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Fatima Jinnah

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Early Life:

Fatima Jinnah was born in Karachi on 30 th July 1893. Jinnah had seven siblings. Mohammad Ali Jinnah was the eldest one in the family, and Fatima Jinnah was the 2 nd last child of the family. In this family of seven siblings, she was the closest one to Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Her well-known and respected brother became her guardian after the death of their father in 1901. Fatima Jinnah joined the Bandara convert in Bombay in 1902 where she remained in hostels as her parents had died. In 1919 she got admitted to the highly competitive University of Calcutta where she attended the Dr.R.Ahmad dental college. After she graduated from there, she went with her idea of opening a dental clinic in Bombay in 1923.

Companion of Quaid-e-Azam:

She lived with her elder brother Mohammad Ali Jinnah until 1919. At that time Jinnah married Rattanbai. Latter on Rattenbai died after eleven years in February 1929. Fatima Jinnah then closed her clinic and winded. She took the charge of Jinnah’s house and went to his bungalow. After that, the relation between brother and sister became an example as their companionship lasted until the death of his bro Mohammad Ali Jinnah on 11 September 1948. Quaid-e-Azam once said about his sister, “My sister was like a bright ray of light and hope whenever I came back home and me her. Anxieties would have been much greater and my health much worse, but for the restraint imposed by her.” In all Hazrat Fatima Jinnah lived with her brother for about 28 years. The Quaid would discuss various problems with her sister mostly on the breakfast and dinner table. She didn’t only live with her brother but she also accompanied her brother on numerous tours. She also joined him in London when he remained there after the second round table conference in 1932.

Political life:

She was involved in politics side by side with her brother. When the All India Muslim League was being organized, Mohatrama Fatima Jinnah became a member of the working Committee of Bombay Provincial Muslim League and worked there until 1947. In March 1940 she attended the Lahore resolution of the Muslims League.  It was because of her that the All India Muslim Student Federation was organized in February 1941 at Dehli.  During the transfer of power, Fatima Jinnah formed a women’s relief committee, later on, it was formed as the nucleus for the (APWA) known as All Pakistan Women’s Association founded by Rana Liaqat Ali Khan. She did a lot of job for the settlement o the Mohajirs after the creation of Pakistan. She also returned to political life when she ran for the presidency of Pakistan

Election of 1965:

She returned to the forefront of political life in 1960. Her opponent was Ayub Khan and she addressed him as a dictator. In her early rallies, almost 250,000 people came to see her in Dhaka, and million of the people, then millions of the people lined from there to Chittagong. Her train which was called Freedom Special train was 22 hours late because men at each station pulled the emergency brake and they begged her to speak to them. She was hailed as the mother of the nation. In the rallies of Fatima Jinnah said that by coming to terms with India on the Indus water dispute Ayub surrendered control of the river to India. Fatima Jinnah was popularly acclaimed as “Madar-e-Millat” or mother of the nation, for her role in the freedom movement. Except for her tour to East Pakistan in 1954, she had not participated in politics since Independence Day. Presidential candidates have announced the beginning of basic democracy elections, which was to constitute the Electoral College for the presidential and Assembly elections. Elections were held on 2 nd January 1965. There were four candidates which were taking part in that election. Ayub Khan, Fatima Jinnah, and two other persons which were not affiliated with any other party. It was held for a short period of one month. Ayub Khan had a great advantage over all the candidates. He utilized the state facilities as the head of the state and didn’t hesitate to legislate on electoral matters. Being a political opportunist he brought all the discontented elements together to support him. He also acted another mean action to get victory over Fatima Jinnah by having the support of ulema that were of the view that in Islam women can’t b the head of the state. This was the worst action from Ayub khan. On the other hand, Fatima Jinnah had a great advantage of being the sister of Quaid-e-Azam. The campaign of Fatima Jinnah generated the people of Pakistan’s feelings of hope. Crowds in all cities of East and West Pakistan were enormous. The campaign however suffered from several problems. The poor indirect elections through the basic democracy system, unfair and poor finances were some of the major problems that Fatima Jinnah was facing.

Fatima Jinnah anyhow lost the election because of the unfair means used by Ayub Khan, so he became the president of Pakistan. That was a huge setback for the people of Pakistan. Had the elections been held through the direct ballot, Fatima Jinnah would have won it very easily and she would b the president of Pakistan. The elections were rigged in the favor of Ayub Khan. The Syed race people said that they will support Ayub in the election but Fatima Jinnah said that she can represent them better than Ayub Khan. Both the Quaid and his sister avoided a sectarian label.

Madar-e-Millat:

She was known as Madar-e-Millat or mother of the nation. Fatima Jinnah’s name is an important one among the leaders of the Pakistan Movement. She is the most loved one for being the closest supporter of her brother and founder of Pakistan and the leader of all India Muslims Quaid-e-Azam. But she is much more than that from Fatima Jinnah.  She joined the All India Muslim League and attended the annual sessions of the party. Fatima Jinnah’s contribution to the social development sector has been ignored. She along with Begum Liaqat Ali Khan made the greatest contribution in the realm of women’s awakening and participation in national affairs.

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The Life & Works of Fatima Jinnah

The 8 th of July marks the death anniversary of Fatima Jinnah. She was the sister of the Quaid of the nation, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, but this is not where her importance truly lies. She was a remarkable personality in herself and played an active role in the political movement that led to the creation of Pakistan. She was also a brilliant social activist and promoted women’s health, education and political presence, both before and after the creation of the new country. As a result of her endeavors, she is often referred to as “Khatoon-e-Pakistan” (Lady of Pakistan) and Madr-e-Millat (Mother of the Nation) as a mark of respect and admiration.

She was born in 1893, in Karachi, in what was then British India. She belonged to a fairly well-off Gujrati Muslim business family and was the youngest child to Jinnahbhai Poonja, a merchant. She was the closest to Jinnah out of their seven siblings, when it came to matters of affection and understanding. Hence, upon their father’s death in 1901, Jinnah took her under his learned wing, and despite traditional resistance from the community, enabled her to pursue modern education to the best of her ability.

She received her early education from Bandra convent, which she joined in 1902. This was at a time when education for Muslim girls was not considered a priority, and hostel living for the purpose was particularly frowned upon. As a result of her aptitude and hard work, she was given admission in the University of Calcutta in 1919, in an era where women did not commonly go for professional degrees. She graduated as a dental surgeon, and later went on to run her own clinic in Bombay in the year 1923. She also worked simultaneously at the Dhobi Talau Municipal Clinic, on a voluntary basis, as social work, which perhaps prepared her for her many tasks after independence.

However, upon the death of Jinnah’s wife, Fatima thought it was pertinent to give up her dental practice and thereafter moved in with him to take over his household affairs in the February of 1929. Thus began a new journey which lasted until the Quaid’s death in 1948, as she became his constant and most stringent supporter.

Fatima Jinnah had a strength of character and indomitable spirit that soon became apparent. She accompanied her brother everywhere he went, but worked quietly behind the scenes to ensure everything ran smoothly in his political and personal life. She was a strong advocate of partition and the creation of a separate homeland and hence an active member of the All-India Muslim League, where she served as Vice President of the women’s wing. When Jinnah was disheartened by the response received in the elections that should’ve led them closer to Pakistan, he decided to go live abroad and settled in London as result.  She went along with him and stayed there for the full four years.

Fatima lived with Jinnah for 28 years in total, and made a good companion even when he was at his lowest. “Anxieties would have been much greater and my health much worse, but for the restraint imposed by her,” Jinnah claimed.

After the creation of Pakistan, Fatima founded the Women’s Relief Committee which later went on to become the basis for the All Pakistan Women’s Association (APWA). She helped facilitate refugees from India in settling into their new lives, following the mass migrations in the wake of the partition of the subcontinent. Her work was what inspired many other organizations to step up and assist the government with the necessary resettlements and housing of migrants. The new refugees that poured in after the invasion of Indian troops into Kashmir also led to similar problems. Fatima would accompany her brother to camps to talk to the women there, listening to their problems and encouraging and supporting them in those times of adversity. She remained a great philanthropist the remaining years of her life as well.

In 1965, Fatima Jinnah made an attempt to enter the politics of Pakistan at the age of 71. Besides her visit to East Pakistan in 1954, this was her first foray into the world of national politics after the partition. She was the candidate for the Combined Opposition Party of Pakistan (COPP), which consisted of five major political parties. She ran for the presidency against the incumbent President Ayub Khan, who she considered to be a dictator. Ayub Khan utilized state facilities, and wooed the press through legislation favors, students with promises of a revision of the University Ordinance, and the Ulema through claims that women could not run for the highest office in a Muslim country. Fatima Jinnah criticized his dealings with India in the Indus Water dispute, and her main selling point was the upholding of democratic ideals and principles.

Her rallies drew huge crowds, signifying the support she had from the common people of the country. 250,000 people came to her rally in Dhaka and a million lined the 293 miles to Chittagong. Her train was called the Freedom Special, and it was 22 hours late because she would be asked to speak at every station and stop on the way. But despite the great support she drew from the masses, the presidential election was an indirect one, and she lost by a narrow margin. Though she won a majority in some provinces, accusations of rigging in favor of Ayub Khan have never been properly settled since.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah provided the world with many testimonials as to the great personality of the Mother of the Nation. “My sister was like a bright ray of light and hope whenever I came back home and met her,” he said of Fatima fondly.  He also once admitted to his naval ADC Ahsan, “Nobody had faith in me; everyone thought I was mad except Miss Jinnah,” proving how invaluable her support of his work had been as she served as his confidante and advisor.

After Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s death, Fatima wanted his biography written by a Pakistani author as she didn’t trust a foreigner with the material. She contacted G. Allana for this purpose. The work was eventually published as “Quaid-e-Azam  Jinnah: The Story of a Nation”, while Fatima’s  own unfinished biography of the Quaid, “My Brother”,  was published by the Quaid-i-Azam Academy in 1987.

Fatima died at her house in Karachi in 1967. While the official cause of death was stated to be heart failure, the death is shrouded in mystery and rumors of assassination were never satisfactorily addressed.

Addressing the people of Pakistan, Fatima Jinnah once advised:

“March forward under the banner of star and the crescent with unity in your ranks, faith in your mission and discipline. Fulfill your mission and a great sublime future awaits your enthusiasm and action. Remember: ‘cowards die many times before death; the valiant never taste death but once.’ This is the only course of action which suits any self-respecting people and certainly the Muslim Nation.”

At this point in time, it would serve us well to heed these words, and remember the inspiring personality that was the Madr-e-Millat.

About author

Realist by day, idealist by night and nap enthusiast all the time, Mariam is a communications specialist and freelance writer.

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Fatima Jinnah: Mother of the Nation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017)

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M. R eza P irbhai . Fatima Jinnah: Mother of the Nation .

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Gail Minault, M. R eza P irbhai . Fatima Jinnah: Mother of the Nation ., The American Historical Review , Volume 125, Issue 4, October 2020, Pages 1406–1407, https://doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa297

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I had reservations when I saw the subtitle of this book, “Mother of the Nation,” which smacks of hagiography. I was encouraged, however, when the author contrasted his work with other books about Fatima Jinnah that used the honorific in question, Madar-i Millat . M. Reza Pirbhai seeks in this biography to place Fatima Jinnah’s life in the context of her times and to relate her actions to those of other well-educated Muslim women active in the Pakistan movement. He also seeks to separate her contribution to the history of Pakistan from that of her brother, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, also known in Pakistan as the Quaid-i Azam , or “Great Leader.” Honorific titles aside, Pirbhai’s work is engagingly written and thoroughly researched, using sources from public records and published works, as well as Fatima Jinnah’s personal papers, and reminiscences and autobiographies of her contemporaries.

Fatima Jinnah was the youngest of seven children of a Muslim merchant family in Karachi. Muhammad Ali was the eldest. He was away in England, becoming a barrister, when she was born. When he returned from his legal studies, he moved to Bombay to pursue legal practice. Following the premature deaths of both their parents, he became the head of the family, and in charge of Fatima’s education. He sent her to an English-medium boarding school for girls, taught by missionaries. Many Muslims opposed Christian education for their children, but Muhammad Ali, an Anglophile in culture if not in politics, felt comfortable in the Indo-Anglian upper-middle class of his chosen city, and saw such an education as part of his sibling’s proper upbringing.

When she was not in school, Fatima lived in the household of a married elder sister, but visited Muhammad Ali frequently. At this stage of his life, he was a member of both the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League, negotiating a pact between the two parties in 1916, which earned him the title “Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity.” It was a label that did not last. Then in 1918, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, then forty-two, shocked Bombay society by marrying Rattanbai, the eighteen-year-old daughter of his Parsi friend Sir Dinshaw Petit. At about that time, Fatima determined to move to Calcutta, where she could live with another sister and attend a dental training program. This reflected the fact that educated Indian women, married or unmarried, tended to enter the teaching or medical professions. In India, social segregation of the sexes in education and medical care meant that there was an acute need for women practitioners of those professions. Fatima completed her dental studies in three years and returned to Bombay, opening a successful clinic.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah, in the meantime, became heavily involved in nationalist political life, but his marriage foundered, given age and personality differences. Nevertheless, Rattanbai’s death from cancer in 1929 was a serious blow. Fatima moved into his house and functioned as a hostess and a secretary, and she also helped raise his daughter, Dina. In the early 1930s, Muhammad Ali moved to London, where he represented the Muslim League at the Round Table Conferences, 1930–1932, and practiced law before the Privy Council. Fatima closed her dental practice in Bombay to move with him and Dina to London. They remained there until 1934, when they returned to India at the entreaties of Liaquat Ali Khan, president of the Muslim League. From then until his death, Muhammad Ali Jinnah led the movement for Pakistan, helped negotiate the independence and partition of India, and founded the new state for the Muslims of India, before succumbing to pulmonary disease, a smoker’s fate.

Fatima had been the head of his household and political helpmate for about twenty years. She was by his side when he died and was devastated by the loss. Pirbhai devotes the latter half of this biography to her life after her brother’s death, and emphasizes the continuity of her efforts. In these chapters, in a summary history of Pakistani politics in the 1950s and 1960s, Pirbhai reports on the involvement of women, especially the careers and autobiographies of Jahanara Shahnawaz and Shaista Ikramullah, both members of distinguished political families from Punjab and Bengal, respectively. Their activity in electoral politics and diplomacy in the new Muslim homeland stood in contrast to that of Fatima Jinnah, who studiously abstained from politics. Nevertheless, she remained active in the women’s branch of the Muslim League, which she had helped to found. She also continued all her honorary positions and frequent speaking engagements associated with the social welfare and relief organizations that she headed, and maintained her philanthropy to benefit women’s educational institutions.

After General Ayub Khan overthrew the Pakistani government in 1958, Fatima for a tine approved his attempts to bring about stability and progress, but then became disillusioned by the increasing lack of democracy. She finally agreed to run against Ayub, as the candidate of the Combined Opposition Parties, for president of Pakistan in 1965. In her speeches, she revealed a vision of Pakistan’s future very close to that of her brother: a view heavily influenced by the poetry of Muhammad Iqbal, of the unifying force of a reformed Islam that could bridge the sectarian and ethnic divisions so prevalent at the time among South Asian Muslims. She lost the election. She died two years later of sudden heart failure.

Does Pirbhai succeed in his desire to write a biography that is not hagiographical? Somewhat. More difficult is his goal to separate Fatima Jinnah’s role and influence from that of her brother. Indeed, that is impossible. Her closeness to him in life, and her sense of duty to Pakistan after his death, meant that her life and work were inextricably linked to his vision. Even in running for president, she did not seek personal aggrandizement but rather a perpetuation of his cause.

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Fatima Jinnah: The Way We Wanted Pakistan to Be for Women (Part 1)

Haya Fatima Sehgal

May 18, 2023

“Cowards die many times before their deaths; the valiant never taste death but once.”

Heartfelt words from the play Caesar, written by Shakespeare and repeated by Fatima Jinnah on the eve of her loss after the 1965 Presidential elections of Pakistan. The “Mother of the Nation” as she was dubbed, felt the elections had been rigged by the military dictator Ayub Khan whom she had lost to at the time.

It was no surprise that after this, Fatima Jinnah was ousted as a prominent figure and remained in ostracism till her death in 1967.

Although one will never know the truth about the elections that year, one thing must be said: she should not have been removed systematically from Pakistan’s history. Yes, her words may have angered several echelons of the ruling elite, but being expelled from the historical narrative as a notable person did more damage to Pakistan’s cultural outlook as a developing country. It also perhaps set a precedent for how things have evolved for women and have never really been set right for them.

As an unfortunate series of persecution for her diatribe against the way things were being handled by the state, she was even labelled as a “traitor” at one point. For those followers of Jinnah, this was an extreme form of event to occur and an uncomfortable part of Pakistan’s history.

These are things that the world and a younger generation would ask questions about, sooner or later. A beautiful drama now being re-enacted about her life story by women who don’t look like her or act like her, would be the new wave of narrative that is descending upon the generation, which will question what happened at that particular time in reality.

Jinnah was adamant that Pakistan be foremost in assigning women to leadership roles.

It is evident to see how easy it is for a woman to be erased – and then “rewritten.”

I have always felt, and many might agree, that Fatima Jinnah was Pakistan’s first feminist and women’s empowerment leader. Her way of existing would possibly not have ever suited many conservatives.

Her entire being and mode of living as a modern woman have not suited the narrative that the country might have been wanting to impose as what was the supposed culture of Pakistani women. Not much of the youth knew that she was an educated dentist who owned her private practice in the year 1927. This meant she was running her own business in the early 1900s and was financially independent.

This was not a meek woman as is often shown due to the lack of information about her. This was a powerful individual who was deeply involved with state matters as well as had the education to lead conferences, seminars and political agendas. From 1947 till her death, she led women’s rallies, marches, and voting and ballot exercises, campaigned as a political candidate, travelled by train and road across the country extensively for work, and lived by herself for a great amount of her adult life until she passed away. She also enjoyed the right to free speech and extensive amounts of freedom from her guardian and benefactor brother, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of the nation.

Jinnah was a true promoter and stalwart of women’s rights. He sought them as equal inheritors of Pakistan. He was adamant that Pakistan be foremost in assigning women to leadership roles. Very open about his beliefs he said, “No nation can rise to the height of glory unless your women are side by side with you. We are victims of evil customs. It is a crime against humanity that our women are shut up within the four walls of the houses as prisoners.” Yet today, in modern-day Pakistan, one feels these beliefs were not implemented as part of the nation’s societal norms nor was it followed by the constitution.

Women’s empowerment in Pakistan itself has had a marred history attached now with such strong opposition over the years, one fails to understand how Pakistan currently faces such a dilemma. Fatima Jinnah was one of many names alongside countless others who supported the governance of the nation with relentless energy and devotion.

The decline seems to have stemmed much earlier than 1977 than is usually only blamed on the dictator Zia -ul Haq’s regime. His rule only highlighted and brought forward what was festering underneath for years; the brutality and extreme misogyny which was then put into practice and incorporated into the constitution under the covers of Islamization.

Although, posthumously, she was given the title of the Madar -e- Millat (Mother of the nation) during her short time with the people of Pakistan her feelings to the governance related to being betrayed by those in power. One of her most blatant criticisms was of militancy interfering with the politics of Pakistan which she felt was the abandonment of the way set by her brother to ensure a democracy for the state of Pakistan. Her claims have held a bitter irony for Pakistan when till recently there has been a wave of opposition against the military interfering in politics till the present day. One occasion that serves as the post-independence official ‘gag order’ was when her speech was cut off and the mic access was closed as she vehemently criticized the government.

Growing up in Pakistan, one is aware there have been very few women leaders who have been able to settle themselves into a niche where they feel safe enough to practice their professions effectively without facing adversity.

Although there has been a recent flurry to gather more material about her, none of it is cohesive, nor extensive. People also often place great doubt on the authenticity of the literature found. Yet, this was the only surviving member of the founding father’s family and was herself considered a nation builder of the country. Her work has also covered taboo issues considered as such in the country such as the setup of maternity care mechanisms where till today certain topics surrounding the female figure are still forbidden to be spoken about here.

I had the honour of meeting Mohtarma Jinnah’s grand-nephew, Liaquat H Merchant for research on my article, “Fatima Jinnah: The Nation Builder.” This came into being through the generosity of sharing of information by him and his office.

Mr Merchant himself recounted details about her as well as gave me an anecdote that reveals how she directly asked him to come to Pakistan and settle here from India. She seemed straightforward and astute in her way of thinking till the very end of her days.

Pakistan today rates at an appalling 145th place out of 146 countries on the gender parity index; beating Afghanistan by one position at the bottom end of the list. Women with adequate voices of discontentment here are either gaslighted out of existence or likened to treason or worse, considered as dissidents to be persecuted. I agree with promoting Pakistan through the perspective of the sacrifices of its founding members and with people jumping onto the bandwagon as it would be a name that would gather interest and learning.

But one should do it with the reality of what truly happened to her with a transparent perspective on her life as well as what she was fighting for: freedom of speech and the ideals of an independent, free nation – for all its citizens.

The writer is a security analyst with a focus on sociocultural issues.

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Fatimah Jinnah

Known as Madr-e-Millat, mother of the nation, Fatima Jinnah’s name is an important one among the leaders of Pakistan’s independence movement. Though she is most loved for being a passionate supporter of her brother, Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, there is much more to Fatima Jinnah.

Fatima Jinnah was born in 1893. When the Jinnahs lost their father in 1901, Fatima came under the guardianship of her older brother. Encouraged by her brother, she completed her education, living in a hostel while attending Dr Ahmad Dental College. In 1923, at a time when taking up a profession was considered inappropriate for girls from Muslim families, Fatima Jinnah opened her own dental practice in Calcutta. When Quaid-e-Azam’s wife, Rutti Jinnah, passed away leaving behind a daughter, Fatima Jinnah gave up her practice and went to live with her brother taking charge of the house and her young niece.

She was involved in politics side by side with her brother. When the All India Muslim League was being organized, Mohatrama Fatima Jinnah became the member of the working Committee of Bombay Provincial Muslim League and worked there until 1947. In March 1940 she attended the Lahore resolution of the Muslims League.  It was because of her that All India Muslim Student Federation was organized in February 1941 at Dehli.  During the transfer of power Fatima Jinnah formed a women’s relief committee, latter on it was formed as the nucleus for the (APWA) known as All Pakistan Women’s Association founded by Rana Liaqat Ali Khan. She did a lot of work for the settlement of the Mohajirs after the creation of Pakistan. She also returned towards the political life when she ran for the presidency of Pakistan.

In 1965 she defied tradition by challenging Ayub Khan in a tight race for the office of President of Pakistan. In her early rallies almost 250,000 people came to see her in Dhaka and millions of the people, than millions of the people lined from there to Chittagong. Her train which was called Freedom Special train was 22 hours late because men at each station pulled the emergency break and they begged her to speak to them. She was hailed as the mother of the nation.

Fatima Jinnah’s contributions in the social development sector has been ignored. She along with Begum Liaqat Ali Khan made the greatest contribution in the realm of women’s awakening and participation in national affairs. If Fatima Jinnah serves as a role model for Pakistani girls, she is indeed a fine one for she had a life filled achievements

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Speeches, Messages and Statements of Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah, 1948-1967

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Fatima Jinnah

1883 - 1967

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mohtarma fatima jinnah essay in urdu for class 4,5,7 and others | اردو میں محترمہ فاطمہ جناح کا مضمون

Today in this blog post, we write a mohtarma fatima jinnah essay in urdu for class 4,5,7 and others in easy and short words that are easy to understand

One of the top founding fathers of Pakistan was Fatima Ali Jinnah, also known as Madar-e-Millat (Mother of the Nation) and one of the most prolific biographers and stateswomen of the 20th century. She was the younger sister of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, and played a pivotal role in the Pakistan Movement, which led to the creation of the independent state of Pakistan in 1947.

پاکستان کے سرکردہ بانیوں میں سے ایک فاطمہ علی جناح تھیں جنہیں مادر ملت (مدر آف دی نیشن) بھی کہا جاتا ہے اور 20ویں صدی کی سب سے مشہور سوانح نگاروں اور ریاستی خواتین میں سے ایک تھیں۔ وہ پاکستان کے بانی محمد علی جناح کی چھوٹی بہن تھیں اور انہوں نے پاکستان کی تحریک میں اہم کردار ادا کیا، جس کی وجہ سے 1947 میں پاکستان کی آزاد ریاست بنی 1893 میں کراچی، برطانوی ہندوستان (اب پاکستان) میں پیدا ہوئیں، فاطمہ علی جناح نے اپنی ابتدائی تعلیم کراچی کے کانونٹ آف جیسس اینڈ میری سے حاصل کی۔ بعد میں اس نے کلکتہ یونیورسٹی میں داخلہ لیا، جہاں اس نے دندان سازی میں ڈگری حاصل کی۔ فاطمہ علی جناح اپنی تعلیم مکمل کرنے کے بعد کراچی واپس آئیں اور ڈینٹل پریکٹس شروع کی۔

1930 کی دہائی میں، فاطمہ علی جناح پاکستان کی تحریک میں شامل ہوئیں، جس نے برطانوی ہندوستان میں مسلمانوں کے لیے ایک آزاد ریاست بنانے کی کوشش کی۔ انہوں نے آل انڈیا مسلم لیگ میں شمولیت اختیار کی، جو سیاسی جماعت ان کے بھائی محمد علی جناح نے قائم کی تھی، اور پارٹی کی ایک فعال رکن بن گئیں۔ انہوں نے کئی سیاسی مہموں میں حصہ لیا اور ایک آزاد پاکستان کے خیال کو فروغ دینے کے لیے انتھک محنت کی۔

فاطمہ علی جناح خواتین کے حقوق کی ایک مضبوط وکیل تھیں اور انہوں نے پاکستان میں خواتین کے لیے تعلیم اور سماجی اصلاحات کے فروغ کے لیے کام کیا۔ وہ ہندوستان میں برطانوی حکمرانی کی بھی ایک مخر نقاد تھیں اور برطانوی سامراج کے خلاف اپنی بے خوف اور پرجوش تقریروں کے لیے مشہور تھیں۔ 1947 میں قیام پاکستان کے بعد فاطمہ علی جناح قومی سیاست میں نمایاں کردار ادا کرتی رہیں۔ وہ اپنے بھائی محمد علی جناح کی اہم مشیر تھیں اور ملک کی خارجہ پالیسی کی تشکیل میں اہم کردار ادا کرتی تھیں۔ 1948 میں، وہ آل انڈیا مسلم لیگ کی صدر کے طور پر مقرر ہوئیں، یہ عہدہ وہ 1967 میں اپنی موت تک برقرار رہی۔

فاطمہ علی جناح اپنی پوری زندگی جمہوریت اور سماجی انصاف کے اصولوں پر کاربند رہیں۔ وہ خواتین کے حقوق کی ایک طاقتور وکیل تھیں اور انہوں نے پاکستان میں تعلیم اور سماجی اصلاحات کے فروغ کے لیے انتھک محنت کی۔ آج، انہیں پاکستان میں ایک قومی ہیرو کے طور پر یاد کیا جاتا ہے اور ملک کے معروف بانیوں میں سے ایک کے طور پر منایا جاتا ہے۔

Born in 1893 in Karachi, British India (now Pakistan), Fatima Ali Jinnah received her early education at the Convent of Jesus and Mary in Karachi. She later attended the University of Calcutta, where she earned a degree in dentistry. After completing her education, Fatima Ali Jinnah returned to Karachi and started a dental practice.

In the 1930s, Fatima Ali Jinnah became involved in the Pakistan Movement, which sought to create an independent state for Muslims in British India. She joined the All India Muslim League, the political party founded by her brother Muhammad Ali Jinnah, and became an active member of the party. She participated in several political campaigns and worked tirelessly to promote the idea of an independent Pakistan.

Fatima Ali Jinnah was a strong advocate for the rights of women and worked to promote education and social reforms for women in Pakistan. She was also a vocal critic of British rule in India and was known for her fearless and passionate speeches against British imperialism.

After the creation of Pakistan in 1947, Fatima Ali Jinnah continued to play a prominent role in national politics. She was a key advisor to her brother, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, and was instrumental in shaping the country’s foreign policy. In 1948, she was appointed as the President of the All India Muslim League, a position she held until her death in 1967.

Throughout her life, Fatima Ali Jinnah remained committed to the principles of democracy and social justice. She was a powerful advocate for women’s rights and worked tirelessly to promote education and social reforms in Pakistan. Today, she is remembered as a national hero in Pakistan and is celebrated as one of the leading founders of the country.

10 points on fatima jinnah in urdu and english

Here are ten points about Fatima Jinnah:

• Fatima Jinnah was educated at the Bandra Convent in Mumbai, India, and later studied dentistry at the University of Calcutta.
• She worked as a dentist for a few years before joining her brother in politics.
• She was a strong advocate for women’s rights and was instrumental in the passing of the Muslim Personal Law in Pakistan, which gave women equal rights in matters of marriage, divorce, and inheritance.
• She was also a founding member of the All India Muslim League, which was the primary political party that demanded the creation of Pakistan.
• During the independence struggle, Fatima Jinnah supported her brother Muhammad Ali Jinnah and played a crucial role in the creation of Pakistan.
• After the creation of Pakistan in 1947, she continued to be an active political figure and was a close advisor to her brother.
• In 1965, she ran for President of Pakistan against Ayub Khan and was narrowly defeated.
• She was known as “Madar-e-Millat” (Mother of the Nation) by her supporters.
• She was a strong advocate for democracy and often spoke out against military rule in Pakistan.
• She passed away in 1967 at the age of 73. She was buried next to her brother at the Mazar-e-Quaid in Karachi.
• فاطمہ جناح نے ممبئی، بھارت کے باندرہ کانونٹ میں تعلیم حاصل کی اور بعد میں کلکتہ یونیورسٹی سے دندان سازی کی تعلیم حاصل کی۔
• سیاست میں اپنے بھائی کے ساتھ شامل ہونے سے پہلے اس نے چند سال ڈینٹسٹ کے طور پر کام کیا۔
• وہ خواتین کے حقوق کی ایک مضبوط وکیل تھیں اور پاکستان میں مسلم پرسنل لاء کی منظوری میں اہم کردار ادا کرتی تھیں، جس نے خواتین کو شادی، طلاق اور وراثت کے معاملات میں مساوی حقوق فراہم کیے تھے۔
• وہ آل انڈیا مسلم لیگ کی بانی رکن بھی تھیں، جو پاکستان کی تخلیق کا مطالبہ کرنے والی بنیادی سیاسی جماعت تھی۔
• جدوجہد آزادی کے دوران فاطمہ جناح نے اپنے بھائی محمد علی جناح کا ساتھ دیا اور پاکستان کی تخلیق میں اہم کردار ادا کیا۔
• 1947 میں قیام پاکستان کے بعد، وہ ایک سرگرم سیاسی شخصیت کے طور پر جاری رہیں اور اپنے بھائی کی قریبی مشیر تھیں۔
• 1965 میں، وہ ایوب خان کے خلاف صدر پاکستان کے لیے انتخاب لڑیں اور انہیں شکست کا سامنا کرنا پڑا۔
• وہ اپنے حامیوں کی طرف سے “مدار ملت” (مدر آف دی نیشن) کے نام سے جانی جاتی تھیں۔
• وہ جمہوریت کی مضبوط حامی تھیں اور اکثر پاکستان میں فوجی حکمرانی کے خلاف بولتی تھیں۔
• ان کا انتقال 1967 میں 73 سال کی عمر میں ہوا۔ انہیں کراچی میں مزار قائد پر اپنے بھائی کے پہلو میں سپرد خاک کیا گیا۔

Fatima Ali Jinnah was a Pakistani dentist, politician, and women’s rights advocate who helped her brother, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, establish the independent state of Pakistan.

She was a prominent member of the All India Muslim League and was instrumental in shaping Pakistan’s foreign policy.

She was a vocal critic of British rule in India and worked to promote education and social reforms for women in Pakistan.

Today, she is celebrated as a national hero in the country.I hope you enjoy reading this essay on mohtarma fatima ali jinnah in urdu language.

Note: you can also read Anti corruption Essay in Urdu Written

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El Vaticano actualiza sus directrices sobre los fenómenos sobrenaturales

Algunos lugares donde la la gente sostiene haber visto a la Virgen María o crucifijos sangrantes se han convertido en destinos de peregrinación muy populares, incluso con el respaldo de la Iglesia.

Por Elisabetta Povoledo

Reportando desde Ciudad del Vaticano

La Iglesia católica lleva mucho tiempo atenta a las apariciones sobrenaturales, como las afirmaciones de avistamientos de la Virgen María , las madonas que lloran o los crucifijos que sangran. A lo largo de los siglos, solo ha respaldado un pequeño porcentaje de las miles de apariciones que se han reportado, en un esfuerzo por proteger a los fieles de charlatanes, errores doctrinales o intentos de obtener ganancias.

Sin embargo, la era de las redes sociales ha acelerado la propagación de afirmaciones no verificadas, por lo que el Vaticano teme que estos fenómenos puedan escapársele fácilmente de las manos y de su control.

Por ello, el viernes, el Vaticano dio a conocer nuevas y exhaustivas directrices para evaluar las visiones de la Virgen María y otros fenómenos sobrenaturales basados en la fe, en un documento que ofrece instrucciones detalladas a los obispos, quienes han sido los responsables de reportar las denuncias.

“La Iglesia necesita procedimientos claros”, señala el documento, cuyas directrices fueron aprobadas por el papa Francisco este mes, añadiendo que la intención no es negar todas las nuevas afirmaciones de avistamientos que surjan. “Las Reglas para proceder en el discernimiento de supuestos fenómenos sobrenaturales que ahora presentamos no pretenden necesariamente ser un control ni, menos aún, un intento de apagar el Espíritu”, señala el documento.

Dado que las apariciones u otros avistamientos son experiencias privadas e individuales, la Iglesia no exige a los fieles que acepten la autenticidad de tales acontecimientos. “La Iglesia da a los fieles la libertad de prestar atención” o no, declaró el viernes en una rueda de prensa el cardenal Víctor Manuel Fernández, jefe de la Oficina de Doctrina del Vaticano.

Pero algunas de las que el Vaticano ha respaldado, como las apariciones de la Virgen María en Lourdes, Francia , en el siglo XIX y las de Fátima, en Portugal, a principios del siglo XX , se han convertido en destinos de peregrinación y focos de fe enormemente populares y lucrativos.

Los reportes no se limitan a épocas pasadas. El último mes de marzo, un obispo al norte de Roma desmintió las afirmaciones de un autoproclamado vidente que decía recibir regularmente mensajes de la Virgen María a través de una estatua conocida como “La Virgen de Trevignano”. Durante casi nueve años, cientos de peregrinos se reunían el día 3 de cada mes en una colina sobre un lago para rezar a una estatua de la Virgen María y escuchar sus mensajes.

Una comisión de teólogos, psicólogos y canonistas concluyó este mes que no tenía una dimensión sobrenatural. Pero esa decisión no ha disuadido del todo a los fieles de reunirse en Trevignano, y Fernández dijo el viernes que la Iglesia seguiría vigilando la situación para determinar si eran necesarias medidas más drásticas.

El cardenal Fernández también dijo que las nuevas normas ayudarían a la Iglesia a tomar una decisión sobre las visiones de la Virgen María que se dice que se han producido desde 1981 en Medjugorje, Bosnia-Herzegovina.

Millones de creyentes han encontrado consuelo espiritual en Medjugorje, y hay decenas de informes de curaciones milagrosas, conversiones y llamadas religiosas, ya que los peregrinos acuden allí en gran número. Pero las supuestas apariciones también han suscitado controversia, en parte por su duración y precisa regularidad.

El Vaticano ha encargado dos informes sobre los avistamientos, pero no ha publicado los resultados, y aunque el papa Francisco ha apoyado las peregrinaciones a Medjugorje, también ha expresado sus dudas.

“Yo prefiero la Virgen madre, nuestra madre, y no la Virgen jefa de la Oficina telegráfica, que todos los días envía un mensaje a tal hora”, dijo Francisco a los periodistas en 2017 .

Las normas publicadas el viernes sustituyen a otras menos específicas que se redactaron en 1978 y se hicieron públicas en 2011. Las nuevas directrices ofrecen seis posibles “conclusiones prudenciales” para los líderes de la Iglesia que investigan eventos de presunto origen sobrenatural, que van desde el rechazo rotundo a razonamientos más matizados.

Ahora, los obispos que investiguen un posible suceso sobrenatural convocarán una comisión que incluya a un teólogo, un abogado canónico y un experto para “llevar a cabo un examen detallado de todos los aspectos del suceso”. El Dicasterio para la Doctrina de la Fe, órgano de control doctrinal del Vaticano, también intervendrá en cada caso.

Lo más significativo es que la Iglesia ya no emitirá declaraciones que acepten el origen sobrenatural de un fenómeno. En su lugar, “frutos espirituales y pastorales y la ausencia de cuestiones críticas importantes en el evento”, la Iglesia podrá emitir una citación que, en esencia, diga que nada debe impedir al obispo “sacar provecho pastoral de ese fenómeno espiritual”, incluso promoviendo su difusión.

“Es complicado, pero regular lo sobrenatural siempre ha sido complicado”, dijo David Murgia, experto en apariciones y autor de libros sobre varios casos.

El documento también dice que aprovecharse de la fe de la gente debe “considerarse de particular gravedad moral”, y que si hay una “intención deliberada de mistificación y engaño con fines diferentes”, los obispos pueden imponer castigos. Fernández dijo que en algunos casos eso podría incluir la excomunión.

“Como siempre, el Vaticano trata de caminar sobre una delicada línea entre reconocer que, sí, por supuesto que hay beneficios espirituales que pueden venir de las apariciones”, dijo John Thavis, un experto del Vaticano y autor de The Vatican Prophecies que explica cómo la Iglesia se ocupa de estos asuntos.

“Pero, por otro lado”, añadió, “hay que tener mucho cuidado, porque si algo resulta ser falso o no sobrenatural, entonces se puede decepcionar a mucha gente y dejarla dudando de por qué el Vaticano ha tardado tanto en pronunciarse sobre una aparición”.

Giuseppe Ferrari, secretario de una asociación de Bolonia, Italia que vigila los fenómenos sociorreligiosos, dijo que los casos de apariciones reportadas “aumentan constantemente: algunos terminan, otros empiezan”. Las redes sociales son uno de los factores por los que estos fenómenos se extienden tanto, pero muchas personas también, dijo, experimentan fragilidad y necesidad de “certeza en el más allá”.

Elisabetta Povoledo es una reportera afincada en Roma que cubre Italia, el Vaticano y la cultura de la región. Es periodista hace 35 años. Más de Elisabetta Povoledo