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Alison Stuebe is interested in modifiable risk factors for metabolic disease in the perinatal period, gestational diabetes, pregnancy-associated weight gain, maternal health effects of lactation, effects of postpartum depression on breastfeeding physiology, the role of subclinical infection in breast pain, and the etiology of racial and ethnic disparities in breastfeeding, breastfeeding difficulties, and postpartum depression. (Keywords: Asymptomatic infection, breastfeeding, breastfeeding (complications), ethnic disparities (etiology), gestational diabetes, lactation (health aspects), maternal health, metabolic diseases, metabolic diseases (risk factors), perinatology, postpartum depression, postpartum depression (epidemiology), pregnant women (weight gain in), race disparities (etiology))
Jennifer Tang is interested in family planning, maternal neonatal health, and global women’s health. (Keywords: Family planning, global women’s health, maternal health, neonatal health)
Kathleen Caron is interested in mouse models of fetal growth restriction and preeclampsia. (Keywords: Fetal growth restriction, mouse models, preeclampsia)
Kim Boggess is interested in infection and inflammation in pregnancy outcomes. (Keywords: Infection, inflammation, pregnancy outcome)
Neeta Vora is interested in reproductive genetics and prenatal diagnosis as they pertain to maternal obesity, fetal neurodevelopment, preterm labor, and growth parameters. (Keywords: Fetal neurodevelopment, growth, maternal obesity, prenatal diagnosis, preterm labor, reproductive genetics)
Tracy Manuck is interested in preterm labor, cervical insufficiency, preterm premature rupture of membranes, multiple gestations, and caring for pregnancies complicated by fetal chromosomal or structural anomalies. (Keywords: Human chromosomes (abnormalities), multiple pregnancy, obstetric labor complications, pregnancy care, pregnancy complications (chromosomal), preterm labor, uterine cervical incompetence)
eTable 1. Comparison of women included in the study sample and women excluded for missing information on anesthesia care.
eTable 2. ICD - 9 - CM and ICD - 10 - CM codes used in this study.
eTable 3. Variables included in the propensity score.
eFigure 1. Distribution of the stabilized weights.
eFigure 2. The unified interaction and mediation analysis framework.
eFigure 3. Flowchart of the study.
eTable 4. Comparison of women who did not receive neuraxial analgesia for vaginal delivery and those who did, before and after propensity-score matching.
eTable 5. Odds ratios of postpartum hemorrhage associated with neuraxial analgesia for vaginal delivery with the successive addition of patient and hospital characteristics in the propensity score used for weighting.
eTable 6. Odds ratios of postpartum hemorrhage associated with neuraxial analgesia for vaginal delivery with the individual addition of each of the hospital characteristics to the propensity score used for weighting.
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Guglielminotti J , Landau R , Daw J , Friedman AM , Chihuri S , Li G. Use of Labor Neuraxial Analgesia for Vaginal Delivery and Severe Maternal Morbidity. JAMA Netw Open. 2022;5(2):e220137. doi:10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2022.0137
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Question Is use of labor neuraxial analgesia for vaginal delivery associated with decreased risk of severe maternal morbidity?
Findings In this cross-sectional study of 575 524 women with vaginal delivery in New York hospitals from 2010 to 2017, use of neuraxial analgesia was associated with a 14% decrease in risk of severe maternal morbidity.
Meaning Increasing the access to and utilization of labor neuraxial analgesia may help reduce severe maternal morbidity and improve maternal health outcomes.
Importance Addressing severe maternal morbidity (SMM) is a public health priority in the US. Use of labor neuraxial analgesia for vaginal delivery is suggested to reduce the risk of postpartum hemorrhage (PPH), the leading cause of preventable severe maternal morbidity.
Objective To assess the association between the use of labor neuraxial analgesia for vaginal delivery and SMM.
Design, Setting, and Participants In this population-based cross-sectional study, women aged 15 to 49 years undergoing their first vaginal delivery were included. Data were taken from hospital discharge records from New York between January 2010 and December 2017. Data were analyzed from November 2020 to November 2021.
Exposures Neuraxial analgesia (ie, epidural or combined spinal-epidural) vs no neuraxial analgesia.
Main Outcomes and Measures The primary outcome was SMM, as defined by the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and the secondary outcome was PPH. Adjusted odds ratios (aORs) and 95% CIs of SMM associated with neuraxial analgesia were estimated using the inverse propensity score–weighting method and stratified according to race and ethnicity (non-Hispanic White vs racial and ethnic minority women, including non-Hispanic Asian or Pacific Islander, non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, and other race and ethnicity) and to the comorbidity index for obstetric patients (low-risk vs high-risk women). The proportion of the association of neuraxial analgesia with the risk of SMM mediated through PPH was estimated using mediation analysis.
Results Of 575 524 included women, the mean (SD) age was 28 (6) years, and 46 065 (8.0%) were non-Hispanic Asian or Pacific Islander, 88 577 (15.4%) were non-Hispanic Black, 104 866 (18.2%) were Hispanic, 258 276 (44.9%) were non-Hispanic White, and 74 534 (13.0%) were other race and ethnicity. A total of 400 346 women (69.6%) were in the low-risk group and 175 178 (30.4%) in the high-risk group, and 272 921 women (47.4%) received neuraxial analgesia. SMM occurred in 7712 women (1.3%), of which 2748 (35.6%) had PPH. Before weighting, the incidence of SMM was 1.3% (3486 of 272 291) with neuraxial analgesia compared with 1.4% (4226 of 302 603) without neuraxial analgesia (risk difference, −0.12 per 100; 95% CI, −0.17 to −0.07). After weighting, the aOR of SMM associated with neuraxial analgesia was 0.86 (95% CI, 0.82-0.90). Decreased risk of SMM associated with neuraxial analgesia was similar between non-Hispanic White women and racial and ethnic minority women and between low-risk and high-risk women. More than one-fifth (21%; 95% CI, 14-28) of the observed association of neuraxial analgesia with the risk of SMM was mediated through the decreased risk of PPH.
Conclusions and Relevance Findings from this study suggest that use of neuraxial analgesia for vaginal delivery is associated with a 14% decrease in the risk of SMM. Increasing access to and utilization of labor neuraxial analgesia may contribute to improving maternal health outcomes.
In 2020, addressing severe maternal morbidity (SMM) was defined as a public health priority by the US Department of Health and Human Services. 1 , 2 Indeed, the reported incidence of SMM has more than doubled between 1999 and 2017, affecting approximately 1 in 60 women in 2017. 3 Of concern, the risk of SMM is up to 3-fold increased for racial and ethnic minority women compared with non-Hispanic White women. 4 - 7 As of 2021, postpartum hemorrhage (PPH) remains the leading cause of preventable SMM and maternal mortality. 8 - 11
Labor neuraxial analgesia (ie, epidural or combined spinal-epidural analgesia) is the most effective technique to alleviate labor pain and is used in 70% of birthing women in the US. 12 , 13 Use of neuraxial analgesia has been associated with reduced risk of severe PPH. One study analyzing vaginal births between 2004 and 2006 in France reported a 47% decreased risk of severe PPH, defined as a decrease in postpartum hemoglobin concentration greater than 4 g/dL (to convert to grams per liter, multiply by 10), for women who received labor neuraxial analgesia compared with those who did not. 14 The proposed mechanism is that the presence of the epidural catheter allows immediate and effective management of PPH because interventions to stop the bleeding require anesthesia (eg, manual removal of a retained placenta). Timely management of obstetric hemorrhage after a vaginal delivery prevents escalation into severe hemorrhage, with potentially superimposed coagulation defects (eg, disseminated intravascular coagulation). Replication of the association identified in the French study is important, given advances in obstetric and anesthesia care practices since the study was conducted, and the marked differences in the health care systems and maternal health outcomes between the US and France. 15 - 18 For instance, the maternal mortality ratio in the US is twice the maternal mortality ratio in France and other high-income countries. 16 , 17 Using data from a large cohort of vaginal deliveries in New York hospitals, the objective of this study was to assess the association between labor neuraxial analgesia and SMM.
The study protocol was granted exemption under 45 Code of Federal Regulation 46 (not human subjects research) by the Institutional Review Board of Columbia University Irving Medical Center. This study followed the Strengthening the Reporting of Observational Studies in Epidemiology ( STROBE ) reporting guideline.
Data for this study came from the New York State Inpatient Database (SID), collected as part of the Healthcare Cost and Utilization Project (HCUP) sponsored by the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality. 19 The SID includes patient characteristics, diagnoses, and procedure codes for all inpatient discharges from nonfederal acute care community hospitals. This analysis was limited to New York, as it is the only Healthcare Cost and Utilization Project–participating state also providing information on anesthesia care. 20 , 21
The study sample included hospitalizations for vaginal delivery among women aged 15 to 49 years between January 1, 2010, and December 31, 2017. Vaginal delivery cases were identified using previously published algorithms. 22 , 23 If a woman had more than 1 delivery during the study period, only the first was included. Women were excluded if (1) information on anesthesia care was missing or did not correspond to no neuraxial analgesia or to neuraxial analgesia, (2) the hospital American Hospital Association identifier or hospital Federal Information Processing Standards county code were missing, (3) the hospital had no labor and delivery unit, and (4) the hospital had less than 10 annual deliveries. Women requiring general anesthesia for urgent cesarean delivery after neuraxial analgesia was placed were excluded.
The exposure of interest was labor neuraxial analgesia (ie, epidural or combined spinal-epidural) compared with no neuraxial analgesia. In SID data, anesthesia care is reported as a categorical variable with values corresponding to no anesthesia care, local anesthesia, general anesthesia, regional anesthesia (ie, neuraxial), other anesthesia, and missing. For the purpose of the study, the study sample was limited to discharges recording no anesthesia care or regional (neuraxial) analgesia. Because of the high proportion of discharges excluded for missing information on anesthesia care (189 825 of 950 649 [19.9%] hospitalizations for first vaginal delivery), we conducted a sensitivity analysis including these discharges and handling missing values for anesthesia care with multiple imputation. The comparison of women excluded because of missing information on anesthesia care and women included in the study sample is presented in eTable 1 in the Supplement .
The primary outcome was SMM according to the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention definition, which includes 16 maternal complications (eg, heart failure) and 5 procedures (eg, hysterectomy). 24 The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention definition has a sensitivity of 77% and specificity of 99%, using individual medical record analysis as the criterion standard. 25 The secondary outcome was PPH ( International Classification of Diseases, Ninth Revision, Clinical Modification [ ICD - 9 - CM ] diagnosis codes 666.0 to 666.2 and ICD - 10 - CM codes O72.0 to O72.2).
Women characteristics were recorded directly from the SID, including age (19 years and younger, 20 to 29 years, 30 to 39 years, and 40 years and older), race and ethnicity, residence (rural or urban), health insurance (Medicaid, Medicare, private, self-pay, or other), and admission day (weekday or weekend). In the SID, race and ethnicity includes 7 mutually exclusive categories: non-Hispanic Asian or Pacific Islander, non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, Native American, non-Hispanic White, other race and ethnicity, and missing. Because of the low number of Native American women in the study sample, these women were included in the other race and ethnicity group. Individual comorbidities were summarized using the comorbidity index for obstetric patients (CMI-OB; categorized into low risk [CMI-OB = 0] vs high risk [CMI-OB of 1 or greater]). 26 , 27 This index includes maternal age and 20 maternal conditions (eg, severe preeclampsia) that are predictive of maternal end-organ injury or death during the delivery hospitalization through 30 days postpartum. Possible contraindications to neuraxial analgesia and obstetrical characteristics were identified using ICD - 9 - CM and ICD - 10 codes (eTable 2 in the Supplement ).
For each hospital, the following characteristics were calculated for each year of the study period among all deliveries using SID data: volume of delivery, cesarean delivery rate, proportion of induced labor, proportion of racial and ethnic minority women, proportion of women who are safety net patients (Medicaid or Medicare beneficiaries and uninsured), proportion of women with an CMI-OB score of 1 or greater, proportion of admissions during a weekend, proportion of neuraxial analgesic or anesthetic techniques in deliveries, and coding intensity (mean number of diagnosis and procedure codes per discharge). The number of labor and delivery units in the hospital, hospital location (rural or urban), and teaching status were abstracted from the American Hospital Association Annual Survey Database. 28 The numbers of obstetrician and gynecologists, physician anesthesiologists, and certified registered nurse anesthetist per 1000 in-hospital births were abstracted at the hospital county level from the Area Health Resources Files. 29
Using the inverse propensity score–weighting method and mediation analysis, this retrospective cross-sectional study of vaginal delivery cases examined whether labor neuraxial analgesia was associated with decreased risk of SMM and the mediating role of PPH. Two stratified analyses were planned a priori according to (1) race and ethnicity (non-Hispanic White vs racial and ethnic minority women) and (2) the CMI-OB (low-risk women vs high-risk women).
Statistical analysis was performed with R version 3.6.2 (The R Foundation) and specific packages ( mice for multiple imputations, Matching for matching, and survival for conditional logistic regression). Mediation analysis was performed using SAS version 9.4 (SAS Institute). 30
Comparisons of characteristics between women with and without neuraxial analgesia used the absolute standardized mean difference (SMD), with a value greater than 10% used to define a clinically important imbalance. The incidence of SMM and PPH was calculated in women with and without neuraxial analgesia overall, according to race and ethnicity (non-Hispanic White vs racial and ethnic minority women), and according to CMI-OB value (low risk vs high risk). The risk difference was calculated as the difference in SMM or PPH incidence between women with and without neuraxial analgesia. The 95% CI for the risk difference was estimated using bootstrap with replacement (B = 2000) and the percentile method.
Crude odds ratios (ORs) of SMM and PPH associated with labor neuraxial analgesia were estimated using univariate logistic regression models overall, according to race and ethnicity, and according to CMI-OB value. Adjusted ORs were estimated using the inverse propensity score–weighting method and stabilized weights (eFigure 1 in the Supplement ). The propensity score estimated the individual probability of receiving neuraxial analgesia. It was calculated using a fixed-effect logistic regression model, with neuraxial analgesia as the dependent variable and the 37 patient-level and hospital-level characteristics listed in eTable 3 in the Supplement as the independent variables. Interaction terms and quadratic terms were included in the propensity score. A complete case analysis was performed because less than 1% of discharges (n = 4967) had missing values for variables included in the propensity score. Balance after weighting was assessed using the SMD. Adjusted ORs for SMM and PPH associated with neuraxial analgesia were estimated using weighted logistic regression models overall, according to race and ethnicity, and according to CMI-OB value and with further adjustment for variables with a persistent imbalance after weighting.
To assess the robustness of the main analysis, the following sensitivity analyses were performed. First, the adjusted OR of SMM associated with neuraxial analgesia was estimated using stabilized weights truncated at 1% and at 99%. Second, we used the propensity score–matching method. Matching used the nearest-neighbor approach with a caliper of 0.2 and 1 case matched to 1 control. Adjusted OR of SMM associated with neuraxial analgesia were estimated using conditional logistic regression models, with further adjustment for variables with persistent imbalance after matching (eTable 4 in the Supplement ). Third, discharges with missing information on anesthesia care were included and handled using multiple imputation and adjusted OR of SMM associated with neuraxial analgesia estimated using the inverse propensity score–weighting method and stabilized weights, as previously described.
We used the unified interaction and mediation analysis framework to decompose the association of labor neuraxial analgesia with the risk SMM into a direct association and an indirect association (eFigure 2 in the Supplement ). 31 The direct association corresponds to the association of neuraxial analgesia with the risk of SMM in the absence of PPH and the indirect association to the association of labor neuraxial analgesia with the risk of SMM mediated through PPH. The mediation analysis was performed using propensity score–matched data and variables with persistent imbalance after matching were included in the models.
Because there is no validated solution to estimate the required sample size or study power using the inverse propensity score–weighting method, we do not provide such estimates. 32
During the study period, 575 524 women with vaginal delivery were included and analyzed (eFigure 3 in the Supplement ). The mean (SD) age was 28 (6) years, and 46 065 (8.0%) were non-Hispanic Asian or Pacific Islander, 88 577 (15.4%) were non-Hispanic Black, 104 866 (18.2%) were Hispanic, 258 276 (44.9%) were non-Hispanic White, and 74 534 (13.0%) were other race and ethnicity. A total of 400 346 women (69.6%) were in the low-risk group and 175 178 (30.4%) in the high-risk group, and 272 921 women (47.4%) received neuraxial analgesia.
Compared with women without labor neuraxial analgesia, women with labor neuraxial analgesia were more likely to be non-Hispanic White, have private health insurance, premature rupture of membranes, an induced labor, or fetal heart rhythm abnormalities ( Table 1 ). Women with neuraxial labor analgesia were also likely to give birth in a high-volume teaching hospital, with a higher utilization of neuraxial techniques, and with a higher number of obstetrician and gynecologists, physician anesthesiologists, or nurse anesthetists.
SMM occurred in 7712 women (1.3%; 95% CI, 1.31-1.37), of which 2748 (35.6%) had PPH. Before weighting, the incidence of SMM among women with labor neuraxial analgesia was 1.3% (3486 of 272 291) vs 1.4% (4226 of 302 603) among women without, yielding a risk difference of −0.12% (95% CI, −0.17 to −0.07) and a crude OR of 0.91 (95% CI, 0.87-0.96) ( Table 2 ). Conversely, the incidence of PPH was significantly higher in women with neuraxial analgesia compared with women without neuraxial analgesia ( Table 2 ).
After weighting, the risk difference for SMM between women with and without neuraxial analgesia was −0.21% (95% CI, −0.30 to −0.12) and the adjusted OR for SMM associated with labor neuraxial analgesia 0.86 (95% CI, 0.82-0.90) ( Table 3 ). The decreased risk of SMM was similar between non-Hispanic White women and racial and ethnic minority women and between low-risk and high-risk women. Contrary to the unadjusted analysis, labor neuraxial analgesia was associated with a decreased risk of PPH (adjusted OR, 0.91; 95% CI, 0.88-0.94). A post hoc analysis identified hospital characteristics as the factors accounting for the inversion of the OR of PPH (eTable 5 in the Supplement ), particularly the hospital utilization of neuraxial techniques (eTable 6 in the Supplement ).
In the sensitivity analyses ( Table 4 ), the adjusted OR of SMM associated with labor neuraxial analgesia was 0.90 (95% CI, 0.85-0.94) with stabilized weights truncated at 1% and 99%, 0.91 (95% CI, 0.83-0.99) with the propensity score–matching method, and 0.91 (95% CI, 0.87-0.95) with handling discharges with missing information on anesthesia care using multiple imputations ( Table 4 ).
Of the observed association of neuraxial analgesia with the risk of SMM, 79% (95% CI, 64-94) was ascribed to the direct association and 21% (95% CI, 14-28) to the indirect association (ie, mediated through the decreased risk of PPH).
In this study of vaginal delivery cases in New York hospitals, labor neuraxial analgesia was associated with a decreased risk of SMM, which was partially mediated through a decreased risk of PPH. Decreased risk of SMM was consistent across racial and ethnic groups and across risk groups.
Our study found the suggested association between labor neuraxial analgesia and decreased risk of PPH and extends it to decreasing the risk of SMM. 14 Early evaluation and management of the third stage of labor should avoid escalation of PPH into severe PPH and may prevent the development of potentially superimposed coagulation defects, kidney failure, and SMM. However, decreased risk of PPH accounted for only 21% of the protective association of labor neuraxial analgesia with the risk of SMM, indicating that there are other mechanisms linking labor neuraxial analgesia to the decreased risk of SMM. Other possible mechanisms may include sustained intrapartum hemodynamic monitoring of parturient women with neuraxial analgesia, which enhances maternal monitoring and early detection of blood loss immediately after delivery; adequate intravenous access and fluid resuscitation; and continuous anesthesia availability and oversight of the process of labor and delivery and preparedness for acute events. 33
Lower labor neuraxial analgesia utilization has been repeatedly reported among racial and ethnic minority, uninsured, and low-income obstetric patients. 13 , 34 - 40 While approximately 80% of non-Hispanic White women receive labor neuraxial analgesia nationwide, 70% of non-Hispanic Black women receive labor neuraxial analgesia and only 65% of Hispanic women; approximately 75% of pregnant women with a health insurance receive labor neuraxial analgesia but only 50% of uninsured pregnant women do. 13 Several interventions can be suggested to increase access and higher utilization of labor neuraxial analgesia for these patients. First, implementation of language-concordant educational programs have been associated with decreased misconceptions about neuraxial analgesia and increased neuraxial analgesia utilization among racial and ethnic minority women. 41 These programs facilitate patient participation in medical decision-making by making the risks and benefits associated with treatment alternatives more understandable. Second, cost may represent a financial obstacle to receive labor neuraxial analgesia for low-income patients without health insurance coverage. The mean cost of a labor neuraxial analgesia in the US is approximately $2100, which corresponds to a monthly income of 150% of the Federal Poverty Level for a single pregnant woman. Labor neuraxial analgesia is one of the most frequent surprise bills for childbirth. 42 Up to 13% of pregnant women are uninsured in the month of delivery. 43 - 45 Federal policies aiming at increasing insurance coverage for low-income pregnant people may help remove this financial barrier. For example, the 2014 Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act has decreased the proportion of uninsured pregnant people, but its effect on labor neuraxial analgesia utilization and maternal health outcomes has been insufficiently investigated. 46 , 47 Last, continuous availability of an in-house obstetric anesthesia team is required to provide uninterrupted access to labor neuraxial analgesia. Continuous in-house coverage of obstetric anesthesia services is available in approximately 86% of hospitals with more than 1500 annual deliveries, 41% of hospitals with 500 to 1500 annual deliveries, and 15% of hospitals with less than 500 annual deliveries. 40 Approximately 60% of childbirths in the US occur in hospitals with less than 1000 deliveries, suggesting that creating continuous in-house coverage of obstetric anesthesia services in low-volume and intermediate-volume hospitals could substantially increase access to and utilization of labor neuraxial analgesia. 48
Our study has limitations. First, our study is observational in nature, and the associations between neuraxial analgesia and SMM are not necessarily causal. Second, we did not specifically assess the risk of SMM in each racial and ethnic minority group (eg, Black women) because of the low number of cases in some of these groups. Since the incidence of SMM and severe PPH is higher in American Indian and Black women compared with both White women and other racial and ethnic minority women, 4 , 7 , 11 we cannot exclude a greater effect of labor neuraxial analgesia in American Indian or Black women. Third, our data do not contain detailed information on the type of neuraxial analgesia precluding the analysis of the association of the neuraxial techniques (epidural or combined spinal-epidural) with SMM. 49 , 50 Fourth, we used the number of physicians and nurses at the hospital-county level as a proxy for the number of physicians and nurses at the individual hospital level because no current data system provides this information. 20 While this approach may be accurate for counties with only 1 hospital, it may not be accurate for counties with more than 1 hospital. Fifth, we did not include women with labor neuraxial analgesia who later required an intrapartum cesarean delivery. The benefits of labor neuraxial analgesia in such context might have been a reduction in the utilization rate of general anesthesia and risks associated with avoidable general anesthesia, rather than a decreased risk of PPH. 51 Sixth, identification of SMM cases was limited to the delivery hospitalization period and did not account for SMM occurring after discharge that account for approximately 15% of SMM cases. 52
In this study, use of labor neuraxial analgesia for vaginal delivery was associated with a decreased risk of SMM. Our findings suggest that increasing access to and higher utilization of labor neuraxial analgesia might help decrease severe maternal morbidity and improve maternal health outcomes in the US.
Accepted for Publication: December 21, 2021.
Published: February 22, 2022. doi:10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2022.0137
Open Access: This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC-BY License . © 2022 Guglielminotti J et al. JAMA Network Open .
Corresponding Author: Jean Guglielminotti, MD, PhD, Department of Anesthesiology, Columbia University Vagelos College of Physicians and Surgeons, 622 W 168th St, PH5-505, New York, NY 10032 ( [email protected] ).
Author Contributions: Dr Guglielminotti had full access to all of the data in the study and takes responsibility for the integrity of the data and the accuracy of the data analysis.
Study concept and design : Guglielminotti, Daw, Li.
Acquisition, analysis, or interpretation of data : Guglielminotti, Landau, Friedman, Chihuri, Li.
Drafting of the manuscript : Guglielminotti, Landau, Friedman, Li.
Critical revision of the manuscript for important intellectual content : Guglielminotti, Landau, Daw, Chihuri, Li.
Statistical analysis : Guglielminotti, Daw, Chihuri, Li.
Obtained funding : Li.
Administrative, technical, or material support : Friedman, Li.
Study supervision : Li.
Conflict of Interest Disclosures: Dr Guglielminotti has received grants from the National Institute On Minority Health And Health Disparities outside the submitted work. No other disclosures were reported.
Meeting Presentation: This work was presented virtually at the Best Paper Session of the 53rd Meeting of the Society of Obstetric Anesthesia and Perinatology; May 16, 2021.
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Usha Ranji , Karen Diep , Ivette Gomez , Laurie Sobel and Alina Salganicoff
Introduction.
Health care is a central element of women’s lives, shaping their ability to care for themselves and their families, to be productive members of their communities, to contribute to the workforce, and to build a base of economic security. Women’s reproductive health care needs, their central roles managing family health as parents and as family caregivers, and their longer lifespans, albeit with greater rates of chronic health problems and functional limitations than men, all shape their relationships with the health care system. While women are major consumers of health care services and play a central role as health navigators and caregivers for their families, structural factors can challenge their ability to get the health care they need. Factors, including national and state policies that shape the health care delivery system to research priorities and discriminatory economic and societal forces, can deprioritize women’s health concerns. Access challenges are greater for women who are in low-income households, who face structural and societal racism and discrimination, who struggle with complex or understudied medical conditions, or who live in states or communities that have enacted or invested in policies and programs that do not support their health needs.
In the United States, the women’s health movement gained significant traction in the 1960s and 1970s as part of a larger grassroots women’s rights movement that challenged long-standing inequities and discrimination that limited women’s economic and social opportunities. The book, “ Our Bodies, Ourselves ,” brought a wide range of women’s health concerns, ranging from abortion and sexuality to menopause and cancer, into the mainstream. Over time, federal action also began to address many of the long-standing discriminatory sex and gender-based policies that were baked into our employment, health, and research policies. The 1973 U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Roe v. Wade decriminalized and protected the right to abortion care for nearly 50 years; the Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978 offered workplace and insurance protections to pregnant workers; the National Institutes of Health (NIH) Revitalization Act of 1993 mandated the inclusion of women in clinical research and formally established the NIH Office of Women’s Health; and in 2010, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) banned many of the discriminatory practices that had shaped women’s coverage of and access to care.
This primer focuses on some of the key areas disproportionately affecting women today that are shaped by national and state health policies. This includes health coverage and costs, reproductive health services, maternal health, mental health, and intimate partner violence. In addition, it highlights some of the structural factors and inequities that still impact women’s health, particularly women of color and gender-expansive individuals such as those who are transgender or non-binary or otherwise gender fluid or non-conforming who are at risk of being marginalized or discriminated against by their health coverage or providers. We note that while we refer to “women” and “women’s health” throughout this chapter, some persons assigned female sex at birth do not identify as women, such as transgender men, non-binary individuals, and otherwise gender-expansive individuals. Still, many of the issues discussed in this chapter also apply to them.
More than 128 million adult women over the age of 19 live in the U.S. today, with great diversity in many demographic characteristics. A third of adult women are between the ages of 35-54 (33%) and the majority are White (60%) (Figure 1). Nearly 1 in 5 (17%) women are Hispanic, 12% are Black and 6% are Asian.
Almost two-thirds (65%) of women live in a household with at least one full-time worker, while 1 in 10 (9%) live in a household with only part-time workers, and 25% of women live in households with no workers (data not shown). Given the important role of employment in shaping health coverage, workforce participation is a significant determinant of the type of health insurance that working women or women who live in households with full-time workers can obtain.
While most women in the U.S. report having good health, nearly 1 in 5 ( 18% ) women 18 and older rate their health as “fair” or “poor” and 14% report having a disability such as difficulty with vision, hearing, or walking. As women age, they are more likely to experience chronic health problems and declines in health status. These factors are highly predictive of their need for and use of health care services.
Income also plays a major role in health coverage and access to care. Income affects the resources that women have to pay for out-of-pocket health care costs and contribute to premium costs. Income also determines women’s eligibility for programs such as Medicaid or subsidies to secure coverage through the ACA Marketplace. Three in 10 (29%) adult women are part of households with low incomes (family income below 200% of the FPL was $47,112 for a family of three in 2022). Almost 4 in 10 (35%) women have completed a bachelor’s degree or higher, almost a third (27%) have a child under the age of 19 living at home, and 93% are U.S. citizens. Nearly 4 in 10 women live in the South (39%), almost a quarter (24%) live in the West, a fifth (20%) live in the Midwest, and 18% live in the Northeast (Figure 2).
While most adult women have some form of either private or public health insurance, the coverage profile for those who are under and over age 65 differs considerably. For those who are under age 65 , employer-sponsored coverage, individually purchased policies, and Medicaid—the state-federal program for people with low incomes—comprise the majority of coverage options. However, nearly 1 in 10 women in that age group are currently uninsured. Among women 65 years and older, the Medicare program plays a critical role covering nearly all seniors in the U.S., though often with considerable coverage gaps (such as hearing, vision and long-term services and supports) and cost-sharing burdens.
Approximately 58.3 million women aged 19-64 (60%) received their health coverage from employer-sponsored insurance in 2022 (Figure 3). Women in families with at least one full-time worker are more likely to have job-based coverage (70%) than women in families with only part-time workers (33%) or without any workers (17%).
Employer-sponsored insurance can come with substantial out-of-pocket costs based on premiums, deductibles, co-insurance, and co-payment levels. In 2022, annual insurance premiums for employer-sponsored insurance averaged $7,911 for individuals and $22,463 for families. On average, workers paid 17% of premiums for individual coverage and 28% for family coverage with the employers picking up the balance.
In 2022, about 9% of women ages 19 to 64 (approximately 8.3 million women) and 8% of their male counterparts purchased insurance in the non-group market. This includes individuals who purchased private policies from state-based Marketplaces established under the ACA, as well as those who purchased coverage from private insurers that operate outside of the ACA Marketplaces.
Most individuals who seek insurance policies in their state’s Marketplace qualify for assistance with the coverage costs. Individuals with incomes below $58,320 (400% of the Federal Poverty Level in 2023) can receive federal tax credits which lower premium costs.
The ACA set new standards for all individually purchased plans and eliminated many historically discriminatory practices that affected disadvantaged women in particular. Today, plans are prohibited from charging women higher premiums than men for the same level of coverage (gender rating) or from disqualifying women from coverage because they had certain pre-existing medical conditions, including pregnancy. All direct purchase plans must also cover certain “essential health benefits” ( EHBs ) that fall under 10 different categories, including maternity and newborn care, mental health, and a wide range of preventive health care services. Prior to the ACA, many individual plans excluded maternity care benefits or required policyholders to purchase costly riders to obtain maternity coverage.
Medicaid, the state-federal program for individuals with low incomes, covered 19% of adult women ages 19 to 64 in 2022, compared to 14% of men. Historically, to qualify for Medicaid, women had to have very low incomes and be in one of Medicaid ’s eligibility categories: pregnant, mothers of children 18 and younger, a person with a disability, or over 65. Women who didn’t fall into these categories typically were not eligible regardless of how low their incomes were. The ACA allowed states to broaden Medicaid eligibility to most individuals with incomes less than 138% of the FPL regardless of their family or disability status, effective January 2014. As of December 2023, 40 states and Washington, D.C. have expanded their Medicaid programs under the ACA, but 10 states have not and still base eligibility on historical categorical and income standards. For example, in Mississippi, the Medicaid income eligibility for parents is 28% of the FPL, which was approximately $6,900 for a family of three in 2023. Therefore, parents in families of three in Mississippi with incomes above this amount do not qualify for Medicaid because their income exceeds the state’s eligibility level.
Medicaid covers the poorest segment of women in the U.S. Forty-three percent of women with incomes below 200% of the FPL and 52% of women with incomes below 100% of the FPL have Medicaid coverage. By federal law, all states must provide Medicaid coverage to pregnant women with incomes up to 133% of the FPL through 60 days postpartum. However, in recent years, there has been a growing interest in expanding the length of the postpartum coverage period and, as of March 2024, nearly all states have taken steps to extend postpartum Medicaid coverage to one year.
Medicaid covers many health services that are essential for women. Medicaid financed 41% of births in the U.S. in 2021 and accounts for 75% of all publicly-funded family planning services. State Medicaid programs are prohibited from charging any cost-sharing for pregnancy-related care or family planning services. Over half of states have established programs that use Medicaid funds to cover the costs of family planning services for women with low incomes who remain uninsured, and most states have limited scope Medicaid programs to pay for breast and cervical cancer treatment for certain uninsured women with low incomes. Conversely, coverage for abortion is very limited under Medicaid as a result of the Hyde Amendment, a rider to federal appropriations that bans any federal funds from being used to pay for abortions unless the pregnancy is determined to be a result of rape or incest or poses a threat to the pregnant person’s life (more on abortion in the following section).
In 2022, approximately 10% of non-elderly women (9.5 million) were uninsured. This rate is slightly lower than that of men (13%) because, on average, women have lower incomes and have been more likely to qualify for Medicaid than men under one of Medicaid’s eligibility categories: pregnant, parent of children under 18, disability, or over 65. The ACA opened the door for states to eliminate the categorical requirements, but the gender gap in the insured rates between men and women persists.
The disadvantage uninsured individuals experience in accessing care and health outcomes is well established. Compared to women with insurance, those who are uninsured have lower use of important preventive services such as mammograms, Pap tests , and timely blood pressure checks. They are also less likely to report having a regular doctor , which is associated with better access to care and higher rates of use of recommended preventive services.
Women with lower incomes, women of color, and non-citizen women are at greater risk of being uninsured (Figure 4). One in 5 Hispanic (20%) and American Indian and Alaska Native (20%) women and 18% of women with incomes under 200% of the FPL are uninsured. A higher share of single mothers are uninsured (10%) than women in two-parent households (8%) (data not shown). Most uninsured women live in a household where someone is working; 69% are in families with at least one adult working full-time; and 82% are in families with at least one part-time or full-time worker (data not shown).
Many women who are uninsured are eligible for financial assistance with the costs of coverage. A fifth of uninsured women (20%) are eligible for Medicaid coverage but are not enrolled in the program (Figure 5) . One in 4 uninsured women (39%), about 3.7 million women, qualify for subsidies to cover the premium costs and some of the out-of-pocket costs of Marketplace plans but may not be aware of coverage options or may face barriers to enrollment. However, 7% of uninsured women live in states that have not adopted the ACA Medicaid expansion and fall into a “ coverage gap ” because their incomes are above the thresholds to qualify for Medicaid but below the levels to qualify for Marketplace tax credits (below 100% of the FPL). Approximately 1 in 3 (34%) uninsured women are not eligible for any assistance with health coverage due to their immigration status, their income, or because they have an offer of coverage from their employer.
There is considerable state-level variation in uninsured rates across the nation, ranging from 21% of women in Texas to 3% of women in Washington D.C., Massachusetts, and Vermont (Figure 6). Of the 15 states with uninsured rates above the national average (10%), nine have not adopted the ACA Medicaid expansion.
Medicare is the federal program that provides health coverage to virtually all people ages 65 and older as well as younger people with long-term disabilities. In 2020, Medicare covered 35 million women, including nearly 31 million ages 65 and older, and over 4 million under age 65 with long-term disabilities.
More than half (55%) of all Medicare beneficiaries are women and 45% are men. The population of women covered by Medicare is diverse, with varying social, economic, and health circumstances. Women live longer than men on average (79 years vs. 73 years life expectancy at birth in 2021), and many live with certain chronic illnesses, cognitive and mental impairments, and functional problems at higher rates than men. A higher share of older women than men also experience urinary incontinence, depression, osteoporosis, pulmonary disease, and Alzheimer’s/dementia. Medicare plays a key role in supporting the health and well-being of women, covering a broad range of essential services, including preventive, primary and specialty care, and prescription drugs. However, reflecting Medicare’s original role as a program to serve the medical needs of older adults, coverage of services for enrollees of reproductive age may be more limited. For example, there is no federal requirement for Medicare to cover all contraceptive services and supplies for the purpose of preventing pregnancy for younger Medicare enrollees with permanent disabilities.
Another gap in the Medicare program is the absence of coverage for long-term care services and supports (LTSS), such as nursing home stays and home care services, which many older adults need and seek but are expensive and unaffordable for some. Compared with men, women are more likely to require these services because they have more chronic conditions, have higher rates of physical and cognitive impairments, and are more likely to live alone. Medicare only covers time-limited LTSS after a hospitalization and does not cover ongoing LTSS for those with chronic conditions or functional impairments. Some older women can qualify for Medicaid for LTSS, but only if they have low incomes and, in some cases, must spend down most of their assets. Just a small share of seniors have private long-term care insurance to help cover some of the costs of LTSS. As a result, unless they have incomes low enough to qualify for Medicaid, many older people do not have any coverage for LTSS and rely on unpaid caregiving provided by family, friends, or neighbors. The majority of informal caregivers are women, who are most commonly caring for aging parents and spouses.
Women with Medicare also tend to have more modest incomes than men—a consequence of smaller lifetime savings, lower retirement income, and divorce and widowhood that result in only one income. While Medicare covers many necessary health care services, gaps in benefits, cost-sharing requirements, and spending on premiums for Medicare and supplemental coverage can translate into high out-of-pocket expenses for some people in the program. In 2020, 13% of women and 11% of men with Medicare reported that they had faced cost-related challenges in the past 12 months, such as trouble getting care due to cost or problems paying medical bills. These challenges are more common among female Medicare enrollees who are Black (22%) and Hispanic (18%), do not have a bachelor’s degree (15%), and those with annual incomes below $20,000 (20%).
The ACA set national standards for the scope of benefits offered in private plans. As mentioned earlier, many insurance plans had adopted practices that discriminated against women that were addressed in the ACA. In addition to the broad categories of essential health benefits (EHBs) offered by Marketplace plans, all privately purchased plans must cover maternity care, which had been historically excluded from most individually purchased plans requiring the purchase of an expensive rider for that benefit to be covered. In addition, most private plans must cover preventive services without co-payments or other cost sharing. This includes screenings for breast and cervical cancers, well-woman visits (including prenatal visits), prescribed contraceptives, breastfeeding supplies and supports such as breast pumps, and several services for sexually transmitted infections (STI). Higher shares of women with private and Medicaid coverage report having had recommended preventive services such as mammograms, Pap screenings or colonoscopies compared to those who were uninsured (Figure 7).
Affordability of coverage continues to be a significant concern for many women, both for those who are uninsured as well as those with coverage. The leading reason why uninsured adults report that they have not obtained coverage is that it is too expensive . Under employer-sponsored insurance, the major source of coverage for women, 61% of all covered workers with a general annual deductible have deductibles of at least $1,000 for single coverage. Despite having coverage, many insured women (31%) report that their plans did not always cover all of their needed care or paid less than they expected (Figure 8).
Reproductive health.
Maternity Care
In 2022, there were approximately 3.6 million births in the U.S. Childbirth is the leading reason for hospitalization, and most private insurance plans and the Medicaid program are required to cover care associated with childbirth. Medicaid covers about 4 in 10 births nationally and, in some states, more than half. The Medicaid program prohibits plans from charging out-of-pocket charges for pregnancy-related care, and coverage lasts through one year postpartum in most, but not all, states. For people with private insurance, which finances just over half of births ( 51% ), the federal Pregnancy Discrimination Act requires employer plans to cover maternity care benefits. However, even for those with private insurance, a pregnancy often comes with significant out-of-pocket health expenses that can reach thousands of dollars . A KFF analysis estimated that women enrolled in large group plans pay around $3,000 out-of-pocket for costs associated with pregnancy, childbirth, and post-partum care. On average, Caesarean section births, which account for approximately one-third of births in the U.S., are significantly more expensive than vaginal deliveries. The ACA also requires individual plans to cover maternity care and bans plans from implementing restrictions on coverage of pre-existing health conditions, including pregnancy.
In recent years, there has been growing attention to pregnancy-related quality of care and maternal health. Maternal and infant mortality rates in the U.S. are far higher than those in similarly large and developed countries, and people of color are at a considerably higher risk for poor maternal and infant health outcomes compared to their White peers. Despite continued advancements in medical care, rates of maternal mortality and morbidity and preterm birth have been rising in the U.S., characterized by stark racial disparities. Notably, rates of pregnancy-related death (deaths within one year of pregnancy) among Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander (NHPI), Black, and American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) women are over four to two times higher, respectively, compared to the rate for White women (14.1 and 62.8 vs. 39.9 vs. 32 per 100,000 births) (Figure 9). The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has determined that many of these pregnancy-related deaths were preventable, caused by cardiac-related conditions, infection, hemorrhage, and mental health conditions , including substance use. Maternal death rates increased during the COVID-19 pandemic and racial disparities widened for Black women. Black, AIAN, and Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander (NHPI) women also have higher shares of preterm births, low birthweight births, or births for which they received late or no prenatal care compared to White women. Infants born to Black, AIAN, and NHOPI people have markedly higher mortality rates than those born to White women.
The disparities in maternal and infant health are symptoms of broader underlying social and economic inequities that are rooted in racism and discrimination. Differences in health insurance coverage and access to care play a role, but notably, disparities in maternal and infant health persist even when controlling for certain underlying social and economic factors, such as education and income, pointing to the roles racism and discrimination play in driving disparities. Moreover, with the overturning of Roe v. Wade and the numerous states that have enacted abortion bans across the nation, increased barriers to abortion for people of color may widen the already existing large disparities in maternal and infant health.
There have been efforts at the policy level and in clinical circles to improve maternal health and address disparities. The Biden Administration issued the White House Blueprint for Addressing the Maternal Health Crisis , outlining policy priorities and strategies. These include funding to expand and diversify the perinatal workforce, enhancing training for clinicians to better listen to patient concerns, investing in maternal mental health care, and strengthening perinatal care in rural communities. At the state and local levels, multidisciplinary maternal mortality review committees and perinatal quality collaboratives have focused on data collection and reviewing the causes behind pregnancy-related deaths in their communities to try to prevent deaths in the future.
Fertility Assistance
Many people require fertility assistance to have children. These services include diagnostic services, treatment services, and fertility preservation. People seek fertility assistance for several reasons, such as if they or their partner has infertility, or because they are in a same-sex relationship or are single and desire children. Both female and male factors contribute to infertility, including problems with ovulation (when the ovary releases an egg), structural problems with the uterus or fallopian tubes, problems with sperm quality or motility, and hormonal factors. About 25% of the time, infertility is caused by more than one factor, and in about 10% of cases , infertility is unexplained. Infertility estimates, however, do not account for LGBTQ+ or single individuals who may also need fertility assistance for family building. Thus, there are varied reasons that may prompt individuals to seek fertility care.
Despite a need for fertility services, fertility care in the U.S. is inaccessible to many due to the cost. Fertility treatments are expensive and often are not covered by insurance. While some private insurance plans cover diagnostic services, there is very little coverage for costly treatment services such as intrauterine insemination, in vitro fertilization, and cryopreservation.
Most people who use fertility services must pay out of pocket, with costs often reaching thousands of dollars depending on the services received. This means that in the absence of insurance coverage, fertility care is out of reach for many people. Few states require private insurance plans to cover fertility assistance services, but these only apply to a subset of insurance plans and beneficiaries. Additionally, even fewer states have any fertility coverage requirement under Medicaid, the health coverage program for people with low incomes.
Nearly 1 in 4 women in the U.S. have an abortion in their lifetime. Starting with the 1973 landmark Supreme Court ruling in Roe v. Wade , women in the U.S. had the right to abortion up until the point of viability, regardless of where they lived. On June 24, 2022, the Supreme Court issued a ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization that overturned the constitutional right to abortion as well as the federal standards of abortion access, established by prior decisions in the cases Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey . The Dobbs decision allows states to set policies regarding the legality of abortions and establish gestational limits. Access to and availability of abortions vary widely between states , with large swaths of the country banning or restricting almost all abortions, with few exceptions, and some states enshrining and protecting abortion rights (Figure 10).
Decades of research have shown that abortion is a very safe medical service. Still, despite its strong safety profile, abortion is the most highly regulated medical service in the country and is now banned or restricted to early gestational stages in many states. In addition to bans on abortion altogether, many states impose other limitations on abortion that are not medically indicated, including waiting periods, ultrasound requirements, and parental notification and consent requirements. These restrictions typically delay receipt of services and can increase costs associated with abortion care.
Obtaining an abortion can be costly, with median costs exceeding $500 in out-of-pocket expenses for patients who self-pay. On average, the costs are higher for abortions in the second trimester than in the first trimester. People may have to travel if abortions are prohibited or not available in their area, adding costs related to travel and lodging. Given abortion bans and Hyde Amendment restrictions on payment for abortions under Medicaid and state restrictions on insurance coverage of abortion services, many people pay for abortion services out of pocket. Some people are able to receive assistance from local abortion funds if they need financial support to obtain abortion services, particularly if they have to travel out of state or have low incomes and cannot afford the costs of the abortion. For some, however, the costs of abortion services and travel will put the service out of reach and force them to have a birth that is not desired or is a risk to their health or life.
Insurance coverage for abortion services is heavily restricted in some state-regulated private insurance plans and public programs, like Medicaid and Medicare. Private insurance covers most women of reproductive age, and states can choose whether abortion coverage is included or excluded in private plans that are not self-insured. Prior to the Dobbs ruling, about half of the states had enacted private plan restrictions and banned abortion coverage from ACA Marketplace plans. Since the Dobbs ruling, some of these states have also banned the provision of abortion services altogether. However, 10 states have enacted laws that require private plans to cover abortion, typically without cost-sharing.
The Hyde Amendment has banned the use of federal funds for abortion unless the pregnancy is a result of rape, incest, or it endangers the woman’s life. States may use non-federal state-only funds to pay for abortions under other circumstances for women covered by Medicaid, which 17 states currently do. However, more than half ( 56% ) of women covered by Medicaid live in states where they have no coverage for abortion, unless they qualify for an exception.
The impact of the Dobbs decision goes far beyond abortion care. It has also affected the provision of related health care services, including management of miscarriages and pregnancy-related emergencies, treatments for cancer and other chronic illnesses , contraceptive options , and much more. Women with low incomes, women of color, sexual/gender minorities, and other pregnant people have been disproportionately affected by the sweeping impacts of this ruling, as they are less likely to have the resources to travel potentially long distances to seek care.
Since the Dobbs ruling, there has been a constant stream of legal challenges , with a plethora of cases that seek to challenge abortion bans as well as block access to abortion medication or services. While most of the litigation is in state courts, the Supreme Court is considering a case involving the FDA’s approved conditions for using mifepristone, one of the drugs used for medication abortion , as well as a case about potential conflict between state-level abortion bans and Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act (EMTALA), the federal law that requires hospitals to provide care to stabilize patients experiencing medical emergencies. The Supreme Court will likely issue its decision in these cases in June 2024.
Contraception
Contraceptive care is an important component of overall health care for many women and people capable of becoming pregnant. Federal and state policies shape access to and the availability of contraceptive care, but factors such as provider characteristics, as well as individual preferences and experiences also impact contraceptive choices and use. For most people, private insurance coverage and Medicaid greatly reduce or eliminate financial barriers to contraceptive care. However, access is still limited in many parts of the U.S. with more than 19 million women living in contraceptive deserts where they may not have access to a health center offering the full range of contraceptive methods. There have been more efforts to broaden contraceptive availability outside of traditional clinical settings, including through commercial apps that use telehealth platforms, state efforts to allow pharmacists to prescribe birth control, and, most recently, over-the-counter (OTC) access to contraceptives without a traditional prescription.
The importance and impact of contraceptives in women’s lives are unquestionable. The 2022 KFF Women’s Health Survey highlighted that the majority of females 18 to 64 (90%) have used contraception at some point in their reproductive years, with most reporting they have used oral contraceptives and male condoms at some point in their lives (Figure 11). Many women have used more than one contraceptive method throughout their lifetime (76%), a reflection of changing needs and preferences across the lifespan.
The ACA requires that most private plans cover contraceptive services for females without cost-sharing – this includes patient education and counseling and FDA-approved methods of contraception with a prescription. This provision has dramatically reduced cost-sharing for contraception among females with private insurance plans, though some privately insured females who are eligible for no-cost coverage are still paying some of the cost of their contraceptives (Figure 12 ) . Reasons include someone using a brand-name contraceptive that is not in the plan’s formulary or consumers unaware of or not offered a generic alternative.
Despite its far-reaching impact, the ACA’s requirement for contraceptive coverage has been challenged in the courts on multiple occasions, with three cases reaching the Supreme Court. The earlier cases, Burwell v. Hobby Lobby (2014) and Zubik v. Burwell (2016), challenged the Obama Administration's regulations implementing the contraceptive coverage requirement, contending that the requirement violated some employers’ religious rights. The most recent cases , Little Sisters of the Poor v. Pennsylvania (2020) and Trump v. Pennsylvania (2020), involved regulations issued by the Trump Administration, which currently exempt employers with religious objections from providing contraceptive coverage to their employees.
For people with lower incomes, the Medicaid program is the primary funding source for contraceptives. The federal Medicaid statute establishes minimum standards, and, for decades, has classified family planning as a mandatory benefit category that all state programs must cover. States may not charge any out-of-pocket costs for family planning services and must allow beneficiaries to see any Medicaid provider within their state for family planning care. Many states also have programs that provide Medicaid coverage just for family planning services to people who have lower incomes but do not qualify for full Medicaid benefits.
Additionally, the federal Title X family planning program, administered by the HHS Office of Population Affairs (OPA), is the only federal program specifically dedicated to supporting the delivery of family planning care for individuals who are uninsured and have lower incomes. The program provides funding to more than 4,000 health clinics, public health departments, and nonprofit agencies across the country to deliver contraceptives and other family planning services to individuals with low incomes. Title X-funded providers must follow the program’s requirements, which include offering a broad range of family planning methods for low or no cost and ensuring confidentiality for adolescents. Federal rules also require that participating clinics offer their patients non-directive pregnancy option counseling that includes abortion, adoption, and prenatal referral for those who seek those services.
While there have been numerous over-the-counter contraceptive methods available (e.g. condoms, spermicides), in July 2023, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approved the first over-the-counter daily oral contraceptive pill, known as Opill . FDA’s approval of Opill makes it the most effective form of contraception available OTC intended for regular use. Private insurers and Medicaid generally require a prescription to cover OTC products, so even though Opill and other OTC products are available without needing a prescription from a clinician, coverage without a prescription will be limited without federal or state action.
Mental health has emerged as a rapidly growing concern in recent years, with 90% of Americans saying there is a mental health crisis in a recent KFF-CNN poll. Women experience several mental health conditions such as anxiety, depression, and eating disorders more frequently than men, and some also experience mental health disorders that are unique to women, such as perinatal depression (including prenatal and postpartum depression) and premenstrual dysphoric disorders that may occur when hormone levels change.
A KFF survey found that in 2022, a significantly higher share of women (50%) than men (35%) thought they needed mental health services in the past two years. The rates were particularly higher among younger women (64% of women ages 18-25). However, barriers to accessing timely and affordable mental health services persist for many. Almost half of women who said they needed mental health services and tried to get care were able to get an appointment within a month, but more than one-third of women had to wait longer. Among those who could not get an appointment, women cite limited provider availability and cost as the main reasons they were unable to access mental health care. Significantly larger shares of women who are uninsured (60%) say they could not get an appointment due to affordability reasons, compared to those who have health insurance either through private plans (33%) or Medicaid (30%) (Figure 13).
Prior KFF research has documented the challenges some consumers with health insurance face when finding in-network mental health care. In fact, 2 in 10 privately insured women with a mental health care appointment in the past two years say their provider did not accept their insurance. The option is effectively not available to women who have low incomes or are on Medicaid and lack the financial resources to pay for out-of-network care.
Among the COVID-19 pandemic and the rise of racist attacks , the ongoing opioid epidemic is a commonly cited stressor that has exacerbated long-standing mental health issues and prompted growing demand for mental health services in the past several years. Women face unique gender and sex-related differences when it comes to substance use, including greater physical, psychological, and social harms associated with drug use. Use of certain substances in women has been linked to increased rates of depression and anxiety disorders. Studies have also shown that women who use substances are at risk for issues related to pregnancy , fertility, breastfeeding, menstrual cycle, and more. All of these factors also shape the availability of treatment and services accessible to women.
Intimate partner violence (IPV), defined as sexual violence, stalking, physical violence, and psychological aggression perpetrated by a current or former intimate partner, affects nearly a third of all Americans at some point in their lives. Although IPV affects men and women of all ages, women experience IPV at higher rates. Rates are higher among some groups of women, particularly those who are young, Black, American Indian or Alaska Native, and LGBTQ. It is difficult to quantify the number of people who experience IPV, as many cases are not reported. Some studies have estimated 9 million women in the U.S. experience sexual violence, physical violence, or stalking by an intimate partner in a single year. People who experience IPV are more likely to experience a range of health problems such as chronic pain, cardiovascular problems, and neurological problems. Both the CDC and U.S. Preventive Services Task Force (USPSTF) have identified IPV as a significant public health issue in the US.
Several federal programs and laws fund health care services and supports to survivors of IPV. The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) has a broad scope, covering domestic violence, sexual harassment, stalking, and sexual assault. VAWA provides grants to states, local governments, and other organizations to establish their own violence-related programs and protocols. While some of the focus of VAWA and other public policies is prosecution of those who commit violence, provisions in VAWA also address health care coverage and costs for people who have experienced IPV.
It is well recognized that the health care system can serve as a site of IPV screening and support, and some professional medical organizations recommend that clinicians screen women for IPV. Under the ACA, IPV screening is considered a preventive service as screening is recommended by the USPSTF and Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA) preventive services for women. When health care providers routinely screen patients for IPV, it helps identify cases and connect survivors to resources and supports. However, this can be challenging as a KFF survey of OBGYNs found that many clinicians say they do not have sufficient resources within their practices to provide follow-up services when cases of IPV are identified. Connections to community-based services are particularly important for clinicians to be able to care for patients who disclose IPV.
Women’s health has become one of the most politicized issues in society and health care. The overturning of Roe v. Wade in 2022 marked a seismic change in an important aspect of women’s health care that has implications for all pregnancy-related care and women’s economic future and well-being. The high and rising rates of maternal mortality and morbidity in the U.S. and the persistent gaps in mortality rates experienced by women of color highlight the need to address the roles that poverty, racism, and discrimination play in women’s health. Some of the key challenges that remain to be addressed in women’s health include:
Ranji, Usha, Diep, Karen, Gomez, Ivette, Sobel, Laurie, & Salganicoff, Alina, Health Policy Issues in Women's Health. In Altman, Drew (Editor), Health Policy 101, (KFF, May 28, 2024) https://www.kff.org/health-policy-101-health-policy-issues-in-womens-health/ (date accessed).
COMMENTS
Given the importance of maternal health for our families, communities, and nation, addressing the unacceptable rates of maternal mortality and severe maternal morbidity calls for a comprehensive approach that addresses health from well before to well after pregnancy. A singular focus on the perinatal period would ignore upstream health factors associated with chronic conditions as well as ...
of maternal mortality and morbidity, reducing the disparities in maternal health outcomes, and improving the overall experience of pregnancy, birth, and postpartum for people across the country.
Reproductive Health and Research (SRH) conducted the global SRMNCAH policy survey in 2018-2019. This survey is the fifth such survey on maternal, newborn, child and adolescent health since 2009-2010, and it is the first to include sexual and reproductive health and to align with the SDGs and the Global Strategy for
Why is maternal, newborn and child health a focus area for 2021-2025? Dramatic reductions have been achieved in maternal, newborn and child health in recent decades. Yet deep inequities remain between and within countries, which are being exacerbated by COVID-19. For instance,
Section 1: Background and rationale for review. The Maternal Mortality working group have recently presented new estimates of MMR, reporting a total of 536,000 maternal deaths in 2005 thus an average of 402 deaths per 100,000 live births, with 50% occurring in SS Africa (900/100,000 live births) and 45% in Asia.
Health Research to Improve Women's and Maternal Health Outcomes Improving maternal health before, during, and after pregnancy is among the nation's most pressing public health priorities. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) estimates 17.4 maternal deaths occurred per 100,000 live births in 2018, 2, 3. and an estimated 25,000
Abbreviationsiv Introduction1. Promote, prevent and protect maternal and perinatal health 3. 1. Antenatal care 3 Nutritional supplements 3 Maternal and fetal assessment 4 Preventive measures 6 Interventions for common physiological symptoms 7 Health systems interventions 8 2. Prevention of pre-eclampsia and eclampsia 9 3.
and Adolescence at the Department of Reproductive Health and Research, WHO (1994- 2009), independent consultant on sexual and reproductive health and rights (2009-2014). Estzer Kismödi, Human Rights Adviser, Department of Reproductive Health and Research, WHO (2002-2012), independent consultant for WHO (2012-2014).
Journal of Community Medicine & Public Health Bhuiyan S, et al. J Community Med Public Health: CMPH-109. Research Article DOI: 10.29011/CMPH-109/100009 Maternal and Child Health (MCH) Handbook and Its Effect on Maternal and Child Health Care: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis Shafi Bhuiyan1,2*, Housne Begum2,3, Deena2, Sabeen Ehsan2, Syed Jamal Shah2, Rabia Shariff2, Vanessa Linton2,3 ...
Maternal and child health. This brief summarizes the contributions of Kaiser Permanente Research since 2007 on the topic of maternal and child health, including prepregnancy risk factors and a variety of risks and outcomes occurring both during and following childbirth. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Kaiser ...
To assess in utero exposures associated with leukocyte telomere length (LTL) at birth and maternal LTL in a primarily Latinx birth cohort. Apurva Prasad, Jue Lin, Laura Jelliffe-Pawlowski, Kimberley Coleman-Phox, Larry Rand and Janet M Wojcicki. Maternal Health, Neonatology and Perinatology 2023 9 :14.
Maternal Health. Healthy mothers, healthy babies: taking stock of maternal health. UNICEF, 2019. This brief provides a general overview and data on the causes of pregnancy-related complications and a call for action. Maternal mortality fact sheet. WHO, 2019. This fact sheet includes critical data, key facts
Background The preservation and promotion of maternal health (MH) emerge as vital global health objectives. Despite the considerable emphasis on MH, there are still serious challenges to equitable access to MH services in many countries. This review aimed to determine key barriers to the provision and utilization of MH services in low- and lower-middle-income countries (LLMICs). Methods In ...
WHO develops guidelines on a broad array of clinical, public health, health system, health promotion and implementation strategies. These interventions are often highly context-specific, with multiple factors that directly and indirectly impact the health and societal outcomes, and as part of these strategies, to identify key research priorities that could accelerate improvement in maternal ...
Maternal health. Maternal health refers to the health of women during pregnancy, childbirth and the postnatal period. Each stage should be a positive experience, ensuring women and their babies reach their full potential for health and well-being. Although important progress has been made in the last two decades, about 287 000 women died during ...
maternal mental health. During the meeting, experts and stakeholders discussed maternal mental health and specifi cally focused on the perinatal period. The discussion addressed topics such as risk factors, bar-riers to mental health care, areas in need of research, and potential policy interventions. The authors of this
study, and research on significant issues in health policy. Established in 1918, Childbirth Connection (formerly Maternity Center Association) is a national not-for-profit voice for the needs and interests of childbearing families. Its mission is to improve the quality of maternity care through research, education, advocacy, and policy.
Theories and Models applicable in Maternal and Child Health Nursing. May 2014. In book: Essentials Concepts and Issues in Nursing (pp.246-261) Publisher: Samdavies. Authors:
Maternal health refers to the health of women before and during pregnancy, at childbirth and during the postpartum period (2). 2 The European Region has made substantial progress in improving maternal health, with an average official reported maternal mortality rate of 11 per 100 000 live births in 2014. However,
The National Institutes of Health has awarded $24 million in first-year funding to establish Maternal Health Research Centers of Excellence. Part of NIH's Implementing a Maternal Health and Pregnancy Outcomes Vision for Everyone (IMPROVE) initiative, the centers will develop and evaluate innovative approaches to reduce pregnancy-related ...
Maternal health refers to the well-being of women during pregnancy, childbirth, and the postpartum period. It is an essential aspect of global health, as it directly affects the health and survival of both the mother and the newborn. Healthy maternal outcomes depend on a plethora of factors, including access to quality healthcare, skilled ...
Research Topic: Maternal and Fetal Health $ Don't forget to check out funding opportunities! $ Explore research topics Browse by... Or search for anything: ... Center for Women's Health Research at UNC 104B Market Street, CB#7521 Chapel Hill, NC 27599-7521 P: 919-843-7720 F: 919-843-7364
The COVID-19 pandemic challenged health systems across the world and may have played a role in limiting women's access to health care. 6 The increase in maternal deaths in several countries during the pandemic may have been due to a rise in respiratory or viral conditions directly related to COVID or to conditions worsened by the virus, such ...
In 2020, addressing severe maternal morbidity (SMM) was defined as a public health priority by the US Department of Health and Human Services. 1,2 Indeed, the reported incidence of SMM has more than doubled between 1999 and 2017, affecting approximately 1 in 60 women in 2017. 3 Of concern, the risk of SMM is up to 3-fold increased for racial ...
Jenn Leiferman, Ph.D., chair and professor in the Department of Community and Behavioral Health at the University of Colorado-Denver, focuses her research on maternal and child mental health. Mental health conditions, including perinatal or maternal depression that occurs during pregnancy and up to a year after delivery, are a leading ...
The Department of Population, Family and Reproductive Health is dedicated to improving health throughout the life course worldwide. We train research scientists, public health leaders, and health professionals to excel in careers related to a broad spectrum of population, family, and reproductive health issues.
The WHO Departments of Maternal, Newborn, Child and Adolescent Health and Ageing (MCA), Mental Health . and Substance Use (MSD), Nutrition and Food Safety (NFS), and Sexual and Reproductive Health and Research (SRH) gratefully acknowledge the contributions that many individuals and organizations have made to the . development of this guideline.
Systematic and rigorous inquiry allows us to discover the fundamental mechanisms and causes of disease and disparities. At our Office of Research (research@BSPH), we translate that knowledge to develop, evaluate, and disseminate treatment and prevention strategies and inform public health practice.Research along this entire spectrum represents a fundamental mission of the Johns Hopkins ...
This Health Policy 101 chapter explores how national and state policies shape coverage and access to care for women, with a focus on recent policy and legal developments that affect women's health.