write an essay about the 2023 election in nigeria

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Elections in Nigeria: 2023 General Elections

Nigeria will hold general elections on Saturday, February 25, 2023, for presidential and National Assembly elections. Elections for 28 of the 36 governorships and State Houses of Assembly will follow on Saturday, March 11. The elections mark 24 years of uninterrupted democracy—the longest span in Nigeria’s history. They will serve as a critical transfer of power, as President Muhammadu Buhari has served two mandates and is ineligible to seek another four-year term.

The 2023 general elections will have regional implications for West Africa, as successful elections within Nigeria can provide a positive electoral template in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) region. Since 2020, the West African region has faced democratic backsliding, with the ECOWAS governments of Mali, Guinea, and Burkina Faso toppled by military juntas. A successful election in Nigeria could counter negative perceptions of governance within the region. Successful elections in Nigeria will also set a positive example for the continent, given they will be the first and largest African elections in 2023.

To help you understand this important electoral process, the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) provides Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) on  Elections in Nigeria: 2023 General Elections .

Learn more about IFES's programs in  Nigeria  and follow @IFESAfrica and  @IFESNigeria  on Twitter.

Additionally, visit IFES's  Election Guide  for the most comprehensive and timely verified election information available online.

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs)

When is election day updated february 14, 2023.

Nigeria will hold general elections on Saturday, February 25, 2023, for presidential and National Assembly elections. Elections for 28 of the 36 governorships and State Houses of Assembly will follow on Saturday, March 11.

What time will voting take place? Updated February 14, 2023

Voting will take place from 8:30 a.m. to 2:30 p.m. in 176,846 polling units across the country. Any voter present in the queue by 2:30 p.m. will be allowed to vote. Voting will continue until the last voter in the queue casts his or her vote.

Why are these elections important? Updated February 14, 2023

The 2023 general election is the seventh consecutive general election since Nigeria re-established its democracy in 1999. The elections mark 24 years of uninterrupted democracy—the longest span in Nigeria’s history. They will serve as a critical transfer of power, as President Muhammadu Buhari has served two mandates and is ineligible to seek another four-year term.

The upcoming general elections will be the first nationwide elections conducted within the framework of the new Electoral Act, which President Buhari signed into law in February 2022. Continuing Nigeria’s reputation for using advanced technology in elections, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) will utilize two technological innovations to improve the integrity and transparency of the electoral process. The Bi-modal Voting Accreditation System (BVAS) verifies and authenticates voters, and the INEC Results Viewing Portal is a public-facing voter tabulation system that the INEC will deploy nationwide.

One challenge that Nigeria faces in these elections is voter turnout. Turnout was at record lows in the previous election cycle—only about 35 percent of registered voters. However, INEC reported a high number of registered voters for the upcoming elections. As of the date of publication, the total was 93,469,008, over 9 million more than in the last general elections in 2019. Election observers will pay close attention to the number of registered voters who collect their permanent voter’s cards and turn out to vote.

Security issues also present a significant challenge for the 2023 general elections. Since 2019, nearly 50 incidents of vandalism and attacks were recorded against INEC offices and personnel by spoilers including terrorist activity in the North East states, banditry in the North West states, and a secessionist movement in the South East geopolitical zone. Attacks on INEC offices across the country reflected greater security problems in the country, including insurgencies in northern Nigeria and secessionist movements in the southeastern region. Nigeria faced unprecedented levels of insecurity during the country’s republican periods, demonstrating the dissatisfaction of a significant percentage of Nigerians with the conduct of their democratic institutions.

Who are citizens voting for on Election Day? Updated February 14, 2023

The general elections will decide the presidency of Nigeria, the governors of 28 of the country’s 36 states, parliamentarians (109 senators and 360 members of the Federal House of Representatives), and 993 members of State Houses of Assembly.

In total, 1,491 positions are open across the country at the national and state levels. According to the Independent National Electoral Commission’s published list of candidates, all 18 registered political parties are fielding candidates for the general elections.

What is the electoral system? Updated February 14, 2023

Nigeria’s president is elected by a qualified plurality vote to serve a four-year term. To be elected in the first round, a candidate must receive the highest number of votes cast and at least 25 percent of the votes in two-thirds of the states (spread). If no candidate wins in the first round, a second round is held between the top two candidates (that is, the candidate receiving the highest number of votes in the election and the candidate receiving the majority of votes in the largest number of states). If a second round of necessary, it will be held 21 days after the first round.

The 109 members of the Senate are elected to four-year terms by simple majority vote in single-member constituencies. Each of the 36 states is divided into three senatorial districts. One senator is elected from each of those 108 districts and the Federal Capital Territory. The House of Representatives has 360 members serving for four-year terms, with seats for each state allotted based on population size. Lagos and Kano have the highest number of seats, with 24 each. The State Houses of Assembly have 993 members who are elected to four-year terms by a simple majority vote in single-member constituencies.

What is the legal framework for conducting the elections? Updated February 14, 2023

The legal framework for conducting the elections consists of:

• The Nigeria 1999 Constitution, as amended;
• The Electoral Act, 2022; and
• Independent National Electoral Commission Election Regulations and Guidelines for the conduct of elections, 2022. 

President Muhammadu Buhari signed the Electoral Act Amendment Bill into law on February 25, 2022, despite some opposition from political leaders. President Buhari declined to sign an earlier version of the bill due to disputes on how political parties selected their candidates. Other concerns about the bill included barring political appointees from contesting political elections and the introduction of the Results Viewing Portal voter tabulation system. Despite this opposition, the public and civil society strongly supported the Electoral Act Amendment Bill. Members of civil society expressed confidence that it would ease electoral processes and promote fairness and credibility in future elections. The National Assembly alleviated some concerns when it reworked the bill in January 2022, and President Buhari then signed it.

How many political parties are participating in the elections? Updated February 14, 2023

All 18 registered political parties have fielded candidates for the elections. The parties are:

• Action Alliance 
• African Action Congress 
• African Democratic Congress 
• Action Democratic Party 
• All Progressive Congress 
• All Progressive Grand Alliance 
• Allied Peoples Movement 
• All People’s Party 
• Boot Party 
• Labour Party 
• New Nigeria Peoples Party 
• National Rescue Movement 
• Peoples Democratic Party 
• Peoples Redemption Party 
• Social Democratic Party 
• Young Progressives Party 
• Zenith Labour Party

How many candidates are contesting for the various positions? Updated February 14, 2023

According to the Independent National Electoral Commission’s published list of candidates, a total of 15,309 people, including 14,043 (91.7 percent) men and 1,266 (8.3 percent) women , are contesting for seats at the national and state levels. There will be 18 presidential, 1,101 Senatorial, 3,122 House of Representatives, 837 governorship, and 10,231 State Houses of Assembly candidates.

Women account for only one in 10 candidates: one for the presidential election, 25 for governorships, 102 for deputy governorships, 92 for Senate seats, 286 for House of Representative seats, and 1,046 for State Houses of Assembly seats.

How does a winner emerge in the 2023 National and State Elections? Updated February 14, 2023

According to Section 66 of the Electoral Act, 2022, and Sections 134 and 179 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, to be declared winners in the election, presidential and governorship candidates must receive the largest number of votes cast and not less than one-quarter of votes in at least two-thirds of each of the states or the local government areas in the state, respectively. If no candidate receives these proportions, a second round will be held between the top two candidates.

For any national or state assembly election, a candidate must receive the largest number of votes cast in the ward, constituency, or senatorial district he or she is contesting (a simple majority) to be declared the winner.

What technology is the Independent National Electoral Commission deploying for the elections? Updated February 14, 2023

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) will deploy the Bi-modal Accreditation System (BVAS), a handheld device that verifies and authenticates voters against the voter registry on Election Day using either fingerprint or facial capture. The BVAS will also be used to scan and electronically transmit election results from polling units to the INEC Results Viewing (IReV) portal.

INEC is deploying the IReV portal to improve the results management process, enhance transparency, and increase public confidence in the results collation process. The IReV portal will enable the public to view copies of polling unit election result sheets on Election Day.

Who oversees the polling units and registration areas during elections, and what are their duties? Updated February 14, 2023

The presiding officer oversees a polling unit, supported by three other poll workers. They will issue ballot papers to voters upon accreditation using the Bi-modal Voting Accreditation System (BVAS).

The supervisory presiding officer supervises the conduct of polls in a cluster of polling units in a registration area (RA). He or she collects, distributes, and retrieves election materials within that RA.

What is Independent National Electoral Commission doing to safeguard the elections and voters in a pandemic? Updated February 14, 2023

The election administration will follow current health protocols as well as the Independent National Electoral Commission Voting in Safety Guide, which regulates the conduct of elections during a pandemic. Voters, observers, and authorized representatives of candidates will be required to maintain a physical distance of two meters. Queues will be demarcated with ropes and other markings.

Who is eligible to run as a candidate? Updated February 14, 2023

Candidacy requirements differ slightly for different positions. All candidates must meet the minimum requirements of citizenship and be registered voters. They must show proof of education through at least school certificate level or its equivalent, such as a high school diploma, and must be sponsored members of a political party before they can run for any political position. Accordingly, there are no legal provisions that allow for independent candidates. Senate candidates must be at least 35 years old, and House of Representative candidates must be at least 30 years old. According to Section 84 (10) of the Electoral Act 2022, no actively serving political appointee at any level may serve as a candidate for any position.

What are the campaign expenditure and donation limits? Updated February 14, 2023

The Electoral Act 2022 defined expenditure limits for all candidates. All candidates are required to submit financial reports that document their campaign income and expenditures no later than seven days after Election Day.

Candidates may accept financial donations from citizens but are prohibited from receiving any support or funds from foreign or illegal sources. Section 88 of the Electoral Act 2022 set the following limits for election expenses that political candidates may incur:

• NGN 5 billion ($10,848,800 USD equivalent) for presidential candidates;
• NGN 1 billion ($2,169,760 USD equivalent) for governorship candidates;
• NGN 100 million ($216,976 USD equivalent) for Senate candidates;
• NGN 70 million ($151,883 USD equivalent) for the House of Representatives candidates; and
• NGN 30 million ($65,092 USD equivalent) for State Houses of Assembly candidates. 

No individual or other entity may donate more than NGN 50 million to a candidate. The Independent National Electoral Commission is responsible for monitoring political parties and established the Election and Party Monitoring Department to monitor party finance activities.

What is the election management body? What are its powers? Updated February 14, 2023

Nigeria’s election management body is the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The functions of the INEC, as contained in Section 15, Part 1 of the Third Schedule of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, and Section 2 of the Electoral Act 2022, as amended, include the following:

• Organize, undertake, and supervise all elections to the offices of the president and vice-president, the governor and deputy governor of a state, and the membership of the Senate, House of Representatives, and House of Assembly of each state of the federation;
• Register political parties in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution and Act of the National Assembly;
• Monitor the organization and operation of the political parties, including their finances, conventions, congresses; and party primaries;
• Arrange for the annual examination and auditing of the funds and accounts of political parties, and publish a report on such examination and audit for public information;
• Arrange and conduct the registration of persons qualified to vote and to prepare, maintain, and revise the register of voters for the purpose of any election under the Constitution;
• Monitor political campaigns and provide rules and regulations that govern the political parties;
• Conduct voter and civic education;
• Promote knowledge of sound democratic election processes; and
• Conduct any required referendum pursuant to the 1999 Constitution or any other law or Act of the National Assembly.

INEC is not involved in local government elections, except that of the Federal Capital Territory for the chair and counselors of its six area councils. State independent electoral commissions manage local elections.

What is the election management body doing to strengthen its technology and procedures to resist vulnerabilities and counter foreign interference? Updated February 14, 2023

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) pilots all technologies extensively before large-scale deployment. This includes conducting stress testing, identifying vulnerabilities, and developing local solutions.

With IFES’s support, INEC developed an information communications and technology (ICT) policy that includes cybersecurity best practices implemented across the election management body as standard operating procedures. INEC recently conducted a cybersecurity assessment of its ICT infrastructure ahead of the 2023 general election to identify and plug gaps. INEC also trained staff on the Bi-modal Voting Accreditation System device to ensure effective utilization of this technology.

What is the Independent National Electoral Commission doing to ensure that citizens have all the information they need to participate in the electoral process? Updated February 14, 2023

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) opened the INEC Citizens’ Contact Center (ICCC), through which members of the public can make inquiries and request information. The ICCC is designed to enhance transparency and public participation in the electoral process. It is open daily between 9 a.m. and 5 p.m. and, as the elections near, will scale up to 24-hour service. The ICCC offers real-time responses to inquiries, incident reports, complaints, and information about any aspect of the electoral process. The ICCC:

• Facilitates access to election-related information and knowledge;
• Contributes to voter education efforts;
• Provides information on how voters can transfer their registration; and
• Facilitates verification of voters’ status.

Contact information for the ICCC is below:

• Telephone: 07098116381, 07098115257, 07098117563, or 07098110916
• E-mail: [email protected]
• Website: www.inecnigeria.org

Who can vote in these elections? Updated February 14, 2023

Section 12 (1) of the Electoral Act 2022, as amended, states that a person shall be eligible to vote if she or he is a citizen of Nigeria; 18 years or older; resides, works in, or originates from a local government area, council, or ward covered by a registration center; applies in person to the registration officer of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for registration as a voter; is not subject to any legal incapacity to vote under any law, rule, or regulation in force in Nigeria; has a permanent voter’s card; and is listed on the electronic voter’s register.

Section 12 (2) of the Electoral Act 2010, as amended, states that a person cannot register at more than one registration center or register more than once in the same registration center, as this amounts to an electoral offense punishable by law.  As such, Section 12 (3) of the Electoral Act 2010  and the Electoral Act 2022, as amended, warned the public that, if convicted, offenders are subject to a fine of up to NGN 100,000, equivalent to $216.98 USD, up to a year of imprisonment, or both.

Voting by proxy is not allowed. A voter is expected to physically be present at the polling unit with a permanent voter’s card to be accredited and permitted to vote.  

How many registered voters are there? Updated February 14, 2023

There are 93,469,008 registered voters in the national voter registry that will be used in the 2023 general elections. Of those voters, 52.5 percent are men and 47.5 percent are women.

By age group, 39.65 percent of registered voters are aged 18 to 34 years, 35.75 percent are aged 35 to 49 years, 18.94 percent are aged 50 to 69 years, and 5.66 percent are 70 years and above. A total of 9,518,188 first-time voters are registered.

What provisions are in place that support the equal rights of women, persons with disabilities, and other marginalized groups? Updated February 14, 2023

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) established its Gender and Inclusivity Department to promote the participation of women, youth, persons with disabilities, and internally displaced persons in the electoral process. Section 54 (1) of the Electoral Act, 2022, as amended, states that INEC will provide persons with disabilities and special needs and vulnerable persons with suitable assistive devices, such as braille ballots, electronic devices, and magnifying glasses to ensure they are able to vote. INEC’s policy documents guide its approach to enhance the participation of these groups in the electoral process.

These provisions include:

• Prioritization of persons with disabilities, the aged, visibly pregnant women, and nursing mothers to vote before others;
• Making magnifying glasses available at the polling unit;
• Making available a braille ballot guide (a specially designed ballot paper assistive guide that enables voters with visual disabilities to vote independently);
• Use of INEC form EC.40H to capture data on persons with disabilities on Election Day; and
• Publication of the INEC EC.30E poster to provide guidance for deaf voters on how to vote at a polling unit.

Is out-of-country voting allowed? Updated February 14, 2023

Nigerian law makes no provisions for out-of-country voting. However, Nigerians in the diaspora, civil society organizations, and the Independent National Electoral Commission continue to advocate for an amendment to the law that permits Nigerians living abroad to vote outside the country.

Who can observe during Election Day? How can they get accreditation? Updated February 14, 2023

Election Observers

Representatives of international observation missions, international organizations, civil society organizations, the media, and political parties may observe all electoral activities in Nigeria if they are accredited in accordance with Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) guidelines for election observation.

Civil society organizations and interested national and international organizations must formally apply to INEC’s Election and Party Monitoring department in writing and receive approval to observe the elections. Each observer group is expected to submit a detailed list of its observers, including a photograph of each observer. Upon approval, observer groups will receive observer kits that include badges with photographs for each observer. Election observers are expected to wear their INEC-issued badges at all times during observation on Election Day or risk arrest.

Observers have the right to observe the entire voting process and the counting of ballots at polling stations, as well as the collation and declaration of results at the collation centers. They are not permitted to interfere with the conduct of elections. They may only observe the process and call the attention of officials to any irregularity without interfering with the process. It is unlawful for election observers to handle election materials.

Election Monitors

Election monitors are INEC officials who are deployed to oversee the conduct of elections. Election monitors can interfere with the conduct of elections, especially if they notice that poll officials are not adhering to the approved procedures.

Political Party Agents

A political party agent is an accredited representative of a political party or candidate who is designated to witness voter registration, the display of the voter registry, and the polling and counting processes on behalf of his or her political party or candidate at specified registration, polling, and counting venues. A party agent represents the interests of the party’s candidate at the registration, polling, and counting venues. INEC allows only one agent per political party or candidate at each registration, polling, and counting venue.

A party agent present at a polling unit may demand to have votes recounted, but only once. The refusal of any party agent to countersign the result sheet will not invalidate the results of the poll.

Only accredited journalists are permitted to enter polling units on Election Day, and only under the condition that they do not interfere with the conduct of elections. Members of the media cannot announce election results before returning officers do so, as only the latter are permitted by law to declare the result of an election.

When does the campaign start? Is there a campaign silence period? Updated February 14, 2023

Election campaigns are permitted to commence 90 days prior the Election Day. Campaigning must cease 24 hours before the election, at 8:30 a.m. on February 24, 2023.

Who is managing security on Election Day? Updated February 14, 2023

The Nigeria Police Force, in close collaboration with other security agencies, including the Nigerian Armed Forces and Paramilitary forces (such as Nigeria Civil Defence and immigration officers), will provide security on Election Day. The Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security will coordinate election security efforts at the national and state levels.

Where are vote counting and tabulation held? Updated February 14, 2023

Results will be announced at each polling unit immediately after the collation, sorting, and counting of votes at the polling unit level. Following this announcement, the results will be transferred to and collated at collation centers at the ward, local government area, state, and national levels. The level of the final announcement of results depends on the type of seat. The results of the presidential election will be announced at the national Presidential Collation Center. The results of governorship, Senate, House of Representatives, and State Houses of Assembly races are announced at the state level.

After the presiding officer finalizes the sorting and counting votes at the polling units and transmits the polling unit results through the INEC Results Viewing (IReV) portal, collation will begin. Collation proceeds from the lowest level of collation, the registration area collation center, to the highest, either at the local government area, senatorial district, state, or national level, depending on the type of election.

When will official results be announced? Updated February 14, 2023

The Independent National Electoral Commission will announce election results once collation is complete at all levels. The announcement may occur on Election Day or in the days afterward, depending on the type of election. To this end:

• Councillorship elections will be declared from the RA/Ward collation centers;
• Chairman elections will be declared from LGA collation centers;
• State house of representative elections will be declared from the state constituency collation election centers;
• Federal house of representative elections will be declared from federal constituency collation centers;
• Senatorial elections will be declared from the senatorial district collation centers;
• Governorship elections will be declared from the state collation center; and
• Presidential elections will be declared from the presidential collation center.

How will election disputes be adjudicated? Updated February 14, 2023

Guided by Section 285 of the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) [1] and Section 130 of the Electoral Act 2022, [2] election tribunals are constituted in each state and at the national level to preside over pre-election disputes and the conduct of elections within Nigeria. Election tribunals must be constituted not later than 30 days before the day of the election. [3]

Only registered candidates or parties can challenge results. Section 131 (5, a) of the Electoral Act 2022, as amended, notes that only registered candidates or parties can challenge results, which they must submit to a court within 21 days after the declaration of the election results. According to Section 134 (1) of the Electoral Act 2022, candidates may challenge elections on any of the following grounds: a candidate was not qualified to run at the time of the election, the election was invalid by reason of corrupt practices or noncompliance with the provisions of the Electoral Act 2022, or the respondent was not duly elected by the majority of lawful votes cast during the election.

Beyond challenges to electoral results, any voter, polling agent, and candidate can raise concerns regarding electoral offenses by submitting a written complaint to the nearest Independent National Electoral Commission local office. An electoral offense is any violation of a regulation or law concerning elections. Examples of electoral offenses on Election Day include vote buying, campaigning during the silence period, multiple voting, and voting despite ineligibility. The Election Appeal Tribunal will review each claim and will deliver a written judgment within 180 days from the filing of the petition.

Resources Updated February 14, 2023

• INEC Website
• INEC Facebook
• Nigeria Constitution
• Nigeria Electoral Act, 2022

About IFES in Nigeria Updated February 14, 2023

Since 1998, the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) has helped Nigerian election management bodies build their capacity to promote credible, inclusive, and transparent elections at the national, state, and local levels. Building on the Support for Electoral Reforms Project II, funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), IFES will enhance transparency throughout the electoral process with the USAID- and United Kingdom Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO)-funded Supporting Electoral Accountability and Transparency (SEAT) activity. Under SEAT, IFES is assisting Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission to advance and fulfill its mission as an effective, sustainable election management body that is prepared to lead free, fair, and credible elections. IFES also focuses on voter education campaigns that target women, youth, persons with disabilities, and internally displaced persons, along with the general electorate, at the national and sub-national levels. Those campaigns address the challenges of low voter participation. IFES helps to develop a primary school civic education curriculum, conducts national surveys, and monitors electoral dispute resolution via the USAID- and FCDO-funded Sustaining Electoral Engagement for Democracy project.

Disclosure Updated February 14, 2023

These FAQs reflect decisions made by the Independent National Electoral Commission as of February 14, 2023, to the best of our knowledge. This document does not represent any International Foundation for Electoral Systems policy or technical recommendations.

This paper is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the British people through the United Kingdom’s Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO). The information herein is provided by the authors and does not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government, or FCDO or the Government of the United Kingdom.

IFES Nigeria Election FAQs 2023 General Elections.pdf PDF 296.52 KB

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Nigeria presidential election results 2023 by the numbers

Former Lagos governor Bola Tinubu has been declared the winner of Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election. We map the state-by-state results below.

Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has declared Bola Tinubu of the All Progressive Congress (APC) the winner of the 2023 presidential election. Tinubu polled a total of 8,794,726 votes to defeat his closest rival, Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), who scored 6,984,520 to emerge second.

Nearly 90 million people were eligible to vote in Africa’s largest democracy, with many Nigerians hoping a new leader will do a better job tackling insecurity, economic malaise and growing poverty.

Keep reading

Tinubu wins nigeria’s tight presidential elections, nigeria 2023 election: all you need to know, photos: nigeria holds presidential and parliamentary elections, this is why you should care about nigeria’s election.

Elections were held nationwide on February 25. Voting had to be extended into Sunday in a few parts of the country after some glitches.

State-by-state results from the INEC are provided below:

Who is Bola Tinubu?

A two-term governor of Lagos, Nigeria’s economic capital, Bola Tinubu is credited with raising the state’s revenue and supporters say he will replicate his success on the national stage.

He has courted controversy by doing what was considered unthinkable for more than three decades – selecting Kashim Shettima, the ex-governor of Borno, as his running mate. Tinubu and Shettima are both Muslims, from the southwest and northeast, respectively.

There is a gentlemanly agreement between the main parties to share power between north and south, and Christians and Muslims.

Ahead of Saturday’s vote, however, Tinubu and Shettima argued that competency overrules religion.

Ideology barometer

In parts of Africa, personality-driven politics and patronage culture are still dominant, so ideology politics is not as entrenched on the continent as it was under military regimes.

Political actors are frequently crossing party divides and changing their stance on national issues, depending on the stage of their career and other variables in an electoral cycle.

Below is an approximate representation of the leading candidates’ ideological standing – economically and culturally.

Next Election: Edo Governorship Elections-21st September 2024

As all election managers and observers know, the end of one electoral cycle heralds the beginning of another. This dictum has operated time and again and was clearly demonstrable after the 2019 General Election. Accordingly, as a springboard to advancing its operations, processes and procedures in the conduct of elections, the Commission took deliberate steps to review the conduct of the 2019 General Election not in isolation, but with the engagement of its field officers at all levels and a wide range of electoral stakeholders.

These review meetings were held with the sole aim of improving the management and conduct of elections to be held within the 2019-2023 Electoral Cycle. The outcome of the various review engagements resulted in a total of 178 recommendations spanning 14 thematic areas. Recommendations that required the Commission’s administrative action and amendments to the election legal framework were expedited.

The Commission went further to review its 2017-2021 Strategic Plan (SP) and Strategic Plan of Action (SPA) to appraise the implementation of 47 key actions and over 650 activities. The major challenges that militated against the full realisation of the plan were identified and categorised into five thematic areas. Lessons learnt from the 2017- 2021 review formed the launching pad for the formulation of the 2022-2026 Strategic Plan (SP) and Strategic Plan Implementation Programme (SPIP).

Click here to download the full report >> 2023 GENERAL ELECTION REPORT-1

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Nigeria election 2023: what are the issues and why is this vote different?

People will go the polls on Saturday in what is seen as a potential turning point for Africa’s most populous country

When do Nigerians go to the polls and what are they voting for?

On Saturday, up to 94 million voters in Africa’s most populous country and biggest economy will cast their ballots to elect lawmakers and the president. It’s the seventh election since the end of military rule in 1999, and an exercise involving enormous expenditure and logistics, keenly watched across the continent and beyond.

Why does the election matter?

Nigeria faces a host of serious challenges: growing insecurity, a struggling economy, massive debt, deep poverty and a corrupt political class – and this moment is genuinely seen as a potential turning point, with hopes that a fair and credible poll may alter the country’s trajectory for the better, allowing its youthful, creative and entrepreneurial energy to be harnessed for the good of all. Alternatively, it could lead Nigeria towards a very difficult future.

Nigeria is regionally dominant and a keystone state in Africa. Matthew Page, an expert at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace , describes the election as a chance for Nigeria’s democratic process “to send a proof-of-life message to the world”. With democracy in retreat across the continent, some analysts say a good election in Nigeria would revitalise the hopes of democratic reformers in other countries, with many of the issues resonating elsewhere.

Everyone recognises that the next decade is vital for the country, which is forecast to become the third -most populous in the world, behind India and China, by 2045.

What have been the issues for voters in the buildup to the vote?

The most obvious are security, with violent crime that was once restricted to more marginal areas now reaching into major urban centres, and the economy, as most people are considerably worse off now than they were in 2015 when the outgoing president, Muhammadu Buhari, started the first of his two terms. Corruption is also an issue for voters.

In recent weeks, a self-inflicted crisis after a poorly executed effort by authorities to replace the country’s banknotes has brought acute hardship and inconvenience. With naira currency so scarce, the poorest simply cannot buy basic foodstuffs or travel to vote. Many are adapting, but only slowly. In the meantime, “people are cashless and desperate … That is adding to tensions around the poll,” says Nnamdi Obasi , the International Crisis Group’s Nigeria-based expert.

What is different about this election?

A lot. One big difference is the size of the electorate, with 10 million more registered voters than in 2019, including many who are very young. A second big change from earlier polls is that the two main parties that have dominated Nigerian politics for decades – the ruling All Progressives Congress and the People’s Democratic party – have been challenged by a third credible contender: Peter Obi is an energetic 61-year-old who appears a generation younger than his main rivals, Bola Tinubu and Atiku Abubakar, who are in their 70s and look increasingly frail. More than anything, Obi represents a new kind of politics, reaching out beyond Nigeria’s sectarian and ethnic divides with the promise of dynamic, clean and efficient governance. Whether he will be able to fulfil that if he wins is another question. A final difference is new voting technology, which should cut down on rigging.

Many opinion polls have given Obi a substantial lead, and there is no doubt that the wealthy businessman turned politician has run a very effective campaign. However, analysts and ruling party officials say Obi may have difficulty converting “virtual” support on social media and among the young into enough votes to beat the vast patronage networks, deep pockets and powerful political organisation of his rivals.

Much depends on turnout, which has been woefully low in recent elections. Last year, before Obi launched his campaign, a survey found that just 39% of Nigerians felt close to a political party, a sharp decline compared with 2015. If more than two voters in five reach the voting booths, this will be seen as a boost to Obi’s chances, possibly signalling a wave of support.

When will we get a result?

Official results could take up to five days to be announced after the polls close, but the turnout should become clearer much earlier, along with some of the counts. This should give a sense within 36 to 48 hours of who will lead Nigeria.

Nigerian electoral law makes a runoff unlikely, as the winning candidate needs only a simple majority, provided they get 25% of the vote in at least two-thirds of the 36 states.

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INEC Releases Comprehensive 2023 General Election Report

Gloria thomas, abuja.

The Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, Nigeria’s electoral umpire has made public the comprehensive report of the 2023 General Election after its weekly meeting.

National Commissioner and Chairman, Information and Voter Education Committee, Sam Olumekun, mni, said ‘ this comprehensive 526-page document, structured into 13 chapters and enhanced with 60 tables, 14 boxes and 10 graphs, offers an in-depth analysis of the election’s key processes, achievements, and challenges, alongside valuable lessons learned.”

Olimekun noted that the report showcased the election’s unparalleled diversity in party representation, demonstrating significant democratic progress.

“ This election saw four political parties winning gubernatorial races, seven parties winning senatorial seats, eight in federal constituencies and nine in State legislatures, illustrating a broad shift in political representation across Nigeria. “

Electoral integrity

In a press statement announcing the release of the publication, he explained that “ the report underscores the pivotal role of technological advancements, particularly the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), in enhancing electoral integrity and reducing fraud. Furthermore, it addresses public concerns about the INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal, explaining the technical issues encountered during the upload of polling unit results for the presidential electio n.”

Other aspects covered in the report include logistics, security arrangements, staff recruitment and training, inclusivity measures, and the electoral framework.

The the 2024 General Election document has been made accessible on the INEC website (www.inecnigeria.org) and social media platforms.

The Commission says it welcomes feedback to inform future electoral reforms and improvements.

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Presidential elections in Nigeria: alarm over violence and security likely to drive vote

PhD, Research Fellow at IFRA-Nigéria, University of Ibadan

Research associate NigeriaWatch & IFRA-Nigeria, Institut de recherche pour le développement (IRD)

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With Nigeria’s presidential elections slated for Saturday 25 February, the country’s independent electoral commission’s offices have suffered several attacks in recent weeks. Concerns over security have been such that its head, Mahmood Yakubu, expressed doubts on 9 January whether the elections could take place.

Already, in early November, the US embassy had decided to repatriate its “non-essential” diplomatic personnel from the federal capital, Abuja, following a security briefing that was kept confidential. The move prompted a good number of diplomats and businessmen to flee at the time. In turn, the Nigerian press’ reaction ranged from criticism of Washington to alarmist views about rising violence .

Security, once again, is at the heart of the political debate in Africa’s most populous country .

The three main candidates

Incumbent president Muhammadu Buhari, a retired general now in his 80s, was elected in 2015 and re-elected in 2019 on the twin promises of ending corruption and insecurity in the country.

His record in office is being defended by Bola Ahmed Tinubu, candidate of Buhari’s party, the All Progressive Congress (APC). Officially 70 years old, Tinubu is the former governor of Lagos (1999-2007), whose corruption cases made headlines in the 1990s. There are 18 candidates in total, and Tinubu’s main opponent is Abubakar Atiku, 76, of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), in power between 1999 and 2015. For the first eight years of that period, Atiku was vice president. Peter Obi of the Labour Party, 61, has a measure of momentum and enjoys support among the younger generation, dubbed the “Obidient” . As they stand, the polls currently available don’t seem particularly reliable.

In Nigeria, there is an unspoken rule that a northern (predominantly Muslim) president should be succeeded by a southern (predominantly Christian) president. This alternation, which has been in place for 24 years, would mean that the president elected in 2023 would be from the south and Christian.

However, the southern candidate, Tinubu, is a Muslim, as are his main northern opponent, Atiku, and the current president, Buhari. Tinubu, has a Muslim running mate, forming a “Muslim-Muslim” ticket. Atiku, on the other hand, is running with a southern Christian. The candidacy of the southern Christian Peter Obi, whose running mate is Muslim, would look ideal on paper if he were not also Igbo, an ethnic group from the South-East (15 to 18% of the total population of the country), sometimes associated with the ex-secessionists of Biafra . How, then, will Nigerians react to this break with traditional patterns?

Lessons from past elections

Since independence in 1960 , Nigeria’s political history has been marked by alternating periods of “republican” rule and autocracies often installed through military coups. The current political system – the fourth republic – will have its seventh consecutive presidential election in February.

In Nigerian history, electoral periods tend to be marred by instability and violence. While the first election in 1999 was conducted peacefully, President Obasanjo’s re-election in 2003 was more eventful , with many observers describing it as fraudulent .

Between 2007 and 2022, there were more than 3,000 election-related deaths, according to Nigeria Watch . However, no pattern holds true from one election to the next . For example, in the 2007 elections which EU observers considered “unreliable” , the violence was mainly caused by intra-party disputes for resources and positions, particularly within the PDP. In 2011, more violence broke out after the vote , especially following the results obtained by then-incumbent president Goodluck Jonathan (PDP) in the north, which appeared to favour his opponent and future president, Muhammadu Buhari.

In 2015, Buhari’s victory as leader of the APC – whose broom logo embodies the ambition to clean up the country after 16 years of PDP rule – was also followed by violence, again in the north. The 2019 election was less violent, although local clashes took place. The election was then postponed due to delays in the delivery of election materials.

This year, the vote is expected to be partly electronic, which raises new challenges. With the country’s notoriously unreliable electrical system , polling stations will have to rely on petrol-powered generators. And given refined fuels are running short , it is possible that the 2023 election will be postponed .

Insecurity as a key issue

Alongside inflation and the cost of living, insecurity is one of the subjects most dealt with by the candidates of the various parties.

Kidnappings, robberies and other criminal acts are frequent, and hundreds of deaths per year are caused by terrorist violence in the north, conflicts over territorial resources in the centre, and oil in the south .

The three main candidates propose more or less the same thing: more police and military personnel, and more use of technology.

There are two problems with these proposals. First, the idea of increasing both numbers and budgets is not new. Under Buhari, the military budget has increased significantly , from 4 trillion to 16 trillion Naira (N), or about N30 billion, from the last year of Goodluck Jonathan’s five-year term to Buhari’s. However, this money have failed to materialise on the ground after middlemen diverted some of it .

Second, it is not even certain that increasing the number of police or military personnel will reduce insecurity. On the one hand, increasing the number of police officers will presumably lead to an increase in arrests and thus boost crime statistics. On the other hand, police officers and military personnel are among the first perpetrators of violence .

While police violence has long been decried, with almost every Nigerian having a personal story to tell, it has attracted particular attention in 2020. Faced with repeated and unpunished abuses by a police unit, Nigerian youths took to the streets, giving rise to the #EndSARS movement , named after the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS). At least 200 protesters lost their lives to the cause of more peaceful forces, prompting the disbanding of the brigade.

As for the military, they have caused more deaths than the Boko Haram terrorists they’re tasked with fighting. According to Nigeria Watch , armed forces are responsible for 55% of the victims of the conflict spanning between 1 January 2007 and 31 December 2019. This is due to a lack of discernment in their actions, which are sometimes more akin to retaliation than targeted actions, as well as poorly thought out aerial bombing .

Corruption, the lack of training within the police, as well cooperation between the police and the military, partly explain the country’s critical security situation. It is not certain that boosting budgets or providing new equipment to these personnel will improve the situation.

What to expect from the 2023 elections?

The two main candidates, political veterans in their 70s, are not particularly popular. Nigerians seem resigned in advance, making abstention and apathy the likely winners of the election this year.

As the researcher Corentin Cohen reminds us, however, electoral violence in Nigeria is not limited to the election period itself . It can appear as early as the party primaries, and extend right through the proclamation of the results. Thus even if there is no pattern of electoral violence, the security situation will be closely watched at least until the transition at the end of May 2023.

This article was originally published in French

• The Conversation France
• Nigeria politics
• Nigeria elections
• Nigeria police
• Electoral violence

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Voter Suppression and Electoral Integrity Crisis in Nigeria’s 2023 General Elections

Introduction

The 2023 General Election in Nigeria marked a crucial milestone in the nation’s democratic journey as citizens exercised their right to elect their leaders with support from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in conducting credible elections. 1 Sahara Reporters, “Nigerian Election 2023: What Did We Learn From It”, March 29, 2023, Opinion in https://saharareporters.com/2023/03/29/nigerian-election-2023-what-did-we-learn-it-matthew-ma However, concerns about voter suppression and electoral integrity cast a shadow over the democratic process. This article explores the key issues related to voter suppression and the overall integrity of the 2023 general elections in Nigeria.

Historical Context

Nigeria has a complex history of electoral challenges, as previous elections have been marred by allegations of irregularities and voter suppression. Since independence in 1960, violence and myriad malpractices have persistently plagued the process of electing the country’s leaders. 2 Ebere Onwudiwe and Chloe Berwind-Dart, “Breaking the Cycle of Electoral Violence in Nigeria,” United States Institute of Peace, Special Report 263, December, 2010 in https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/resources/SR263   These issues erode public trust in the electoral process, undermine democratic principles, and hinder the country’s progress towards a fair and inclusive society. Against this background, the 2023 general elections initially held the promise of a more transparent, inclusive, and credible electoral process.

Voter Suppression and Electoral Integrity Crisis in the 2023 General Election in Nigeria

Virtually nothing worked according to INEC’s plan 6 Tribune Online, “2023 general election and integrity test”, March 29, 2023, Editorial Reading in https://tribuneonlineng.com/2023-general-election-and-integrity-test/ and it would not be surprising if the country experiences the highest numbers of post-election court cases since the return to democracy in 1999. 7 Chijioke Iremeka, “Electoral fraud, technology and future of Nigeria’s democracy” The Guardian, 08 April 2023, in https://guardian.ng/saturday-magazine/electoral-fraud-technology-and-future-of-nigerias-democracy/   The occurrence of vote-buying, an illegal practice where political contestants buy votes using money or gifts, severely undermines the credibility of the election. Vote-buying compromises the principle of free and fair elections by manipulating the will of the voters and undermining the democratic process. Furthermore, the issue of electoral security played a critical role in determining the integrity of the political process. The Transition Monitoring Group (TMG) noted that instances of violence, ballot box snatching, and the disruption of voting activities by political thugs were reported across the country, 8 The Guardian, “TMG decries violence, vote buying, apathy during guber polls,” March 24, 2023, Politics in https://guardian.ng/politics/tmg-decries-violence-vote-buying-apathy-during-guber-polls/  causing fear and insecurity among voters. Such incidents not only disenfranchised citizens but also cast doubts on the overall legitimacy of election results.

Addressing Voter Suppression and Electoral Integrity Crisis in 2023 General Elections in Nigeria

To ensure electoral integrity, various factors need to be considered, such as transparency, fairness, accuracy, and accountability. Regrettably, the 2023 general elections in Nigeria faced challenges in these areas.

Nigeria needs to take concrete steps to address the issues of voter suppression and the electoral integrity crisis. At the heart of the efforts toward ensuring electoral integrity lies the role and effectiveness of the Independent Electoral Commission (INEC). The Nigerian electorate, civil society, and citizen organizations should mobilize to ensure the independence and autonomy of the electoral commission as a strategy for upholding the integrity of the electoral process in the country. The commission should be free from undue political influence, adequately funded, and staffed with competent professionals who can efficiently perform their duties.

In addition, I propose the following recommendations for achieving a more inclusive and credible democratic system in Nigeria.

Strengthen Voter Education:

Enhancing civic education programs is essential to empowering citizens with the knowledge of their rights and responsibilities. Well-planned programs can motivate and encourage citizens to participate in the voting process and identify and report instances of electoral malpractice. 9 U.S. Election Assistance Commission Seven, “Tips to Strengthen Voter Education Programs” America Vote Act of 2002 in https://www.eac.gov/sites/default/files/eac_assets/1/28/EducatingVoters%5B3%5D-508%20Compliant.pdf This can help reduce voter suppression and improve electoral integrity in the country

Improve Electoral Infrastructure:

Addressing the issue of uneven distribution of polling stations is crucial. Investing in the provision of adequate infrastructure and establishing polling stations in remote and densely populated areas will enhance accessibility and increase voter turnout. The building and consolidation of the electoral infrastructure should be complemented by the establishment of strong mechanisms for ensuring political and electoral integrity.

Electoral Reforms:

There is also the need for inclusive electoral reforms that ensure the political leadership is strongly committed to promoting the rights of Nigerian citizens. 10 Oduola, Saheed Olasunkanmi, Hayatullah Boladale Hassan, and Banna Sawaneh. “Voters’ Education and Credible Elections in Nigeria: Issues and Challenges of 2019 General Elections” International Journal of Politics and Good Governance, 11, no. 11.1 (2020). . Continual review and improvement of electoral laws and regulations are necessary to address emerging challenges, as well as introducing and imposing strong sanctions on those found guilty of vote-buying, voter intimidation, and violence as a deterrent to the perpetuation of electoral malpractices.

Strengthen Electoral Security Measures:

The Nigerian government, political parties, and civil society groups need to take steps to improve election security, defuse tensions, and mitigate the risks of violence. 11 International Crisis Group, “Mitigating Risks of Violence in Nigeria’s 2023 Elections,” 10 February 2023 in https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria/311-mitigating-risks-violence-nigerias-2023-elections   This should not only include the deployment of adequate security personnel and polling stations, but also involve early warning systems and the use of proactive intelligence gathering to prevent electoral fraud and violence.

Use of Electoral Technology:

Leveraging technology in voter registration, result collation, and transmission processes can increase efficiency, transparency, and accuracy. Embracing biometric identification systems and securing electronic voting machines can help streamline the electoral process, minimize human error, and enhance overall electoral integrity.

Civil Society Engagement:

Civil society organizations can play a significant role in raising awareness, advocating for electoral reforms, and holding authorities accountable for any violations of democratic principles. Promoting transparency and communication between electoral authorities and the public is crucial. Regular updates on electoral processes, voter registration, and security measures can foster trust, encourage citizen engagement, and dispel doubts about the fairness of the elections. Part of civil society engagement should also involve working with election monitors and international election monitors to ensure the credibility and fairness of the elections, bolster public confidence, and deter electoral misconduct.

• 1 Sahara Reporters, “Nigerian Election 2023: What Did We Learn From It”, March 29, 2023, Opinion in https://saharareporters.com/2023/03/29/nigerian-election-2023-what-did-we-learn-it-matthew-ma
• 2 Ebere Onwudiwe and Chloe Berwind-Dart, “Breaking the Cycle of Electoral Violence in Nigeria,” United States Institute of Peace, Special Report 263, December, 2010 in https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/resources/SR263
• 3 Centre for Democracy and Development, CDD, “Votes, Violence and Validity: Our Understanding of Nigeria’s 2023 Sub-National Elections,” March 21, 2023, in https://www.cddwestafrica.org/reports/votes-violence-and-validity-our-understanding-of-nigeria-s-2023-sub-national-elections/
• 4 Sun News Online, “Nigeria Decides 2023: Voter suppression, killings, violence hallmark 2023 polls”, March 23, 2023, Editorial Reading in https://sunnewsonline.com/nigeria-decides-2023-voter-suppression-killings-violence-hallmark-2023-polls/
• 6 Tribune Online, “2023 general election and integrity test”, March 29, 2023, Editorial Reading in https://tribuneonlineng.com/2023-general-election-and-integrity-test/
• 7 Chijioke Iremeka, “Electoral fraud, technology and future of Nigeria’s democracy” The Guardian, 08 April 2023, in https://guardian.ng/saturday-magazine/electoral-fraud-technology-and-future-of-nigerias-democracy/
• 8 The Guardian, “TMG decries violence, vote buying, apathy during guber polls,” March 24, 2023, Politics in https://guardian.ng/politics/tmg-decries-violence-vote-buying-apathy-during-guber-polls/
• 9 U.S. Election Assistance Commission Seven, “Tips to Strengthen Voter Education Programs” America Vote Act of 2002 in https://www.eac.gov/sites/default/files/eac_assets/1/28/EducatingVoters%5B3%5D-508%20Compliant.pdf
• 10 Oduola, Saheed Olasunkanmi, Hayatullah Boladale Hassan, and Banna Sawaneh. “Voters’ Education and Credible Elections in Nigeria: Issues and Challenges of 2019 General Elections” International Journal of Politics and Good Governance, 11, no. 11.1 (2020).
• 11 International Crisis Group, “Mitigating Risks of Violence in Nigeria’s 2023 Elections,” 10 February 2023 in https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria/311-mitigating-risks-violence-nigerias-2023-elections

Saheed Olasunkanmi Oduola

Saheed Olasunkanmi Oduola is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Political Science, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. He is also an administrative officer of the Deputy Provost’s Office, Federal College of Education (Special) Oyo, Oyo State. His research interests include local governance, human security, development studies, and conflict and peace studies. He has published papers at notable high impact factors journals. Oduola has also received a M.Sc. degree from the Department of Local Government and Development Studies, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Master and Postgraduate Diploma in the Department of Public Administration, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, and a B.Sc. Politics, Philosophy... Read more

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Nigeria’s Cash Crunch Causes Chaos and Suffering Before Crucial Election

Nigeria’s government changed the currency design before the presidential election, causing shortages and wreaking social havoc.

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By Ruth Maclean

Ruth Maclean traveled to Lagos and Abuja to report this article.

Fights are breaking out in bank A.T.M. lines where people queue for days, just to withdraw a maximum of around $40. Cash shortages are so severe that many cannot buy food or medicine, despite having money in the bank. Protesters are venting their anger by burning down banks.

A decision by Nigeria’s government to replace its currency with newly designed bills within just four months — with a deadline of Feb. 10 — has thrown Africa’s largest democracy into chaos as it heads toward a presidential election scheduled for this Saturday, Feb. 25.

Most Nigerians turned in their old currency, called the naira, as they were told to do in October by the Central Bank of Nigeria. But when they tried to withdraw the new notes, from banks or even informal money brokers, they were stunned to find that few were available.

The cash crisis is now an enormous and unpredictable factor in an election that was already Nigeria’s most wide-open race in years . The presidential candidates for the two major parties, which have alternated power for over two decades and failed to address widespread poverty and insecurity, are now facing a surprise, third-party challenger.

The government has not made clear what it is trying to accomplish with the currency makeover, offering a gamut of explanations including that it is trying to rein in counterfeiting and cash hoarding. But the effort has been a disaster, and some suspect there may be a political motive behind the mess because of the timing.

Voters are now furious at the governing party over the shortage of bank notes, which could undermine support for the party’s candidate. Protests, if they continue, could disrupt elections in parts of the country. Turnout could be affected as some voters struggle to afford to travel to faraway polling stations.

Blessing Akor, 22, was on the verge of tears as she was jostled and elbowed by dozens of people waiting in line for an A.T.M. in central Abuja. That morning at 4 a.m., she had left her baby daughter with a neighbor she didn’t really trust, and went in search of cash.

The heat was intense, but Ms. Akor had little choice; despite having money in her account, she had no cash for food, water or even the bus fare home. She was incandescent with rage at the government, and said she would not vote for any Nigerian politician.

“We’ve been in hell, serious hell,” she said, watching as a man in military uniform cut to the front of the line. “It’s choking — as if they are pressing my throat.”

Normally, cash is Ms. Akor’s livelihood. Since Nigeria has few commercial bank branches and A.T.M.s, many people get their cash from professional agents who act as human A.T.M.s., known as P.O.S., or point of service, operators. Ms. Akor is among legions of such operators, who stand on street corners throughout the country with small stocks of cash and mobile card machines, offering cash to cardholders in return for a small fee.

Right now, though, cash is in such short supply that those fees are astronomical.

Prince Chibeze, 37, ducked under a P.O.S. operator’s umbrella in Lagos last week and asked the price for withdrawing 5,000 naira. A construction worker who earns around 9,000 naira daily, he had spent hours searching for cash to send home to his parents, who were running out of food. But every P.O.S. operator was demanding 30 percent — 1,500 naira — a huge jump from the usual fee of 100 naira.

Initially, Godwin Emefiele, the Central Bank governor, said the currency had to be redesigned because Nigerians were hoarding notes in their houses. He then said it would help prevent counterfeiting and kidnappers ’ ransom payments, and that it was a step toward achieving a cashless society. Later, he also claimed it would reduce inflation — which has risen to a crippling 21 percent.

But some analysts, politicians and dozens of Nigerian voters said that the real reason was to stem vote buying by foiling politicians who had stockpiled naira ahead of election day.

Last week, President Muhammadu Buhari said that it had reduced the influence of money on politics, and many Nigerians spoke approvingly of the policy in interviews. But some warned that voters might be so desperate for cash that they would more readily sell their votes.

President Buhari has served two terms, and could not run again. The governing All Progressives Congress (A.P.C.) party selected Bola Tinubu, a former governor of Lagos, as its candidate for president.

But one of Mr. Tinubu’s rivals in the presidential primary was the head of the Central Bank, Mr. Emefiele. Mr. Tinubu’s allies assert that the Central Bank and a group of people around the president are trying to exact revenge, plotting to ensure Mr. Tinubu suffers massive losses by inciting Nigerians’ anger at the government.

One A.P.C. state governor even claimed that they were trying to “provide a fertile foundation for a military takeover.”

Some critics even accuse President Buhari of trying to make Mr. Tinubu lose the election — allegations that Mr. Buhari, who has campaigned with Mr. Tinubu, has denied.

This is the second time Mr. Buhari has rushed a currency redesign; the first was almost four decades ago, after he took power in a coup d’état. That time, he gave Nigerians less than two weeks to exchange their naira.

How severe the shortage of new naira is this time is unclear. Mr. Emefiele has only vaguely referred to “ challenges in the distribution ” of notes, blaming commercial banks for not loading them into A.T.M.s. Neither he nor the president’s spokesmen could be reached for comment.

While political infighting intensifies, the disruption to ordinary life is extraordinary.

Angel Christopher pulled her children out of school, unable to pay the fees, because she is selling so few vegetables to cash-strapped customers at the Garki Model Market in Abuja. Hungry diners at a lunch spot ate reduced portions of banga soup — stew made with palm fruit — because the chef, Theresa Tota, can’t afford to buy as many ingredients.

A livestock owner desperate for cash in northeast Borno sold his sheep for a fraction of the usual price. At Ocean Blue strip club in Lagos, lap dancers have started accepting bank transfers. Uber drivers now routinely phone passengers before pickups to ask if they’re paying cash — and if not, they cancel.

Nigerians with bank accounts try to pay with cards and bank transfers — but are frequently stymied by what they’re told are “network issues,” perhaps because the system is suddenly overloaded.

The crisis has been compounded by the scarcity of fuel. Lines at gas stations rival those at A.T.M.s. Some customers sleep overnight in their vehicles to get gas, and some pay double the official price. Industry officials blame the high cost of transporting fuel to and around the country. But Nigeria is one of Africa’s biggest oil producers, and many citizens blame government mismanagement.

The long-term effects of the cash crunch on Nigeria’s already-struggling economy are not clear, but when India banned the largest rupee notes in 2016, causing similar chaotic scenes , its economy slowed markedly .

The rituals that many Nigerians savor are also affected.

At a glamorous Lagos wedding, no wads of cash were available for showering the bride and groom with money — a Nigerian tradition.

Next morning at the Citadel Church, a large Pentecostal church in Lagos, when the blue plastic offering buckets went round, congregants mimed putting cash in them. Few had notes to give. Church leaders had anticipated that: outside the auditorium were rows of card machines, and inside, bank numbers flashed on a giant screen so worshipers could transfer their tithes instead.

In his sermon, the church’s celebrity pastor, Tunde Bakare — who was a 2023 ruling party presidential aspirant himself, but received no delegates’ votes in the primaries — railed against Nigerian politicians, including some in his own party.

“Today our nation is in dire straits; our frontline political parties and the politicians within their enclaves are at war with themselves,” he told his flock.

After the service, he said in an interview that he would usually be out in the field campaigning for his party, the A.P.C., but that he refused to be “part of Ali Baba and the 40 thieves.”

And though he was Mr. Buhari’s running mate in 2011, and remains close to the president, the pastor had no kind words for the chaotic currency redesign.

“The policy may be good, but the implementation is terrible,” Mr. Bakare said.

Oladeinde Olawoyin contributed reporting from Lagos, Nigeria, and Rahila Lassa from Abuja, Nigeria.

Ruth Maclean is the West Africa bureau chief for The New York Times, based in Senegal. She joined The Times in 2019 after three and a half years covering West Africa for The Guardian. More about Ruth Maclean

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2023 election

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