in research motivation

Motivation: Introduction to the Theory, Concepts, and Research

• First Online: 03 May 2018

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• Paulina Arango 4  

Part of the book series: Literacy Studies ((LITS,volume 15))

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Motivation is a psychological construct that refers to the disposition to act and direct behavior according to a goal. Like most of psychological processes, motivation develops throughout the life span and is influenced by both biological and environmental factors. The aim of this chapter is to summarize research on the development of motivation from infancy to adolescence, which can help understand the typical developmental trajectories of this ability and its relation to learning. We will start with a review of some of the most influential theories of motivation and the aspects each of them has emphasized. We will also explore how biology and experience interact in this development, paying special attention to factors such as: school, family, and peers, as well as characteristics of the child including self-esteem, cognitive development, and temperament. Finally, we will discuss the implications of understanding the developmental trajectories and the factors that have an impact on this development, for both teachers and parents.

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Arango, P. (2018). Motivation: Introduction to the Theory, Concepts, and Research. In: Orellana García, P., Baldwin Lind, P. (eds) Reading Achievement and Motivation in Boys and Girls. Literacy Studies, vol 15. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75948-7_1

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Essay 1.1 What Is Motivation, Where Does It Come from, and How Does It Work?

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Motivation is the process that drives, selects, and directs goals and behaviors. Motivation typically arises out of the person’s needs, and it then comes to life through the person’s specific goals. In this essay, the authors examine the concept of “needs” as the crucible from which motivated behavior arises because all individuals are born with needs that jump-start the goal-oriented, motivated behaviors that are critical to survival and thriving. These are both physical needs (such as hunger and thirst) and psychological needs (such as the need for social relationships, optimal predictability, and competence). The aim of motivation is therefore to bring about a desired (need, goal) state. Motivation underlies and organizes all aspects of a person’s psychology. As it does so, motivation “glues” a person together as a functioning individual in their culture and context.

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Home Market Research

Motivational Research: Techniques, Strengths, and Weaknesses

Motivational research is to identify and understand the aspects of the consumer that they do not fully comprehend. It makes the assumption that there are hidden or unconscious motivations influencing consumer behavior.

Motivational research gradually got linked with traditional marketing research, influencing and expanding the inventory of marketing research and research procedures. Its popularity peaked in the latter half of the 1950s and early 1960s.

So, in this blog, we will describe motivational research, its techniques, strengths, and weaknesses.

What is Motivational Research?

Motivational Research is the currently famous phrase for using psychiatric and psychological procedures to understand better why individuals react the way they do to products, advertisements, and other marketing scenarios.

Motivational research is consumer research that has grown in popularity in recent years. It is an endeavor to uncover and explain why customer behavior differs and why they behave in a specific manner.

Thus, it prompts the consumer’s inhibited (conscious) and repressed (unconscious) motives. In denial, the consumer is aware of his intentions but refuses to reveal them to others for fear of humiliation, punishment, or ostracism.

However, information regarding the motivating reason remains in the conscious mind. Because the individual will not accept the presence of a motive even to himself, repression suggests a more profound rejection of knowledge about an explanation.

LEARN ABOUT: Behavioral Research

Techniques of Motivational Research

Customers need to efficiently or accurately express their emotional feelings on direct questioning. As a result, Clinical Psychological methods/techniques are applied in motivational research for the psychoanalytical research of consumers.

All marketing activities require motivational research. The motivational study employs the following techniques:

01. Observation Technique

Consumer motivations can be deduced from their communication and actions. The researcher uses this strategy to observe consumer behavior without revealing their name. This procedure does not include any interviews.

Under this technique, the researcher may obtain relevant data or information individually using mechanical aids. This technique is appropriate for researching the purchasing process of consumers.

02. Depth Interview Technique

The researcher uses this strategy to conduct an intense interview.

The researcher questions respondents individually for several hours in the form of an interview. Interviewers are taught to develop rapport and not to steer the conversation too much. Respondents are urged to open up about their activities or interests and a specific issue or brand under investigation.

Interview transcripts are then thoroughly examined, along with comments on respondents’ moods and gestures they may have used to express attitudes or motives.

Such studies are appropriate for giving the market a head start on potential appeals.

03. Self Reports Technique

In this technique, the researcher merely verbally inquires about the respondent’s intentions, objectives, and needs or through a questionnaire.

The researcher may administer many tests using pencil and paper under this method of motivation study to elicit replies from the participants regarding their wants, desires, opinions, interests, reactions, etc.

The information is next quantified, which involves giving it a score to determine the degree to which a given need or motivation exists.

This technique has two measure restrictions:

• First, people must be conscious of their actions’ causes or motivations.
• Second, respondents might explain their words or actions. Respondents could be reluctant to disclose their genuine intentions and might be prone to providing socially acceptable answers.

04. Projective Techniques

Projective techniques aim to expose an individual’s genuine emotions and intentions.

Various cloaked tests with unclear stimuli, including unfinished sentences, cartoons, untitled images, other person characterization, etc., make up projective techniques .

Projective techniques operate on the fundamental presumption that participants are oblivious to the fact that they are expressing their emotions. These tactics need to give respondents a chance to explain their answers.

Some important projective techniques are as under:

• Thematic Apperception Test (T.A.T)
• Word Association
• Sentence Completion
• Third Person Technique
• The Paired Pictures Test.

Strengths and weaknesses of motivational research

Like anything and everything else in this world, motivational research has some of its strengths and weaknesses. Some of them are given below:

Strength: 

Some of the strengths of motivational research include the following:

• In-depth insights into consumer behavior and motivations
• Assists marketers in tailoring their products and marketing messages better to fit the wants and wishes of their customers.
• Can assist businesses in identifying unmet consumer requirements and product development prospects
• Can give helpful information for market segmentation and target marketing
• It can increase the success of marketing campaigns by identifying important motivators and drivers of consumer behavior.

Weaknesses:

Measuring the influence of motivational studies on consumer behavior and corporate outcomes can take time and effort. Some of the weaknesses of motivational research are as follows:

• It can be time-consuming and costly, especially compared to other market research types.
• It is based on self-reported data, which might be skewed and inaccurate.
• It is often based on tiny, non-representative samples, which limits the conclusion’s generalizability.
• It might be challenging to transform ideas from motivational research into tangible activities or marketing and product development initiatives.

LEARN ABOUT: Market research vs marketing research

Motivational research is a type of market research that tries to find out what drives, wants, and needs people really have. In-depth interviews, focus groups, and observation are all common ways to research what motivates people.

Overall, motivational research can be useful for businesses that want to learn more about their customers and make better marketing plans.

QuestionPro is survey software that can be used to research what motivates people. The platform has various features and tools that help researchers design, run, and analyze surveys for motivational research.

QuestionPro lets people create surveys with different kinds of questions, like multiple choice, open-ended, and rating scales. It also lets you change how surveys look and feel and target specific groups of respondents.

QuestionPro also has various tools for analyzing and reporting data that can help researchers make sense of the information they collect and come to useful conclusions. Overall, QuestionPro can be a useful tool for doing motivational research.

LEARN MORE         FREE TRIAL

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JSmol Viewer

Is intrinsic motivation related to lower stress among university students relationships between motivation for enrolling in a study program, stress, and coping strategies.

1. Introduction

1.1. motivation for enrolling in a study program, 1.2. student stress and coping, 2. materials and methods, 2.1. samples and procedure, 2.2. instruments.

• Problem-focused coping (active coping, planning, instrumental support; α = 0.72);
• Emotion-focused coping (positive reframing, acceptance, humor, religion; α = 0.64 after removing the subscale emotional support, which did not fit with the data);
• Dysfunctional coping (self-distraction, denial, behavioral disengagement, and self-blame; α = 0.67 after removing the subscales substance use and venting, for the same reason).

2.3. Statistical Analyses

3.1. interrelation between the variables.

• Intrinsic: ρ = 0.23, n.s.;
• Extrinsic—materialistic: ρ = 0.46, p < 0.01;
• Extrinsic—social: ρ = 0.34, p < 0.05;
• Socially induced: ρ = 0.02, n.s.;
• Coping-oriented: ρ = 0.35, p < 0.05;
• Insecurity: ρ = 0.38, p < 0.05;
• Motivational conflicts: ρ = 0.46, p < 0.01.

3.2. Differences in Motivation between First- and Higher-Semester Students

3.3. relationships between motivation, stress, and coping strategies, 4. discussion, 4.1. facets of motivation and their changes, 4.2. motivation, stress, and coping strategies, 4.3. limitations and future research directions, 4.4. practical implications, 5. conclusions, author contributions, institutional review board statement, informed consent statement, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.

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Share and Cite

Schladitz, S.; Rölle, D.; Drüge, M. Is Intrinsic Motivation Related to Lower Stress among University Students? Relationships between Motivation for Enrolling in a Study Program, Stress, and Coping Strategies. Educ. Sci. 2024 , 14 , 851. https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci14080851

Schladitz S, Rölle D, Drüge M. Is Intrinsic Motivation Related to Lower Stress among University Students? Relationships between Motivation for Enrolling in a Study Program, Stress, and Coping Strategies. Education Sciences . 2024; 14(8):851. https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci14080851

Schladitz, Sandra, Daniel Rölle, and Marie Drüge. 2024. "Is Intrinsic Motivation Related to Lower Stress among University Students? Relationships between Motivation for Enrolling in a Study Program, Stress, and Coping Strategies" Education Sciences 14, no. 8: 851. https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci14080851

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What Is Extrinsic Motivation?

Do You Need Rewards, Prizes, and Praise to Stay Motivated?

• How to Use It
• Potential Pitfalls

What Are The Rewards That Motivate You?

Extrinsic motivation is a catalyst for action that is driven by external rewards. These can be tangible, such as money or grades, or intangible, such as praise or fame . Unlike intrinsic motivation , which arises from within the individual, extrinsic motivation focuses purely on outside rewards.

People who are extrinsically motivated will continue to perform a task even though it might not be in and of itself rewarding. For example, they will do something at their job that they don't find enjoyable in order to earn a wage .

Extrinsic motivation can be understood through the lens of operant conditioning , which is when someone or something is conditioned to behave a certain way due to a reward or consequence.

Is It Extrinsic and Intrinsic Motivation?

Examples of extrinsic motivation.

Think about your motivation for reading this article. Are you trying to learn the material so that you can do well in your psychology class? If so, this is extrinsic motivation because a good grade is an external reinforcement.

If, on the other hand, you are interested in learning more about human behavior, then you are intrinsically motivated. Your curiosity and desire to learn are the driving forces of your motivation.

Here are some other examples of extrinsic motivation:

• Competing for a trophy or prize, such as in a sporting event
• Doing schoolwork to earn a good grade
• Working hard at a task or project to receive praise and recognition
• Shopping with a store loyalty card to gain points, discounts, and prizes
• Doing homework to earn a reward such as a special treat or toy
• Performing tasks at work that you dislike in order to keep getting a steady paycheck
• Using a particular credit card to receive airline miles

Sometimes, the external reward may be avoiding punishment or a negative outcome. For example, someone may engage in a behavior to avoid being shamed, judged, or assessed a fine.

Impact of Extrinsic Motivation

This type of motivation can be highly effective. Just think of all the examples in your life of things you do to gain some kind of external reward.

Extrinsic motivation is not a bad thing. External rewards can be a useful and effective tool for helping children learn new skills (or be on their best behavior) and for keeping people motivated and on task. This can be particularly important when people need to complete something that they find difficult or uninteresting, such as a boring homework assignment or a tedious work-related project.

How to Use Extrinsic Motivation

It's important to look at the specific situation to determine if extrinsic rewards might help motivate behavior. Below are some example scenarios when extrinsic rewards may be most effective:

• When people have little interest in the activity
• When people lack the skills to get started
• When a short-term motivator for a specific purpose is needed
• When people are working on a long-term project and need small incentives to keep them going

In these situations, the rewards should be kept small and tied directly to performing a specific behavior.

Once some intrinsic interest has been generated and some essential skills have been established, the external motivators should be slowly phased out.

In the Workplace, Parenting, and Education

Extrinsic motivation can play a role across many areas of life. For example, your boss might hold an ad design competition in which the winner earns a prize. Parents might offer their children special treats or outings to complete all their chores for the week. In education, the Dean's List recognizes students who attain high grades.

In all of these situations, some external factor serves as a force that drives positive behavior. With careful application, extrinsic motivation can result in intrinsic motivation—in which a person performs a task well simply because they enjoy it, find it fulfilling, or feel a sense of pride.

Potential Pitfalls of Extrinsic Motivation

While offering rewards can increase motivation in some cases, researchers have also found that this is not always the case. In fact, offering excessive rewards can actually lead to a  decrease  in motivation.

The tendency of extrinsic motivation to interfere with intrinsic motivation is known as the  overjustification effect . For example, if someone is already intrinsically motivated to read books, and then you provide an external reward for reading, you might notice a decrease in the joy they once experienced in grabbing a good book on their own accord after the action has been extrinsically rewarded.

In a classic experiment by Lepper, Greene, and Nisbett, children were rewarded lavishly for drawing with felt-tip pens, an activity that they had previously enjoyed doing on their own during playtime.

When the children were later offered the chance to play with the pens during playtime, the children who had been rewarded for using them previously showed little interest in playing with the pens again. The kids who had not been rewarded, however, continued to play with the pens.

Why would rewarding an already intrinsically rewarding behavior lead to this sudden disinterest? One reason is that people tend to analyze their own motivations for engaging in an activity. Once they have been externally rewarded for performing an action, they assign too much importance to the role of the reinforcement in their behavior.

Another possible reason is that activities that initially feel like play or fun can be transformed into work or obligations when tied to an external reward. Extrinsic rewards can be an important tool in motivating behavior, but experts warn that they should be used with caution, especially with children.

A 2014 review from Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences examined research on motivation for learning and suggested that extrinsic rewards can actually be mostly effective and not harmful.

However, more research is needed on this topic to determine exactly how and when external rewards may undermine intrinsic motivation.

Final Thoughts

Extrinsic motivation can exert a powerful influence on human behavior, but it has its limits. You might find it helpful to consider whether you are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated in certain situations.

Are you looking forward to your workout because you have a bet with a friend about who can lose the most weight? Then, you are extrinsically motivated. If you are eager to work out because you find exercise fun and satisfying, then you are intrinsically motivated.

Extrinsic motivation has pros and cons. Whether external rewards will be beneficial in the long run depends on the person and situation.

American Psychological Association. Operant conditioning . APA Dictionary of Psychology .

Tranquillo J, Stecker M. Using intrinsic and extrinsic motivation in continuing professional education . Surg Neurol Int . 2016;7(Suppl 7):S197-S199. doi:10.4103/2152-7806.179231

Lepper MR, Greene D, Nisbett RE. Undermining children's intrinsic interest with extrinsic reward: A test of the "overjustification" hypothesis .  J Pers Soc Psychol. 1973;28(1):129-137. doi:10.1037/h0035519

Lepper MR, Greene D. The Hidden Costs of Reward: New Perspectives on the Psychology of Human Motivation .  Psychology Press; 2015. doi:10.4324/9781315666983

By Kendra Cherry, MSEd Kendra Cherry, MS, is a psychosocial rehabilitation specialist, psychology educator, and author of the "Everything Psychology Book."

Making Sense of Motivation

Most people get motivation wrong. here's how you can get it right..

Posted July 30, 2024 | Reviewed by Abigail Fagan

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Like millions of Americans, Margaret thought there must be something wrong with her. Margaret wanted to be healthier and happier. She wanted to have more energy, travel more, and improve her nutrition . Nothing too crazy. Yet Margaret's ambitions always followed the same pattern: get motivated by a new program, person, or goal, make some changes and perhaps enjoy a little progress, then inevitably see her results vanish over time as her motivation and efforts waned.

Margaret knew her experience wasn't uncommon. In fact, it was like a dirty little secret among her friends. A truth too painful to be spoken aloud: When it came to making their lives, their health, or their relationships better, a lot of things worked. But nothing lasted.

If you can relate to Margaret's experience, then this post offers some good news and practical strategies for escaping this Sisyphean rut. It turns out that nothing was broken inside of Margaret or her friends. They were simply operating, unknowingly, in a motivation system that was rigged against them (and equally against you and me).

A more complete model of motivation

When you look at an iceberg, you see only the tip. When you see a crescent moon, you see only a sliver of the much larger sphere. And when most of us learn about motivation, we are usually given only a minor piece of the complete motivation formula.

In Figure 1 below, for example, most or nearly all of what we're conventionally taught about getting motivated falls in what we can call Level 1 Motivators. These are the ubiquitous short-term motivation sources that dominate consumer culture. Whether in the form of inspirational videos, popular diets and trendy exercise programs, motivation seminars, or energy drinks, each provides a temporary motivational charge in the form of energy and emotion . Notice that most Level 1 Motivators also cost money, a primary reason they are so heavily advertised.

Although Level 1 Motivators are effective for the purpose of getting started, their effects are time-limited. For most people, relying exclusively on these Level 1 Motivators traps them in a repeating cycle of expensive, intensive effort and short-term results. Better results require higher-level motivators, such as those found in Levels 2-5.

Want better results? Use better motivators

In the above Motivation Hierarchy (Figure 1), Level 1 Motivators are defined by their a) temporary effects; b) financial costs; and 3) need for conscious application. In contrast, as we scale the Hierarchy from Levels 2-5, higher motivation sources become increasingly enduring, cost-free, and subconscious . These latter motivation qualities are precisely the qualities necessary for producing long-term success. Scientifically, these strategies also activate the less-dopaminergic regions of our brain responsible for long-term goal orientation and reward seeking 1 .

Consider a person that you may consider highly motivated, such as an athlete in the 2024 Olympic Games. These are individuals requiring years of sustained peak motivational levels to achieve their remarkable skills. You will likely agree that these Olympic athletes and other elite professionals are heavily motivated by Level 2-5 Motivators and little by Level 1 Motivators. In addition to their coaching , training, and genetic gifts, performance at these apex levels depends just as much on their applying a more effective formula for motivation.

Upon reflection, you may also agree that modernity emphasizes just the opposite approach to motivation for the rest of us — rely heavily on Level 1 Motivators with little or no attention offered to the remainder.

Although you and I may not be competing in Paris this summer, we can apply the same Motivation Hierarchy principles to escape the hamster wheel of short-term motivation and finally move forward towards our quality of life goals.

1. Simpson EH, Balsam PD. The Behavioral Neuroscience of Motivation: An Overview of Concepts, Measures, and Translational Applications. Curr Top Behav Neurosci. 2016;27:1-12. doi: 10.1007/7854_2015_402.

Thomas Rutledge, Ph.D. , is a Professor-in-Residence in the Department of Psychiatry at UC San Diego and a staff psychologist at the VA San Diego Healthcare System.

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

Examining the role of family sociology, managerial support and working conditions in determining teacher performance in indonesia: the mediating role of motivation and professional development.

• 1 Tanjungpura University, Pontianak, Indonesia
• 2 Other, West Kalimantan, Indonesia
• 3 Yogyakarta State University, Yogyakarta, Special Region of Yogyakarta, Indonesia
• 4 Sebelas Maret University, Surakarta, Central Java, Indonesia

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In developing countries like Indonesia, responsible agencies have yet to consider in-depth factors in building better teacher performance in secondary education. Contemporary educational research has explored the relationship between motivation and professional development on teacher performance. However, there needs to be more understanding of this relationship with family sociological conditions, levels of managerial support, and different working conditions. This research examines how motivation and professional development can determine teacher performance by involving these three conditions. This research involved 474 secondary education teachers voluntarily and with specific criteria profiles tailored to their needs. Data collection was assisted using a closed questionnaire with a four-point Likert scale, tested for validity and reliability. Structural Equation Modeling was used to analyze data through path analysis and bootstrap methods. The findings prove the importance of motivation and professional development supported by family sociological conditions, managerial support, and proportional workload in determining teacher performance. These results shed light on secondary education providers in strengthening professional development and simultaneously strengthening teacher motivation which has so far often been overlooked. The strategy used is to provide support in the managerial aspect to create work comfort and a proportional workload to make it easier for teachers to carry out technical development. Lastly, support and positive relationships from the family contribute to strengthening the teacher's mentality which leads

Keywords: Teacher performance, Motivation, Professional Development, Family sociology, managerial support, working condition

Received: 07 Apr 2024; Accepted: 07 Aug 2024.

Copyright: © 2024 Ulfah, Syahrudin, Thoharudin, Wardani, Kholifah and Saputro. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) or licensor are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

* Correspondence: Maria Ulfah, Tanjungpura University, Pontianak, Indonesia

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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Doctoral Dissertations and Projects

A causal-comparative study of the writing motivational constructs of students with and without attention-deficit/ hyperactivity disorder in online college composition courses.

Michelle Bianco , Liberty University Follow

School of Education

Doctor of Philosophy

Maryna Svirska-Otero

attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, ADHD, self-efficacy, motivation, online college composition

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Curriculum and Instruction | Education

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Bianco, Michelle, "A Causal-Comparative Study of the Writing Motivational Constructs of Students With and Without Attention-Deficit/ Hyperactivity Disorder in Online College Composition Courses" (2024). Doctoral Dissertations and Projects . 5908. https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/doctoral/5908

The purpose of this quantitative, non-experimental, causal-comparative study is to determine if there is a difference in the writing motivation of students with attention-deficit/ hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and students without ADHD in online college composition I courses. The study of writing motivation in relation to ADHD in online college composition courses is significant as writing motivation is a crucial predictor of academic success and persistence. Data was collected from a population of approximately 1685 students enrolled in online college composition I at an accredited online university within a larger midwestern land-grant public university system. Using the Writing Motivation Questionnaire and the self-reported results of the covariate (Personal Writing Assessment score), students without ADHD were compared to students with ADHD to determine how writing motivation construct scores differed between the groups. The data was analyzed using a one-way analysis of covariance controlling for the effect of the covariate, and the results demonstrated that this sample of online college composition students with ADHD had lower levels of writing motivation, which correlated with lower previous writing abilities. Further discussion included the impact of ADHD on writing motivation, academic success, and the link to early assessment. The implications of the research suggest a need for accommodation. Limitations, such as the time constraints of the survey combined with the assessment, were also addressed, and recommendations for further research using essay writing as the covariate were made.

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August 9, 2024

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Manager visits heighten workers' motivation, productivity

by Cornell University

When a company's "big boss" pays a visit to observe and connect with workers on the front lines, heightened motivation—and not necessarily the idea that they're being watched—can lead to increased productivity, a Cornell-led research team found.

In an experiment involving a Latin American bank, the researchers found that sales of credit cards, term deposits, insurance and other products increased significantly in the days immediately before and in the weeks after the division manager's visit.

"I've been a consultant and have always done field visits, and people feeling important and feeling that they are heard—it's a very strong motivator," said Asís Martínez-Jerez, professor in the Nolan School of Hotel Management, in the Cornell SC Johnson College of Business.

Martínez-Jerez is corresponding author of " Motivating From the Heights: A Field Experiment on Top Managers Visiting the Front-line ," which published Aug 3 in the Review of Accounting Studies .

Co-authors are Pablo Casas-Arce, associate professor at the Carey School of Business at Arizona State University, and Joseph Moran, a doctoral student at the Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania. Their paper was dedicated to Leo Cesario, data analytics manager at the bank, who died of cancer during the study.

Martínez-Jerez's research includes management and organizations, and how philosophies and strategies find their way from the board room to the factory floor.

"The big question we are asking is, I am a CEO, but I'm not the one in contact with the client," he said. "How do I design my organization so the people on the front line react to the customer in the way that I would as a CEO?"

One of the ways to accomplish this, Martínez-Jerez said, is "managing by walking around"—visiting those in the trenches to observe, offer support and show that management cares about its employees.

To test their theory, Martínez-Jerez and his team conducted a field experiment in the retail division of a medium-size bank in Latin America. The bank was in the middle of a "tournament" in which nearly half of its 170 branches were vying for prizes based on hitting sales goals, but Martínez-Jerez didn't think the tournament aspect skewed his results.

"Our feeling was, 'Let's do it at a moment when incentives are high already,'" he said. "And if we find any additional effect on productivity during this time, then we know the effect really exists."

For their experiment, the researchers coordinated with a newly hired division manager, who scheduled a series of visits to 79 of the bank's branches over a three-month period. He had been on the job less than six months and was using these visits to introduce himself and express his pride at being part of the team.

The researchers conducted mathematical modeling as a way to gauge the motivational effects of the branch visits. Based on their modeling, they developed two hypotheses: When a top manager visits the rank and file, the team members of the front-line location increase their effort; and the incentive effect of the top manager's visits is higher for branches with good past performance than for branches with poor past performance.

The researchers obtained sales information for each branch from the data analytics department of the bank, and found that sales productivity—as measured by the percentage above sales goals for credit cards, insurance and other products—increased significantly in the days immediately before a visit, and for approximately a month afterward.

The team conducted field interviews and determined that increased motivation, including the anticipatory effects of the visit beforehand, was the reason for the improved performance. It also explained why branches that performed better prior to the visits saw a bigger increase in productivity than poorer-performing ones, which would have benefitted more from visits that included a teaching or monitoring component.

Martínez-Jerez thinks companies would generally benefit from "managing by walking around," and doesn't think the effect would dampen with repeated visits.

"We think that there is going to be an optimal cadence of visits," he said. "You have to keep the flame alive; your workers cannot feel forgotten."

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Motivation to learn: an overview of contemporary theories

David a cook.

1 Mayo Clinic Online Learning, Mayo Clinic College of Medicine, Rochester, Minnesota, USA

2 Multidisciplinary Simulation Center, Mayo Clinic College of Medicine, Rochester, Minnesota, USA

3 Division of General Internal Medicine, Mayo Clinic, Rochester, Minnesota, USA

Anthony R Artino, Jr

4 Division of Health Professions Education, Department of Medicine, Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, Bethesda, Maryland, USA

Associated Data

Table S2. A research agenda for motivation in education.

To succinctly summarise five contemporary theories about motivation to learn, articulate key intersections and distinctions among these theories, and identify important considerations for future research.

Motivation has been defined as the process whereby goal‐directed activities are initiated and sustained. In expectancy‐value theory, motivation is a function of the expectation of success and perceived value. Attribution theory focuses on the causal attributions learners create to explain the results of an activity, and classifies these in terms of their locus, stability and controllability. Social‐ cognitive theory emphasises self‐efficacy as the primary driver of motivated action, and also identifies cues that influence future self‐efficacy and support self‐regulated learning. Goal orientation theory suggests that learners tend to engage in tasks with concerns about mastering the content (mastery goal, arising from a ‘growth’ mindset regarding intelligence and learning) or about doing better than others or avoiding failure (performance goals, arising from a ‘fixed’ mindset). Finally, self‐determination theory proposes that optimal performance results from actions motivated by intrinsic interests or by extrinsic values that have become integrated and internalised. Satisfying basic psychosocial needs of autonomy, competence and relatedness promotes such motivation. Looking across all five theories, we note recurrent themes of competence, value, attributions, and interactions between individuals and the learning context.

Conclusions

To avoid conceptual confusion, and perhaps more importantly to maximise the theory‐building potential of their work, researchers must be careful (and precise) in how they define, operationalise and measure different motivational constructs. We suggest that motivation research continue to build theory and extend it to health professions domains, identify key outcomes and outcome measures, and test practical educational applications of the principles thus derived.

Short abstract

Discuss ideas arising from the article at www.mededuc.com discuss.

Introduction

The concept of motivation pervades our professional and personal lives. We colloquially speak of motivation to get out of bed, write a paper, do household chores, answer the phone, and of course, to learn. We sense that motivation to learn exists (as opposed to being a euphemism, intellectual invention or epiphenomenon) and is important as both a dependent variable (higher or lower levels of motivation resulting from specific educational activities) 1 and an independent variable 2 (motivational manipulations to enhance learning) 3 , 4 , 5 . But what do we really mean by motivation to learn, and how can a better understanding of motivation influence what we do as educators?

Countless theories have been proposed to explain human motivation. 6 Although each sheds light on specific aspects of motivation, each of necessity neglects others. The diversity of theories creates confusion because most have areas of conceptual overlap and disagreement, and many employ an idiosyncratic vocabulary using different words for the same concept and the same word for different concepts. 7 Although this can be disconcerting, each contemporary theory nonetheless contributes a unique perspective with potentially novel insights and distinct implications for practice and future research.

Previous reviews of motivation in health professions education have focused on practical implications or broad overviews without extended theoretical elaborations, 2 , 3 or focused on only one theory. 4 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 A review that explains and contrasts multiple theories will encourage a more nuanced understanding of motivational principles, and will facilitate additional research to advance the science in this field.

The purpose of this cross‐cutting edge article is to succinctly summarise five contemporary theories about motivation to learn, clearly articulate key intersections and distinctions among theories, and identify important considerations for future research. We selected these theories based on their presence in recent reviews; 6 , 17 , 18 , 19 we sought but did not find other broadly‐recognised modern theories. Our goal is not to present a comprehensive examination of recent evidence, but to make the theoretical foundations of motivation accessible to medical educators. We acknowledge that for each theory we can scarcely scratch the surface, and thus suggest further reading for those who wish to study in greater depth (see Table  1 ).

Summary of contemporary motivation theories

AT = attribution theory; EVT = expectancy‐value theory; GOT = goal orientation theory; SCT = social‐cognitive theory; SDT = self‐determination theory.

For this review we define motivation as ‘the process whereby goal‐directed activities are instigated and sustained’, 6 (pg 5) Although others exist, this definition highlights four key concepts: motivation is a process; it is focused on a goal; and it deals with both the initiation and the continuation of activity directed at achieving that goal.

Common themes

We have identified four recurrent themes across the five theories discussed below, and believe that an up‐front overview will help readers recognise commonalities and differences across theories. Table  1 offers a concise summary of each theory and Table  2 attempts to clarify overlapping terminology.

Similar concepts and terminology across several contemporary theories: clarifying confusable terminology

All contemporary theories include a concept related to beliefs about competence . Variously labelled expectancy of success, self‐efficacy, confidence and self‐concept, these beliefs all address, in essence, the question ‘Can I do it?’. However, there are important distinctions both between and within theories, as elaborated below. For example, self‐concept and earlier conceptions of expectancy of success (expectancy‐value theory) viewed these beliefs in general terms (e.g. spanning a broad domain such as ‘athletics’ or ‘clinical medicine’, or generalising across time or situations). By contrast, self‐efficacy (social‐cognitive theory) and later conceptions of expectancy of success viewed these beliefs in much more task‐ and situation‐specific terms (e.g. ‘Can I grade the severity of aortic stenosis?’).

Most theories also include a concept regarding the value or anticipated result of the learning task. These beliefs include specific terms such as task value, outcome expectation and intrinsic versus extrinsic motivation. All address the question, ‘Do I want do to it?’ or ‘What will happen (good or bad) if I do?’. Again, there are important distinctions between theories. For example, task value (expectancy‐value theory) focuses on the perceived importance or usefulness of successful task completion, whereas outcome expectation (social‐cognitive theory) focuses on the probable (expected) result of an action if full effort is invested.

Most theories discuss the importance of attributions in shaping beliefs and future actions. Learners frequently establish conscious or unconscious links between an observed event or outcome and the personal factors that led to this outcome (i.e. the underlying cause). To the degree that learners perceive that the underlying cause is changeable and within their control, they will be more likely to persist in the face of initial failure.

Finally, all contemporary theories of motivation are ‘cognitive’ in the sense that, by contrast with some earlier theories, they presume the involvement of mental processes that are not directly observable. Moreover, recent theories increasingly recognise that motivation cannot be fully explained as an individual phenomenon, but rather that it often involves interactions between an individual and a larger social context. Bandura labelled his theory a ‘social‐cognitive theory’ of learning, but all of the theories discussed below include both social and cognitive elements .

Again, each theory operationalises each concept slightly differently and we encourage readers to pay attention to such distinctions (using Table  2 for support) for the remainder of this text.

Expectancy‐value theories

In a nutshell, expectancy‐value theories 20 , 21 identify two key independent factors that influence behaviour (Fig.  1 ): the degree to which individuals believe they will be successful if they try (expectancy of success), and the degree to which they perceive that there is a personal importance, value or intrinsic interest in doing the task (task value).

Expectancy‐value theory. This is a simplified version of Wigfield and Eccles's theory; it does not contain all of the details of their theory and blurs some subtle but potentially important distinctions. The key constructs of task value and expectancy of success are influenced by motivational beliefs, which are in turn determined by social influences that are perceived and interpreted by learner cognitive processes

Expectancy of success is more than a perception of general competence; it represents a future‐oriented conviction that one can accomplish the anticipated task. If I do not believe I will be successful in accomplishing a task, I am unlikely to begin. Such beliefs can be both general (e.g. global self‐concept) and specific (judgements of ability to learn a specific skill or topic). According to Wigfield and Eccles, 20 expectancy of success is shaped by motivational beliefs that fall into three broad categories: goals, self‐concept and task difficulty. Goals refer to specific short‐ and long‐term learning objectives. Self‐concept refers to general impressions about one's capacity in this task domain (e.g. academic ability, athletic prowess, social skills or good looks). Task difficulty refers to the perceived (not necessarily actual) difficulty of the specific task. Empirical studies show that expectancy beliefs predict both engagement in learning activities and learning achievement (e.g. test scores and grades). In fact, expectancy of success may be a stronger predictor of success than past performance. 20

According to expectancy‐value theorists, however, motivation requires more than just a conviction that I can succeed; I must also expect some immediate or future personal gain or value. Like expectancy of success, task value or valence is perceived (not necessarily actual) and at times idiosyncratic. At least four factors have been conceived as contributing to task value: a given topic might be particularly interesting or enjoyable to the learner (interest or intrinsic value ); learning about a topic or mastering a skill might be perceived as useful for practical reasons, or a necessary step toward a future goal (utility or extrinsic value ); successfully learning a skill might hold personal importance in its own right or as an affirmation of the learner's self‐concept (importance or attainment value ); and focusing time and energy on one task means that other tasks are neglected (opportunity costs ). Other costs and potential negative consequences include anxiety, effort and the possibility of failure. For example, a postgraduate physician might spend extra time learning cardiac auscultation simply because he finds it fascinating, or because he believes it will help him provide better care for patients, or because he perceives this as a fundamental part of his persona as a physician. Alternatively, he might spend less time learning this skill in order to spend more time mastering surgical skills, or because he simply doesn't feel it is worth the effort. Although some evidence suggests that these four factors (interest, utility, importance and cost) are distinguishable from one another in measurement, 20 it is not yet known whether learners make these distinctions in practice. Task value is, in theory, primarily shaped by one motivational belief: affective memories (reactions and emotions associated with prior experiences). Favourable experiences enhance perceived value; unfavourable experiences diminish it.

The motivational beliefs that determine expectancy of success (goals, self‐concept and task difficulty) and task value (affective memories) are in turn shaped by life events, social influences (parents, teacher or peer pressure, professional values, etc.) and the environment. These shaping forces are interpreted through the learner's personal perspectives and perceptions (i.e. cognitive processes). It is perception, and not necessarily reality, that governs motivational beliefs.

Empirical studies (nearly all of them outside of medical education) show that both expectancy of success and value are associated with learning outcomes, including choice of topics to study, degree of involvement in learning (engagement and persistence) and achievement (performance). Task value seems most strongly associated with choice, whereas expectancy of success seems most strongly associated with engagement, depth of processing and learning achievement. 20 In other words, in choosing whether to learn something the task value matters most; once that choice has been made, expectancy of success is most strongly associated with actual success.

Attribution theory

Attribution theory (Fig.  2 ) explains why people react variably to a given experience, suggesting that different responses arise from differences in the perceived cause of the initial outcome. Success or failure in mastering a new skill, for example, might be attributed to personal effort, innate ability, other people (e.g. the teacher) or luck. These attributions are often subconscious, but strongly influence future activities. Failure attributed to lack of ability might discourage future effort, whereas failure attributed to poor teaching or bad luck might suggest the need to try again, especially if the teacher or luck is expected to change. Attributions directly influence expectancy of future success, and indirectly influence perceived value as mediated by the learner's emotional response to success or failure.

Attribution theory. This is a simplified version of Weiner's theory; it does not contain all of the details of his theory and blurs some subtle but potentially important distinctions. The process begins with an event; if the outcome is expected or positive, it will often directly elicit emotions (happiness or frustration) without any further action. However, outcomes that are unexpected, negative or perceived as important will often awaken the inquisitive ‘naïve scientist’ who seeks to identify a causal explanation. The individual will interpret the outcome in light of personal and environmental conditions to ‘hypothesise’ a perceived cause, which can be organised along three dimensions: locus, stability and controllability. Stability influences perceived expectancy of success. Locus, controllability and stability collectively influence emotional responses (which reflect the subjective value) and these in turn drive future behaviours

Attribution theory postulates that humans have a tacit goal of understanding and mastering themselves and their environment, and act as ‘naïve scientists’ to establish cause‐effect relationships for events in their lives. The process of attribution starts with an event, such as receiving a grade or learning a skill. If the result is expected and positive, the learner is content and the naïve scientist is not aroused (i.e. there is nothing to investigate). Conversely, if the result is negative, unexpected or particularly important, the scientist begins to search (often subconsciously) for an explanation, taking into account personal and environmental factors to come up with an hypothesis (i.e. an attribution: ability, effort, luck, health, mood, etc.). However, attributions do not directly motivate behaviour. Rather, they are interpreted or reframed into psychologically meaningful (actionable) responses. Empirical research suggests that such interpretations occur along three distinct conceptual dimensions: locus (internal to the learner or external), stability (likely to change or fixed) and controllability (within or outside the learner's control). For example, poor instructional quality (external locus) might be stable (the only teacher for this topic) or unstable (several other teachers available), and controllable (selected by the learner) or uncontrollable (assigned by others), depending on the learner's perception of the situation. Bad luck is typically interpreted as external, unstable and uncontrollable; personal effort is internal, changeable and controllable; and innate skill is internal, largely fixed and uncontrollable.

Weiner linked attributions with motivation through the constructs of expectancy of success and task value. 22 Expectancy of success is directly influenced by perceived causes, primarily through the stability dimension: ‘If conditions (the presence or absence of causes) are expected to remain the same, then the outcome(s) experienced in the past will be expected to recur. … If the causal conditions are perceived as likely to change, then … there is likely to be uncertainty about subsequent outcomes’. 22 Locus and controllability are not strongly linked with expectancy of success, because past success (regardless of locus orientation or degree of controllability) will predict future success if conditions remain stable.

By contrast, the link between attributions and ‘goal incentives’ (i.e. task value) is less direct, being mediated instead by the learner's emotions or ‘affective response’. Weiner distinguishes the objective value of achieving a goal (e.g. earning a dollar or learning a skill) from the subjective or affective value of that achievement (e.g. happiness or pride), and argues that there is ‘no blatant reason to believe that objective value is influenced by perceived causality … but [causal ascriptions] do determine or guide emotional reactions, or the subjective consequences of goal attainment’. 22 Other emotional reactions include gratitude, serenity, surprise, anger, guilt, hopelessness, pity and shame. Cognitive processes influence the interplay between an event, the perceived cause and the attributed emotional reaction, with complex and often idiosyncratic results (i.e. how we think influences how we feel). ‘For example, a dollar attained because of good luck could elicit surprise; a dollar earned by hard work might produce pride; and a dollar received from a friend when in need is likely to beget gratitude’, 22 although it might also beget shame or guilt. Weiner distinguishes outcome‐dependent and attribution‐dependent emotions. Outcome‐dependent emotions are the direct result of success (e.g. happiness) or failure (e.g. sadness and frustration). Attribution‐dependent emotions are, as the name implies, determined by the inferred causal dimension: pride and self‐esteem (‘internal’ emotions) are linked with locus; anger, gratitude, guilt, pity and shame (‘social’ emotions) are connected with controllability; and hopelessness and the intensity of many other emotions are associated with stability (i.e. one might feel greater gratitude or greater shame because of a stable cause).

Attribution theory proposes several ‘antecedent conditions’ that influence the attributional process. Environmental antecedents include social norms and information received from self and others (e.g. feedback). Personal antecedents include differences in causal rules, attributional biases and prior knowledge. Attributional biases or errors include: the ‘fundamental attribution error’, in which situation or context‐specific factors are ignored, such that a single event is extrapolated into a universal trait of the individual; self‐serving bias, in which success is ascribed to internal causes and failure is ascribed to external causes; and actor‐observer bias, in which the learner's actions are situation specific and the actions of others are a general trait.

Social‐cognitive theory

Social‐cognitive theory is most generally a theory of learning. It contends that people learn through reciprocal interactions with their environment and by observing others, rather than simply through direct reinforcement of behaviours (as proposed by behaviourist theories of learning). 23 As regards motivation, the theory emphasises that humans are not thoughtless actors responding involuntarily to rewards and punishments, but that cognition governs how individuals interpret their environment and self‐regulate their thoughts, feelings and actions.

Bandura 23 theorised that human performance results from reciprocal interactions between three factors (‘triadic reciprocal determinism’): personal factors (e.g. beliefs, expectations, attitudes and biology), behavioral factors, and environmental factors (both the social and physical environment). Humans are thus proactive and self‐regulating rather than reactive organisms shaped only by the environment; they are ‘both products and producers of their own environments and of their own social systems’. 24 Consider, for example, a medical student in a surgery clerkship that is full of highly competitive peers and is run by a physician with little tolerance of mistakes. Such an environment will interact with the student's personal characteristics (e.g. his confidence, emotions and prior knowledge) to shape how he behaves and whether or not he learns. At the same time, how he behaves will influence the environment and may change some of his personal factors (e.g. his thoughts and feelings). Thus, the extent to which this student is motivated to learn and perform is determined by the reciprocal interactions of his own thoughts and feelings, the nature of the learning environment and his actions.

The active process of regulating one's behaviour and manipulating the environment in pursuit of personal goals is fundamental to functioning as a motivated individual. Whether or not people choose to pursue their goals depends, in no small measure, on beliefs about their own capabilities, values and interests. 24 Chief among these self‐beliefs is self‐efficacy, defined as ‘People's beliefs about their capabilities to produce designated levels of performance that exercise influence over events that affect their lives’. 25 Self‐efficacy is a belief about what a person can do rather than a personal judgement about one's physical or psychological attributes. 26 In Bandura's words, ‘Unless people believe they can produce desired effects by their actions, they have little incentive to act’. 27 Thus, self‐efficacy forms the foundation for motivated action.

Unlike broader notions of self‐concept or self‐esteem, self‐efficacy is domain, task and context‐specific. For instance, a medical student might report fairly high self‐efficacy for simple suturing but may have much lower self‐efficacy for other surgical procedures, or might have lower self‐efficacy in a competitive environment than in a cooperative one.

Self‐efficacy should not be confused with outcome expectation – the belief that certain outcomes will result from given actions 18 (i.e. the anticipated value to the individual). Because self‐efficacy beliefs help to determine the outcomes one expects, the two constructs are typically positively correlated, yet sometimes self‐efficacy and outcome expectations diverge. For example, a high‐performing, highly efficacious college student may choose not to apply to the most elite medical school because she expects a rejection. In this case, academic self‐efficacy is high but outcome expectations are low. Research indicates that self‐efficacy beliefs are usually better predictors of behaviour than are outcome expectations. 26 , 27 Ultimately, however, both self‐efficacy and favourable outcome expectations are required for optimal motivation. 18

Bandura, Zimmerman and Schunk have identified the key role of self‐efficacy in activating core learning processes, including cognition, motivation, affect and selection. 6 , 25 , 28 , 29 Learners come to any learning task with past experiences, aptitudes and social supports that collectively determine their pre‐task self‐efficacy. Several factors influence self‐efficacy during the task (Fig.  3 ), and during and after the task learners interpret cues that further shape self‐efficacy. 27 Among these sources of self‐efficacy, the most powerful is how learners interpret previous experiences (so‐called enactive mastery experiences ). Generally speaking, successes reinforce one's self‐efficacy, whereas failures weaken it. In addition, learners interpret the outcomes of others’ actions ( modelling ). Learners may adjust their own efficacy beliefs based on such vicarious experiences, particularly if they perceive the model as similar to themselves (e.g. a near‐peer). The influence of verbal persuasion (‘You can do it!’) appears to be limited at best. Furthermore, persuasion that proves unrealistic (e.g. persuasion to attempt a task that results in failure) can damage self‐efficacy and lowers the persuader's credibility. Finally, physiological and emotional information shapes self‐efficacy beliefs: enthusiasm and positive emotions typically enhance self‐efficacy whereas negative emotions diminish it. 24 , 27

Social‐cognitive model of motivated learning. This is adapted from Schunk's model of motivated learning; it incorporates additional concepts from Bandura and other authors. Learners begin a learning task with pre‐existing self‐efficacy determined by past experiences, aptitudes and social supports. Learners can perform the task themselves or watch others (e.g. instructor or peer models) perform the task. During the task, self‐efficacy, together with other personal and situational factors, influences cognitive engagement, motivation to learn, emotional response and task selection. During and after the task, learners perceive and interpret cues that influence self‐efficacy for future tasks. Zimmerman defined a three‐phase self‐regulation cycle that mirrors this model, comprised of forethought (pre‐task), performance and volitional control (during task) and self‐reflection (after task)

One way in which social‐cognitive theory has been operationalised for practical application involves the concept of self‐regulation, which addresses how students manage their motivation and learning. Zimmerman proposed a model of self‐regulation 30 comprising three cyclical stages: forethought (before the task, e.g. appraising self‐efficacy, and establishing goals and strategies), performance (during the task, e.g. self‐monitoring) and self‐reflection (after the task). Self‐regulation is an area of active investigation in medical education. 14 , 15

Goal orientation (achievement goal) theories

The meaning of ‘goals’ in goal orientation theories 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 (also called achievement goal theory) is different from that in most other motivation theories. Rather than referring to learning objectives (‘My goal is to learn about cardiology’), the goals in this cluster of theories refer to broad orientations or purposes in learning that are commonly subconscious. With performance goals the primary concern is to do better than others and avoid looking dumb: ‘I want to get a good grade’. Mastery goals , by contrast, focus on the intrinsic value of learning (i.e. gaining new knowledge or skills): ‘I want to understand the material’. These broad orientations lead in turn to different learning behaviours or approaches. Dweck's theory of ‘implicit theories of intelligence’ takes these two orientations further, suggesting that they reflect learners’ underlying attributions (‘mindsets’, or dispositional attitudes and beliefs) regarding their ability to learn (Fig.  4 ).

Goal orientation theory and implicit theories of intelligence. This is a simplified illustration of Dweck's theory; it does not contain all of the details of her theory and blurs some subtle but potentially important distinctions. Learners tend toward one of two implicit self‐theories or mindsets regarding their ability. Those with an entity mindset view ability as fixed, and because low performance or difficult learning would threaten their self‐concept they unconsciously pursue ‘performance’ goals that help them to look smart and avoid failure. By contrast, those with an incremental mindset view ability as something to be enhanced with practice, and thus pursue goals that cause them to stretch and grow (‘mastery’ goals). Evidence and further theoretical refinements also support the distinction of performance‐approach goals (‘look smart’; typically associated with high performance) and performance‐avoidance goals (‘avoid failure’; invariably associated with poor performance)

Learners with performance goals have a (subconscious) self‐theory that intelligence or ability is a stable fixed trait (an ‘entity’ mindset). People are either smart (or good at basketball or art) or they're not. Because this stable trait cannot be changed, learners are concerned about looking and feeling like they have ‘enough’, which requires that they perform well. Easy, low‐effort successes make them feel smarter and encourage continued study; challenging, effortful tasks and poor performance are interpreted as indicating low ability and lead learners to progressively disengage and eventually give up. Learners with this entity mindset magnify their failures and forget their successes, give up quickly in the face of challenge, and adopt defensive or self‐sabotaging behaviours. A strong belief in their ability may lead them to persevere after failure. However, low confidence will cause them to disengage into a ‘helpless’ state because it is psychologically safer to blame failure on lack of effort (‘I wasn't really trying’) than on lack of intelligence. Dweck noted, ‘It is ironic that those students who are most concerned with looking smart may be at a disadvantage for this very reason’. 32

Learners with a mastery goal orientation, by contrast, have a self‐theory that intelligence and ability can increase or improve through learning (an ‘incremental’ mindset). People get smarter (or better at basketball or art) by studying and practising. This mindset leads people to seek learning opportunities because these will make them smarter. They thrive on challenge and even initial failure because they have an implicit ‘No pain, no gain’ belief. In fact, even learners with low confidence in their current ability will choose challenging tasks if they have an incremental mindset. Learners with an incremental mindset feel smart when they fully engage in learning and stretch their ability (the mastery goal orientation); easy tasks hold little or no value and failure is viewed as simply a cue to look for a better strategy and exert renewed effort.

Mindsets are related to the controllability and stability dimensions of attribution theory: entity mindsets lead to attributions of fixed and uncontrollable causes (e.g. ability), whereas incremental mindsets lead to attributions of controllable and changeable causes (e.g. effort). 31 , 35 Mindsets are typically a matter of degree, not black‐and‐white, and appear to be domain and situation specific: a learner might have predominantly entity beliefs about procedural tasks but incremental beliefs about communication skills. Mindsets change with age: young children typically have incremental mindsets, whereas most people have shifted toward entity mindsets by age 12. 32

Researchers building on the work of Dweck and others 33 , 36 , 37 have separated performance goals into those that make the learner look good (performance ‘approach’ goals such as trying to outperform others) and those in which the learner tries to avoid looking bad (performance ‘avoidance’ goals such as avoiding challenging or uncertain tasks). 38 , 39 Empirical results from real‐world settings differ for different outcomes: performance‐approach goals are consistently more associated with higher achievement (e.g. better grades) than are mastery goals, whereas mastery goals are associated with greater interest and deep learning strategies. These empirical observations require further explanation but could reflect shortcomings in mastery‐oriented study strategies (i.e. learners focus on areas of interest rather than studying broadly) or grading systems that favour superficial learning. 40 Performance‐avoidance goals, by contrast, are consistently associated with low achievement and other negative outcomes.

One of the most compelling findings of Dweck's theory is that the incremental mindset is teachable. Randomised trials demonstrate that teaching students that the brain is malleable and has limitless learning capacity leads them to seek more, and more difficult, learning opportunities and to persevere in the face of challenge. 32 The duration of this effect and its transfer to future tasks remain incompletely elucidated.

Unfortunately, the entity mindset also appears to be teachable, or at least unintentionally reinforced by individuals and learning climates that encourage competition, frame abilities as static or praise quick and easy success. Feedback intended to boost a learner's confidence (‘You did really well on that test; you must be really smart!’) may inadvertently encourage an entity mindset. Rather than emphasising innate ability, teachers should instill confidence that anyone can learn if they work at it.

Other motivation theories attempt to explain other aspects of goals, such as goal setting and goal content. 6 , 41 Goal orientation theories focus on the why and how of approach and engagement. Goal setting theories focus on the standard of performance, exploring issues such as goal properties (proximity, specificity and difficulty) and the factors that influence goal choice, the targeted level of performance and commitment. 42 Goal content theories focus on what is trying to be achieved (i.e. the expected consequences). Ford and Nichols 41 developed a content taxonomy of 24 basic goals that they categorised as within‐person goals (e.g. entertainment, happiness and intellectual creativity) and goals dealing with interactions between the person and environment (e.g. superiority, belongingness, equity and safety).

Self‐determination theory

Self‐determination theory (Fig.  5 ) posits that motivation varies not only in quantity (magnitude) but also in quality (type and orientation). Humans innately desire to be autonomous – to use their will (the capacity to choose how to satisfy needs) as they interact with their environment – and tend to pursue activities they find inherently enjoyable. Our highest, healthiest and most creative and productive achievements typically occur when we are motivated by an intrinsic interest in the task. Unfortunately, although young children tend to act from intrinsic motivation, by the teenage years and into adulthood we progressively face external (extrinsic) influences to do activities that are not inherently interesting. These influences, coming in the form of career goals, societal values, promised rewards, deadlines and penalties, are not necessarily bad but ultimately subvert intrinsic motivation. Strong evidence indicates that rewards diminish intrinsic motivation. 43 Deci and Ryan developed self‐determination theory to explain how to promote intrinsic motivation and also how to enhance motivation when external pressures are operative.

Self‐determination theory. This is adapted from Ryan and Deci's theory. Self‐determination theory hypothesises three main motivation types: amotivation (lack of motivation), extrinsic motivation and intrinsic motivation, and six ‘regulatory styles’ (dark‐background boxes). Intrinsic motivation (intrinsic regulation) is entirely internal, emerging from pure personal interest, curiosity or enjoyment of the task. At the other extreme, amotivation (non‐regulation) results in inaction or action without real intent. In the middle is extrinsic motivation, with four regulatory styles that vary from external regulation (actions motivated purely by anticipated favourable or unfavourable consequences) to integrated regulation (in which external values and goals have become fully integrated into one's self‐image). The transition from external to integrated regulation requires that values and goals become internalised (personally important) and integrated (fully assimilated into one's sense of self). Internalisation and integration are promoted (or inhibited) by fulfillment (or non‐fulfillment) of three basic psychosocial needs: relatedness, competence and autonomy

Intrinsic motivation is not caused because it is an innate human propensity, but it is alternatively stifled or encouraged by unfavourable or favourable conditions. Cognitive evaluation theory , a sub‐theory of self‐determination theory, proposes that fulfillment of three basic psychosocial needs will foster intrinsic motivation: autonomy (the opportunity to control one's actions), competence (self‐efficacy) and relatedness (a sense of affiliation with or belonging to others to whom one feels [or would like to feel] connected). Autonomy is promoted by providing opportunities for choice, acknowledging feelings, avoiding judgement and encouraging personal responsibility for actions. Rewards, punishments, deadlines, judgemental assessments and other controlling actions all undermine autonomy. Competence is supported by optimal challenge, and by feedback that promotes self‐efficacy (as outlined above) and avoids negativity. Relatedness is promoted through environments exhibiting genuine caring, mutual respect and safety.

In activities motivated by external influences, both the nature of the motivation and the resultant performance vary greatly. The motivation of a medical student who does his homework for fear of punishment is very different from motivation to learn prompted by a sincere desire to provide patients with optimal care. Deci and Ryan proposed that these qualitative differences arise because of differences in the degree to which external forces have been internalised and integrated (assimilated into the individual's sense of self). A second sub‐theory, organismic integration theory, explains these differences.

Organismic integration theory identifies three regulatory styles: intrinsic motivation at one extreme (highly productive and spontaneous), amotivation at the other extreme (complete lack of volition, failure to act or only going through the motions) and extrinsic motivation in between (actions prompted by an external force or regulation). Extrinsic motivation is divided, in turn, into four levels that vary in the degree to which the external regulation has been internalised (taking in a value or regulation) and integrated (further transformation of that regulation into their own self). 44 , 45 The lowest level is external regulation: acting only to earn rewards or avoid punishment. Next is introjected regulation: acting to avoid guilt or anxiety, or to enhance pride or self‐esteem. The regulation has been partially internalised but not accepted as a personal goal. Identified regulation suggests that the external pressure has become a personally important self‐desired goal, but the goal is valued because it is useful rather than because it is inherently desirable. Finally, with integrated regulation the external influences are integrated with internal (intrinsic) interests, becoming part of one's personal identity and aspirations. Regulatory forces with identified and integrated regulation reflect an internal locus of causality (control) and behaviours are perceived as largely autonomous or self‐determined, whereas both external and introjected regulation reflect an external locus of causality. ‘Thus, it is through internalisation and integration that individuals can be extrinsically motivated and still be committed and authentic.’ 45 Research suggests that the same three psychosocial needs described above promote the internalisation and integration of extrinsic motivations, with relatedness and competence being particularly important for internalisation, and autonomy being critical for integration.

Because optimal motivation and well‐being require meeting all three needs, ‘Social contexts that engender conflicts between basic needs set up the conditions for alienation and psychopathology’. 45 The importance of these needs has been confirmed not only in education, but also in workplace performance, patient compliance and overall health and well‐being. 46

Integration across theories

Over the past 25 years, contemporary motivation theories have increasingly shared and borrowed key concepts. 17 For example, all five theories discussed herein acknowledge human cognition as influencing perceptions and exerting powerful motivational controls. All also highlight reciprocal interactions between individuals and their socio‐environmental context. Definitions of expectancy have evolved to reflect substantial overlap with self‐efficacy. Attribution theory emerged from earlier expectancy‐value theories in an effort to explain the origins and antecedents (the ‘Why?’) of expectancies and values, ultimately emphasising the temporal sequence of events and the importance of emotions. Goal orientation theory merged early goal theories with the concept of implicit attributions. Self‐determination theory emphasises both autonomy (locus and control in attribution theory) and competence (very similar to self‐efficacy). With this conceptual overlap, it is easy to get confused with the terms as operationally defined within each theory. Table  2 attempts to clarify these areas of potential confusion.

Through this effort we have identified four recurrent themes among contemporary theories: competence beliefs, value beliefs, attribution and social‐cognitive interactions. We do not suggest that these theories can be reduced to these four concepts, but that these foundational principles underpin a more nuanced understanding of individual theories. Research conducted using one theoretical framework might also yield insights relevant to another.

Given the progressive blurring of boundaries and increasing conceptual overlap, can – or should – we ever achieve a grand unified theory of motivation? We note that each theory shines light on a different region of a larger picture, and thus contributes a unique perspective on a complex phenomenon involving individual learners and varying social contexts, topics and outcomes. Moreover, despite our and others’ efforts 7 , 47 to clarify terminology, conceptual differences among theories run much deeper than dictionary definitions can resolve. Even within a given theoretical domain, different investigators have operationally defined concepts and outcome measures with subtle but important distinctions that lead to vastly different conclusions. 31 , 37 , 39 The degree to which these differences can be both theoretically and empirically reconciled remains to be seen. 17 For now, we encourage maintaining theoretical distinctions while thoughtfully capitalising on overlapping concepts and explicit theoretical integrations for the enrichments they afford.

Implications and conclusions

Other authors have identified practical applications of motivation theory, most often instructional changes that could enhance motivation. 3 , 4 , 6 , 16 , 32 In Table S1 (available online) we provide a short summary of these suggestions, nearly all of which warrant investigation in health professions education. Educators and researchers will need to determine whether to apply these and other interventions to all learners (i.e. to improve the overall learning environment and instructional quality) or only to those with specific motivational characteristics (e.g. low self‐efficacy, entity mindsets, maladaptive attributions or external motivations). 17 , 48 , 49

We will limit our further discussion to considerations for future research. Pintrich 50 identified seven broad questions for motivation research and suggested general research principles for investigating these questions; we summarise these in Table S2 (available online). By way of elaboration or emphasis, we conclude with four broad considerations that cut across theoretical and methodological boundaries.

First, motivation is far from a unitary construct. This may seem obvious, yet both lay educators and researchers commonly speak of ‘motivation’ without clarity regarding a specific theory or conceptual framework. Although different theories rarely contradict one another outright, each theory emphasises different aspects of motivation, different stages of learning, different learning tasks and different outcomes. 17 , 19 , 51 To avoid conceptual confusion and to optimise the theory‐building potential of their work, we encourage researchers to explicitly identify their theoretical lens, to be precise in defining and operationalising different motivational constructs, and to conduct a careful review of theory‐specific literature early in their study planning.

Second, measuring the outcomes of motivation studies is challenging for at least two reasons: the selection of which outcomes (psychological constructs) to measure and the choice of specific instruments to measure the selected outcomes. The choice of outcomes and instruments, and the timing of outcome assessment, can significantly influence study results. For instance, results (and thus conclusions) for mastery and performance‐approach goal orientations vary for different outcomes. 39 Schunk identified four general motivation outcomes (choice of tasks, effort, persistence and achievement) and suggested tools for measuring each of these. 6 Learners can also rate how motivating they perceive a course to be. 52 The outcome(s) most relevant to a given study will depend on the theory and the research question. In turn, for each outcome there are typically multiple measurement approaches and specific instruments, each with strengths and limitations. For example, behaviour‐focused measures diminish the importance of cognitive processes, whereas self‐report measures are limited by the accuracy of self‐perceptions. For all instruments, evidence to support the validity of scores should be deliberately planned, collected and evaluated. 53 , 54

Third, researchers should test clear, practical applications of motivation theory. 50 , 55 , 56 Each of the theories discussed above has empirical evidence demonstrating theory‐predicted associations between a predictor condition (e.g. higher versus lower expectancy of success) and motivation‐related outcomes, but the cause‐effect relationship in these studies (often correlational rather than experimental) is not always clear. Moreover, the practical significance of the findings is sometimes uncertain; for example, does a change in the outcome measure reflect a meaningful and lasting change in the learner, or is it merely an artifact of the study conditions? Well‐planned experiments can strengthen causal links between motivational manipulations and outcomes. 57 We can find examples of interventions intended to optimise self‐efficacy, 28 task value, 5 attributions 17 and mindsets, 32 but research on motivational manipulations remains largely limited in both volume and rigour. 17 Moreover, moderating influences such as context (e.g. classroom, clinical or controlled setting) and learner experience or specialty can significantly impact results. Linking motivational concepts with specific cognitive processes may be instrumental in understanding seemingly inconsistent findings. 17 , 39 Finally, real‐world implementations of research‐based recommendations may be challenged by resource limitations, logistical constraints or lack of buy‐in from administrators and teachers; research on translation and implementation will be essential. 58

Lastly, we call for research that builds and extends motivation theory for education generally 50 and health professions education specifically. Theory‐building research should investigate ‘not only that the intervention works but also why it works (i.e., mediating mechanisms) as well as for whom and under what conditions (i.e., moderating influences)’. 17 Such research not only specifies the theoretical lens, interventions and outcomes, but also considers (and ideally predicts) how independent and dependent variables 2 interact with one another and with the topic, task, environment and learner characteristics. 59 Harackiewicz identified four possible relationships and interactions among motivation‐related variables:

• additive (different factors have independent, additive effects on a single outcome),
• interactive (different factors have complex effects on a single outcome),
• specialised (the impact of a given intervention varies for different outcomes) and
• selective (outcomes for a given intervention vary by situation, e.g. context or topic). 39

We encourage would‐be investigators to further explore theory‐specific literatures to understand conceptual nuances, current evidence, potential interactions, important outcomes and timely questions. 47 , 60

Only research grounded in such solid foundations will provide the theoretical clarity and empirical support needed to optimise motivation to learn in health professions education.

Contributors

DAC and ARA jointly contributed to the conception of the work, drafted the initial manuscript, revised the manuscript for important intellectual content and approved the final version. ARA is an employee of the US Government. The views expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, Department of Defense, nor the US Government.

Conflicts of interest

the authors are not aware of any conflicts of interest.

Ethical approval

as no human subjects were involved, ethical approval was not required.

Supporting information

Table S1. Summary of practical applications of motivation theory.

Acknowledgments

we thank Kelly Dore for her contributions during the conceptual stages of this review and Adam Sawatsky and Dario Torre for their critiques of manuscript drafts.

The copyright line for this article was changed on 6 October 2016 after original online publication.

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