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A Study on Filipino Values (A Primer)

National Commission for Culture & the Arts, Philippines, 21 April 2021, Philippines

As part of the government’s Filipino Values Formation Program, the National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA) conducted this research that seeks to determine different values upheld across the country, so that Filipinos can continue to embody these values to strengthen the Filipino society through widespread implementation in partnership with educational institutions. This executes Chapter 7 of the Philippine Development Plan which states that “the inculcation of values to promote the common good.”

https://ncca.gov.ph/2021/04/21/filipino-values-primer/

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Social Distancing as a Recontextualization of Filipino Values and Catholic Religious Practices: A Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic

Joseph renus f. galang.

1 Theology and Religious Education Department, De La Salle University, 2401 Taft Ave, 0922 Manila, Philippines

2 Graduate School, Angeles University Foundation, Mac-Arthur Hi-Way, 2009 Angeles City, Philippines

Jose Ma W. Gopez

3 Center for Christian Formation and Praxis, Angeles University Foundation, Mac-Arthur Hi-Way, 2009 Angeles City, Philippines

Ivan Efreaim A. Gozum

Philip joseph d. sarmiento.

4 Christian Living Education Department, Holy Angel University, 1 Holy Angel Avenue, Sto. Rosario St., 2009 Angeles City, Philippines

This paper investigates Catholic religious practices and Filipino values in the Philippines during the COVID-19 pandemic. It aims to show that religious practices conducted with proper social distancing help in the development of a renewed understanding of Filipino values without contributing to the spread of the virus. This qualitative study makes use of expository writing and content analysis. First, religious practices before the pandemic marked by maximum social interaction are presented. Then, the paper shows religious practices during the pandemic marked by social distancing. Thirdly, the paper looks into how Filipino values are recontextualized in relation to religious practices despite the need for social distancing during the COVID-19 pandemic. Ultimately, the researchers claim that those who participate in religious practices with social distancing do not contribute to the transmission of the virus while still developing a renewed understanding of Filipino values.

Introduction

Religion as a social institution.

Religion is a social institution. French sociologist Émile Durkheim ( 1912 ) defined religion as a “unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things”. For many, religion is a fundamental dimension of human existence (Koenig, 2012 ). It teaches about practices and beliefs that serve the needs of a society, leading historians to believe that religion is a potent force to effect social change (del Castillo et al., 2021 ). Religion is something that is present, in one way or another, in all societies.

Religion also fulfils the human need for social interaction. Etymologically, the term “religion” may have come from the Latin religare , to bind (Galang et al., 2018 ). One of its main purposes, therefore, is to bring people together and form some level of connection and interaction. As human beings, social interaction is necessary in the upkeep of overall health and well-being. Engaging in social interaction, through a social support group, is crucial to physical and psychological health for the elderly (Steptoe et al., 2009 ). A study found that social interaction through support groups led to reduced levels of depression (Cohen et al., 1986 ). Another revealed that those who participated in social activities were more likely to report good or very good health status than those who did not participate (Sirven & Debrand, 2008 ). Many other studies have posited that belonging to and interacting with a social group help ease the innate burden of being alive.

The human need for social interaction is responded to by religious practices. Religion is one social institution which paves the way for the creation of social groups. Through religious practices conducted in churches, mosques or temples, people are able to engage in social interaction and find some level of social support. Religious practices, mostly communal in nature, vary from festivals and pilgrimages to matrimonial and funerary services to community engagement and outreach services. In religious practices, people are able to find two kinds of connection. First, through religious practices, people are able to connect with the supernatural, or what Durkheim ( 1912 ) calls the “sacred”. The “sacred” is that which is ideal and transcendent from quotidian existence; it is extraordinary, fear-inducing and awe-inspiring. This is closely similar to what William James describes as the “religious experience”, an aggregate of “the feelings, acts…of individual men…so far as they apprehend themselves to stand in relation to what they may consider the Divine” (James, 2004 ). In here is a human-divine connection, or what can be called a spiritual communion. But what is equally important in the practice of religion is the human–human connection. Humans are naturally relational beings. The relationships formed through religious practice promote a spirit of community, an idea that is commonly preached by almost all religions. It is from these human–human relationships that people draw a lot of strength, will and purpose to continue living. This gives religion its social dimension.

A recent study shows the importance of these human-divine communion, and human–human community (Chan et al., 2019 ). Initially, the study says that having a belief system, establishing an idea of what is “sacred”, can adequately substitute for some functions of human relationships. Essentially, it says that believing in God helps socially disconnected people have a better sense of, or restore their, purpose for living. The feeling of belonging is connected to one’s sense of purpose. “When people feel socially connected, their judgments of meaning in life are primarily derived from the highly salient information about their social belongingness” (Chan et al., 2019 , p. 4). The same researchers disclaim, however, that though God and religion provide a “substitutive connection”, quality human-to-human relationships still remain as the primary source of purpose in living. Religious practices provide avenues in establishing and enhancing these human-to-human connections, thereby forming part of a certain religious culture.

Filipino Cultural Values in Context

In the Philippine context, many cultural values are also strongly linked to religion and religious practices. “Filipino culture affords many traditional values that are deeply consonant with the Christian vision” ( Catechism for Filipino Catholics , 1997, #792). A Filipino value system starts with pagsasarili , or self-reliance, which is the prerequisite for any kind of moral responsibility ( Catechism for Filipino Catholics , 1997, #792;). Pagsasarili is the sense of developing oneself to become responsible (de la Costa,  1971 ) not only of oneself, but also of others. Pagsasarili , however, is quickly transcended in pakikisama . On the surface, pakikisama is about getting along with others ( Catechism for Filipino Catholics , 1997, #792; National Catechetical Directory of the Philippines , 1985, #28); more deeply, it is an authentic appreciation of being together, where unity and harmony are evident (Macaraan, 2019 ). There is also pakikiramay , or empathy, expressed in emotional mutual assistance when in need (Sarmiento, Sibug, Lumanlan, Bonus, & Samia, 2017 ). From pakikisama and pakikiramay develop pagkakaisa , or communal oneness (Lanaria, 2014 ). Above all, the umbrella term for all these Filipino values is pakikipagkapwa-tao , or being there for the other ( Catechism for Filipino Catholics , 1997, #792; New National Catechetical Directory of the Philippines , 2007, #40, #89), practicing solidarity in support of each other (Enriquez, 1992 ). In pakikipagkapwa-tao is an interpersonal behaviour which sees the other as another self.

Many Filipinos are aware that these values are the proper building blocks to a genuine community. Catholic Filipinos are frequently reminded by priests in homilies about how essential these values are in proclaiming God’s kingdom on earth. It is, therefore, through the practice of religion, in the context of the family, that these unique Filipino values are first developed and then honed (Gozum, 2020 ).

The Emergence of the COVID-19 Pandemic

The spread of the 2019 coronavirus disease (COVID-19), however, has put a halt to the conduct of these religious practices. Communal religious practices, by their very nature, promote social interaction since they involve mass gatherings. While participation in long-duration mass gatherings is beneficial to well-being (Tewari et al., 2012 ), joining religious gatherings involving masses of people may do more harm than good to one’s health and well-being (Wildman et al., 2020 ). According to the World Health Organization (WHO) ( 2020 ), the coronavirus disease, named COVID-19, is an “infectious disease caused by a newly discovered coronavirus” originating in Wuhan province in China. The virus has not been previously identified in humans (Ocampo & Yamagishi, 2020 ). It spreads primarily through salivary droplets or nasal discharges during coughing, sneezing or simple exhaling by an infected person. Any person can be infected when the virus is inhaled if one is within close proximity of an infected person. According to the Centers for disease control and prevention (CDC), transmission can also happen when a person touches a contaminated surface and makes contact with the mucous membranes on the face such as on the mouth, on the nose or on the eyes. This is because droplets and discharges which may contain the virus are not able to remain airborne and instead land on the floor and other surfaces surrounding the infected person (Singhal, 2020 ).

Though there are still debates on how the virus emerged, COVID-19 has been declared as a pandemic and has halted most forms of operations throughout the world, including religious practices. After the expiration of stay-at-home orders, various governments have enforced social distancing, alternatively known as physical distancing, which involves keeping a safe distance of about six feet, or approximately two metres, between oneself and people not from one’s household, in both indoor and outdoor spaces. With social distancing in full implementation, naturally, this would mean the inability of religious organizations to perform the usual religious practices which involve mass gatherings of people in small spaces in churches, mosques and temples (Baker et al., 2020 ).

The Philippine Government’s Response to the Pandemic

The Inter-agency task force (IATF) for the Management of Emerging infectious diseases (EID) in the Philippines convened in January 2020 to make recommendations in addressing the coronavirus pandemic. The IATF is mandated to assist those infected with the virus, minimize the entry of possible carriers in the country, and prevent the local spread of the virus in the country. Living up to its name, the IATF is chaired by the Department of Health, and composes of a majority of agencies which comprise the executive department of the Philippine government, including agriculture, finance, education, foreign affairs, communications, labour and employment, security, social welfare, tourism, transportation and others.

The IATF recommended community quarantine measures to curb the transmission of the virus. On 16 March 2020, the President imposed what was called an “Enhanced community quarantine” (ECQ) in the main island of Luzon, effectively a total lockdown. This involved the restriction of people’s movement except from necessity for work and health emergencies. Also, this mandated the temporary closure of what were considered as non-essential business and establishments, including churches. As the quarantines eased about two months after the lockdown, the IATF formulated a “Modified enhanced community quarantine” (MECQ), where church activities are limited to a gathering of 10 persons; then, a “General community quarantine” (GCQ), where venues for religious activities can be filled up to 30% of their capacity; and finally, a “Modified general community quarantine” (MGCQ), where seating capacity was allowed at 50%. More than a year later, the country saw a surge of COVID-19 cases in April, forcing the government to impose tighter restrictions to control mobility for another two weeks (Jalea, 2021 ).

Philippine Catholic Church’s Response to the Pandemic

In an effort to safeguard their members while still fulfilling their spiritual needs, the Catholic Church in the Philippines has religiously followed these government protocols. A circular letter by the Catholic bishops’ conference of the Philippines (CBCP) on 16 May 2020 issued recommendations and guidelines for liturgical celebrations amidst the quarantine protocols. The letter said that two ways have “emerged and become effective ministerial channels” (p. 1) during the quarantine: the use of social media through livestreamed and televised liturgy, and the liturgy with the faithful in attendance (Valles, 2020 ). Later, Church authorities cancelled processions, visits to cemeteries and other religious mass gatherings (Calleja, 2020b ). Archbishop Romulo Valles, CBCP President, echoed Pope Francis April 17 homily: “This is the Church in a difficult situation that the Lord is allowing, but the ideal of the Church is always with the people and with the sacraments—always” (Glatz, 2020 , n.p.). While the virus has stopped Filipinos from physically going to church, it has brought them new ways of promoting the Filipino values while practicing their faith which can never be taken away from them.

This paper, then, aims to understand the religious practices and Filipino values during the COVID-19 pandemic in the Philippine context. First, the paper presents Filipino religious practices before the COVID-19 pandemic; then, compared to the religious practices during the same pandemic. Finally, the paper looks into how Filipino values are recontextualized in relation to religious practices despite the need for social distancing during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Methodology

This qualitative study uses expository writing in the form of content analysis as its method. Expository writing is designed to explain a topic to give facts, explain ideas or define conditions to provide deeper insights to readers (Hubbard, 2012). Furthermore, as a method which analyzes data and interprets its meaning, the qualitative content analysis done in this paper involves three methods: preparation, organization, and reporting of results (Elo et al., 2014 ). In this process, to enhance the integrity of knowledge-building systematic reviews, the researchers made rigorous literature search processes on religion, Filipino values and the COVID-19 pandemic, as transparent as possible (Finfgeld-Connett & Johnson, 2013 ). The used documents in this paper were online journal articles downloaded from the world wide web through accessing electronic databases such as SCOPUS, EbscoHost, ProQuest Online, Google Scholar and other sources.

This study analyses values that are deeply embedded in Filipino culture in order to recontextualize them. Culture has both explicit and implicit characters (Nuncio et al., 2016 ). The explicit characters include the observable behaviours, symbols and rituals, such as the way people dress, the kind of food they eat, the way they express their beliefs. The implicit characteristics include a group of people’s underlying values and unwritten norms which guide people as to how to act appropriately (Miller, 2005 ). Considering this, even Filipinos who do not observe the health protocols and those who do not have the values under analysis in mind are still included in the recontextualization process. This interpretation and recontextualization of Filipino values are not accomplished only through positive evidence, but also by recognizing the negative, even contradicting, realities that permeate Filipino society.

Results & Discussion

Filipino religious practices before the covid-19 pandemic.

According to Vatican News (“Philippine Church releases logo for 500 years of Christianity”, 2019 ), the Philippines has about 81% of its estimated population of some 100 million identifying themselves as Catholics, considered to be the home to Asia’s largest Catholic population. The coming of the Spaniards during the early sixteenth century paved the way to the birth of Christianity in the country (del Castillo, 2015a , 2015b ). In fact, each barangay , or village, in the country honours a particular patron saint. In the northern part of the country, millions of devotees of the Black Nazarene flock the feast every 9 th of January. The festive celebration is called the traslacion , from the Spanish for transfer , the most massive procession in the country. The miraculous mid-eighteenth-century image of the suffering Christ, a dark-skinned, kneeling Jesus carrying the cross, is usually set in an all-day procession for public adoration brought by millions of barefooted devotees to and from the Minor Basilica of the Black Nazarene in Quiapo, Manila (Aguinaldo, 2002 ). Based on the numbers recorded from 2004–2014, a significant increase of 4,000%, from 300,000–12,000,000 devotees attended the yearly celebration (Guidaben, 2014 ). Because of the massive attendance in this feast, January 9 is declared as a holiday in the city of Manila, suspending work and classes in both public and private sectors (Aguilar, 2021 ). Meanwhile, the southern region of the country celebrates the Sinulog festival in honour of the Santo Niño or the Holy Child Jesus every third Sunday of January. This annual religious and cultural festival commemorates the historic background of the Filipinos in becoming Christians through Spanish colonialism from their indigenous animistic beliefs (Reyes, 1985 ). The recent festival held in 2019 reported at least 1.5 million devotees who joined the foot procession (Mayol & Mondragon, 2019 ) wherein all pilgrims repeatedly shout, “Viva Pit Señor!” , meaning “Hail Lord, listen to our prayers”. These two major religious festivities in the country go along with a nine-day preparation with the celebration of the Holy Eucharist—the novena Masses—with a big crowd awaiting the day of the celebration itself. Thus, the expression of communal faith of the Filipino people is in itself a manifestation of the constant need for social interaction.

The apostolic visits of Roman pontiffs in the country were also venues of social gathering and interaction among the Filipinos. So far, there have been three popes who have visited the Philippines, namely: Paul VI, John Paul II, and Francis. Undoubtedly, all their historic visits attracted public gatherings among Filipino Catholics. The second visit of the late John Paul II as a pope was in January 1995 to celebrate the 10 th World Youth Day. During his last day of visit, there were more than four million Filipinos who participated in the Mass of John Paul II (Medina & Antonio, 2014 ). This visit set the record as the largest papal crowd in history at that time. The coming of Francis to the country in January 2015, in the same place where John Paul II celebrated the Mass, broke the record. A Vatican official mentioned that Pope Francis’ Holy Mass in the Philippines surpassed the present record of the largest papal crowd in history, with an estimated 6 to 7 million Filipinos gathering in Manila (Pullella & Francisco, 2015 ). Despite the heavy rains, Filipinos managed to stay just to receive the papal blessing. Truly, papal visits, which rarely happen in the life of a Filipino, are social expressions of the communal faith of Filipinos.

Another form of public religious gathering in the country is the celebration of Misa de Gallo and Semana Santa . Misa de Gallo, or Simbang Gabi in Filipino, is an enduring religious tradition in the Philippines as a spiritual preparation for Christmas Day (Pateña, 2018 ). This famous Filipino pre-Christmas tradition begins on December 16 and ends on December 24, when massive hordes of faithful attend the nine-day dawn Masses. Despite being set in the wee hours of the morning, usually at 4o’clock, both the interiors and exteriors of churches are filled with Filipino Mass-goers, going in as entire families. Simbang Gabi is also recognized by Catholic Filipino communities who are living around the world because this Filipino tradition is a strong indication of the depth of Catholicism among the Filipino people (Mendiola, 2018 ). Similarly, the Simbang Gabi honours Inang Maria, or Mother Mary, highlighting her contribution in the history of salvation and emphasizes her important virtues in Filipino culture (Carbayas & del Castillo, 2020 ). In the Philippines today, the Misa de Gallo is celebrated for the perseverance of a nation in the Christian faith and the preservation of religion in the world.

After the Christmas season, the next most highlighted religious Filipino tradition is the observance of the Semana Santa —the Holy Week (Sarmiento et al., 2017 ). This occasion is just as special to Filipinos as Christmas is (Thomas, 2017 ). Semana Sanata is traditionally a solemn occasion and a time for serious atonement in the Philippines. Many Filipinos during Semana Santa observe religious practices as an expression of gratitude to God. Devout Filipino Catholics even go to church the entire Holy Week while observing fasting and abstinence. It begins with the celebration of Palm Sunday that commemorates the triumphant entry of Jesus Christ in Jerusalem, bringing their palaspas, palm fronds, to church to be blessed by the priest during the Mass. Then, they bring the blessed fronds back home with them. After the Palm Sunday celebration, the traditional Pasyon, the uninterrupted reading or chanting of verses about the suffering of Christ, starts, and ends on Holy Wednesday in most places. In some other parts of the country, however, the chanting of the Pasyon extends up to Good Friday, the day commemorating Jesus’ burial; those singing believe that they are accompanying the grieving mother of Jesus. Maundy Thursday, the day commemorating Jesus’ last supper with his disciples, is mostly celebrated by the Filipino community through Visita Iglesia wherein they visit at least seven churches’ altars of repositories, embellished with fresh and beautiful flowers, and the consecrated host as the showpiece. The most striking feature of holy week celebrations in the Philippines is observed every Good Friday. It is one of the holiest days in the country. In the morning, Filipino catholics, mostly barefooted, pray the way of the cross on Good Friday. Some Filipino penitents self-flagellate in public, a form of re-enactment of the suffering and death of Jesus. They whip their backs full of blood while others carry heavy wooden crosses along the streets. Provinces such as Pampanga and Nueva Ecija are famous for their flagellants who cover their faces with a white cotton hood with crowned thorns on their heads. Good Friday stages a re-enactment play— Senakulo, from the Spanish cenáculo – that depicts the story of life, passion, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. The dramatization is oftentimes held in a hilly area in the town, sometimes just within the church, where curious tourists could watch (Thomas, 2017 ). In San Pedro Cutud, a barangay in Pampanga, a popular expression of faith and religiosity happens every three in the afternoon of Good Friday—the ritual of nailing on the cross of some penitents who promise to do a sacrifice for their faith in the hopes of being rewarded by a divine response to their prayers (Tiatco & Bonifacio-Ramolete, 2008 ). This is witnessed by thousands of spectators from all over the country, even from abroad. On the evening of Good Friday, faithful gather for the long procession of life-sized statues of the Santo Entierro (dead Christ) and Mater Dolorosa (sorrowful mother) as a preparation for Black Saturday when Christ is buried and entombed. Filipinos spend the day preparing for the night vigil leading up to Easter Sunday—the resurrection of Christ. The holy week celebration in the Philippines is culminated by attending a salubong —literally welcoming—ceremony commemorating how the Blessed Virgin Mary met her son Jesus who has come back to life. This coincides with the Easter Sunday liturgy. The Semana Santa attracts not only Filipinos, but also a good number of tourists around the world to witness this long-standing tradition of the Filipinos (Table ​ (Table1 1 ).

Summary of recontextualization of Filipino values during the COVID-19 pandemic

Filipino religious practices are not celebrated alone. Faith, in the Filipino perspective, is more communal than personal. These religious events are manifestations of the Filipino community’s faith in God. Social gatherings are inseparable from the faith experiences of Filipinos.

What happens, now, when Filipinos are not allowed to gather to express their faith?

Filipino Religious Practices during the COVID-19 Pandemic

On 16 March 2020, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte imposed an enhanced community quarantine in the main island of Luzon to mitigate the spread of the coronavirus. With this, worship places for the diverse religions in the country were forced to close. As a preventive measure, instead of worship places being opened for the public, during the pandemic, religious services were held online (Meza, 2020 ). Quickly and efficiently, religious activities from the catholic Church, such as Masses, were now streamed through Facebook or YouTube so that the faithful can still attend such activities. These actions, which go towards virtualization and online contacts, are done by the Church because social distancing is required so that the transmission of COVID-19 will be lessened (Sulkowski & Ignatowski, 2020 ).

For this reason, the suspension of public gatherings changed the liturgical life of the Catholic Church since the usual physical participation in the church is prohibited (Corpuz & Sarmiento, 2021 ). Following this, the faithful are given an option to attend Masses at home by watching online. Even the World Health Organization proposed guidelines which require members of the Church to maintain physical distance, hold online celebrations, and prevent touching and kissing devotional or other objects (World Health Organization, 2020 ). Thus, this shift from physical to virtual celebrations is a collaborative effort for the Church and the government to curb the spread of the virus.

During the ECQ in the country, going outside one’s home, unless one is part of the skeletal workforce and healthcare, is strictly prohibited. This setup made one’s home as the place of worship since those who attend Masses are just at home participating in the online worship (Corpuz & Sarmiento, 2021 ). In fact, Valles proposed recommendations and guidelines on how the liturgical celebrations during the pandemic should be held. Valles ( 2020 ) accentuated that during this new setup, the use of social media and rediscovery of the domestic church has been the ways in which the Church can still fulfil the mission of evangelization. As an example, the Holy Father Francis live streamed from the Library of the Apostolic Palace last 7 March 2020 for the praying of the Angelus (Corpuz & Sarmiento, 2021 ). Hence, social media has been the primary platform for evangelization and liturgical celebrations during the ECQ.

Holy Week celebrations were also held online. Masses, retreats, and other practices were held virtually. Esmaquel ( 2020 , n.p.) states that “videos of how to make their own palaspas or palm fronds circulated in Catholic social media circles, while families prepared their makeshift altars and priests readied their laptops and webcams”. These videos that circulated online showed that the holy week is not an exemption to breach the quarantine protocols. Even the famous Visita Iglesia, the Lenten tradition to visit seven different churches on Maundy Thursday, and Pasyon, the uninterrupted chanting of the passion narrative of Jesus, were held online. In an article published in 2014, Paje ( 2014 , p. 32) reports that “the Visita Iglesia online featured 11 churches during the Lenten Season of 2013 which a devotee could “visit” through short video documentaries uploaded using youtube”. The idea that was discussed by Paje years ago regarding a website for visita iglesia became relevant and useful in celebrating the holy week during the ECQ. Several Facebook pages from different parishes and vicariates in the country posted photos of different parishes so that the faithful can visit them virtually. To support this practice, the CBCP launched a website so that, even while staying in the safety of their homes, the Catholic faithful can do a virtual church visit on Holy Thursday (Santos, 2020 ).

Apart from this, death and burial practices were also changed. Recognizing that death and burial practices are spiritual interventions by the Church, they must be done with strict compliance with the health protocols against COVID-19 (Sarmiento, 2021 ). Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the bereaved are to hold wakes for a shorter period of time. Also, the guidelines during the pandemic forced the families of the people who died—or suspectedly died—due to the coronavirus, to cremate the remains of their loved ones (Sarmiento, 2021 ). This change in practices clearly shows that the Church is sincere in collaborating with the government to lessen the spread of the virus. This is rooted in the willingness of the leaders of the Church so that they can contribute for the greater good during the pandemic (Sulkowski & Ignatowski, 2020 ).

Then, from 16 May 2020–1 June 2020, the government placed some provinces in GCQ and MGCQ. With this, those provinces that are under GCQ can let their churches accept churchgoers up to 30% of the seating capacity. On the other hand, those provinces that are under MGCQ can let their churches accept churchgoers up to 50% of the seating capacity. While attending Masses, churchgoers are required to maintain physical distance. Also, it was emphasized that churchgoers should follow the IATF guideline which prohibits the elderly, the young, the sick, and the children since they are outside the allowed age range to go out of their houses (Valles, 2020 ). Moreover, live streamed and televised Masses are encouraged to be continued so that the faithful will not be urged to go out of their homes just to fulfil their church obligation. Meanwhile, in regard with the priest and lay ministers, the CBCP recommended that they should wash and sanitize their hands before and after each celebration, wear face masks always, practice social distancing in the sanctuary, and limit lectors, altar servers, and choir members to a minimal number (Valles, 2020 ).

In addition, all church goers must always wear face masks and face shields. Markers should be provided by the church so that the faithful can maintain the allowed distance while seating. Moreover, the CBCP recommends augmenting the schedule of Masses to lessen the number of attendees in each Mass (Valles, 2020 ). Also, the entry and exit points should be well supervised by ushers so that physical distancing will be maintained. To further supervise the proper protocols at the entry and exit points, thermal scanners, foot baths, and hand sanitizers should be provided. In regards with the offertory and preparation of gifts, the CBCP recommends that “a deacon (if present) or a server may bring the missal, chalice, paten/ciborium, and cruets of wine and water to the altar, while the priest remains at the chair. (Alternatively, the priest could do this himself.) After the deacon or servers move away, the priest could come to the altar and arrange the items on the altar. The lavabo should be done by the priest alone, without assistance, at the credence table near the altar” (Valles, 2020 ). For the collection, long-handled baskets could only be acceptable if the ushers can remain at a suitable distance from others (Valles, 2020 ). If not available, designated boxes or collection points should be provided so that social distancing can be observed.

Apart from these, the Holy Communion will only be distributed on the hand so that the faithful will not remove their face masks while receiving the body of Christ. However, as long as they are in an accepted distance, they are asked to consume the sacramental bread immediately. To ensure the safety of those who will receive communion, the eucharistic ministers should wear face masks and sanitize their hands before distribution of Holy Communion (Valles, 2020 ). Also, tapes should be placed on the floor to indicate the proper spacing between the people so that they will be properly guided while standing in line. Moreover, holding of hands during the Lord’s prayer and shaking of hands during the sign of peace are to be prohibited (Valles, 2020 ). Lastly, proper disinfection of the place of worship should be done before and after the Mass.

For the rite of baptism, the CBCP recommends that the attendees inside the church should be limited to immediate family members and to one or two godparents (Valles, 2020 ). While attending baptism, the people inside the church should always wear face masks and face shields and observe social distancing. Also, the baptismal water should be clean and blessed, while the holy oils should be applied, using cotton, on the one being baptized (Valles, 2020 ). The used cotton with holy oils should be burned immediately after the celebration. As for the rite of confirmation, the confirmation Mass for the year can be foregone except for those who will be married. If this is the case, the parish priest should be the one to administer the sacrament. Apart from this, weddings will be simpler because of the required social distancing. The secondary elements of the wedding ceremony will be foregone. Only the bride and the groom, the parents of the couple, and one set of sponsors are to be present in the ceremony (Valles, 2020 ). Because confession requires a face-to-face meeting between the confessor and the penitent, it is preferable that they be heard outdoors, where there is better circulation of air and additional space for safe distance (Valles, 2020 ). Also, it is highly recommended that the Oratio Imperata against COVID-19 be prayed after communion. The Mass in Time of Pandemic, a plea “for God's mercy and gift of strength in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic” (Wooden, 2020 ), can also be celebrated.

Additionally, since Catholicism in the country is known for festive events, such as fiestas , parishes are asked to not hold any celebration. Instead of processions in which many people attend, images of Jesus, Mary, and saints will have a motorcade. This is done while the faithful prayerfully wait for the motorcades of devotional images pass-by. Some of the events that were affected by the pandemic were the annual re-enactment of the coronation of the blessed Virgin Mary in her title “ Virgen De Los Remedios” in the province of Pampanga every September 8 (Manabat, 2020 ), the annual feast of Our Lady of Penafrancia in Bicol region, and the many feast day celebrations in various villages and towns especially during the month of May. Instead of the usual celebration wherein thousands of devotees attend, these events were streamed on Facebook and broadcasted on TV and radio stations. To add, the simbang gabi and Christmas Eve Mass were live streamed while those who attended physically followed the safety protocols and guidelines released by the CBCP.

Moreover, a more famous feast in the country affected by the pandemic is the feast of the Black Nazarene. This event usually gathers millions of attendees in Manila yearly. For the celebration, the Quiapo Church has instilled a 400-person cap for each of the 15 masses that will take place on the January 9 feast, which means only 6,000 will be able to attend services inside the church (Catholic News Agency 2021). This is the allowed number of attendees because Manila was still under GCQ by then. To aid those who were not able to enter the church, large screens outside the church were displayed. Also, instead of kissing the statue, a practice also known as pahalik , attendees were able to venerate and pray with the statue, which was visible on the church’s balcony (“Attendance limited at Black Nazarene Masses in Philippines”, 2021 ). To add, smaller images were suggested to be brought by the attendees instead of the usual large replicas. Even though the feast was still celebrated, the traslacion , the yearly 19–24 h procession, was cancelled.

The following actions by the Catholic Church were done so that the transmission of COVID-19 will be mitigated. However, with this setup, the experience and values that the people gain from attending religious practices might have changed. With this, the next part of this paper tackles a recontextualization of Filipino values in religious practices during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Recontextualizing Filipino Values during the COVID-19 Pandemic

An individual’s decision-making regarding their social mobility during the pandemic is highly influenced by cultural traits such as religious practices and values (Deopa & Forunato, 2020 ). “[C]ulture is seen as a connection to each individual, and it expresses the collective sense of the behaviour of people which in return this behaviour contributes to spreading or suppressing the COVID-19 virus” (Lagman et al.,  2021 ). So, how can Filipino values and religious practices be understood during the COVID-19 pandemic?

The value of pagsasarili , or self-reliance, was manifested during the early days of the pandemic. When there was little information about the virus and how it was transmitted, Filipinos were quick to follow stay-at-home orders by the government. Through this, Filipinos were, to a certain extent, forced to rely on their ingenuity in terms of satisfying their basic needs, ranging from physical to social. Pagsasarili is also expressed in quarantining at home. In these early days of darkness, Filipinos’ religious and spiritual needs were fulfilled through attendance in the Holy Mass live streamed on social media platforms. Pagsasarili is also when the faithful’s involvement in the liturgy was transformed from a communal church service to a house church (Corpuz & Sarmiento, 2021 ). What was supposed to be a communal celebration in the flesh, in the actual presence of the faithful, turned into a virtual ceremony in the spirit. For the priest, there was no visible congregation; for the congregation, there was only the priest, and a few select individuals such as readers and sacristans. Unusual, but Filipinos carried on, for they recognized that pagsasarili is also the foundation for any moral responsibility (Catechism for Filipino Catholics, 1997 , #792). To practice pagsasarili , therefore, means taking responsibility for any spread or transmission of the virus, and the most morally responsible action to avoid any of this is to stay at home.

Transcending pagsasarili as quarantine protocols relaxed, Filipinos were allowed to go out of their homes, but were frequently reminded to follow minimum health protocols. During the pandemic, pakikisama as getting along with others has been translated into wearing of face masks and face shields, and frequent hand washing and sanitation. Whether in the workplace or in restaurants, one cannot get along with another without the necessary protection from the virus. In church, pakikisama is expressed in the avoidance of kissing and touching of sacred images. Pakikisama is taking time and effort to fill-in contact tracing forms and having one’s temperature checked; some parishes have utilized technology such as QR (Quick response) codes in tracking the flow of worshippers. In welcoming the congregation, church administrators have ensured the disinfection of the place of worship. On a higher level, pakikisama is the genuine appreciation of togetherness. Filipinos are a highly sociable people. So, when each person is considered as a potential carrier of the virus, there can be no genuine appreciation of togetherness without the proper health protection. One cannot focus on the practice of one’s faith if the other is without proper protection.

For Filipinos, getting along means maintaining interpersonal relationship both in good times and in bad; hence, there is pakikiramay , or mutual assistance in various forms. As the quarantine protocols went on, more and more Filipinos became unemployed (de Vera, 2020 ), with families going hungry. The Filipino value of pakikiramay was evidently at play as various religious organizations rapidly provided emergency supplies such as food, clothing, and cash (Calleja, 2020a ). Some relief responses during the pandemic were organized by private individuals, but most were coordinated with the social action centres of parish churches or dioceses. Termed as ayuda , from the Spanish help , donations both in the form of cash and goods flowed freely from donor to beneficiary, with parish churches acting as mere passages for distribution, while also integrating its own contributions. Especially in the midst of a world crisis, the Catholic Church in the Philippines again proved to be a trustworthy agent of human generosity. The spirit of pakikiramay brought both food and hope to the Filipino dining table. Caritas Manila, the social action arm of the Archdiocese of Manila, distributed gift certificates which can be used to buy food and other basic needs (Patinio, 2021 ). In pakikisama and pakikiramay is pagkakaisa , or communal oneness, in times of plenty and paucity. One concrete example of pagkakaisa was the emergence of community pantries which are the results of the efforts of concerned citizens to meet the primary needs of people (Gozum et al., 2021 ), such as food and hygiene essentials (del Castillo & Maravilla, 2021 ).

Finally, there is the overarching principle of pakikipagkapwa-tao that pulls together all these Filipino values. In pakikipagkapwa-tao is the ultimate cultural value since it shapes an individual’s shared identity where the self and the other become one (Sapitula, 2013 ). The primary basis for individuality, then, is not only in one’s self-reflection, but also in one’s regard for the other. Additionally, pakikipagkapwa-tao has a reflexive nature in the sense that what is good for oneself is good for the other and, therefore, shared; in parallel, what is detrimental for one is also accepted as detrimental for the other (Enriquez, 1992 ). Therefore, in the context of religious practices during the COVID-19 pandemic, pakikipagkapwa-tao can be understood as social distancing, as simply keeping a healthy and necessary separation between each other in order to avoid viral transmission. Filipinos have a high level of sensitivity to the quality and nature of their interpersonal relationships since much of their happiness and security come from these. They are a religious people. It is in their nature to desire to engage in religious practices as much as possible, while at the same time ensuring the observance of the two-metre separation, thereby helping curb the transmission of the virus. During the pandemic, the relationship between sarili , the self, and kapwa , the other, exists in an empty, “socially distanced”, space. Paradoxically, it is this distance that connects the self with the other. It is in this empty space—that which is inherently intangible, but when shared becomes tangible—where pakikipagkapwa-tao lies.

Filipino culture and the Catholic faith are deeply intertwined. Even prior to the Christianization of the Philippines, early traditional Filipino religion practiced by natives shared similar religious constructs with Catholicism (del Castillo, 2015a , 2015b ). The natives, however, were confronted with a foreign culture and religious tradition, giving way to the misappropriation of faith. To authentically send the message of the Gospel, “the Church [must establish] in such a way that it [the Gospel] makes sense to the people’s local cultural context. It is necessary for Christianity to meet the people’s deepest needs and penetrate their worldview” (F. A. del Castillo, 2015a , 2015b ). Similarly, today, there is a need to recontextualize. Filipinos face the need to understand the importance of religious practices during the pandemic, while at the same time making sense of Filipino values in the current situation, for these values are in consonance with their Catholic faith.

The Filipino values of pagsasarili , pakikisama , pakikiramay , pagkakaisa and pakikipagkapwa-tao lead to an experience of kagandahang-loob , a culturally appropriated term referring to God’s “gracious goodness” (de Mesa, 1988 ). From a Filipino lens, God’s identity is revealed through a person’s own kagandahang-loob , interpreted as the “goodness and benevolence that arises from the very core of one’s personhood” (de Mesa, 1988 ). Filipinos have a high regard for the other, as evidenced by these values, since the kapwa , the other, reflects the goodness of God. Ultimately, there is nothing unique in how Filipinos find their values as motivations to do good, nor in how Filipinos faced the pandemic. What is to be pointed out, however, is that Filipino religious practices and Filipino values are so closely intertwined that an understanding of both, and their relationship, is necessary and crucial to a strong Filipino response to the COVID-19 pandemic.

The Philippine Catholic Church is well known for the grand festivities and mass gatherings. In some parishes in the country, different individuals devote themselves to daily Masses, rosary, and novenas. On Sundays, churches are known to be full since the faithful attend Mass together with their families as part of their Sunday obligations. However, the sudden outbreak of COVID-19 altered the way Catholics attend their usual expressions of their religiosity. Because of the ECQ, instead of participating in Holy Masses and other religious gatherings physically, they attend virtually through the aid of technology. Attending Masses, praying the rosary, and praying novenas are done through Facebook and YouTube live streams. In this manner, even though the faithful are in the comforts of their homes, they can still fulfil their obligation and devotion in their faith.

When the IATF shifted quarantine measures from ECQ–MGCQ, attending Masses physically was allowed but with strict restrictions on the number of attendees and implementation of safety measures. Parishes whose province is under MGCQ strictly followed and observed the safety protocols of IATF. This cooperation between the Philippine Catholic Church and the government was an avenue for both institutions to lessen the transmission of COVID-19. However, the question remains: with social distancing during religious practices, can Filipinos still have a grounded understanding of their values? Filipinos need to redeem their cultural values to re-appropriate the Christian values brought to them by their western colonizers, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic. It is through a recontextualization of these values that Filipinos are able to assert their cultural and religious identity.

Due to the lockdown, Filipinos showed the value of pagsasarili. This is evident during the initial stages of the community quarantine wherein they relied solely on themselves. Even when attending religious celebrations, they are at home isolated from other people outside. Though this value seems selfish at first glance, it is really being selfless at the same time. Staying at home and isolating oneself from others is, therefore, the most morally responsible action so that one does not contribute to the spread of the coronavirus. Even as quarantine protocols relaxed, the value of pakikisama was proven by following the necessary health practices.

Apart from these, the Filipino value of pakikiramay was experienced during the pandemic. Pakikiramay was expressed through giving aid to the poor and the sick. The Philippine Catholic Church also showed this value when they provided programs to aid those who are greatly affected by the pandemic. These actions showed pakikiisa or unity among Filipinos. Also, the value of pakikipagkapwa-tao was proven strong by Filipinos since they became responsible towards one another during the pandemic. Social distancing, even though difficult at first, became the avenue for Filipinos to practice the value of pakikipagkapwa-tao. In attending Masses, following the safety measures and protocols before, during and after the mass is the Filipino expression of pakikipagkapwa-tao.

Lastly, these values are all rooted in the human person’s kagandahang-loob, which is their innate goodness. As a country filled with people inclined towards religion, Filipinos showed their goodness during the pandemic by becoming responsible citizens. In these religious practices they participate in, Filipinos do their best to show their goodness by maintaining social distancing and following safety protocols. During the pandemic, the Filipinos highly manifest the values of pakikisama , pakikiramay and pagkakaisa not only through physical distancing, but also by concretely reaching out to those in need amidst the fear of infections. The religiosity of the people is a lived experience of God’s kagandahang-loob .

This study analysed values that are deeply embedded in Filipino culture in order to recontextualize them. Even Filipinos who do not observe the health protocols and those who do not have the values under analysis in mind are still included in the recontextualization process. This interpretation and recontextualization of Filipino values are not accomplished only through positive evidence, but also by recognizing the negative, even contradicting, realities that permeate Filipino society. Looking at these values, one realizes how flexible and multi-dimensional they are in certain contexts or situations. The pandemic showed that Filipino values, no matter how distant people are with one another, will always be lived because they are at the core of every Filipino. Ultimately, in religious practices and values, Filipinos show that there is still hope amidst the pandemic.

Authors’ Contribution

All authors contributed to all aspects of the paper.

No funding was received from this paper.

Declaration

The authors declare no conflict of interest in this paper.

The paper is compliant with ethical standard as it does not involve human or animal subjects.

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Contributor Information

Joseph Renus F. Galang, Email: [email protected] .

Jose Ma W. Gopez, Email: [email protected] .

Ivan Efreaim A. Gozum, Email: [email protected] .

Philip Joseph D. Sarmiento, Email: hp.ude.uah@otneimrasjp .

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Information Behavior and Filipino Values: An Exploratory Study

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This sought to determine whether Filipino values play a role in how the respondents sought, used, created and disseminated information. It gathered data on how they used information in the context of social media – whether they are active information seekers or passive information browsers; along with how identified Filipino values or characteristics are reflected. Findings show that the respondents appreciate various information sources – both online and offline, have various social media accounts and find use for each depending on the need and context, they are online most of the time and are informationally dependent. The values of hiya, gaya - gaya and pagkakaibigan reflect on their SNS use, what information to share and how they relate with their online and offline friends and relations.

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At the UP SLIS, the MLIS accommodates non-graduates of BLIS and a plan is so designed for them to be able to take the LLE.

Paraprofessionals are those working in the library without license to practice librarianship (i.e. clerks, technicians etc.).

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Obille, K.L.B. (2018). Information Behavior and Filipino Values: An Exploratory Study. In: Chowdhury, G., McLeod, J., Gillet, V., Willett, P. (eds) Transforming Digital Worlds. iConference 2018. Lecture Notes in Computer Science(), vol 10766. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78105-1_57

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A PHILOSOPHICAL REVIEW OF FILIPINO VALUES: AMBIVALENT VALUES (24th WCP 2018 Conf. Paper in China)

Filipino values embody the Filipino culture and reveal its underlying philosophy. Coherence in a value system is a presumed healthy sign, both at the individual and social level. In this essay, we employ an expository and reflective analysis of Filipino values, starting with those ambivalent in application. It is the task of philosophy to review values as part of critically examining the most fundamental assumptions that underlie our lives. To improve and develop society, philosophers must be able to promote mindfulness of both positive and negative value implications. By offering holistic and alternative views of Filipino values, philosophers can positively influence the maturation of the Filipino culture and philosophy. The Filipino family, being the most primal and most stable institution in the Philippine society, must be included in projects promoting a more coherent value system.

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Marvin R. Soriano

It cannot be denied that values system greatly impacts society. Much has been said about how the way a group of people feel, think, and behave is highly affected by a set of values system that allow them to make a sense of their world and frame their specific objectives and actions. Values gives meaning to our actions; and likewise, our actions, in the greater scheme of things, are motivated and driven by values that we hold and cherish. The Filipino is an individual which is bounded by such system of traditional values. They shape his character, frame his understanding, and define his actions. Whether positively or negatively, much of our cherished values define the way we relate with other people and the larger society.

Carole Diamante

Juan Rafael Macaranas

Philippine history would explain how different countries and peoples came on the Philippine shores in varied historical periods: Negritoes, Malay, Hindu, Chinese, Spaniards, Americans, Japanese, and now Koreans. As a result, Filipino culture, traditions and values became a unique and dynamic set of indigenous and contextualized traditions and values brought in by different cultures. Some philosophers said that the authentic Filipino philosophy became obscured, confused, if not erased. More recently, there has been more confident and definite characterization of it. Many believe more work is needed to fully capture the Filipino philosophy. This paper is my beginner’s reflective piece as I join the now growing efforts to articulate the Filipino Philosophy. I will employ a narrative and reflective survey of the still young literature on Filipino Philosophy. I encourage philosophers and other scholars to take conscious and active effort in sustaining research on Filipino philosophy. Philosophy need to continually document and attempt to capture the essence of Filipino philosophy in Filipino traditions, lifestyle, writings and values, towards developing unifying thoughts. Philosophers, together with other scholars, must provide holistic views of the Filipino culture to push for the maturation of the nation’s identity and philosophy.

Jaime Alfredo Cabrera

This paper discusses the articulation of Filipino philosophy as well as the foundations, development, and influences of modern philosophy in the context of the established canons of Western philosophical tradition. Philosophies are beliefs of being, doing, and relating; ideas that are established enough to be observable as consistent and stable behavioral phenomena over time. Modern Filipino philosophy refers to shared beliefs in ways of doing, being, and relating that are observable between 1946 and 1994 as behaviors among the cultures and subgroups of the Philippine Archipelago, including Filipinos who are working or living overseas. This paper presents elements of philosophical articulation of native Filipino thought. The paper answers three research questions. (1) What is Filipino philosophy? (2) How did modern philosophy begin and develop? (3) How can modern philosophy influence Filipino philosophy? The debate in literature is that Filipino philosophy is at its nascent stage, originating from folk wisdom, religion, and contacts with foreign cultures; extant as philosophic acts, beliefs, or mind-sets but never formally articulated according to the canons of the dominant philosophic tradition and; is continually reshaped by technological, scientific, and significant historical events that elicit strong or deep feelings and reactions throughout the country. Older thought patterns and behaviors are preserved by traditional circles and conservative environments but changes continue. Meanwhile, for global understanding, the need to articulate modern Filipino philosophical thought in ways that can be clearly understood by other cultures is increasingly urgent. This paper presents some tools and approaches to help meet the challenges of articulating modern Filipino philosophy: (a) articulating native philosophical thought in oral tradition, folk wisdom, and indigenous literature in accordance with the world‘s established canons of philosophical tradition; (2) developing precise and succinct native vocabulary to parallel the vocabulary of the dominant philosophical tradition; (3) identifying national philosophic thought and principles from events that elicit nationwide emotion and create behavior patterns observable throughout the country over a significant period of time; (4) deducing philosophical notions from patterns in linguistic elements common in speech and texts among the nation‘s various languages; and (5) identifying philosophic trigger points in the nation‘s history that have and can shape the development of philosophic thought.

Lowel J Domocmat

Kaisipan 1 (1)

Rolando M Gripaldo

Contrary to what skeptics believed, there is Filipino philosophy in the Western traditional sense that should be distinguished from ethnophilosophy or cultural philosophy. This paper tries to elucidate this philosophical development by identifying the Western model of philosophizing, by clarifying the meaning of “Filipino philosophy,” by giving examples from the history of Filipino philosophers, and by mentioning the significance and prospects of Filipino philosophizing.

Jeremiah Lasquety-Reyes

This is an introduction to a Filipino virtue ethics which is a relationship-oriented virtue ethics. The concepts to be discussed are the result of the unique history of the Philippines, namely a Southeast Asian tribal and animist tradition mixed with a Spanish Catholic tradition for over three-hundred years. Filipino virtue ethics is based on two foundational concepts in Filipino culture. The first is loób, which can easily be misunderstood when literally translated into English as “inside” but which is better translated as “relational will,” and the second is kapwa, which is literally translated as “other person” but is better understood as “together with the person.” These serve as pillars for a special collection of virtues (kagandahang-loób, utang-na-loób, pakikiramdam, hiya, lakas-ng-loób/bahala na) which are not individualistic virtues in the same way as most of the cardinal virtues of the Western tradition (i.e., prudence, justice, temperance and fortitude) but are all directed towards the preservation and strengthening of human relationships. This introduction to a Filipino virtue ethics is articulated and organized through a dialogue with Aristotelian-Thomistic virtue ethics.

B. Moreno Bragas

This year marks the 500 years of Christianity in the Philippines. Thus, the legacies of historic Christian mission and colonialism is highly regarded as monumental to Philippine history. The theological ethics of Christianity permeated in the Filipino people's lives indeed. In this paper, however, I argue that the known Filipino values need not be totally despised as scornful traits when it is rightly understood in the utterance of virtuous Filipinos. In fact in order for the Filipino to experience authentic Christian transformation, all our values need to be the stimuli of our actions and convictions, as these may be aligned to character formation that need to be enhanced through habituation in its right manifestation. In the first section, I will briefly survey the known Filipino values and highlight the negative implications that effectuated in a Filipino and the society at large. I shall also discuss in the next section a misconception in Evangelical theology that human beings are naturally sinful, thereby making all its faculties flawedeven that of the Filipino traits. In ending, I will synthesize the Filipino Value System and Christian Theological Ethics.

Dan Boragay

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THE CONCEPT OF UTANG NA LOOB IN THE PHILIPPINES: UTANG NA LOOB SCALE

Asst. Prof. Geselle Manguiat, RPm, RPsy | Angelo Miguel Gundran | John Rovin Manalo | Pauline Anne Soriano | Rance Louise Cagsawa |

April 16, 2021 Psychology

The Filipino value of Utang na Loob refers to an obligation to appropriately repay a person who has done one a favor. This value is impossible to quantify as it involves a deep personal and internal dimension. In Filipino Psychology, value equates to the concept of “kapwa”— a shared personhood or shared self. In this paper, the researchers aim to measure how much individuals are willing to give back or demonstrate their appreciation based on their Utang na Loob. This Filipino value is divided into five dimensions: 1) Closeness, 2) Obligation, 3) Reciprocity, 4) Respect, and 5) Obligation. These dimensions are then used as a guideline to form the questionnaire. Keywords: Utang na Loob, Closeness, Obligation, Reciprocity, Respect, and Obligation

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60+ Innovative And Interesting Filipino Psychology Research Topics For Students In 2023

Filipino psychology encapsulates the unique cultural perspectives, values, and indigenous practices within the Philippines, shaping an identity distinct from Western psychological frameworks. It delves into the collective experiences, socio-cultural norms, and ancestral wisdom deeply embedded in Filipino society. Understanding Filipino psychology involves exploring its rich heritage, including the concepts of kapwa (shared identity) and pakikipagkapwa (relating to others).

Studying Filipino psychology holds immense significance in fostering cultural identity, mental health awareness, and community well-being. This blog aims to delve into the nuances of this field, guiding readers on selecting research topics, offering tips for successful research completion, and addressing challenges in the domain. Stay tuned with us to unearth a diverse array of innovative Filipino psychology research topics crucial for students in 2023, illuminating various facets of Filipino cultural psychology.

What Is Filipino Psychology?

Table of Contents

Filipino Psychology is all about understanding the way Filipinos think, feel, and behave based on their unique culture and traditions. It explores how people in the Philippines view the world, interact with others, and handle life’s challenges. This field focuses on the Filipino way of understanding the mind, emotions, and behavior, which might be different from what other cultures believe or practice.

It looks at the values, beliefs, and customs deeply rooted in Filipino society and how these shape individuals’ thoughts and actions. Filipino Psychology also emphasizes concepts like kapwa, which means recognizing the shared identity among people, and pakikipagkapwa, which refers to building harmonious relationships with others. This branch of psychology aims to uncover the distinct aspects of the Filipino mindset, highlighting the importance of cultural understanding in studying human behavior and mental processes.

Importance Of Studying Filipino Psychology

Here are some importance of studying filipino psychology: 

1. Cultural Understanding

Studying Filipino Psychology helps in understanding the unique beliefs, values, and behaviors of Filipinos. It gives insight into how culture shapes thoughts, emotions, and actions, allowing people from other backgrounds to appreciate and respect the Filipino way of life.

2. Community Well-being

Understanding Filipino Psychology aids in promoting mental health awareness within Filipino communities. By recognizing and acknowledging cultural influences on mental health, it becomes easier to develop culturally sensitive approaches for providing support and interventions.

3. Social Harmony

Exploring Filipino Psychology fosters the development of harmonious relationships among individuals. Concepts like kapwa and pakikipagkapwa emphasize the importance of interconnectedness and building positive connections, contributing to a more cohesive and compassionate society.

4. Identity Preservation

It helps in preserving and celebrating the unique identity and heritage of the Filipino people. By studying their psychology, it validates the importance of Filipino values, traditions, and indigenous knowledge systems.

5. Global Perspective

Studying Filipino Psychology offers a diverse perspective in the field of psychology, enriching the global understanding of human behavior. It contributes to a more inclusive and comprehensive approach to studying and addressing psychological phenomena across cultures.

How To Choose A Research Topic In Filipino Psychology?

Here are some simple steps on how to choose the Filpino psychology research topics:

1. Personal Interest

Select a research topic that genuinely interests you within Filipino Psychology. Consider topics related to Filipino culture, values, or societal aspects that captivate your curiosity, ensuring your engagement and enthusiasm throughout the research process.

2. Cultural Significance

Focus on topics that hold cultural significance within the Filipino context. Explore issues, behaviors, or phenomena deeply rooted in Filipino society, contributing to a better understanding of their culture and psychology.

3. Social Impact

Choose a research topic that has the potential to make a positive impact on Filipino communities. Look for areas where research findings could benefit mental health, community well-being, or promote cultural understanding and harmony.

4. Relevance and Timeliness

Opt for topics that are relevant and timely in Filipino Psychology. Consider current issues or gaps in knowledge that need exploration or further understanding, ensuring your research contributes meaningfully to the field.

5. Feasibility and Resources

Assess the feasibility of researching your chosen topic within available resources. Consider access to data, literature, and support necessary for conducting the research effectively while staying within your limitations.

In this section we will provide 60+ innovative and interesting filipino psychology research topics for students:

Cultural Psychology

• Impact of colonial mentality on Filipino identity.
• Understanding indigenous Filipino concepts of self and identity.
• Influence of Filipino cultural values on mental health perceptions.
• Acculturation experiences of Filipino immigrants.
• Cultural influences on Filipino parenting styles.
• The role of spirituality in Filipino mental health practices.

Mental Health

• Barriers to mental health care accessibility in rural Filipino communities.
• Stigma surrounding mental health issues in the Philippines.
• Psychological effects of natural disasters on Filipino communities.
• Mental health challenges faced by Filipino Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs).
• Prevalence and impact of depression and anxiety among Filipino youth.
• Cultural adaptations in psychotherapy for Filipinos.

Social Psychology

• Filipino concepts of pakikisama (getting along) and its impact on social relationships.
• Filipino youth’s mental health is impacted by social media.
• Perception of beauty standards and body image among Filipinos.
• Impact of social support networks on Filipino mental health.
• Filipino concepts of hiya (shame) and its role in social interactions.
• Social identity and group dynamics in Filipino communities.

Indigenous Psychology

• Exploration of Filipino indigenous healing practices.
• Traditional Filipino approaches to conflict resolution.
• Understanding Filipino indigenous concepts of wellness.
• Preservation of indigenous Filipino knowledge in modern psychology.
• Indigenous Filipino perspectives on well-being and happiness.
• Interplay between modern psychology and indigenous healing practices in the Philippines.

Developmental Psychology

• Influence of family dynamics on the development of Filipino children.
• Impact of migration on the psychological development of Filipino youth.
• Parenting practices and their effects on Filipino adolescents.
• Cultural influences on Filipino adolescent identity formation.
• Role of education in shaping Filipino children’s psychological well-being.
• Psychological challenges faced by Filipino children with OFW parents.

Clinical Psychology

• Assessment of culturally sensitive interventions for Filipino individuals with trauma.
• Filipino approaches to coping with grief and loss.
• Understanding Filipino perspectives on mental health stigma in clinical settings.
• Effectiveness of culturally adapted therapies for Filipino clients.
• Mental health help-seeking behavior among Filipinos.
• Filipino interpretations of psychological disorders and their treatments.

Gender and Sexuality

• Understanding LGBTQ+ experiences in Filipino culture.
• Gender roles and their impact on mental health in the Philippines.
• Traditional beliefs about masculinity and femininity in Filipino society.
• Intersectionality of gender and culture in Filipino psychology.
• Sexual health perceptions and practices among Filipino youth.
• Challenges faced by transgender individuals in the Philippines.

Organizational Psychology

• Work-related stressors among Filipino employees.
• Filipino leadership styles and their impact on organizational behavior.
• Cross-cultural communication challenges in Filipino workplaces.
• Workplace well-being initiatives in Filipino companies.
• Impacts of cultural values on employee motivation in the Philippines.
• Organizational strategies to promote mental health awareness among Filipino workers.

Positive Psychology

• Filipino perspectives on happiness and life satisfaction.
• Cultivating resilience in Filipino communities.
• Traditional Filipino practices that promote psychological well-being.
• Exploring Filipino concepts of gratitude and its effects on mental health.
• Positive youth development programs in the Philippines.
• Role of optimism in coping with adversity in Filipino culture.

Environmental Psychology

• Psychological connections between Filipinos and the natural environment.
• Impact of urbanization on the mental health of Filipinos.
• Community responses to environmental crises in the Philippines.
• Relationship between eco-awareness and psychological well-being in the Philippines.
• Indigenous ecological wisdom and its influence on Filipino psychology.
• Sustainable living practices and their psychological effects on Filipinos.
• Coping mechanisms and psychological resilience in the face of environmental disasters in the Philippines.

Tips For Successfully Completing The Filipino Psychology Research

Here are some tips for completing the filipino psychology research:

Tip 1: Structured Planning 

Break down the research process into smaller tasks with deadlines. Create a timeline outlining each step, from literature review to data collection, analysis, and writing, to manage your time effectively and efficiectly and stay on track throughout the project.

Tip 2: Clear Research Question 

Define a clear and specific research question in Filipino Psychology. Ensure your question is focused, achievable, and aligned with the scope of your study, guiding your research direction and methodology effectively.

Tip 3: Methodical Approach

Choose appropriate research methods and techniques tailored to your topic in Filipino Psychology. Consistently follow these methods, maintain organized records, and validate your findings to ensure credibility and accuracy in your research.

Tip 4: Seek Guidance

Regularly consult with mentors, professors, or experts in Filipino Psychology. Their feedback and guidance can offer valuable insights, refine your approach, and address any challenges or uncertainties you encounter during the research process.

Tip 5: Revision and Review

Review and revise your work diligently. Pay attention to details, refine your arguments, and ensure coherence in your writing. Seek feedback from teachers to improve the quality of your research before submission.

• Mental Health Research Topics
• Neuroscience Research Topics

Challenges Face In Filipino Psychology Research Topics And Overcome Techniques 

In Filipino psychology research, scholars encounter specific challenges that affect their progress. Understanding these hurdles is crucial for devising effective strategies to overcome them. Here are some of the challenges faced in Filipino psychology research topics and techniques to surmount them:

1. Cultural Sensitivity and Context

Balancing cultural nuances and context-specific elements within research design and interpretation poses a challenge due to the diverse nature of the Filipino culture and its regional differences.

Overcome Technique

• Engage with local communities for insights.
• Collaborate with native researchers for deeper understanding.
• Adopt a reflexive approach to acknowledge biases and cultural influences.

2. Limited Resources and Funding

Restrictions in financial support and resources hinder the comprehensive exploration of topics, limiting the scope and depth of research.

• Seek alternative funding sources like grants and fellowships.
• Collaborate with institutions or researchers with available resources.
• Optimize existing resources through collaborations and sharing.

3. Language Barriers

Navigating research literature in multiple languages, especially local dialects and Filipino languages , poses a challenge in accessing relevant information and incorporating it into studies.

• Utilize translation tools and services.
• Collaborate with bilingual researchers or translators.
• Develop language skills through courses or workshops.

4. Ethical Considerations and Indigenous Knowledge

Respecting and incorporating indigenous knowledge and ethical guidelines while conducting research can be complex, requiring sensitivity and adherence to ethical standards.

• Establish ethical review boards for guidance.
• Involve indigenous communities in the research process.
• Adopt a participatory approach to ensure ethical representation.

5. Limited Published Literature

Scarcity of published materials specific to Filipino psychology can impede the development of comprehensive literature reviews and comparative analyses.

• Expand search parameters beyond traditional databases.
• Encourage and support local research publication initiatives.
• Initiate collaborative efforts for extensive literature reviews.

Filipino psychology embodies the cultural, historical, and societal perspectives unique to the Philippines, offering a profound understanding of its people’s behaviors, beliefs, and values. Studying Filipino psychology is crucial as it fosters cultural sensitivity, aids in comprehending diverse perspectives, and contributes to global psychology discourse. Choosing a research topic in Filipino psychology involves exploring cultural nuances, societal issues, and individual experiences. 

Moreover, successful completion of such research requires meticulous planning, embracing challenges, utilizing diverse resources, and fostering collaboration. Despite challenges like limited resources or biases, overcoming them through interdisciplinary approaches and community engagement ensures comprehensive and insightful findings. The extensive list of innovative research topics provided serves as a springboard for students, encouraging exploration and contribution to this vibrant field in 2023 and beyond.

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• The State of the American Middle Class

Who is in it and key trends from 1970 to 2023

Table of contents.

• Acknowledgments

This report examines key changes in the economic status of the American middle class from 1970 to 2023 and its demographic attributes in 2022. The historical analysis is based on U.S. Census Bureau data from the Annual Social and Economic Supplements (ASEC) of the Current Population Survey (CPS). The demographic analysis is based on data from the American Community Survey (ACS). The data is sourced from IPUMS CPS and IPUMS USA , respectively.  

The CPS, a survey of about 60,000 households, is the U.S. government’s official source for monthly estimates of unemployment . The CPS ASEC, conducted in March each year, is the official source of U.S. government estimates of income and poverty . Our analysis of CPS data starts with the 1971 CPS ASEC, which records the incomes of households in 1970. It is also the first year for which data on race and ethnicity is available. The latest available CPS ASEC file is for 2023, which reports on household incomes in 2022.

The public-use version of the ACS is a 1% sample of the U.S. population, or more than 3 million people. This allows for a detailed study of the demographic characteristics of the middle class, including its status in U.S. metropolitan areas. But ACS data is available only from 2005 onward and is less suitable for long-term historical analyses. The latest available ACS data is for 2022.

Middle-income households are defined as those with an income that is two-thirds to double that of the U.S. median household income, after incomes have been adjusted for household size. Lower-income households have incomes less than two-thirds of the median, and upper-income households have incomes that are more than double the median. When using American Community Survey (ACS) data, incomes are also adjusted for cost of living in the areas in which households are located.

Estimates of household income are scaled to reflect a household size of three and expressed in 2023 dollars. In the Current Population Survey (CPS), household income refers to the calendar year prior to the survey year. Thus, the income data in the report refers to the 1970-2022 period, and the share of Americans in each income tier from the CPS refers to the 1971-2023 period.

The demographic attributes of Americans living in lower-, middle- or upper-income tiers are derived from ACS data. Except as noted, estimates pertain to the U.S. household population, excluding people living in group quarters.

The terms middle class and middle income are used interchangeably in this report.

White, Black, Asian, American Indian or Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander include people who identified with a single major racial group and who are not Hispanic. Multiracial includes people who identified with more than one major racial group and are not Hispanic. Hispanics are of any race.

U.S. born refers to individuals who are U.S. citizens at birth, including people born in the 50 U.S. states, the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories, as well as those born elsewhere to at least one parent who is a U.S. citizen. The terms foreign born and immigrant are used interchangeably in this report. They refer to people who are not U.S. citizens at birth.

Occupations describe the broad kinds of work people do on their job. For example, health care occupations include doctors, nurses, pharmacists and others who are directly engaged in the provision of health care. Industries describe the broad type of products companies produce. Each industry encompasses a variety of occupations. For example, the health care and social assistance industry provides services that are produced by a combination of doctors, managers, technology and administrative staff, food preparation workers, and workers in other occupations.

The share of Americans who are in the middle class is smaller than it used to be. In 1971, 61% of Americans lived in middle-class households. By 2023, the share had fallen to 51%, according to a new Pew Research Center analysis of government data.

As a result, Americans are more apart than before financially. From 1971 to 2023, the share of Americans who live in lower-income households increased from 27% to 30%, and the share in upper-income households increased from 11% to 19%.

Notably, the increase in the share who are upper income was greater than the increase in the share who are lower income. In that sense, these changes are also a sign of economic progress overall.

But the middle class has fallen behind on two key counts. The growth in income for the middle class since 1970 has not kept pace with the growth in income for the upper-income tier. And the share of total U.S. household income held by the middle class has plunged.

Moreover, many groups still lag in their presence in the middle- and upper-income tiers. For instance, American Indians or Alaska Natives, Black and Hispanic Americans, and people who are not married are more likely than average to be in the lower-income tier. Several metro areas in the U.S. Southwest also have high shares of residents who are in the lower-income tier, after adjusting for differences in cost of living across areas.

• Change in income
• Share of total U.S. household income
• Race and ethnicity
• Marital status
• Veteran status
• Place of birth
• Employment status
• Metropolitan area of residence

Our report focuses on the current state of the American middle class. First, we examine changes in the financial well-being of the middle class and other income tiers since 1970. This is based on data from the Annual Social and Economic Supplements (ASEC) of the Current Population Survey (CPS), conducted from 1971 to 2023.

Then, we report on the attributes of people who were more or less likely to be middle class in 2022. Our focus is on their race and ethnicity , age , gender, marital and veteran status , place of birth , ancestry , education , occupation , industry , and metropolitan area of residence . These estimates are derived from American Community Survey (ACS) data and differ slightly from the CPS-based estimates. In part, that is because incomes can be adjusted for the local area cost of living only with the ACS data. (Refer to the methodology for details on these two data sources.)

This analysis and an accompanying report on the Asian American middle class are part of a series on the status of America’s racial and ethnic groups in the U.S. middle class and other income tiers. Forthcoming analyses will focus on White, Black, Hispanic, American Indian or Alaska Native, Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander and multiracial Americans, including subgroups within these populations. These reports are, in part, updates of previous work by the Center . But they offer much greater detail on the demographic attributes of the American middle class.

Following are some key facts about the state of the American middle class:

In our analysis, “middle-income” Americans are those living in households with an annual income that is two-thirds to double the national median household income. The income it takes to be middle income varies by household size, with smaller households requiring less to support the same lifestyle as larger households. It also varies by the local cost of living, with households in a more expensive area, such as Honolulu, needing a higher income than those in a less expensive area, such as Wichita, Kansas.

We don’t always know the area in which a household is located. In our two data sources – the Current Population Survey, Annual Social and Economic Supplement (CPS ASEC) and the American Community Survey (ACS) – only the latter provides that information, specifically the metropolitan area of a household. Thus, we aren’t able to adjust for the local cost of living when using the CPS to track changes in the status of the middle class over time. But we do adjust for the metropolitan area cost of living when using the ACS to determine the demographic attributes of the middle class in 2022.

In the 2023 CPS ASEC data , which reports income for 2022, middle-income households with three people have incomes ranging from about $61,000 to $183,000 annually. “Lower-income” households have incomes less than $61,000, and “upper-income” households have incomes greater than $183,000.

In the 2022 ACS data , middle-income households with three people have incomes ranging from about $62,000 to $187,000 annually, with incomes also adjusted for the local area cost of living. (Incomes are expressed in 2023 dollars.)

The boundaries of the income tiers also vary across years as the national median income changes.

The terms “middle income” and “middle class” are used interchangeably in this report for the sake of exposition. But being middle class can refer to more than just income , be it education level, type of profession, economic security, home ownership or social and political values. Class also could simply be a matter of self-identification .

Households in all income tiers had much higher incomes in 2022 than in 1970, after adjusting for inflation. But the gains for middle- and lower-income households were less than the gains for upper-income households .

The median income of middle-class households increased from about $66,400 in 1970 to $106,100 in 2022, or 60%. Over this period, the median income of upper-income households increased 78%, from about $144,100 to $256,900. (Incomes are scaled to a three-person household and expressed in 2023 dollars.)

The median income of lower-income households grew more slowly than that of other households, increasing from about $22,800 in 1970 to $35,300 in 2022, or 55%.

Consequently, there is now a larger gap between the incomes of upper-income households and other households. In 2022, the median income of upper-income households was 7.3 times that of lower-income households, up from 6.3 in 1970. It was 2.4 times the median income of middle-income households in 2022, up from 2.2 in 1970.

The share of total U.S. household income held by the middle class has fallen almost without fail in each decade since 1970 . In that year, middle-income households accounted for 62% of the aggregate income of all U.S. households, about the same as the share of people who lived in middle-class households.

By 2022, the middle-class share in overall household income had fallen to 43%, less than the share of the population in middle-class households (51%). Not only do a smaller share of people live in the middle class today, the incomes of middle-class households have also not risen as quickly as the incomes of upper-income households.  

Over the same period, the share of total U.S. household income held by upper-income households increased from 29% in 1970 to 48% in 2022. In part, this is because of the increase in the share of people who are in the upper-income tier.

The share of overall income held by lower-income households edged down from 10% in 1970 to 8% in 2022. This happened even though the share of people living in lower-income households increased over this period.

The share of people in the U.S. middle class varied from 46% to 55% across racial and ethnic groups in 2022. Black and Hispanic Americans, Native Hawaiians or Pacific Islanders, and American Indians or Alaska Natives were more likely than others to be in lower-income households .

In 2022, 39% to 47% of Americans in these four groups lived in lower-income households. In contrast, only 24% of White and Asian Americans and 31% of multiracial Americans were in the lower-income tier.

At the other end of the economic spectrum, 27% of Asian and 21% of White Americans lived in upper-income households in 2022, compared with about 10% or less of Black and Hispanic Americans, Native Hawaiians or Pacific Islanders, and American Indians or Alaska Natives.

Not surprisingly, lower-income status is correlated with the likelihood of living in poverty. According to the Census Bureau , the poverty rate among Black (17.1%) and Hispanic (16.9%) Americans and American Indians or Alaska Natives (25%) was greater than the rate among White and Asian Americans (8.6% for each). (The Census Bureau did not report the poverty rate for Native Hawaiians or Pacific Islanders.)

Children and adults 65 and older were more likely to live in lower-income households in 2022. Adults in the peak of their working years – ages 30 to 64 – were more likely to be upper income. In 2022, 38% of children (including teens) and 35% of adults 65 and older were lower income, compared with 26% of adults ages 30 to 44 and 23% of adults 45 to 64.

The share of people living in upper-income households ranged from 13% among children and young adults (up to age 29) to 24% among those 45 to 64. In each age group, about half or a little more were middle class in 2022.

Men were slightly more likely than women to live in middle-income households in 2022 , 53% vs. 51%. Their share in upper-income households (18%) was also somewhat greater than the share of women (16%) in upper-income households.

Marriage appears to boost the economic status of Americans. Among those who were married in 2022, eight-in-ten lived either in middle-income households (56%) or upper-income households (24%). In contrast, only about six-in-ten of those who were separated, divorced, widowed or never married were either middle class or upper income, while 37% lived in lower-income households.

Veterans were more likely than nonveterans to be middle income in 2022, 57% vs. 53%. Conversely, a higher share of nonveterans (29%) than veterans (24%) lived in lower-income households.

Immigrants – about 14% of the U.S. population in 2022 – were less likely than the U.S. born to be in the middle class and more likely to live in lower-income households. In 2022, more than a third of immigrants (36%) lived in lower-income households, compared with 29% of the U.S. born. Immigrants also trailed the U.S. born in the shares who were in the middle class, 48% vs. 53%.

There are large gaps in the economic status of American residents by their region of birth. Among people born in Asia, Europe or Oceania, 25% lived in upper-income households in 2022. People from these regions represented 7% of the U.S. population.

By comparison, only 14% of people born in Africa or South America and 6% of those born in Central America and the Caribbean were in the upper-income tier in 2022. Together they accounted for 8% of the U.S. population.

The likelihood of being in the middle class or the upper-income tier varies considerably with the ancestry of Americans. In 2022, Americans reporting South Asian ancestry were about as likely to be upper income (38%) as they were to be middle income (42%). Only 20% of Americans of South Asian origin lived in lower-income households. South Asians accounted for about 2% of the U.S. population of known origin groups in 2022.

At least with respect to the share who were lower income, this was about matched by those with Soviet, Eastern European, other Asian or Western European origins. These groups represented the majority (54%) of the population of Americans whose ancestry was known in 2022.

On the other hand, only 7% of Americans with Central and South American or other Hispanic ancestry were in the upper-income tier, and 44% were lower income. The economic statuses of Americans with Caribbean, sub-Saharan African or North American ancestry were not very different from this.

Education matters for moving into the middle class and beyond, and so do jobs. Among Americans ages 25 and older in 2022, 52% of those with a bachelor’s degree or higher level of education lived in middle-class households and another 35% lived in upper-income households.

In sharp contrast, 42% of Americans who did not graduate from high school were in the middle class, and only 5% were in the upper-income tier. Further, only 12% of college graduates were lower income, compared with 54% of those who did not complete high school.

Not surprisingly, having a job is strongly linked to movement from the lower-income tier to the middle- and upper-income tiers. Among employed American workers ages 16 and older, 58% were in the middle-income tier in 2022 and 23% were in the upper-income tier. Only 19% of employed workers were lower income, compared with 49% of unemployed Americans.

In some occupations, about nine-in-ten U.S. workers are either in the middle class or in the upper-income tier, but in some other occupations almost four-in-ten workers are lower income. More than a third (36% to 39%) of workers in computer, science and engineering, management, and business and finance occupations lived in upper-income households in 2022. About half or more were in the middle class.

But many workers – about one-third or more – in construction, transportation, food preparation and serving, and personal care and other services were in the lower-income tier in 2022.

About six-in-ten workers or more in education; protective and building maintenance services; office and administrative support; the armed forces; and maintenance, repair and production were in the middle class.

Depending on the industrial sector, anywhere from half to two-thirds of U.S. workers were in the middle class, and the share who are upper income or lower income varied greatly.

About a third of workers in the finance, insurance and real estate, information, and professional services sectors were in the upper-income tier in 2022. Nearly nine-in-ten workers (87%) in public administration – largely filling legislative functions and providing federal, state or local government services – were either in the middle class or the upper-income tier.

But nearly four-in-ten workers (38%) in accommodation and food services were lower income in 2022, along with three-in-ten workers in the retail trade and other services sectors.

The share of Americans who are in the middle class or in the upper- or lower-income tier differs across U.S. metropolitan areas. But a pattern emerges when it comes to which metro areas have the highest shares of people living in lower-, middle- or upper-income households. (We first adjust household incomes for differences in the cost of living across areas.)

The 10 metropolitan areas with the greatest shares of middle-income residents are small to midsize in population and are located mostly in the northern half of the U.S. About six-in-ten residents in these metro areas were in the middle class.

Several of these areas are in the so-called Rust Belt , namely, Wausau and Oshkosh-Neenah, both in Wisconsin; Grand Rapids-Wyoming, Michigan; and Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Two others – Dover and Olympia-Tumwater – include state capitals (Delaware and Washington, respectively).

In four of these areas – Bismarck, North Dakota, Ogden-Clearfield, Utah, Lancaster and Wausau – the share of residents in the upper-income tier ranged from 18% to 20%, about on par with the share nationally.

The 10 U.S. metropolitan areas with the highest shares of residents in the upper-income tier are mostly large, coastal communities. Topping the list is San Jose-Sunnyvale-Santa Clara, California, a technology-driven economy, in which 40% of the population lived in upper-income households in 2022. Other tech-focused areas on this list include San Francisco-Oakland-Hayward; Seattle-Tacoma-Bellevue; and Raleigh, North Carolina.

Bridgeport-Stamford-Norwalk, Connecticut, is a financial hub. Several areas, including Washington, D.C.-Arlington-Alexandria and Boston-Cambridge-Newton, are home to major universities, leading research facilities and the government sector.

Notably, many of these metro areas also have sizable lower-income populations. For instance, about a quarter of the populations in Bridgeport-Stamford-Norwalk; Trenton, New Jersey; Boston-Cambridge-Newton; and Santa Cruz-Watsonville, California, were in the lower-income tier in 2022.

Most of the 10 U.S. metropolitan areas with the highest shares of residents in the lower-income tier are in the Southwest, either on the southern border of Texas or in California’s Central Valley. The shares of people living in lower-income residents were largely similar across these areas, ranging from about 45% to 50%.

About 40% to 50% of residents in these metro areas were in the middle class, and only about one-in-ten or fewer lived in upper-income households.

Compared with the nation overall, the lower-income metro areas in Texas and California have disproportionately large Hispanic populations. The two metro areas in Louisiana – Monroe and Shreveport-Bossier City – have disproportionately large Black populations.

Note: For details on how this analysis was conducted,  refer to the methodology .

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The State of the Asian American Middle Class

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Return-to-Office Plans Don’t Have to Undermine Employee Autonomy

• Kimberly Shells
• Caitlin Duffy

Leaders can bring people back in a way that strengthens — rather than damages — their relationship to the organization.

In recent years, organizations have been hard at work reviewing, renewing, articulating, and disseminating their corporate purpose. Renewed corporate purpose statements have more explicitly centered human-centric values, such as employee well-being, growth, and inclusion. This has been a good thing: Gartner research shows that businesses who put these human-centric values front and center see better talent and business outcomes. However, return-to-office mandates, if not done strategically and transparently, can feel like an about-face in employee flexibility, autonomy, and well-being, and starkly at odds with a human-centric corporate purpose. The authors identified three imperatives to help leaders navigate the return-to-office revolution in a way that strengthens, rather than damages, employees’ connection to the organization and its purpose.

For a long time, the purpose of most corporations was to serve one primary stakeholder: shareholders. Over the last several years, there has been a concrete shift in the business world; corporations now aim to serve not only shareholders, but all stakeholders — including customers, employees, suppliers, and communities.

• Kimberly Shells is a senior director, advisory, in the Gartner HR Practice. Kimberly works closely with HR leaders, sharing insights, best practices and actionable solutions that enable them to achieve their critical objectives and confidently address emerging business challenges. She has expertise in a breadth of workplace topics including, leader and manager effectiveness, diversity, equity and inclusion and learning and development.
• Caitlin Duffy is a director of research in the Gartner HR Practice. She focuses on the topic of Employee Experience, developing insights and best practices in areas such as employee value proposition strategy, engagement, hybrid work, and culture. Caitlin also has experience with broader talent management topics, including leader and manager effectiveness, diversity, equity and inclusion, and the future of work.

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UMD Faculty Member Partners Nationally to Release Highly Anticipated Decision Aid Tool to Produce Maximum Crop Yield

Digitized access and research-based data eliminate guess work for farmers nationwide

Gurpal Toor and Colleague

Image Credit: Edwin Remsberg

A national collaborative, including a University of Maryland nutrient management and water quality specialist, has released FRST (Fertilizer Recommendation Support Tool), a web-based decision-aid that provides an unbiased, science-based interpretation of soil test phosphorus and potassium values for crop fertilization. The new tool represents a significant advancement in soil testing for phosphorus and potassium and will be especially useful for farmers who lack knowledge about ‘critical soil test values,’ an important benchmark that determines if additional application of fertilizer will help increase crop yield. The FRST project is a collaboration of over 100 soil science and agronomic professionals representing nearly 50 universities, four divisions of the USDA, several not-for-profit organizations, and one private sector partner. The University of Maryland is represented on the project by Professor and Extension Specialist Gurpal Toor from the Department of Environmental Science and Technology in the College of Agriculture and Natural Resources. Toor noted that “we are excited about the launch of the decision support tool and reduced speculation for farmers. The FRST was developed in response to the pressing need to harmonize soil testing across state boundaries. Using FRST, a ‘critical soil test value’ can be calculated, above which no yield benefit from fertilizer application is expected. At this early stage of the FRST, minimal data have been included from Maryland, as all included data must meet minimum standards, as outlined in Slaton et al. (2022) peer-reviewed article [1]. In Maryland, farmers should continue to use guidance from our unique agricultural nutrient management program to determine application rates for nutrients,” Toor concluded. In Maryland, there are nutrient management recommendations for each crop, which are determined using our own robust database. Note that FRST is not related to the Phosphorus Management Tool (PMT), which is currently used in Maryland to guide phosphorus applications in high-phosphorus soils. Key Features of FRST Include:

• Data-Driven: FRST utilizes a dynamic database of soil test correlation data that is constantly updated to improve testing confidence.
• Crop Specific: The database currently covers 21 major commodity crops.
• Geographically Diverse: Includes published and unpublished trial data from 40 states and Puerto Rico.
• Unbiased: Blended data removes political and institutional bias in soil test interpretation.
• Scientifically Sound: Data represent a minimum dataset that provides reliable outcomes.

Deanna Osmond, a soil science researcher at NC State University, said that until now, soil fertility faculty in each state worked independently. But for farmers who work across state lines, it’s difficult to compare or assimilate multi-state guidelines. Our goal is to improve the accuracy of nutrient recommendations through independent, scientifically-developed nutrient management best practices that farmers can believe in and adopt . Currently, the FRST provides critical phosphorus and potassium soil test values. In the next phase, the FRST will provide research-based phosphorus or potassium rate response information to assist farmers in selecting the minimum fertilizer rate expected to produce maximal crop yield. The current version (FRST v1.0) includes data from nearly 2,500 phosphorus and potassium trials for 21 major agricultural crops, with the majority as corn and soybean. The FRST includes a map of the US that shows the location of phosphorus and potassium trials represented in the database, which can be used to identify where the need for additional research data is greatest. The database was constructed from both historical and current research data and includes trials from 40 states and Puerto Rico. The team has plans to expand to other crops, cropping systems, and nutrients, such as sulfur. Nathan Slaton, soil science researcher at the University of Arkansas, noted that the FRST project has accomplished two really important objectives to advance phosphorus and potassium management for crop production. The first was developing a national database to archive soil test correlation and calibration research, ensuring that research information that supports crop fertilization recommendations is not lost as scientists retire. The second is providing a decision aid tool that anyone can use to review the research results relevant to their crop, soil, and geographic area to check their soil-test-based fertilizer recommendations. Hosted in a neutral space with common access, FRST fosters collaboration and innovation in soil fertility research, paving the way for future advancements in nutrient management. Greg Buol of NC State University, who provided database and programming support, stated that the design of FRST has always been focused on the end user being able to easily use the tool and understand the results. For more information about FRST and how it can transform nutrient management on your farm or in your organization, visit https://soiltestfrst.org and click on “Tool.” Funding for the FRST project has been provided by the USDA-NRCS, including the Conservation Innovation Grants, USDA-ARS, USDA-NIFA, and industry. Contact:

Gurpal Toor, Professor & Extension Specialist of Nutrient Management and Water Quality, University of Maryland

[email protected] [1] Slaton, N.A., Lyons, S.E., Osmond, D.L. Osmond, Brouder, S.M., Culman, S., Drescher, G., Gatiboni, L.C., Hoben, J., Kleinman, P.J.A., McGrath, J.M., Miller, R., Pearce, A., Shober, A.M., Spargo, J.T., & Volenec, J.J. (2022). Minimum dataset and metadata guidelines for soil-test correlation and calibration research. Soil Science Society America Journal , 86, 19–33. https://doi.org/10.1002/saj2.20338

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Study reports normal values of 3D echocardiographic right ventricular volume established in Chinese adults

by Sichuan International Medical Exchange and Promotion Association

Three-dimensional (3D) echocardiography is an emerging technique for assessing right ventricular (RV) volume and function, but the normal values of RV volume and function by 3D echocardiography in the Chinese population are still lacking.

A prospective and multicenter study was led by Dr. Yun Zhang and Dr. Mei Zhang (Qilu hospital of Shandong university). The paper is published in the journal MedComm . Previous research by this team (Echocardiographic Measurements in Normal Chinese Adults, EMINCA) reported normal values of two-dimensional echocardiographic and Doppler echocardiography in healthy Chinese adults.

The EMINCA II study was designed and conducted from September 2016 to February 2020, with the purpose of establishing normal reference values of left and right ventricular and atrial size and function by 3D echocardiography in a large cohort of healthy Han volunteers, and examining the physiological and instrumental factors that may affect these normal values.

A total of 1117 healthy Han Chinese volunteers aged 18 to 89 years were enrolled from 28 collaborating laboratories in 20 provinces and municipalities of China. 3D-RV images from 747 volunteers with optimal image quality were qualified for final analysis by Dr. Yu and Dr. Ying-bin Wang from the core laboratory in a blinded way.

The results showed that men had larger RV volumes than women in the whole population, even after indexing to body surface area , and the elderly had smaller RV volumes. The normal values of RV volumes were significantly smaller than those recommended by ASE/EACVI guidelines in both sexes. There were significant differences in 3D RV measurements between two vendor's ultrasound systems and between different software platforms.

Based on these results, a set of normal values of 3D-RV volume and function in a large Chinese population was first presented. 3D-RV enlargement was defined as RVEDVi>76 ml/m 2 in men and RVEDVi>72 ml/m 2 in women, and 3D-RV systolic dysfunction was defined as RVEF<46% in men and RVEF<47% in women.

In view of the significant difference in normal ranges of 3D-RV volume and function reported by EMINCA II and ASE/EACVI guidelines, the criteria of 3D-RV enlargement and systolic dysfunction defined by EMINCA II should be adopted in clinical diagnosis of cardiac disease involving RV in clinical practice.

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