the French Revolution is not found in physical monuments, but in the ideals of liberty, equality and justice that still inspire modern democracies. More ambitious than the American revolutionaries of 1776, the French in 1789 were not just fighting for their own national independence: they wanted to establish principles that would lay the basis for freedom for human beings everywhere. The United States Declaration of Independence briefly mentioned rights to ‘liberty, equality, and the pursuit of happiness’, without explaining what they meant or how they were to be realised. The French ‘Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen’ spelled out the rights that comprised liberty and equality and outlined a system of participatory government that would empower citizens to protect their own rights.

Much more openly than the Americans, the French revolutionaries recognised that the principles of liberty and equality they had articulated posed fundamental questions about such issues as the status of women and the justification of slavery. In France, unlike the US, these questions were debated heatedly and openly. Initially, the revolutionaries decided that ‘nature’ denied women political rights and that ‘imperious necessity’ dictated the maintenance of slavery in France’s overseas colonies, whose 800,000 enslaved labourers outnumbered the 670,000 in the 13 American states in 1789.

As the revolution proceeded, however, its legislators took more radical steps. A law redefining marriage and legalising divorce in 1792 granted women equal rights to sue for separation and child custody; by that time, women had formed their own political clubs, some were openly serving in the French army, and Olympe de Gouges’s eloquent ‘Declaration of the Rights of Woman’ had insisted that they should be allowed to vote and hold office. Women achieved so much influence in the streets of revolutionary Paris that they drove male legislators to try to outlaw their activities. At almost the same time, in 1794, faced with a massive uprising among the enslaved blacks in France’s most valuable Caribbean colony, Saint-Domingue, the French National Convention abolished slavery and made its former victims full citizens. Black men were seated as deputies to the French legislature and, by 1796, the black general Toussaint Louverture was the official commander-in-chief of French forces in Saint-Domingue, which would become the independent nation of Haiti in 1804.

The French Revolution’s initiatives concerning women’s rights and slavery are just two examples of how the French revolutionaries experimented with radical new ideas about the meaning of liberty and equality that are still relevant. But the French Revolution is not just important today because it took such radical steps to broaden the definitions of liberty and equality. The movement that began in 1789 also showed the dangers inherent in trying to remake an entire society overnight. The French revolutionaries were the first to grant the right to vote to all adult men, but they were also the first to grapple with democracy’s shadow side, demagogic populism, and with the effects of an explosion of ‘new media’ that transformed political communication. The revolution saw the first full-scale attempt to impose secular ideas in the face of vocal opposition from citizens who proclaimed themselves defenders of religion. In 1792, revolutionary France became the first democracy to launch a war to spread its values. A major consequence of that war was the creation of the first modern totalitarian dictatorship, the rule of the Committee of Public Safety during the Reign of Terror. Five years after the end of the Terror, Napoleon Bonaparte, who had gained fame as a result of the war, led the first modern coup d’état , justifying it, like so many strongmen since, by claiming that only an authoritarian regime could guarantee social order.

The fact that Napoleon reversed the revolutionaries’ expansion of women’s rights and reintroduced slavery in the French colonies reminds us that he, like so many of his imitators in the past two centuries, defined ‘social order’ as a rejection of any expansive definition of liberty and equality. Napoleon also abolished meaningful elections, ended freedom of the press, and restored the public status of the Catholic Church. Determined to keep and even expand the revolutionaries’ foreign conquests, he continued the war that they had begun, but French armies now fought to create an empire, dropping any pretence of bringing freedom to other peoples.

T he relevance of the French Revolution to present-day debates is the reason why I decided to write A New World Begins: The History of the French Revolution (2020), the first comprehensive English-language account of that event for general readers in more than 30 years. Having spent my career researching and teaching the history of the French Revolution, however, I know very well that it was more than an idealistic crusade for human rights. If the fall of the Bastille remains an indelible symbol of aspirations for freedom, the other universally recognised symbol of the French Revolution, the guillotine, reminds us that the movement was also marked by violence. The American Founding Fathers whose refusal to consider granting rights to women or ending slavery we now rightly question did have the good sense not to let their differences turn into murderous feuds; none of them had to reflect, as the French legislator Pierre Vergniaud did on the eve of his execution, that their movement, ‘like Saturn, is devouring its own children’.

It is hard to avoid concluding that there was a relationship between the radicalism of the ideas that surfaced during the French Revolution and the violence that marked the movement. In my book, I introduce readers to a character, the ‘Père Duchêne’, who came to represent the populist impulses of the revolution. Nowadays, we would call the Père Duchêne a meme. He was not a real person: instead, he was a character familiar to audiences in Paris’s popular theatres, where he functioned as a representative of the country’s ordinary people. Once the revolution began, a number of journalists began publishing pamphlets supposedly written by the Père Duchêne, in which they demanded that the National Assembly do more to benefit the poor. The small newspapers that used his name carried a crude woodcut on their front page showing the Père Duchêne in rough workers’ clothing. Holding a hatchet over his head, with two pistols stuck in his belt and a musket at his side, the Père Duchêne was a visual symbol of the association between the revolution and popular violence.

The elites had enriched themselves at the expense of the people, and needed to be forced to share their power

Although his crude language and his constant threat to resort to violence alienated the more moderate revolutionaries, the Père Duchêne was the living embodiment of one of the basic principles incorporated in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen. The sixth article of that document affirmed that ‘the law is the expression of the general will’ and promised that ‘all citizens have the right to participate personally, or through their representatives, in its establishment’. The fictitious Père Duchêne’s message to readers, no matter how poor and uneducated they might be, was that an ordinary person could claim a voice in politics.

The Great Anger and The Great Joy of Père Duchêne, Hébert’s radical and rabble-rousing pamphlet. Courtesy Musée Carnavalet, Paris

Like present-day populists, the Père Duchêne had a simple political programme. The elites who ruled France before 1789 had enriched themselves at the expense of the people. They needed to be forced to share their power and wealth. When the revolution did not immediately improve the lives of the masses, the Père Duchêne blamed the movement’s more moderate leaders, accusing them of exploiting it for their own benefit. The journalists who wrote under the name of the Père Duchêne used colourful language laced with obscenities; they insisted that their vulgarity showed that they were ‘telling it like it is’. Their tone was vindictive and vengeful; they wanted to see their targets humiliated and, in many cases, sent to the guillotine. The most successful Père Duchêne journalist, Jacques-René Hébert, built a political career through his success in using the media. At the height of the Reign of Terror, he pushed through the creation of a ‘revolutionary army’ controlled by his friends to intimidate enemies of the revolution, and seemed on the verge of taking over the government.

Maximilien Robespierre and his more middle-class colleagues on the Committee of Public Safety feared that Hébert’s populist movement might drive them from power. They decided that they had no choice but to confront Hébert and his followers, even if it meant alienating the ‘base’ of ordinary Paris residents, the famous sans-culottes . Using the same smear tactics that the Père Duchêne had perfected, they accused Hébert of dubious intrigues with foreigners and other questionable activities. Like many bullies, Hébert quickly collapsed when he found himself up against serious opponents determined to fight back; the crowd that cheered his dispatch to the guillotine in March 1794 was larger than for many of the executions that he had incited. But he and the other Père Duchênes, as well as their female counterparts, the Mère Duchênes who flourished at some points in the revolution, had done much to turn the movement from a high-minded crusade for human rights into a free-for-all in which only the loudest voices could make themselves heard.

T he ambivalent legacy of the French Revolution’s democratic impulse, so vividly brought to life in the figure of the Père Duchêne, underlines the way in which the movement begun in 1789 remains both an inspiration and a warning for us today. In the more than 200 years since the storming of the Bastille, no one has formulated the human yearning for freedom and justice more eloquently than the French revolutionaries, and no one has shown more clearly the dangers that a one-sided pursuit of those goals can create. The career of the most famous of the radical French revolutionaries, Robespierre, is the most striking demonstration of that fact.

Robespierre is remembered because he was the most eloquent defender of the dictatorship created during the revolution’s most radical period, the months known as the Reign of Terror. Robespierre’s speech on the principles of revolutionary government, delivered on 25 December 1793, made an uncompromising case for the legitimacy of extreme measures to defeat those he called ‘the enemies of liberty’. Paradoxically, he insisted, the only way to create a society in which citizens could exercise the individual freedoms promised in the Declaration of Rights was to suspend those rights until the revolution’s opponents were conclusively defeated.

Robespierre’s colleagues on the all-powerful Committee of Public Safety chose him to defend their policies because he was more than just a spokesman for harsh measures against their opponents. From the time he first appeared on the scene as one of the 1,200 deputies to the Estates General summoned by Louis XVI in May 1789, his fellow legislators recognised the young provincial lawyer’s intelligence and his unswerving commitment to the ideals of democracy. The renegade aristocrat the comte de Mirabeau, the most prominent spokesman of the revolutionary ‘patriots’ in 1789 but an often cynical pragmatist, quickly sized up his colleague: ‘That man will go far, because he believes everything he says.’ Unlike the Père Duchêne, Robespierre always dressed carefully and spoke in pure, educated French. Other revolutionary leaders, like the rabblerousing orator Georges Danton, were happy to join insurrectionary crowds in the streets; Robespierre never personally took part in any of the French Revolution’s explosions of violence. Yet no one remains more associated with the violence of the Reign of Terror than Robespierre.

To reduce Robespierre’s legacy to his association with the Terror is to overlook the importance of his role as a one of history’s most articulate proponents of political democracy. When the majority of the deputies in France’s revolutionary National Assembly tried to restrict full political rights to the wealthier male members of the population, Robespierre reminded them of the Declaration of Rights’ assertion that freedom meant the right to have a voice in making the laws that citizens had to obey. ‘Is the law the expression of the general will, when the greater number of those for whom it is made cannot contribute to its formation?’ he asked. Long before our present-day debates about income inequality, he denounced a system that put real political power in the hands of the wealthy: ‘And what an aristocracy! The most unbearable of all, that of the rich.’ In the early years of the revolution, Robespierre firmly defended freedom of the press and called for the abolition of the death penalty. When white colonists insisted that France could not survive economically without slavery, Robespierre cried out: ‘Perish the colonies rather than abandon a principle!’

The majority of the population was not ready to embrace a radical secularist movement

Explaining how Robespierre, the principled defender of liberty and equality, became in just a few short years the leading advocate of a system of revolutionary government that foreshadowed the 20th century’s totalitarian dictatorships is perhaps the greatest challenge in defending the legacy of the French Revolution. Robespierre was no innocent, and in the last months of his short political career – he was only 36 when he died – his clumsy confrontations with his colleagues made him a dangerous number of enemies. Unlike the Père Duchêne, however, Robespierre never embraced violence as an end in itself, and a close examination of his career shows that he was often trying to find ways to limit the damage caused by policies he had not originally endorsed. In 1792, when most of his fellow Jacobin radicals embraced the call for a revolutionary war to ensure France’s security by toppling the hostile monarchies surrounding it, Robespierre warned against the illusion that other peoples would turn against their own governments to support the French. ‘No one loves armed missionaries,’ he insisted, a warning that recent US leaders might have done well to heed.

When radicals such as Hébert started a campaign to ‘de-Christianise’ France, in order to silence opposition to the movement’s effort to reform the Catholic Church and sell off its property for the benefit of the revolution, Robespierre reined them in. He recognised that the majority of the population was not ready to embrace a radical secularist movement bent on turning churches into ‘temples of reason’ and putting up signs in cemeteries calling death ‘an eternal sleep’. Robespierre proposed instead the introduction of a purified and simplified ‘cult of the Supreme Being’, which he thought believers could embrace without abandoning their faith in a higher power and their belief in the immortality of the soul.

To inaugurate the new state religion, Robespierre declared 8 June 1794 (20 Prairial Year II) to be the Festival of the Supreme Being. The festival was organised by the artist Jacques-Louis David and took place around a man-made mountain on the Champ de Mars. Courtesy Musée Carnavalet, Paris

Robespierre knew that many of the revolution’s bitterest opponents were motivated by loyalty to the Catholic Church. The revolution had not begun as an anti-religious movement. Under the rules used in the elections to what became the French National Assembly in 1789, a fourth of all the deputies were clergy from the Catholic Church, an institution so woven into the fabric of the population’s life that hardly anyone could imagine its disappearance. Criticism that the Church had grown too wealthy and that many of its beliefs failed to measure up to the standards of reason promoted by the Enlightenment was widespread, even among priests, but most hoped to see religion, like every other aspect of French life, ‘regenerated’ by the impulses of the revolution, not destroyed.

The revolutionaries’ confrontation with the Church began, not with an argument about beliefs, but because of the urgent need to meet the crisis in government revenues that had forced king Louis XVI to summon a national assembly in the first place. Determined to avoid a chaotic public bankruptcy, and reluctant to raise taxes on the population, the legislators decided, four months after the storming of the Bastille, to put the vast property of the Catholic Church ‘at the disposition of the nation’. Many Catholic clergy, especially underpaid parish priests who resented the luxury in which their aristocratic bishops lived, supported the expropriation of Church property and the idea that the government, which now took over the responsibility for funding the institution, had the right to reform it. Others, however, saw the reform of the Church as a cover for an Enlightenment-inspired campaign against their faith, and much of the lay population supported them. In one region of France, peasants formed a ‘Catholic and Royal Army’ and revolted against the revolution that had supposedly been carried out for their benefit. Women, who found in the cult of Mary and female saints a source of psychological support, were often in the forefront of this religiously inspired resistance to the revolution.

To supporters of the revolution, this religious opposition to their movement looked like a nationwide conspiracy preventing progress. The increasingly harsh measures taken to quell resistance to Church reform prefigured the policies of the Reign of Terror. The plunge into war in the spring of 1792, justified in part to show domestic opponents of the revolution that they could not hope for any support from abroad, allowed the revolutionaries to define the disruptions caused by diehard Catholics as forms of treason. Suspicions that Louis XVI, who had accepted the demand for a declaration of war, and his wife Marie-Antoinette were secretly hoping for a quick French defeat that would allow foreign armies to restore their powers led to their imprisonment and execution.

A ccusations of foreign meddling in revolutionary politics, a so-called foreign plot that supposedly involved the payment of large sums of money to leading deputies to promote special interests and undermine French democracy, were another source of the fears that fuelled the Reign of Terror. Awash in a sea of ‘fake news’, political leaders and ordinary citizens lost any sense of perspective, and became increasingly ready to believe even the most far-fetched accusations. Robespierre, whose personal honesty had earned him the nickname ‘The Incorruptible’, was particularly quick to suspect any of his colleagues who seemed ready to tolerate those who enriched themselves from the revolution or had contacts with foreigners. Rather than any lust for power, it was Robespierre’s weakness for seeing any disagreement with him as a sign of corruption that led him to support the elimination of numerous other revolutionary leaders, including figures, such as Danton, who had once been his close allies. Other, more cynical politicians joined Robespierre in expanding the Reign of Terror, calculating that their own best chance of survival was to strike down their rivals before they themselves could be targeted.

Although the toxic politics of its most radical phase did much to discredit the revolution, the ‘Reign of Terror’, which lasted little more than one year out of 10 between the storming of the Bastille and Napoleon’s coup d’état , was also a time of important experiments in democracy. While thousands of ordinary French men and women found themselves unjustly imprisoned during the Terror, thousands of others – admittedly, only men – held public office for the first time. The same revolutionary legislature that backed Robespierre and the Committee of Public Safety took the first steps toward creating a modern national welfare system and passed plans for a comprehensive system of public education. Revolutionary France became the first country to create a system of universal military conscription and to promise ordinary soldiers that, if they proved themselves on the battlefield, there was no rank to which they could not aspire. The idea that society needed a privileged leadership class in order to function was challenged as never before.

Among the men from modest backgrounds who rose to positions they could never have attained before 1789 was a young artillery officer whose strong Corsican accent marked him as a provincial: Napoleon. A mere lieutenant when the Bastille was stormed, he was promoted to general just four years later, after impressing Robespierre’s brother Augustin with his skill in defeating a British invasion force on France’s southern coast. Five years after the overthrow of Robespierre on 27 July 1794 – or 9 Thermidor Year II, according to the new calendar that the revolutionaries had adopted to underline their total break with the past – Napoleon joined with a number of revolutionary politicians to overthrow the republican regime that had come out of the revolution and replace it with what soon became a system of one-man rule. Napoleon’s seizure of power has been cited ever since as evidence that the French Revolution, unlike the American, was essentially a failure. The French revolutionaries, it is often said, had tried to make too many changes too quickly, and the movement’s violence had alienated too much of the population to allow it to succeed.

To accept this verdict on the French Revolution is to ignore a crucial but little-known aspect of its legacy: the way in which the movement’s own leaders, determined to escape from the destructive politics of the Reign of Terror after Robespierre’s death, worked to ‘exit from the Terror’, as one historian has put it, and create a stable form of constitutional government. The years that history books call the period of the ‘Thermidorian reaction’ and the period of the Directory, from July 1794 to November 1799, comprise half of the decade of the French Revolution. They provide an instructive lesson in how a society can try to put itself back on an even keel after an experience during which all the ordinary rules of politics have been broken.

The post-Robespierre republic was brought down by the disloyalty of its own political elite

One simple lesson from the post-Terror years of the revolution that many subsequent politicians have learned is to blame all mistakes on one person. In death, Robespierre was built up into a ‘tiger thirsty for blood’ who had supposedly wanted to make himself a dictator or even king. All too aware that, in reality, thousands of others had helped to make the revolutionary government function, however, Robespierre’s successors found themselves under pressure to bring at least some of the Terror’s other leaders to justice. At times, the process escaped from control, as when angry crowds massacred political prisoners in cities in the south during a ‘white terror’ in 1795. On the whole, however, the republican leaders after 1794 succeeded in convincing the population that the excesses of the Terror would not be repeated, even if some of the men in power had been as deeply implicated in those excesses as Robespierre.

For five years after Robespierre’s execution, France lived under a quasi-constitutional system, in which laws were debated by a bicameral legislature and discussed in a relatively free press. On several occasions, it is true, the Directory, the five-man governing council, ‘corrected’ the election results to ensure its own hold on power, undermining the authority of the constitution, but the mass arrests and arbitrary trials that had marked the Reign of Terror were not repeated. The Directory’s policies enabled the country’s economy to recover after the disorder of the revolutionary years. Harsh toward the poor who had identified themselves with the Père Duchêne, it consolidated the educational reforms started during the Terror. Napoleon would build on the Directory’s success in establishing a modern, centralised system of administration. He himself was one of the many military leaders who enabled France to defeat its continental enemies and force them to recognise its territorial gains.

Although legislative debates in this period reflected a swing against the expanded rights granted to women earlier in the revolution, the laws passed earlier were not repealed. Despite a heated campaign waged by displaced plantation-owners, the thermidorians and the Directory maintained the rights granted to the freed blacks in the French colonies. Black men from Saint-Domingue and Guadeloupe were elected as deputies and took part in parliamentary debates. In Saint-Domingue, the black general Louverture commanded French forces that defeated a British invasion; by 1798, he had been named the governor of the colony. His power was so great that the American government, by this time locked in a ‘quasi-war’ with France, negotiated directly with him, hoping to bring pressure on Paris to end the harassment of American merchant ships in the Caribbean.

The post-Robespierre French republic was brought down, more than anything else, by the disloyalty of its own political elite. Even before Napoleon unexpectedly returned from the expedition to Egypt on which he had been dispatched in mid-1798, many of the regime’s key figures had decided that the constitution they themselves had helped to draft after Robespierre’s fall provided too many opportunities for rivals to challenge them. What Napoleon found in the fall of 1799 was not a country on the verge of chaos but a crowd of politicians competing with each other to plan coups to make their positions permanent. He was able to choose the allies who struck him as most likely to serve his purposes, knowing that none of them had the popularity or the charisma to hold their own against him once the Directory had been overthrown.

One cannot simply conclude, then, that the history of the French Revolution proves that radical attempts to change society are doomed to failure, or that Napoleon’s dictatorship was the inevitable destination at which the revolution was doomed to arrive. But neither can one simply hail the French movement as a forerunner of modern ideas about liberty and equality. In their pursuit of those goals, the French revolutionaries discovered how vehemently some people – not just privileged elites but also many ordinary men and women – could resist those ideas, and how dangerous the impatience of their own supporters could become. Robespierre’s justification of dictatorial methods to overcome the resistance to the revolution had a certain logic behind it, but it opened the door to many abuses.

Despite all its violence and contradictions, however, the French Revolution remains meaningful for us today. To ignore or reject the legacy of its calls for liberty and equality amounts to legitimising authoritarian ideologies or arguments for the inherent inequality of certain groups of people. If we want to live in a world characterised by respect for fundamental individual rights, we need to learn the lessons, both positive and negative, of the great effort to promote those ideals that tore down the Bastille in 1789.

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The French Revolution: Causes and Effects of Nation's Uprising

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Introduction, causes of the french revolution, rise of the third estate, tennis court oath, the bastille and the great fear, declaration of the rights of man and of the citizen, french revolution turns radical, reign of terror, french revolution ends: napoleon's rise.

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storming of the Bastille

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• Ohio State University - Origins - Storming the Bastille (July 14, 1789)
• The National Endowment for the Humanities - The Storming of the Bastille Led to Democracy but Not for Long
• World History Encyclopedia - Storming of the Bastille

storming of the Bastille , iconic conflict of the French Revolution . On July 14, 1789, fears that King Louis XVI was about to arrest France’s newly constituted National Assembly led a crowd of Parisians to successfully besiege the Bastille , an old fortress that had been used since 1659 as a state prison. As a victory by ordinary Parisians over a prominent representation of the king’s coercive power, the event quickly became a symbol of revolutionary struggle. The episode’s anniversary is now a national holiday in France : Bastille Day .

At the time of the assault on the Bastille (formally the Bastille Saint-Antoine), its underground cells loomed large in the French mind as a definitive example of monarchical cruelty. Ironically, the prison’s horrors were wildly exaggerated—not least because for the previous decade former inmates had cashed in on a craze for prison literature by writing fancifully lurid accounts of their confinement there. The truth was that by 1789 the Bastille had become a preferred destination for aristocratic prisoners, because it was possible to obtain privileges there that made the ordeal of incarceration bearable. Moreover, on July 14 the entire structure contained only seven inmates: four common counterfeiters, two mentally ill men, and a count who had been imprisoned at the request of his family. Unable to justify the expensive upkeep for such paltry use, the government planned to demolish the building and replace it with a park.

Guarding this shadow of the past were 82 invalides (veterans no longer capable of serving in the field) who were generally considered by the area’s residents to be friendly goof-offs. The Bastille’s military governor, Bernard-René Jordan de Launay, urgently requested reinforcements , but he was sent only 32 additional men, Swiss soldiers from the Salis-Samade regiment. When uncontrollable protests broke out in the city on July 12, de Launay’s superiors transferred 250 barrels of gunpowder to his custody. Realizing that he had a relative paucity of men to guard this vast supply of ammunition, de Launay drew up the Bastille’s two drawbridges. Two days later, on July 14, his was the only royal force left in central Paris .

Nine hundred Parisians gathered outside the fortress that morning with the intention of confiscating its gunpowder and cannons. Three delegates from the Hôtel de Ville, the seat of city government, presented the revolutionaries’ demands. De Launay refused to surrender, believing that it would be dishonourable to capitulate without instruction from the palace to do so. However, he did remove the cannons from the walls and even allowed one of the delegates to go up the ramparts to confirm that action. This disarmament might have deescalated the situation had it been announced in time. Half an hour after the delegates left to report this concession , however, two men scaled the Bastille’s outer wall and cut the chains of one of the drawbridges, causing the bridge to descend. The falling bridge crushed a man, but some of the crowd surged across it into the interior yard of the fortress under the misapprehension that de Launay had let them in. Thus, when the panicking soldiers within began shooting, the already suspicious people felt sure that they had been lured inside the inner yard to make them easy targets. Those in the crowd who possessed guns fired back, and the battle began in earnest .

About 3:30 pm , rebellious companies of the French Guard and defecting soldiers joined the crowd in its assault. Two veterans, Second Lieut. Jacob-Job Élie and Pierre-Augustin Hulin, brought organization to the revolutionaries’ haphazard efforts, along with more guns and two cannons, which were soon aimed directly at the Bastille’s gate. Seeing the writing on the wall, de Launay briefly considered one last glorious display of resolve: blowing up all 30,000 pounds of gunpowder and the surrounding area with it. The governor’s subordinates talked him out of this course of action, however, and instead the second drawbridge was lowered. The masses flooded into the fortress , liberated all seven prisoners, seized the gunpowder, and disarmed the troops. It is estimated that 98 attackers and one invalide died in the conflict. Three more invalides and two members of the Swiss Guard were lynched by the victors soon after the battle was over, and de Launay’s three officers were also killed. The governor himself was marched to the steps of the Hôtel de Ville, where his bloodthirsty captors were still deciding how best to execute him when he purposefully provoked them into ending his life then and there, by kicking one of them in the groin. In Versailles, the news of the Bastille’s fall would factor into King Louis XVI’s decision two days later to reinstate his chief minister, Jacques Necker , whom he had sacked for failing to attempt to block the rise of the National Assembly. But the king’s reversal failed to prevent the country from sliding further into full-blown revolution.

Though there were some who wished to turn the Bastille into a museum or a new home for the volunteer militia, the Permanent Committee of Municipal Electors at the Hôtel de Ville swiftly authorized the building’s destruction. One of the contractors hired to carry out the work, Pierre-François Palloy, saw an opportunity to promote the people’s victory by turning the Bastille’s remains into souvenirs: inkwells made from its ironwork, fans from its papers, paperweights from its stones, and small replicas from its bricks. Pieces of stone were also sent to every district in France for display. These schemes and others contributed to the mythologizing of the Bastille’s fall across the country and internationally, but as a result all that remains today of the fortress is an outline and a small portion of the foundation.

French Revolution Essay: Writing Topics and Examples

The French Revolution is one of the most significant historical events, undeniably impacting the world. It marked the end of the monarchy, sparked a quest for freedom, and transformed societies forever. Understanding this pivotal moment requires diving into its layers of politics, social change, and passionate beliefs. In this article, we’ll share proven tips on how to write a French Revolution paper and provide vivid examples. If you need urgent and practical help with this assignment, hire an essay writer online right now!

When Was the French Revolution?

The French Revolution occurred between 1789 and 1799, marking France's tumultuous decade of radical social and political change. Here's a brief French Revolution timeline of key events during this period:

• May 5: Estates-General convenes for the first time since 1614, marking the beginning of the revolutionary process.
• June 17: The National Assembly is formed by members of the Third Estate, signaling defiance against the absolute monarchy.
• July 14: The storming of the Bastille, a symbol of royal tyranny, ignites widespread revolt across France.
• July 14: The National Constituent Assembly adopts the Constitution of 1791, establishing a constitutional monarchy.
• April 20: France declares war on Austria, initiating the French Revolutionary Wars.
• August 10: The storming of the Tuileries Palace led to the monarchy's fall and the establishment of the First French Republic.
• September 20: The National Convention abolishes the monarchy and proclaims the First French Republic.
• September 22: French troops achieve victory at the Battle of Valmy, halting the advance of Austrian and Prussian forces.
• January 21: King Louis XVI is executed by guillotine.
• June 2: The Montagnards seize control of the National Convention, leading to the Reign of Terror.
• July 13: Assassination of Jean-Paul Marat, a prominent Jacobin leader.
• September 17: The Law of Suspects is passed, leading to mass arrests and executions.
• October 16: Queen Marie Antoinette is executed.
• July 28: Maximilien Robespierre, a key figure in the Reign of Terror, is executed, marking the end of the most intense phase of the revolution.
• August 22: The National Convention adopts the Constitution of the Year III, establishing the Directory as the new form of government.
• November 9–10: Napoleon Bonaparte stages a coup d'état, overthrowing the Directory and establishing the Consulate, effectively ending the revolution and leading to the rise of Napoleon as the ruler of France.

French Revolution Essay Topics

Here are 10 compelling topics you can use to produce an essay connected to the French Revolution:

• Causes of the French Revolution and its effects.
• The economic factors behind the French Revolution: Struggles of the Third Estate.
• How did the American Revolution influence the French Revolution?
• The role of Enlightenment ideas in sparking the French Revolution.
• When did the French Revolution start, and how?
• Women in the French Revolution: Voices of resistance and reform.
• Who is Napoleon, French Revolution key figure?
• The impact of the French Revolution on European monarchies: A catalyst for change or consolidation of power?
• Reign of Terror: French Revolution.
• How does the French Revolution continue to shape national identity today?

If you need more interesting topics or even a custom-tailored paper, simply say, ‘ write my essays ,’ and our experts will cater to all your wishes.

What Caused the French Revolution?

The French Revolution causes were propelled by a complex interplay of political, social, and economic factors that simmered for decades before erupting into open rebellion. At its core, the revolution was sparked by deep resentment towards the monarchy and the aristocracy, who held disproportionate power and privileges. At the same time, much of the population suffered from poverty and oppression.

The financial crisis exacerbated by the extravagant spending of King Louis XVI and the French participation in the American Revolutionary War further strained the economy, burdening the already impoverished masses with heavy taxation and economic hardship. Meanwhile, the Enlightenment ideals of liberty, equality, and fraternity had permeated French society, inspiring a growing sense of political consciousness and a desire for reform among the educated bourgeoisie and the disenfranchised lower classes. As discontent simmered and economic grievances worsened, the stage was set for a revolution that would forever alter the course of French and world history.

Moreover, the rigid social structure of the Ancien Régime, with its entrenched privileges and hierarchical divisions, exacerbated tensions within French society. The feudal system, characterized by feudal dues and obligations imposed on peasants, fueled resentment and discontent among the rural population, who bore the brunt of the economic burden.

Meanwhile, the bourgeoisie, comprising the educated middle class, chafed against their exclusion from political power and sought to assert their influence. The Estates-General, which represented the three estates of French society – the clergy, the nobility, and the commoners – highlighted the stark disparities in representation and exacerbated social divisions. As grievances mounted and calls for reform intensified, the failure of the traditional institutions to address the burgeoning crisis laid the groundwork for a revolutionary uprising that would ultimately sweep away the old order and herald the dawn of a new era in French history. Are you struggling with analyzing historical events in the form of short compositions? We suggest you say, ‘ write my history essay for me ,’ so our authors can help you swiftly.

How to Write an Essay About What Caused the French Revolution?

Here are some useful tips for writing an essay about the causes of the French Revolution:

• Thematic Organization

Instead of simply listing causes chronologically, consider organizing your essay thematically. Group relevant causes under overarching themes such as social inequality, economic hardship, and political discontent. This approach allows for a more nuanced analysis and clearer presentation of your arguments.

• Primary Source Analysis

Incorporate primary sources, such as letters, diaries, and speeches from the period, into your essay. Analyzing primary sources provides firsthand accounts and perspectives that can enrich your understanding of the causes of the French Revolution and add depth to your analysis.

• Historiographical Debate

Engage with historiographical debates surrounding the causes of the French Revolution. Explore differing interpretations among historians and evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of various arguments. This demonstrates a critical approach to the topic and adds complexity to your essay.

• Global Context

Situate the French Revolution within a broader global context. Consider how Enlightenment ideas, revolutionary movements in other countries, and global economic trends influenced events in France. This global perspective adds depth and relevance to your analysis.

• Comparative Analysis

Compare the causes of the French Revolution with other historical revolutions or periods of social upheaval. Drawing parallels and contrasts can shed light on common patterns and unique factors contributing to revolutionary change, enriching your analysis and providing a broader perspective.

• Historical Contingency

Emphasize the contingency of historical events by considering alternative outcomes and turning points. Explore how different decisions or circumstances could have altered the events leading up to the French Revolution. This fosters a deeper understanding of the complex interplay of factors involved.

• Interdisciplinary Insights

Draw on insights from other disciplines, such as sociology, economics, and political science, to enrich your analysis of the causes of the French Revolution. Consider how social structures, economic systems, and political institutions interacted to shape historical outcomes.

• Critical Reflection

Reflect critically on the relevance and implications of studying the causes of the French Revolution today. Consider how historical narratives are constructed and shape our understanding of contemporary issues such as inequality, democracy, and social change.

• Revision and Peer Review

Seek feedback from peers or instructors on your essay drafts. Revision and peer review can help you identify areas for improvement, clarify your arguments, and strengthen your overall essay.

• Ethical Considerations

Reflect on the ethical dimensions of studying historical events such as the French Revolution. Consider whose voices are represented in historical narratives and whose perspectives may be marginalized or overlooked. Aim for a balanced and inclusive approach that acknowledges diverse experiences and viewpoints.

What Impact Did the French Revolution Have on the Rest of Europe?

In an essay on the French Revolution, writing about its historical impact is one of the most popular pathways for students. The French Revolution reverberated across Europe, igniting revolutionary fervor and political upheaval in many countries. Its impact was profound and far-reaching, influencing the course of European history for decades. In the immediate aftermath of the revolution, neighboring monarchies grew increasingly alarmed by the spread of revolutionary ideals and the threat they posed to the established order. This led to military interventions to quell revolutionary movements and restore monarchic authority, such as the Napoleonic Wars and the Congress of Vienna. Additionally, the French Revolution inspired nationalist movements and calls for constitutional reform in European countries, fueling demands for greater political participation and individual rights.

Furthermore, the French Revolution challenged the legitimacy of traditional monarchical rule and paved the way for the rise of new political ideologies, such as liberalism and socialism. The revolutionary upheaval prompted rulers to enact reforms to appease restless populations and prevent further unrest. In some cases, these reforms led to the gradual transition towards constitutional monarchy or representative government, as rulers sought to balance the demands of their subjects with the need to maintain stability and control. However, the spread of revolutionary ideas also incited conservative backlash and repression as ruling elites sought to suppress dissent and preserve their grip on power.

Ultimately, the French Revolution reshaped the political landscape of Europe, accelerating the decline of absolute monarchy and feudalism while laying the groundwork for modern democratic principles and institutions. Its legacy is evident in the waves of political reform, social change, and nationalist sentiment that swept across the continent in the 19th and 20th centuries. Although the revolution initially faced resistance and backlash from entrenched conservative forces, its ideals of liberty, equality, and fraternity inspired movements for social justice and political reform throughout Europe and beyond. We also have an insightful guide on how to write an essay on the American Revolution , so be sure to consult it, too!

The End of French Revolution

One of the themes for your essay is when did the French Revolution end and what came next. The French Revolution is generally considered to have ended with the rise of Napoleon Bonaparte to power in 1799. This marked the beginning of the Napoleonic era, which saw the consolidation of power under Napoleon's rule and the establishment of the French Consulate. While the revolutionary fervor of the early years subsided, many of the revolutionary ideals and reforms introduced during the Revolution continued to shape French society and politics throughout the Napoleonic period and beyond.

Napoleon's ascent to power marked a significant turning point in French history, ending the tumultuous revolutionary political turmoil and social upheaval. Under Napoleon's leadership, France experienced a period of relative stability and centralization of power as he implemented a series of reforms to modernize the country and consolidate his authority. However, Napoleon's ambitious military campaigns and imperial expansion eventually led to his downfall, culminating in the defeat of the French Empire in 1815 and the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy. While the French Revolution formally ended with Napoleon's rise to power, its legacy endured, shaping subsequent developments in France and influencing movements for social and political change worldwide. If you’re interested in other pivotal historical moments, read more about the Battle of Hastings 1066 .

The French Revolution Aftermath

The aftermath of the French Revolution was characterized by a complex interplay of political, social, and economic repercussions reverberating throughout France and beyond. While the revolution achieved significant political change, including abolishing the monarchy and establishing a republic, it also unleashed a period of internal conflict, violence, and instability known as the Reign of Terror.

The revolution's radicalism and upheaval led to the widespread destruction of traditional institutions and social norms, leaving a legacy of deep division and mistrust within French society. Additionally, the revolutionary wars sparked by France's expansionist ambitions resulted in widespread devastation and loss of life across Europe. Despite these challenges, the French Revolution also laid the groundwork for modern concepts of democracy, human rights, and citizenship, leaving an indelible mark on Western history. Before we get down to the most important facts about the French Revolution, use our political science essay writing service without hesitation if your deadlines are too short.

What Everyone Should Know About the French Revolution?

Here are 10 captivating French Revolution facts you should know:

• On July 14, 1789, angry Parisians stormed the Bastille, a symbol of royal tyranny and oppression, sparking the French Revolution.
• During the Reign of Terror (1793-1794), led by Maximilien Robespierre, thousands of perceived enemies of the revolution were executed, including King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette.
• The guillotine became synonymous with the French Revolution's brutality, providing a swift and "humane" method of execution for thousands, including high-profile figures like Robespierre himself.
• Robespierre attempted to create a new state religion, the Cult of the Supreme Being, to replace Catholicism but failed to gain widespread acceptance.
• In October 1789, thousands of women from Paris marched to Versailles to demand bread and protest against the high cost of living, forcing King Louis XVI to return to Paris.
• In June 1789, members of the National Assembly took a pivotal oath on a tennis court, vowing not to disband until a new constitution was established, signaling the end of absolute monarchy in France.
• Adopted in August 1789, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen proclaimed the rights of all citizens, including liberty, equality, and fraternity, influencing future declarations of human rights worldwide.
• Passed in 1790, the Civil Constitution of the Clergy law aimed to subordinate the Catholic Church to the state, sparking conflict with the Pope and dividing French society along religious lines.
• In July 1794, Robespierre was overthrown in a coup known as the Thermidorian Reaction, leading to the end of the Reign of Terror and a period of political moderation in France.
• Despite its turbulent end, the French Revolution had a profound and lasting impact, inspiring subsequent revolutions, shaping modern concepts of democracy and human rights, and influencing political ideologies worldwide.

Examples of a French Revolution Essay

Writing a French Revolution essay may be difficult from a technical perspective due to the abundance of themes related to this event. However, with the French Revolution essay example in front of you, writer’s block will easily vanish, giving way to creativity and genuine interest in the topic.

The Role of Women in the French Revolution: Challenges to Gender Norms and Struggles for Equality

This essay explores the integral yet often overlooked role of women in the French Revolution, focusing on their defiance of traditional gender norms and their relentless pursuit of equality. Despite being confined to the domestic sphere before the revolution, women emerged as active participants in political activism, forming societies, participating in protests, and contributing to revolutionary discourse. While facing resistance from male-dominated institutions, women such as Pauline Léon, Claire Lacombe, and Olympe de Gouges challenged societal expectations, advocated for political rights, and demanded recognition of their inherent equality.

Economic Turmoil and Social Unrest: Exploring the Impact of Financial Crisis on Revolutionary France

This essay examines the profound interconnection between economic turmoil and social unrest in Revolutionary France, elucidating how financial crises, exacerbated by fiscal mismanagement and regressive taxation, ignited widespread discontent among the populace and catalyzed the collapse of the ancien régime. The economic hardships endured by rural peasants and urban workers alike fueled a climate of social upheaval, manifesting in uprisings, pamphleteering, and demands for political and social reform. The French Revolution of 1789, characterized by the storming of the Bastille and the subsequent establishment of the National Assembly, emerged as a response to the injustices of the existing social order, albeit fraught with political strife and violence. Ultimately, the essay underscores the pivotal role of economic instability in precipitating revolutionary change and shaping the trajectory of modern history.

Legacy of Terror: Assessing the Reign of Terror's Influence on Revolutionary Ideals and Political Discourse

This essay analyzes the enduring legacy of the Reign of Terror during the French Revolution, examining its profound impact on revolutionary ideals and political discourse. It explores how the terror, initially conceived to safeguard the revolution, ultimately devolved into a brutal campaign of violence and repression, betraying the very principles it purported to defend. The essay assesses the ramifications of the terror on revolutionary ideals, highlighting the skepticism it engendered towards violent means of achieving social change and the challenges it posed to the balance between liberty and security. Furthermore, it examines the terror's influence on political discourse, shaping responses to subsequent revolutions and revolutions globally, and underscores the importance of confronting its complexities to navigate contemporary challenges and safeguard democratic principles.

In conclusion, contributing to an essay on the French Revolution necessitates a comprehensive understanding of this transformative period's historical context, key events, and ideological underpinnings.

By employing a structured approach that includes thorough research, critical analysis, and clear argumentation, scholars and students can effectively navigate the complexities of this multifaceted topic.

Emphasizing the significance of economic, social, and political factors while acknowledging the diverse perspectives and interpretations surrounding the revolution enables writers to craft nuanced and insightful essays that contribute to our understanding of this pivotal historical moment.

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French Revolution Essay Topics & Ideas

• French Revolution Essay Topics for High School Students
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Argumentative Essay Topics About French Revolution

Good essay topics about french revolution, persuasive essay topics about french revolution, ✒️ french revolution essay topics for high school students.

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✨ Best french revolution Topic Ideas & Essay Examples

• The French Revolution (1789-1799) 1788 – Louis XVI called for the Estates General. By 1788 the Kingdom of France was utterly broke. Conflicts like the Seven Years War and the American Revolutionary War had been more than France could afford while the tax system was heavily outdated ….
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• Major causes of the french revolution The French Revolution was a very important series of events for all of French history, making a big impact on all the lives of past and present French citizens. There was no one factor was directly responsible for the French Revolution. Years of ….
• 3 major causes of the french revolution The French Revolution (1789-1799) was a bourgeois revolution broke out in France in 1789, monarchy feudal system ruled France for many centuries, but it fell apart within three years. France Undergoing an epic change during this period: past feudal, ….
• Dbq 10 causes of the french revolution answers One of the greatest military commanders and a risk taking gambler; a workaholic genius and an impatient short term planner; a vicious cynic who forgave his closest betrayers; a misogynist who could enthrall men; Napoleon Bonaparte was all of these ….
• French Revolution and National Convention In this study, I will discuss the reasons that led Maximilien de Robespierre, Jacobin leader and one of the principal figures of the French Revolution, to distort the principles of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, and to ….
• French Revolution Historical Investigation Paper Imagine living during a time where if you thought something was wrong then you would be gruesomely executed by having your head sliced strait off your head. During the French Revolution there was a time where thousands of people were being executed ….
• Dbq 10 causes of the french revolution answer key Declaration of the rights of Man & the Citizen in the Reign of Terror Fueled by the Enlightenment ideas, the French revolution from 1 789 – 181 5 is an event of great international importance. Not only did it mark the rise of Napoleon Bonaparte, who ….
• Factors that led to the french revolution Was Napoleon the son or the enemy of the French Revolution? In this essay, I will try and investigate whether Napoleon Bonaparte brought a positive change to France or was he just another tyrant. By fun_all France was under the rule of the Bourbon ….
• Problems that Led up to the French Revolution The French Revolution was a revolution in France from 1789 to 1799. It led to the end of the monarchy. The Revolution ended when Napoleon Bonaparte took power in November 1799 and began his dictatorship. King Louis XVI was executed. Before 1 789, ….
• DBQ: Causes Of The French Revolution The French Revolution of 1789 had many long-range causes. Political, social, and economic conditions in France mad many French people discontented. Most disaffected were merchants, artisans, workers, and peasants. The ideas of the Enlightenment ….
• Charles Dickens – Pro or Anti French Revolution The tale of two cities written by Charles Dickens is at the time period of the French revolution. But it is not understood if Charles likes the French revolution or if he’s against it? Charles Dickens sees the poverty in all the peasants, he sees ….
• Great French Revolution Throughout his study of the Haitian Revolution James skillfully demonstrated for the first time that it was not simply an inspiring struggle on a tiny island on the periphery of the world system, but was inextricably intertwined with the Great ….
• How the Rococo Style Influenced the French Revolution The early 1700s saw a shift from classicism towards a new style of art associated with the aristocrats (the ruling class in France). They had vast wealth as well as unlimited power and could therefore indulge in whatever they pleased. Most of them ….
• The French Revolution (The Great Fear) October 5, 2012 The Great Fear of France 1989 In 1989, a great horror struck France that would come to play a major part in the French Revolution. The peasants in the rural areas in France became very frightened and armed themselves in response to ….
• What were the most important causes of the french revolution Do you know what the meaning of history is? History is the study of past human affairs which we can assess changes that occurred over a period of time. Do you know what revolution is? Revolution is an aggressive rebellion of a particular government ….
• Impact of French Revolution The French Revolution impacted many events on San Domingue. For example, the National Convention gave some mixed people more rights and abilities within society. All of the upheaval within France and the radical ideas would spread to Haiti. With ….
• Why Did the French Revolution End in 1799? In the last decade before the French Revolution came to an end France was constantly changing its policies, constitutions and leaders. The country was in an utter state of disorder after The Terror and was craving control and consistency within its ….
• The French Revolution and June Rebellion In the 1 ass’s The French Revolution caused disagreement between Monarchy and Republicanism, which eventually led up to The June Rebellion in 1 832 by changing the government from a changed Republic to a Monarch once again. Maxilla Robberies, the ….
• Result of the French Revolution Eleanor Roosevelt was the First Lady of the United States from 1933 to 1945 and also an active political activist and accomplished a lot of tasks as a Human Rights ambassador. Roosevelt shared her dislike and disappointment about dictatorships with ….

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The American and French Revolutions Compared

Americans turned to the concrete lessons of history and experience to guide them in securing their liberty. The French, on the other hand, deified Reason above not only experience, but also above religion and divine revelation.

One of the many differences between the American and French Revolutions is that, unlike the French, Americans did not fight for an abstraction. Americans initially took up arms against the British to defend and preserve the traditional rights of Englishmen. The slogan “no taxation without representation” aptly summed up one of their chief complaints. The right to not be taxed without the consent of your elected representatives was one of the most prized rights of Englishmen. When this became impossible to achieve within the British Empire, Americans declared their independence and then won it on the battlefield. That is, Americans fought for tangible goals; they fought to preserve their traditional rights rather than to overturn an established social order. Ours was a revolution more about home rule than about who should rule at home.

However, the French Revolution was about who should rule at home. They fought for “liberty, equality, and fraternity.” Neither equality nor fraternity can be achieved through force by the state. Perfect equality is elusive and, even if it could be achieved, would be inconsistent with liberty. Whereas Americans struggled for tangible goals, the French took on the Sisyphean task of striving for abstractions.

Yes, the second paragraph of the American Declaration of Independence deals in abstractions and universal truths. However, it is important to keep in mind the Declaration’s historical context. The signers of the Declaration did not think they were establishing a national government or founding a national Union when they signed it. There is not one shred of evidence in the historical record that they believed they had found either a national government or a permanent Union upon the Declaration’s self-evident truths. They understood that they were signing their names to a document that simply explained why it had become “necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another” and that declared “the causes which impel them to the separation.” The Declaration was a document of dissolution. That is, it  de-founded  an empire, it did not  found  a new one. In the Declaration, thirteen constitutional political societies declared why it had become necessary for them to sever the political bands which had connected them to England.

After winning their independence, Americans turned to the concrete lessons of history and experience to guide them in securing their liberty by establishing government on a solid foundation. “Experience must be our only guide,” John Dickinson reminded his colleagues at the Philadelphia Convention. “Reason may mislead us.”[1] They sought not to create something new under the sun. Human reason, they knew, was fallible. Reason alone, unguided by history and experience, was likely to lead one into wild abstractions and the creation of an unstable government. Under such a government, novel and untested, liberty would not be secure. The only safe path forward was to look to history and allow experience to guide their reason.

Experience was “the best oracle of wisdom” and “the least fallible guide of human opinions,” wrote Alexander Hamilton in  The Federalist .[2] James Madison, his collaborator, concurred. Experience was “the oracle of truth” and “the guide that ought always to be followed whenever it can be found,” wrote Madison.[3] Experience would help prevent reason from leading them astray.

The French, on the other hand, deified Reason above not only experience, but also above religion and divine revelation. Indeed, they even transformed Notre Dame into a Temple of Reason and held pseudo-religious festivals in honor of this new deity. Reason unrestrained and unguided by history and experience proved unable to establish a stable government or to secure liberty in France. Instead, it led them to descend into the Terror, the reign of Napoleon, and, ultimately, to the restoration of the monarchy.

Wendell Berry was right about abstraction: “abstraction is the enemy  wherever  it is found.”[4] Let us turn instead, as America’s Founders did, to experience. “That experience is the parent of wisdom,” explained Hamilton, “is an adage, the truth of which is recognized by the wisest as well as the simplest of mankind.”[5]

This essay was first published here in September 2013.  

The Imaginative Conservative  applies the principle of appreciation to the discussion of culture and politics—we approach dialogue with magnanimity rather than with mere civility. Will you help us remain a refreshing oasis in the increasingly contentious arena of modern discourse? Please consider  donating now .

[1] Quoted in Forrest McDonald,  Novus Ordo Seclorum: The Intellectual Origins of the Constitution  (Lawrence, KS: The University Press of Kansas, 1985), 7.

[2] Alexander Hamilton, “Number 15” and “Number 6,” in  The Federalist , ed. by George W. Carey and James McClellan (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, Inc., 2001), 73, 23.

[3] James Madison, “Number 20” and “Number 52,” in  The Federalist , 99, 273.

[4] Wendell Berry, “Out of Your Car, Off Your Horse,” in  Sex, Economy, Freedom & Community  (New York: Pantheon Books, 1993), 23.

[5] Hamilton, “Number 72,” in  The Federalist , 376.

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It should be remembered that the colonies were, it’s trite to say, laboratories of democracy & self government. Perhaps they “jump started” self rule but learned and operated their own governance. Not so France. The comment on experience is telling.

The author’s assertions are unassailable. All “isms” survive on abstractions. These ideologies cannot stand on their own, they need ‘adversaries’, enemies real and imaginary as foils. They always relate to the ‘other’ which becomes the target of hate and extermination. No wonder most of the revolutions have been accompanied and followed by bloodshed.

It’s interesting to note that even Mel Bradford, who subscribed to the thesis that the American Revolution was conservative (one first espoused, I believe, by Prussian conservative diplomat Friedrich von Gentz) stated that its conservative moment had already ended by the 1820s. Hence, whatever differences there may have been in the genesis, the aftermath played out similarly but more slowly.

I believe that Alexander Hamilton has played a big role in the american revolution but donsn’t recieve the credit that he deserves. He may have not left the best legacy but he still deserves what he worked so hard for, a place in the amerucan history which he recived but not for what he wanted.

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Frankenstein`s Historical Context: The French Revolution To Romanticism

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