academic motivation essay

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Front Psychol

The Importance of Students’ Motivation for Their Academic Achievement – Replicating and Extending Previous Findings

Ricarda steinmayr.

1 Department of Psychology, TU Dortmund University, Dortmund, Germany

Anne F. Weidinger

Malte schwinger.

2 Department of Psychology, Philipps-Universität Marburg, Marburg, Germany

Birgit Spinath

3 Department of Psychology, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany

Associated Data

The datasets generated for this study are available on request to the corresponding author.

Achievement motivation is not a single construct but rather subsumes a variety of different constructs like ability self-concepts, task values, goals, and achievement motives. The few existing studies that investigated diverse motivational constructs as predictors of school students’ academic achievement above and beyond students’ cognitive abilities and prior achievement showed that most motivational constructs predicted academic achievement beyond intelligence and that students’ ability self-concepts and task values are more powerful in predicting their achievement than goals and achievement motives. The aim of the present study was to investigate whether the reported previous findings can be replicated when ability self-concepts, task values, goals, and achievement motives are all assessed at the same level of specificity as the achievement criteria (e.g., hope for success in math and math grades). The sample comprised 345 11th and 12th grade students ( M = 17.48 years old, SD = 1.06) from the highest academic track (Gymnasium) in Germany. Students self-reported their ability self-concepts, task values, goal orientations, and achievement motives in math, German, and school in general. Additionally, we assessed their intelligence and their current and prior Grade point average and grades in math and German. Relative weight analyses revealed that domain-specific ability self-concept, motives, task values and learning goals but not performance goals explained a significant amount of variance in grades above all other predictors of which ability self-concept was the strongest predictor. Results are discussed with respect to their implications for investigating motivational constructs with different theoretical foundation.

Introduction

Achievement motivation energizes and directs behavior toward achievement and therefore is known to be an important determinant of academic success (e.g., Robbins et al., 2004 ; Hattie, 2009 ; Plante et al., 2013 ; Wigfield et al., 2016 ). Achievement motivation is not a single construct but rather subsumes a variety of different constructs like motivational beliefs, task values, goals, and achievement motives (see Murphy and Alexander, 2000 ; Wigfield and Cambria, 2010 ; Wigfield et al., 2016 ). Nevertheless, there is still a limited number of studies, that investigated (1) diverse motivational constructs in relation to students’ academic achievement in one sample and (2) additionally considered students’ cognitive abilities and their prior achievement ( Steinmayr and Spinath, 2009 ; Kriegbaum et al., 2015 ). Because students’ cognitive abilities and their prior achievement are among the best single predictors of academic success (e.g., Kuncel et al., 2004 ; Hailikari et al., 2007 ), it is necessary to include them in the analyses when evaluating the importance of motivational factors for students’ achievement. Steinmayr and Spinath (2009) did so and revealed that students’ domain-specific ability self-concepts followed by domain-specific task values were the best predictors of students’ math and German grades compared to students’ goals and achievement motives. However, a flaw of their study is that they did not assess all motivational constructs at the same level of specificity as the achievement criteria. For example, achievement motives were measured on a domain-general level (e.g., “Difficult problems appeal to me”), whereas students’ achievement as well as motivational beliefs and task values were assessed domain-specifically (e.g., math grades, math self-concept, math task values). The importance of students’ achievement motives for math and German grades might have been underestimated because the specificity levels of predictor and criterion variables did not match (e.g., Ajzen and Fishbein, 1977 ; Baranik et al., 2010 ). The aim of the present study was to investigate whether the seminal findings by Steinmayr and Spinath (2009) will hold when motivational beliefs, task values, goals, and achievement motives are all assessed at the same level of specificity as the achievement criteria. This is an important question with respect to motivation theory and future research in this field. Moreover, based on the findings it might be possible to better judge which kind of motivation should especially be fostered in school to improve achievement. This is important information for interventions aiming at enhancing students’ motivation in school.

Theoretical Relations Between Achievement Motivation and Academic Achievement

We take a social-cognitive approach to motivation (see also Pintrich et al., 1993 ; Elliot and Church, 1997 ; Wigfield and Cambria, 2010 ). This approach emphasizes the important role of students’ beliefs and their interpretations of actual events, as well as the role of the achievement context for motivational dynamics (see Weiner, 1992 ; Pintrich et al., 1993 ; Wigfield and Cambria, 2010 ). Social cognitive models of achievement motivation (e.g., expectancy-value theory by Eccles and Wigfield, 2002 ; hierarchical model of achievement motivation by Elliot and Church, 1997 ) comprise a variety of motivation constructs that can be organized in two broad categories (see Pintrich et al., 1993 , p. 176): students’ “beliefs about their capability to perform a task,” also called expectancy components (e.g., ability self-concepts, self-efficacy), and their “motivational beliefs about their reasons for choosing to do a task,” also called value components (e.g., task values, goals). The literature on motivation constructs from these categories is extensive (see Wigfield and Cambria, 2010 ). In this article, we focus on selected constructs, namely students’ ability self-concepts (from the category “expectancy components of motivation”), and their task values and goal orientations (from the category “value components of motivation”).

According to the social cognitive perspective, students’ motivation is relatively situation or context specific (see Pintrich et al., 1993 ). To gain a comprehensive picture of the relation between students’ motivation and their academic achievement, we additionally take into account a traditional personality model of motivation, the theory of the achievement motive ( McClelland et al., 1953 ), according to which students’ motivation is conceptualized as a relatively stable trait. Thus, we consider the achievement motives hope for success and fear of failure besides students’ ability self-concepts, their task values, and goal orientations in this article. In the following, we describe the motivation constructs in more detail.

Students’ ability self-concepts are defined as cognitive representations of their ability level ( Marsh, 1990 ; Wigfield et al., 2016 ). Ability self-concepts have been shown to be domain-specific from the early school years on (e.g., Wigfield et al., 1997 ). Consequently, they are frequently assessed with regard to a certain domain (e.g., with regard to school in general vs. with regard to math).

In the present article, task values are defined in the sense of the expectancy-value model by Eccles et al. (1983) and Eccles and Wigfield (2002) . According to the expectancy-value model there are three task values that should be positively associated with achievement, namely intrinsic values, utility value, and personal importance ( Eccles and Wigfield, 1995 ). Because task values are domain-specific from the early school years on (e.g., Eccles et al., 1993 ; Eccles and Wigfield, 1995 ), they are also assessed with reference to specific subjects (e.g., “How much do you like math?”) or on a more general level with regard to school in general (e.g., “How much do you like going to school?”).

Students’ goal orientations are broader cognitive orientations that students have toward their learning and they reflect the reasons for doing a task (see Dweck and Leggett, 1988 ). Therefore, they fall in the broad category of “value components of motivation.” Initially, researchers distinguished between learning and performance goals when describing goal orientations ( Nicholls, 1984 ; Dweck and Leggett, 1988 ). Learning goals (“task involvement” or “mastery goals”) describe people’s willingness to improve their skills, learn new things, and develop their competence, whereas performance goals (“ego involvement”) focus on demonstrating one’s higher competence and hiding one’s incompetence relative to others (e.g., Elliot and McGregor, 2001 ). Performance goals were later further subdivided into performance-approach (striving to demonstrate competence) and performance-avoidance goals (striving to avoid looking incompetent, e.g., Elliot and Church, 1997 ; Middleton and Midgley, 1997 ). Some researchers have included work avoidance as another component of achievement goals (e.g., Nicholls, 1984 ; Harackiewicz et al., 1997 ). Work avoidance refers to the goal of investing as little effort as possible ( Kumar and Jagacinski, 2011 ). Goal orientations can be assessed in reference to specific subjects (e.g., math) or on a more general level (e.g., in reference to school in general).

McClelland et al. (1953) distinguish the achievement motives hope for success (i.e., positive emotions and the belief that one can succeed) and fear of failure (i.e., negative emotions and the fear that the achievement situation is out of one’s depth). According to McClelland’s definition, need for achievement is measured by describing affective experiences or associations such as fear or joy in achievement situations. Achievement motives are conceptualized as being relatively stable over time. Consequently, need for achievement is theorized to be domain-general and, thus, usually assessed without referring to a certain domain or situation (e.g., Steinmayr and Spinath, 2009 ). However, Sparfeldt and Rost (2011) demonstrated that operationalizing achievement motives subject-specifically is psychometrically useful and results in better criterion validities compared with a domain-general operationalization.

Empirical Evidence on the Relative Importance of Achievement Motivation Constructs for Academic Achievement

A myriad of single studies (e.g., Linnenbrink-Garcia et al., 2018 ; Muenks et al., 2018 ; Steinmayr et al., 2018 ) and several meta-analyses (e.g., Robbins et al., 2004 ; Möller et al., 2009 ; Hulleman et al., 2010 ; Huang, 2011 ) support the hypothesis of social cognitive motivation models that students’ motivational beliefs are significantly related to their academic achievement. However, to judge the relative importance of motivation constructs for academic achievement, studies need (1) to investigate diverse motivational constructs in one sample and (2) to consider students’ cognitive abilities and their prior achievement, too, because the latter are among the best single predictors of academic success (e.g., Kuncel et al., 2004 ; Hailikari et al., 2007 ). For effective educational policy and school reform, it is crucial to obtain robust empirical evidence for whether various motivational constructs can explain variance in school performance over and above intelligence and prior achievement. Without including the latter constructs, we might overestimate the importance of motivation for achievement. Providing evidence that students’ achievement motivation is incrementally valid in predicting their academic achievement beyond their intelligence or prior achievement would emphasize the necessity of designing appropriate interventions for improving students’ school-related motivation.

There are several studies that included expectancy and value components of motivation as predictors of students’ academic achievement (grades or test scores) and additionally considered students’ prior achievement ( Marsh et al., 2005 ; Steinmayr et al., 2018 , Study 1) or their intelligence ( Spinath et al., 2006 ; Lotz et al., 2018 ; Schneider et al., 2018 ; Steinmayr et al., 2018 , Study 2, Weber et al., 2013 ). However, only few studies considered intelligence and prior achievement together with more than two motivational constructs as predictors of school students’ achievement ( Steinmayr and Spinath, 2009 ; Kriegbaum et al., 2015 ). Kriegbaum et al. (2015) examined two expectancy components (i.e., ability self-concept and self-efficacy) and eight value components (i.e., interest, enjoyment, usefulness, learning goals, performance-approach, performance-avoidance goals, and work avoidance) in the domain of math. Steinmayr and Spinath (2009) investigated the role of an expectancy component (i.e., ability self-concept), five value components (i.e., task values, learning goals, performance-approach, performance-avoidance goals, and work avoidance), and students’ achievement motives (i.e., hope for success, fear of failure, and need for achievement) for students’ grades in math and German and their GPA. Both studies used relative weights analyses to compare the predictive power of all variables simultaneously while taking into account multicollinearity of the predictors ( Johnson and LeBreton, 2004 ; Tonidandel and LeBreton, 2011 ). Findings showed that – after controlling for differences in students‘ intelligence and their prior achievement – expectancy components (ability self-concept, self-efficacy) were the best motivational predictors of achievement followed by task values (i.e., intrinsic/enjoyment, attainment, and utility), need for achievement and learning goals ( Steinmayr and Spinath, 2009 ; Kriegbaum et al., 2015 ). However, Steinmayr and Spinath (2009) who investigated the relations in three different domains did not assess all motivational constructs on the same level of specificity as the achievement criteria. More precisely, students’ achievement as well as motivational beliefs and task values were assessed domain-specifically (e.g., math grades, math self-concept, math task values), whereas students’ goals were only measured for school in general (e.g., “In school it is important for me to learn as much as possible”) and students’ achievement motives were only measured on a domain-general level (e.g., “Difficult problems appeal to me”). Thus, the importance of goals and achievement motives for math and German grades might have been underestimated because the specificity levels of predictor and criterion variables did not match (e.g., Ajzen and Fishbein, 1977 ; Baranik et al., 2010 ). Assessing students’ goals and their achievement motives with reference to a specific subject might result in higher associations with domain-specific achievement criteria (see Sparfeldt and Rost, 2011 ).

Taken together, although previous work underlines the important roles of expectancy and value components of motivation for school students’ academic achievement, hitherto, we know little about the relative importance of expectancy components, task values, goals, and achievement motives in different domains when all of them are assessed at the same level of specificity as the achievement criteria (e.g., achievement motives in math → math grades; ability self-concept for school → GPA).

The Present Research

The goal of the present study was to examine the relative importance of several of the most important achievement motivation constructs in predicting school students’ achievement. We substantially extend previous work in this field by considering (1) diverse motivational constructs, (2) students’ intelligence and their prior achievement as achievement predictors in one sample, and (3) by assessing all predictors on the same level of specificity as the achievement criteria. Moreover, we investigated the relations in three different domains: school in general, math, and German. Because there is no study that assessed students’ goal orientations and achievement motives besides their ability self-concept and task values on the same level of specificity as the achievement criteria, we could not derive any specific hypotheses on the relative importance of these constructs, but instead investigated the following research question (RQ):

RQ. What is the relative importance of students’ domain-specific ability self-concepts, task values, goal orientations, and achievement motives for their grades in the respective domain when including all of them, students’ intelligence and prior achievement simultaneously in the analytic models?

Materials and Methods

Participants and procedure.

A sample of 345 students was recruited from two German schools attending the highest academic track (Gymnasium). Only 11th graders participated at one school, whereas 11th and 12th graders participated at the other. Students of the different grades and schools did not differ significantly on any of the assessed measures. Students represented the typical population of this type of school in Germany; that is, the majority was Caucasian and came from medium to high socioeconomic status homes. At the time of testing, students were on average 17.48 years old ( SD = 1.06). As is typical for this kind of school, the sample comprised more girls ( n = 200) than boys ( n = 145). We verify that the study is in accordance with established ethical guidelines. Approval by an ethics committee was not required as per the institution’s guidelines and applicable regulations in the federal state where the study was conducted. Participation was voluntarily and no deception took place. Before testing, we received written informed consent forms from the students and from the parents of the students who were under the age of 18 on the day of the testing. If students did not want to participate, they could spend the testing time in their teacher’s room with an extra assignment. All students agreed to participate. Testing took place during regular classes in schools in 2013. Tests were administered by trained research assistants and lasted about 2.5 h. Students filled in the achievement motivation questionnaires first, and the intelligence test was administered afterward. Before the intelligence test, there was a short break.

Ability Self-Concept

Students’ ability self-concepts were assessed with four items per domain ( Schöne et al., 2002 ). Students indicated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (totally disagree) to 5 (totally agree) how good they thought they were at different activities in school in general, math, and German (“I am good at school in general/math/German,” “It is easy to for me to learn in school in general/math/German,” “In school in general/math/German, I know a lot,” and “Most assignments in school/math/German are easy for me”). Internal consistency (Cronbach’s α) of the ability self-concept scale was high in school in general, in math, and in German (0.82 ≤ α ≤ 0.95; see Table 1 ).

Means ( M ), Standard Deviations ( SD ), and Reliabilities (α) for all measures.

Task Values

Students’ task values were assessed with an established German scale (SESSW; Subjective scholastic value scale; Steinmayr and Spinath, 2010 ). The measure is an adaptation of items used by Eccles and Wigfield (1995) in different studies. It assesses intrinsic values, utility, and personal importance with three items each. Students indicated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (totally disagree) to 5 (totally agree) how much they valued school in general, math, and German (Intrinsic values: “I like school/math/German,” “I enjoy doing things in school/math/German,” and “I find school in general/math/German interesting”; Utility: “How useful is what you learn in school/math/German in general?,” “School/math/German will be useful in my future,” “The things I learn in school/math/German will be of use in my future life”; Personal importance: “Being good at school/math/German is important to me,” “To be good at school/math/German means a lot to me,” “Attainment in school/math/German is important to me”). Internal consistency of the values scale was high in all domains (0.90 ≤ α ≤ 0.93; see Table 1 ).

Goal Orientations

Students’ goal orientations were assessed with an established German self-report measure (SELLMO; Scales for measuring learning and achievement motivation; Spinath et al., 2002 ). In accordance with Sparfeldt et al. (2007) , we assessed goal orientations with regard to different domains: school in general, math, and German. In each domain, we used the SELLMO to assess students’ learning goals, performance-avoidance goals, and work avoidance with eight items each and their performance-approach goals with seven items. Students’ answered the items on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (totally disagree) to 5 (totally agree). All items except for the work avoidance items are printed in Spinath and Steinmayr (2012) , p. 1148). A sample item to assess work avoidance is: “In school/math/German, it is important to me to do as little work as possible.” Internal consistency of the learning goals scale was high in all domains (0.83 ≤ α ≤ 0.88). The same was true for performance-approach goals (0.85 ≤ α ≤ 0.88), performance-avoidance goals (α = 0.89), and work avoidance (0.91 ≤ α ≤ 0.92; see Table 1 ).

Achievement Motives

Achievement motives were assessed with the Achievement Motives Scale (AMS; Gjesme and Nygard, 1970 ; Göttert and Kuhl, 1980 ). In the present study, we used a short form measuring “hope for success” and “fear of failure” with the seven items per subscale that showed the highest factor loadings. Both subscales were assessed in three domains: school in general, math, and German. Students’ answered all items on a 4-point scale ranging from 1 (does not apply at all) to 4 (fully applies). An example hope for success item is “In school/math/German, difficult problems appeal to me,” and an example fear of failure item is “In school/math/German, matters that are slightly difficult disconcert me.” Internal consistencies of hope for success and fear of failure scales were high in all domains (hope for success: 0.88 ≤ α ≤ 0.92; fear of failure: 0.90 ≤ α ≤ 0.91; see Table 1 ).

Intelligence

Intelligence was measured with the basic module of the Intelligence Structure Test 2000 R, a well-established German multifactor intelligence measure (I-S-T 2000 R; Amthauer et al., 2001 ). The basic module of the test offers assessments of domain-specific intelligence for verbal, numeric, and figural abilities as well as an overall intelligence score (a composite of the three facets). The overall intelligence score is thought to measure reasoning as a higher order factor of intelligence and can be interpreted as a measure of general intelligence, g . Its construct validity has been demonstrated in several studies ( Amthauer et al., 2001 ; Steinmayr and Amelang, 2006 ). In the present study, we used the scores that were closest to the domains we investigated: overall intelligence, numerical intelligence, and verbal intelligence (see also Steinmayr and Spinath, 2009 ). Raw values could range from 0 to 60 for verbal and numerical intelligence, and from 0 to 180 for overall intelligence. Internal consistencies of all intelligence scales were high (0.71 ≤ α ≤ 0.90; see Table 1 ).

Academic Achievement

For all students, the school delivered the report cards that the students received 3 months before testing (t0) and 4 months after testing (t2), at the end of the term in which testing took place. We assessed students’ grades in German and math as well as their overall grade point average (GPA) as criteria for school performance. GPA was computed as the mean of all available grades, not including grades in the nonacademic domains Sports and Music/Art as they did not correlate with the other grades. Grades ranged from 1 to 6, and were recoded so that higher numbers represented better performance.

Statistical Analyses

We conducted relative weight analyses to predict students’ academic achievement separately in math, German, and school in general. The relative weight analysis is a statistical procedure that enables to determine the relative importance of each predictor in a multiple regression analysis (“relative weight”) and to take adequately into account the multicollinearity of the different motivational constructs (for details, see Johnson and LeBreton, 2004 ; Tonidandel and LeBreton, 2011 ). Basically, it uses a variable transformation approach to create a new set of predictors that are orthogonal to one another (i.e., uncorrelated). Then, the criterion is regressed on these new orthogonal predictors, and the resulting standardized regression coefficients can be used because they no longer suffer from the deleterious effects of multicollinearity. These standardized regression weights are then transformed back into the metric of the original predictors. The rescaled relative weight of a predictor can easily be transformed into the percentage of variance that is uniquely explained by this predictor when dividing the relative weight of the specific predictor by the total variance explained by all predictors in the regression model ( R 2 ). We performed the relative weight analyses in three steps. In Model 1, we included the different achievement motivation variables assessed in the respective domain in the analyses. In Model 2, we entered intelligence into the analyses in addition to the achievement motivation variables. In Model 3, we included prior school performance indicated by grades measured before testing in addition to all of the motivation variables and intelligence. For all three steps, we tested for whether all relative weight factors differed significantly from each other (see Johnson, 2004 ) to determine which motivational construct was most important in predicting academic achievement (RQ).

Descriptive Statistics and Intercorrelations

Table 1 shows means, standard deviations, and reliabilities. Tables 2 –4 show the correlations between all scales in school in general, in math, and in German. Of particular relevance here, are the correlations between the motivational constructs and students’ school grades. In all three domains (i.e., school in general/math/German), out of all motivational predictor variables, students’ ability self-concepts showed the strongest associations with subsequent grades ( r = 0.53/0.61/0.46; see Tables 2 –4 ). Except for students’ performance-avoidance goals (−0.04 ≤ r ≤ 0.07, p > 0.05), the other motivational constructs were also significantly related to school grades. Most of the respective correlations were evenly dispersed around a moderate effect size of | r | = 0.30.

Intercorrelations between all variables in school in general.

Intercorrelations between all variables in German.

Intercorrelations between all variables in math.

Relative Weight Analyses

Table 5 presents the results of the relative weight analyses. In Model 1 (only motivational variables) and Model 2 (motivation and intelligence), respectively, the overall explained variance was highest for math grades ( R 2 = 0.42 and R 2 = 0.42, respectively) followed by GPA ( R 2 = 0.30 and R 2 = 0.34, respectively) and grades in German ( R 2 = 0.26 and R 2 = 0.28, respectively). When prior school grades were additionally considered (Model 3) the largest amount of variance was explained in students’ GPA ( R 2 = 0.73), followed by grades in German ( R 2 = 0.59) and math ( R 2 = 0.57). In the following, we will describe the results of Model 3 for each domain in more detail.

Relative weights and percentages of explained criterion variance (%) for all motivational constructs (Model 1) plus intelligence (Model 2) plus prior school achievement (Model 3).

Beginning with the prediction of students’ GPA: In Model 3, students’ prior GPA explained more variance in subsequent GPA than all other predictor variables (68%). Students’ ability self-concept explained significantly less variance than prior GPA but still more than all other predictors that we considered (14%). The relative weights of students’ intelligence (5%), task values (2%), hope for success (4%), and fear of failure (3%) did not differ significantly from each other but were still significantly different from zero ( p < 0.05). The relative weights of students’ goal orientations were not significant in Model 3.

Turning to math grades: The findings of the relative weight analyses for the prediction of math grades differed slightly from the prediction of GPA. In Model 3, the relative weights of numerical intelligence (2%) and performance-approach goals (2%) in math were no longer different from zero ( p > 0.05); in Model 2 they were. Prior math grades explained the largest share of the unique variance in subsequent math grades (45%), followed by math self-concept (19%). The relative weights of students’ math task values (9%), learning goals (5%), work avoidance (7%), and hope for success (6%) did not differ significantly from each other. Students’ fear of failure in math explained the smallest amount of unique variance in their math grades (4%) but the relative weight of students’ fear of failure did not differ significantly from that of students’ hope for success, work avoidance, and learning goals. The relative weights of students’ performance-avoidance goals were not significant in Model 3.

Turning to German grades: In Model 3, students’ prior grade in German was the strongest predictor (64%), followed by German self-concept (10%). Students’ fear of failure in German (6%), their verbal intelligence (4%), task values (4%), learning goals (4%), and hope for success (4%) explained less variance in German grades and did not differ significantly from each other but were significantly different from zero ( p < 0.05). The relative weights of students’ performance goals and work avoidance were not significant in Model 3.

In the present studies, we aimed to investigate the relative importance of several achievement motivation constructs in predicting students’ academic achievement. We sought to overcome the limitations of previous research in this field by (1) considering several theoretically and empirically distinct motivational constructs, (2) students’ intelligence, and their prior achievement, and (3) by assessing all predictors at the same level of specificity as the achievement criteria. We applied sophisticated statistical procedures to investigate the relations in three different domains, namely school in general, math, and German.

Relative Importance of Achievement Motivation Constructs for Academic Achievement

Out of the motivational predictor variables, students’ ability self-concepts explained the largest amount of variance in their academic achievement across all sets of analyses and across all investigated domains. Even when intelligence and prior grades were controlled for, students’ ability self-concepts accounted for at least 10% of the variance in the criterion. The relative superiority of ability self-perceptions is in line with the available literature on this topic (e.g., Steinmayr and Spinath, 2009 ; Kriegbaum et al., 2015 ; Steinmayr et al., 2018 ) and with numerous studies that have investigated the relations between students’ self-concept and their achievement (e.g., Möller et al., 2009 ; Huang, 2011 ). Ability self-concepts showed even higher relative weights than the corresponding intelligence scores. Whereas some previous studies have suggested that self-concepts and intelligence are at least equally important when predicting students’ grades (e.g., Steinmayr and Spinath, 2009 ; Weber et al., 2013 ; Schneider et al., 2018 ), our findings indicate that it might be even more important to believe in own school-related abilities than to possess outstanding cognitive capacities to achieve good grades (see also Lotz et al., 2018 ). Such a conclusion was supported by the fact that we examined the relative importance of all predictor variables across three domains and at the same levels of specificity, thus maximizing criterion-related validity (see Baranik et al., 2010 ). This procedure represents a particular strength of our study and sets it apart from previous studies in the field (e.g., Steinmayr and Spinath, 2009 ). Alternatively, our findings could be attributed to the sample we investigated at least to some degree. The students examined in the present study were selected for the academic track in Germany, and this makes them rather homogeneous in their cognitive abilities. It is therefore plausible to assume that the restricted variance in intelligence scores decreased the respective criterion validities.

When all variables were assessed at the same level of specificity, the achievement motives hope for success and fear of failure were the second and third best motivational predictors of academic achievement and more important than in the study by Steinmayr and Spinath (2009) . This result underlines the original conceptualization of achievement motives as broad personal tendencies that energize approach or avoidance behavior across different contexts and situations ( Elliot, 2006 ). However, the explanatory power of achievement motives was higher in the more specific domains of math and German, thereby also supporting the suggestion made by Sparfeldt and Rost (2011) to conceptualize achievement motives more domain-specifically. Conceptually, achievement motives and ability self-concepts are closely related. Individuals who believe in their ability to succeed often show greater hope for success than fear of failure and vice versa ( Brunstein and Heckhausen, 2008 ). It is thus not surprising that the two constructs showed similar stability in their relative effects on academic achievement across the three investigated domains. Concerning the specific mechanisms through which students’ achievement motives and ability self-concepts affect their achievement, it seems that they elicit positive or negative valences in students, and these valences in turn serve as simple but meaningful triggers of (un)successful school-related behavior. The large and consistent effects for students’ ability self-concept and their hope for success in our study support recommendations from positive psychology that individuals think positively about the future and regularly provide affirmation to themselves by reminding themselves of their positive attributes ( Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi, 2000 ). Future studies could investigate mediation processes. Theoretically, it would make sense that achievement motives defined as broad personal tendencies affect academic achievement via expectancy beliefs like ability self-concepts (e.g., expectancy-value theory by Eccles and Wigfield, 2002 ; see also, Atkinson, 1957 ).

Although task values and learning goals did not contribute much toward explaining the variance in GPA, these two constructs became even more important for explaining variance in math and German grades. As Elliot (2006) pointed out in his hierarchical model of approach-avoidance motivation, achievement motives serve as basic motivational principles that energize behavior. However, they do not guide the precise direction of the energized behavior. Instead, goals and task values are commonly recruited to strategically guide this basic motivation toward concrete aims that address the underlying desire or concern. Our results are consistent with Elliot’s (2006) suggestions. Whereas basic achievement motives are equally important at abstract and specific achievement levels, task values and learning goals release their full explanatory power with increasing context-specificity as they affect students’ concrete actions in a given school subject. At this level of abstraction, task values and learning goals compete with more extrinsic forms of motivation, such as performance goals. Contrary to several studies in achievement-goal research, we did not demonstrate the importance of either performance-approach or performance-avoidance goals for academic achievement.

Whereas students’ ability self-concept showed a high relative importance above and beyond intelligence, with few exceptions, each of the remaining motivation constructs explained less than 5% of the variance in students’ academic achievement in the full model including intelligence measures. One might argue that the high relative importance of students’ ability self-concept is not surprising because students’ ability self-concepts more strongly depend on prior grades than the other motivation constructs. Prior grades represent performance feedback and enable achievement comparisons that are seen as the main determinants of students’ ability self-concepts (see Skaalvik and Skaalvik, 2002 ). However, we included students’ prior grades in the analyses and students’ ability self-concepts still were the most powerful predictors of academic achievement out of the achievement motivation constructs that were considered. It is thus reasonable to conclude that the high relative importance of students’ subjective beliefs about their abilities is not only due to the overlap of this believes with prior achievement.

Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research

Our study confirms and extends the extant work on the power of students’ ability self-concept net of other important motivation variables even when important methodological aspects are considered. Strength of the study is the simultaneous investigation of different achievement motivation constructs in different academic domains. Nevertheless, we restricted the range of motivation constructs to ability self-concepts, task values, goal orientations, and achievement motives. It might be interesting to replicate the findings with other motivation constructs such as academic self-efficacy ( Pajares, 2003 ), individual interest ( Renninger and Hidi, 2011 ), or autonomous versus controlled forms of motivation ( Ryan and Deci, 2000 ). However, these constructs are conceptually and/or empirically very closely related to the motivation constructs we considered (e.g., Eccles and Wigfield, 1995 ; Marsh et al., 2018 ). Thus, it might well be the case that we would find very similar results for self-efficacy instead of ability self-concept as one example.

A second limitation is that we only focused on linear relations between motivation and achievement using a variable-centered approach. Studies that considered different motivation constructs and used person-centered approaches revealed that motivation factors interact with each other and that there are different profiles of motivation that are differently related to students’ achievement (e.g., Conley, 2012 ; Schwinger et al., 2016 ). An important avenue for future studies on students’ motivation is to further investigate these interactions in different academic domains.

Another limitation that might suggest a potential avenue for future research is the fact that we used only grades as an indicator of academic achievement. Although, grades are of high practical relevance for the students, they do not necessarily indicate how much students have learned, how much they know and how creative they are in the respective domain (e.g., Walton and Spencer, 2009 ). Moreover, there is empirical evidence that the prediction of academic achievement differs according to the particular criterion that is chosen (e.g., Lotz et al., 2018 ). Using standardized test performance instead of grades might lead to different results.

Our study is also limited to 11th and 12th graders attending the highest academic track in Germany. More balanced samples are needed to generalize the findings. A recent study ( Ben-Eliyahu, 2019 ) that investigated the relations between different motivational constructs (i.e., goal orientations, expectancies, and task values) and self-regulated learning in university students revealed higher relations for gifted students than for typical students. This finding indicates that relations between different aspects of motivation might differ between academically selected samples and unselected samples.

Finally, despite the advantages of relative weight analyses, this procedure also has some shortcomings. Most important, it is based on manifest variables. Thus, differences in criterion validity might be due in part to differences in measurement error. However, we are not aware of a latent procedure that is comparable to relative weight analyses. It might be one goal for methodological research to overcome this shortcoming.

We conducted the present research to identify how different aspects of students’ motivation uniquely contribute to differences in students’ achievement. Our study demonstrated the relative importance of students’ ability self-concepts, their task values, learning goals, and achievement motives for students’ grades in different academic subjects above and beyond intelligence and prior achievement. Findings thus broaden our knowledge on the role of students’ motivation for academic achievement. Students’ ability self-concept turned out to be the most important motivational predictor of students’ grades above and beyond differences in their intelligence and prior grades, even when all predictors were assessed domain-specifically. Out of two students with similar intelligence scores, same prior achievement, and similar task values, goals and achievement motives in a domain, the student with a higher domain-specific ability self-concept will receive better school grades in the respective domain. Therefore, there is strong evidence that believing in own competencies is advantageous with respect to academic achievement. This finding shows once again that it is a promising approach to implement validated interventions aiming at enhancing students’ domain-specific ability-beliefs in school (see also Muenks et al., 2017 ; Steinmayr et al., 2018 ).

Data Availability

Ethics statement.

In Germany, institutional approval was not required by default at the time the study was conducted. That is, why we cannot provide a formal approval by the institutional ethics committee. We verify that the study is in accordance with established ethical guidelines. Participation was voluntarily and no deception took place. Before testing, we received informed consent forms from the parents of the students who were under the age of 18 on the day of the testing. If students did not want to participate, they could spend the testing time in their teacher’s room with an extra assignment. All students agreed to participate. We included this information also in the manuscript.

Author Contributions

RS conceived and supervised the study, curated the data, performed the formal analysis, investigated the results, developed the methodology, administered the project, and wrote, reviewed, and edited the manuscript. AW wrote, reviewed, and edited the manuscript. MS performed the formal analysis, and wrote, reviewed, and edited the manuscript. BS conceived the study, and wrote, reviewed, and edited the manuscript.

Conflict of Interest Statement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Funding. We acknowledge financial support by Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft and Technische Universität Dortmund/TU Dortmund University within the funding programme Open Access Publishing.

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

The importance of students’ motivation for their academic achievement – replicating and extending previous findings.

$\r\nRicarda Steinmayr*$

1 Department of Psychology, TU Dortmund University, Dortmund, Germany
2 Department of Psychology, Philipps-Universität Marburg, Marburg, Germany
3 Department of Psychology, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany

Introduction

Theoretical Relations Between Achievement Motivation and Academic Achievement

Empirical Evidence on the Relative Importance of Achievement Motivation Constructs for Academic Achievement

The Present Research

Materials and Methods

Participants and procedure.

Ability Self-Concept

Table 1. Means ( M ), Standard Deviations ( SD ), and Reliabilities (α) for all measures.

Task Values

Goal Orientations

Achievement Motives

Intelligence

Academic Achievement

Statistical Analyses

Descriptive Statistics and Intercorrelations

Table 2. Intercorrelations between all variables in school in general.

Table 3. Intercorrelations between all variables in math.

Table 4. Intercorrelations between all variables in German.

Relative Weight Analyses

Table 5. Relative weights and percentages of explained criterion variance (%) for all motivational constructs (Model 1) plus intelligence (Model 2) plus prior school achievement (Model 3).

Relative Importance of Achievement Motivation Constructs for Academic Achievement

Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research

Data Availability

The datasets generated for this study are available on request to the corresponding author.

Ethics Statement

Author Contributions

We acknowledge financial support by Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft and Technische Universität Dortmund/TU Dortmund University within the funding programme Open Access Publishing.

Conflict of Interest Statement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

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Kumar, S., and Jagacinski, C. M. (2011). Confronting task difficulty in ego involvement: change in performance goals. J. Educ. Psychol. 103, 664–682. doi: 10.1037/a0023336

Kuncel, N. R., Hezlett, S. A., and Ones, D. S. (2004). Academic performance, career potential, creativity, and job performance: can one construct predict them all? J. Person. Soc. Psychol. 86, 148–161. doi: 10.1037/0022-3514.86.1.148

Linnenbrink-Garcia, L., Wormington, S. V., Snyder, K. E., Riggsbee, J., Perez, T., Ben-Eliyahu, A., et al. (2018). Multiple pathways to success: an examination of integrative motivational profiles among upper elementary and college students. J. Educ. Psychol. 110, 1026–1048 doi: 10.1037/edu0000245

Lotz, C., Schneider, R., and Sparfeldt, J. R. (2018). Differential relevance of intelligence and motivation for grades and competence tests in mathematics. Learn. Individ. Differ. 65, 30–40. doi: 10.1016/j.lindif.2018.03.005

Marsh, H. W. (1990). Causal ordering of academic self-concept and academic achievement: a multiwave, longitudinal panel analysis. J. Educ. Psychol. 82, 646–656. doi: 10.1037/0022-0663.82.4.646

Marsh, H. W., Pekrun, R., Parker, P. D., Murayama, K., Guo, J., Dicke, T., et al. (2018). The murky distinction between self-concept and self-efficacy: beware of lurking jingle-jangle fallacies. J. Educ. Psychol. 111, 331–353. doi: 10.1037/edu0000281

Marsh, H. W., Trautwein, U., Lüdtke, O., Köller, O., and Baumert, J. (2005). Academic self-concept, interest, grades and standardized test scores: reciprocal effects models of causal ordering. Child Dev. 76, 397–416. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-8624.2005.00853.x

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Keywords : academic achievement, ability self-concept, task values, goals, achievement motives, intelligence, relative weight analysis

Citation: Steinmayr R, Weidinger AF, Schwinger M and Spinath B (2019) The Importance of Students’ Motivation for Their Academic Achievement – Replicating and Extending Previous Findings. Front. Psychol. 10:1730. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2019.01730

Received: 05 April 2019; Accepted: 11 July 2019; Published: 31 July 2019.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2019 Steinmayr, Weidinger, Schwinger and Spinath. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Ricarda Steinmayr, [email protected]

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Center for Teaching

Motivating students.

Introduction

Expectancy – Value – Cost Model

ARCS Model of Instructional Design

Self-determination theory, additional strategies for motivating students.

Fostering student motivation is a difficult but necessary aspect of teaching that instructors must consider. Many may have led classes where students are engaged, motivated, and excited to learn, but have also led classes where students are distracted, disinterested, and reluctant to engage—and, probably, have led classes that are a mix. What factors influence students’ motivation? How can instructors promote students’ engagement and motivation to learn? While there are nuances that change from student to student, there are also models of motivation that serve as tools for thinking through and enhancing motivation in our classrooms. This guide will look at three frameworks: the expectancy-value-cost model of motivation, the ARCS model of instructional design, and self-determination theory. These three models highlight some of the major factors that influence student motivation, often drawing from and demonstrating overlap among their frameworks. The aim of this guide is to explore some of the literature on motivation and offer practical solutions for understanding and enhancing student motivation.

Expectancy – Value – Cost Model

The purpose of the original expectancy-value model was to predict students’ achievement behaviors within an educational context. The model has since been refined to include cost as one of the three major factors that influence student motivation. Below is a description of the three factors, according to the model, that influence motivation.

Expectancy refers to a student’s expectation that they can actually succeed in the assigned task. It energizes students because they feel empowered to meet the learning objectives of the course.
Value involves a student’s ability to perceive the importance of engaging in a particular task. This gives meaning to the assignment or activity because students are clear on why the task or behavior is valuable.
Cost points to the barriers that impede a student’s ability to be successful on an assignment, activity and/or the course at large. Therefore, students might have success expectancies and perceive high task value, however, they might also be aware of obstacles to their engagement or a potential negative affect resulting in performance of the task, which could decrease their motivation.

Three important questions to consider from the student perspective:

1. Expectancy – Can I do the task?

2. Value – Do I want to do the task?

• Intrinsic or interest value : the inherent enjoyment that an individual experiences from engaging in the task for its own sake.

• Utility value : the usefulness of the task in helping achieve other short term or long-term goals.

• Attainment value : the task affirms a valued aspect of an individual’s identity and meets a need that is important to the individual.

3. Cost – Am I free of barriers that prevent me from investing my time, energy, and resources into the activity?

It’s important to note that expectancy, value and cost are not shaped only when a student enters your classroom. These have been shaped over time by both individual and contextual factors. Each of your students comes in with an initial response, however there are strategies for encouraging student success, clarifying subject meaning and finding ways to mitigate costs that will increase your students’ motivation. Everyone may not end up at the same level of motivation, but if you can increase each student’s motivation, it will help the overall atmosphere and productivity of the course that you are teaching.

Strategies to Enhance Expectancy, Value, and Cost

Hulleman et. al (2016) summarize research-based sources that positively impact students’ expectancy beliefs, perceptions of task value, and perceptions of cost, which might point to useful strategies that instructors can employ.

Research-based sources of expectancy-related beliefs

Research-based sources of value, research-based sources of cost.

Barron K. E., & Hulleman, C. S. (2015). Expectancy-value-cost model of motivation. International Encyclopedia of Social and Behavioral Sciences, 8 , 503-509.
Hulleman, C. S., Barron, K. E., Kosovich, J. J., & Lazowski, R. A. (2016). Student motivation: Current theories, constructs, and interventions within an expectancy-value framework. In A. A. Lipnevich et al. (Eds.), Psychosocial Skills and School Systems in the 21st Century . Switzerland: Springer International Publishing.

The ARCS model of instructional design was created to improve the motivational appeal of instructional materials. The ARCS model is grounded in an expectancy-value framework, which assumes that people are motivated to engage in an activity if it’s perceived to be linked to the satisfaction of personal needs and if there is a positive expectancy for success. The purpose of this model was to fill a gap in the motivation literature by providing a model that could more clearly allow instructors to identify strategies to help improve motivation levels within their students.

ARCS is an acronym that stands for four factors, according to the model, that influence student motivation: attention, relevance, confidence, and satisfaction.

Attention refers to getting and sustaining student attention and directing attention to the appropriate stimuli.
Relevance involves making instruction applicable to present and future career opportunities, showing that learning in it of itself is enjoyable, and/or focusing on process over product by satisfying students’ psychological needs (e.g., need for achievement, need for affiliation).
Confidence includes helping students believe that some level of success is possible if effort is exerted.
Satisfaction is attained by helping students feel good about their accomplishments and allowing them to exert some degree of control over the learning experience.

To use the ARCS instructional design model, these steps can be followed:

Classify the problem
Analyze audience motivation
Prepare motivational objectives (i.e., identify which factor in the ARCS model to target based on the defined problem and audience analysis).
Generate potential motivational strategies for each objective
Select strategies that a) don’t take up too much instructional time; b) don’t detract from instructional objectives; c) fall within time and money constraints; d) are acceptable to the audience; and e) are compatible with the instructor’s personal style, preferences, and mode of instruction.
Prepare motivational elements
Integrate materials with instruction
Conduct a developmental try-out
Assess motivational outcomes

Strategies to Enhance Attention, Relevance, Confidence, and Satisfaction

Keller (1987) provides several suggestions for how instructors can positively impact students’ attention, perceived relevance, confidence, and satisfaction.

Attention Strategies

Incongruity, Conflict

Introduce a fact that seems to contradict the learner’s past experience.
Present an example that does not seem to exemplify a given concept.
Introduce two equally plausible facts or principles, only one of which can be true.
Play devil’s advocate.

Concreteness

Show visual representations of any important object or set of ideas or relationships.
Give examples of every instructionally important concept or principle.
Use content-related anecdotes, case studies, biographies, etc.

Variability

In stand up delivery, vary the tone of your voice, and use body movement, pauses, and props.
Vary the format of instruction (information presentation, practice, testing, etc.) according to the attention span of the audience.
Vary the medium of instruction (platform delivery, film, video, print, etc.).
Break up print materials by use of white space, visuals, tables, different typefaces, etc.
Change the style of presentation (humorous-serious, fast-slow, loud-soft, active-passive, etc.).
Shift between student-instructor interaction and student-student interaction.
Where appropriate, use plays on words during redundant information presentation.
Use humorous introductions.
Use humorous analogies to explain and summarize.
Use creativity techniques to have learners create unusual analogies and associations to the content.
Build in problem solving activities at regular interval.
Give learners the opportunity to select topics, projects and assignments that appeal to their curiosity and need to explore.

Participation

Use games, role plays, or simulations that require learner participation.

Relevance Strategies

State explicitly how the instruction builds on the learner’s existing skills.
Use analogies familiar to the learner from past experience.
Find out what the learners’ interests are and relate them to the instruction.

Present Worth

State explicitly the present intrinsic value of learning the content, as distinct from its value as a link to future goals.

Future Usefulness

State explicitly how the instruction relates to future activities of the learner.
Ask learners to relate the instruction to their own future goals (future wheel).

Need Matching

To enhance achievement striving behavior, provide opportunities to achieve standards of excellence under conditions of moderate risk.
To make instruction responsive to the power motive, provide opportunities for responsibility, authority, and interpersonal influence.
To satisfy the need for affiliation, establish trust and provide opportunities for no-risk, cooperative interaction.
Bring in alumni of the course as enthusiastic guest lecturers.
In a self-paced course, use those who finish first as deputy tutors.
Model enthusiasm for the subject taught.
Provide meaningful alternative methods for accomplishing a goal.
Provide personal choices for organizing one’s work.

Confidence Strategies

Learning Requirements

Incorporate clearly stated, appealing learning goals into instructional materials.
Provide self-evaluation tools which are based on clearly stated goals.
Explain the criteria for evaluation of performance.
Organize materials on an increasing level of difficulty; that is, structure the learning material to provide a “conquerable” challenge.

Expectations

Include statements about the likelihood of success with given amounts of effort and ability.
Teach students how to develop a plan of work that will result in goal accomplishment.
Help students set realistic goals.

Attributions

Attribute student success to effort rather than luck or ease of task when appropriate (i.e., when you know it’s true!).
Encourage student efforts to verbalize appropriate attributions for both successes and failures.

Self-Confidence

Allow students opportunity to become increasingly independent in learning and practicing a skill.
Have students learn new skills under low risk conditions, but practice performance of well-learned tasks under realistic conditions.
Help students understand that the pursuit of excellence does not mean that anything short of perfection is failure; learn to feel good about genuine accomplishment.

Satisfaction Strategies

Natural Consequences

Allow a student to use a newly acquired skill in a realistic setting as soon as possible.
Verbally reinforce a student’s intrinsic pride in accomplishing a difficult task.
Allow a student who masters a task to help others who have not yet done so.

Unexpected Rewards

Reward intrinsically interesting task performance with unexpected, non-contingent rewards.
Reward boring tasks with extrinsic, anticipated rewards.

Positive Outcomes

Give verbal praise for successful progress or accomplishment.
Give personal attention to students.
Provide informative, helpful feedback when it is immediately useful.
Provide motivating feedback (praise) immediately following task performance.

Negative Influences

Avoid the use of threats as a means of obtaining task performance.
Avoid surveillance (as opposed to positive attention).
Avoid external performance evaluations whenever it is possible to help the student evaluate his or her own work.
Provide frequent reinforcements when a student is learning a new task.
Provide intermittent reinforcement as a student becomes more competent at a task.
Vary the schedule of reinforcements in terms of both interval and quantity.

Source: Keller, J. M. (1987). Development and use of the ARCS model of instructional design. Journal of Instructional Development, 10 , 2-10.

Self-determination theory (SDT) is a macro-theory of human motivation, emotion, and development that is concerned with the social conditions that facilitate or hinder human flourishing. While applicable to many domains, the theory has been commonly used to understand what moves students to act and persist in educational settings. SDT focuses on the factors that influence intrinsic and extrinsic motivation, which primarily involves the satisfaction of basic psychological needs.

Basic Psychological Needs

SDT posits that human motivation is guided by the need to fulfill basic psychological needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness.

Autonomy refers to having a choice in one’s own individual behaviors and feeling that those behaviors stem from individual volition rather than from external pressure or control. In educational contexts, students feel autonomous when they are given options, within a structure, about how to perform or present their work.
Competence refers to perceiving one’s own behaviors or actions as effective and efficient. Students feel competent when they are able to track their progress in developing skills or an understanding of course material. This is often fostered when students receive clear feedback regarding their progression in the class.
Relatedness refers to feeling a sense of belonging, closeness, and support from others. In educational settings, relatedness is fostered when students feel connected, both intellectually and emotionally, to their peers and instructors in the class. This can often be accomplished through interactions that allow members of the class to get to know each other on a deeper, more personal level.

Continuum of Self-Determination

SDT also posits that motivation exists on a continuum. When an environment provides enough support for the satisfaction of the psychological needs of autonomy, competence and relatedness, an individual may experience self-determined forms of motivation: intrinsic motivation, integration, and identification. Self-determined motivation occurs when there is an internal perceived locus of causality (i.e., internal factors are the main driving force for the behavior). Integration and identification are also grouped as autonomous extrinsic motivation as the behavior is driven by internal and volitional choice.

Intrinsic motivation , which is the most self-determined type of motivation, occurs when individuals naturally and spontaneously perform behaviors as a result of genuine interest and enjoyment.

Integrated regulation is when individuals identify the importance of a behavior, integrate this behavior into their self-concept, and pursue activities that align with this self-concept.

Identified regulation is where people identify and recognize the value of a behavior, which then drives their action.

When an environment does not provide enough support for the satisfaction of autonomy, competence, and relatedness, an individual may experience non-self-determined forms of motivation: introjection and external regulation. Introjection and external regulation are grouped as controlled extrinsic motivation because people enact these behaviors due to external or internal pressures.

Introjected regulation occurs when individuals are controlled by internalized consequences administered by the individual themselves, such as pride, shame, or guilt.

External regulation is when people’s behaviors are controlled exclusively by external factors, such as rewards or punishments.

Finally, at the bottom of the continuum is amotivation, which is lowest form of motivation.

Amotivation exists when there is a complete lack of intention to behave and there is no sense of achievement or purpose when the behavior is performed.

Below is a figure depicting the continuum of self-determination taken from Lonsdale, Hodge, and Rose (2009).

Although having intrinsically motivated students would be the ultimate goal, it may not be a practical one within educational settings. That’s because there are several tasks that are required of students to meet particular learning objectives that may not be inherently interesting or enjoyable. Instead, instructors can employ various strategies to satisfy students’ basic psychological needs, which should move their level of motivation along the continuum, and hopefully lead to more self-determined forms of motivation, thus yielding the greatest rewards in terms of student academic outcomes.

Below are suggestions for how instructors can positively impact students’ perceived autonomy, competence, and relatedness.

Strategies to Enhance Autonomy, Competence, and Relatedness

Autonomy strategies.

Have students choose paper topics
Have students choose the medium with which they will present their work
Co-create rubrics with students (e.g., participation rubrics, assignment rubrics)
Have students choose the topics you will cover in a particular unit
Drop the lowest assessment or two (e.g., quizzes, exams, homework)
Have students identify preferred assignment deadlines
Gather mid-semester feedback and make changes based on student suggestions
Provide meaningful rationales for learning activities
Acknowledge students’ feelings about the learning process or learning activities throughout the course

Competence Strategies

Set high but achievable learning objectives
Communicate to students that you believe they can meet your high expectations
Communicate clear expectations for each assignment (e.g., use rubrics)
Include multiple low-stakes assessments
Give students practice with feedback before assessments
Provide lots of early feedback to students
Have students provide peer feedback
Scaffold assignments
Praise student effort and hard work
Provide a safe environment for students to fail and then learn from their mistakes

Relatedness Strategies

Share personal anecdotes
Get to know students via small talk before/after class and during breaks
Require students to come to office hours (individually or in small groups)
Have students complete a survey where they share information about themselves
Use students’ names (perhaps with the help of name tents)
Have students incorporate personal interests into their assignments
Share a meal with students or bring food to class
Incorporate group activities during class, and allow students to work with a variety of peers
Arrange formal study groups
Convey warmth, caring, and respect to students
Lonsdale, C., Hodge, K., & Rose, E. (2009). Athlete burnout in elite sport: A self-determination perspective. Journal of Sports Sciences, 27, 785-795.
Niemiec, C. P., & Ryan, R. M. (2009). Autonomy, competence, and relatedness in the classroom: Applying self-determination theory to educational practice. Theory and Research in Education, 7, 133-144.
Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2017). Self-determination theory: Basic psychological needs in motivation, development, and wellness . New York: Guilford.

Below are some additional research-based strategies for motivating students to learn.

Become a role model for student interest . Deliver your presentations with energy and enthusiasm. As a display of your motivation, your passion motivates your students. Make the course personal, showing why you are interested in the material.
Get to know your students. You will be able to better tailor your instruction to the students’ concerns and backgrounds, and your personal interest in them will inspire their personal loyalty to you. Display a strong interest in students’ learning and a faith in their abilities.
Use examples freely. Many students want to be shown why a concept or technique is useful before they want to study it further. Inform students about how your course prepares students for future opportunities.
Teach by discovery. Students find it satisfying to reason through a problem and discover the underlying principle on their own.
Cooperative learning activities are particularly effective as they also provide positive social pressure.
Set realistic performance goals and help students achieve them by encouraging them to set their own reasonable goals. Design assignments that are appropriately challenging in view of the experience and aptitude of the class.
Place appropriate emphasis on testing and grading. Tests should be a means of showing what students have mastered, not what they have not. Avoid grading on the curve and give everyone the opportunity to achieve the highest standard and grades.
Be free with praise and constructive in criticism. Negative comments should pertain to particular performances, not the performer. Offer nonjudgmental feedback on students’ work, stress opportunities to improve, look for ways to stimulate advancement, and avoid dividing students into sheep and goats.
Give students as much control over their own education as possible. Let students choose paper and project topics that interest them. Assess them in a variety of ways (tests, papers, projects, presentations, etc.) to give students more control over how they show their understanding to you. Give students options for how these assignments are weighted.
Bain, K. (2004). What the best college teachers do. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
DeLong, M., & Winter, D. (2002). Learning to teach and teaching to learn mathematics: Resources for professional development . Washington, D.C.: Mathematical Association of America.
Nilson, L. (2016). Teaching at its best: A research-based resource for college instructors (4 th ed.). San Francisco, CA: Josey-Bass.

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Tips for Writing Your Motivational Statement and Essays

While it’s one of our favorite parts of the application reading experience, we know that writing essay components can be anxiety-inducing for applicants. As you start or continue your application , we hope you find this guidance on the motivational statement and essays helpful.

Motivational Statement

All students applying to the Master of Public Policy (MPP) , MA in Public Policy (MA) , MS in Computational Analysis and Public Policy (MSCAPP) , and MA in Public Policy with Certificate in Research Methods (MACRM) programs are required to submit a 300-word motivational statement answering the questions: Why policy? Why Harris? (Or a version of these questions more specific to your program).

Some suggestions as you are thinking about your answers to these questions:

Answer the prompt. Don’t worry about using precious space to introduce yourself—jump right into answering the question.

Write first, edit later. Get your ideas onto the page—whether that means bullet points, idea webs, or a journal entry. Don’t worry about crafting the perfect opener, meeting the word count, or checking grammar when you are first getting started.

Reflect. Think about the professional, personal, or academic experience that has inspired you.

Be specific. When answering Why Harris? , be specific to the University of Chicago and Harris. Analyze why certain programs, centers, classes, or professors made you want to apply here.

Optional Essay Questions

Although the Motivation Statement is required, the essay questions are optional. For all optional essay questions, we aren’t just interested in the “right answer,” but how you are thinking about and approaching these complex questions.

Students applying to the Master of Public Policy (MPP) program may pick any of the three questions below. Completing question three will allow you to be considered for Pearson fellowships open only to MPP students.

Students applying to the MA in Public Policy (MA) , MS in Computational Analysis and Public Policy (MSCAPP) , and MA in Public Policy with Certificate in Research Methods (MACRM) programs may choose to complete optional essays 1 and

Option 1: Challenge—Describe briefly the biggest challenge you have ever faced. How did you tackle it and what did you learn? (max 300 words)

Tip: In essay one, you may write about a personal, professional, or academic challenge when answering this question. Perhaps more than the challenge itself, we are interested in how you tackled the challenge, and what you learned in the process.

Option 2: Community—Where do you see yourself getting involved in the community during your time at Harris—either at the University of Chicago or in the city of Chicago? (max 300 words)

Tip: If you are answering essay two, please make sure to speak specifically to Harris or UChicago.

Option 3: Pearson—If you would like to be considered for The Pearson Fellowship , please answer the following: In reflecting on the complexities of past and present protracted global conflicts, please analyze what singular global conflict most puzzles you personally, and discuss why.

Tip: Please note that “global conflict” can refer to a range of conflicts (i.e. inter/intra state; those involving non-state actors, etc.) and a range of issues associated (i.e. refugee crises, religious conflict, gang violence, drug wars, domestic violence, etc.). Remember to consider: Is the conflict actually puzzling? For example, does it involve actors acting against their own best interest, or operating irrationally? And finally, for the purposes of this essay, you will not need to cite sources.

We hope you find these tips helpful as you move your application forward.

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Writing Resources

Motivating the argument.

The intellectual context that you establish for your topic and thesis at the start of your essay, in order to suggest why someone, besides your instructor, might want to read an essay on this topic or need to hear your particular thesis argued — why your thesis isn’t just obvious to all, why other people might hold other theses (that you think are wrong).

Your motive should be aimed at your audience: it won’t necessarily be the reason you first got interested in the topic (which could be private and idiosyncratic) or the personal motivation behind your engagement with the topic. Indeed, it’s where you suggest that your argument isn’t idiosyncratic, but rather is generally interesting. The motive you set up should be genuine: a misapprehension or puzzle that an intelligent reader (not a straw dummy) would really have, a point that such a reader would really overlook. Defining motive should be the main business of your introductory paragraphs, where it is usually introduced by a form of the complicating word “But.”

Match the items in the Motivating Moves section with the "published writing samples" from various disciplines.
Note that each writing sample makes more than one motivating move.
Good news: There are no wrong answers!

Motivating Moves

The truth isn’t what one would expect, or what it might appear to be on first reading.
The knowledge on the topic has heretofore been limited.
There’s a mystery or puzzle or question here that needs answering.
Published views of the matter conflict.
We can learn about a larger phenomenon by studying this smaller one.
This seemingly tangential or insignificant matter is actually important or interesting.
There’s an inconsistency, contradiction or tension here that needs explaining.
The standard opinion(s) need challenging or qualifying.

Published Writing Samples

Environmental studies.

Although the origin of these sources (of oxygenated organic compounds) is still unclear, we suggest that oxygenated species could be formed via the oxidation of hydrocarbons in the atmosphere, the photochemical degradation of organic matter in the oceans and direct emissions from terrestrial vegetation.

New York’s American Art-Union offers an opportunity to examine, in one significant context, the struggle that defined the social role of art and artists in the antebellum North.

(Freud, in fact!): The play is built on Hamlet’s hesitations over fulfilling the task of revenge that is assigned to him; but its text offers no reasons or motivations for these hesitations, and an immense variety of attempts at interpreting them have failed to produce a result.

How does one explain the seeming inconsistency between the responses by the Hispanic community to the 1992 poll, on the one hand, and the general pride that most Americans express about their immigrant roots, on the other?

Adapted from a handout by Kerry Walk.

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Intrinsic Motivation and the Five-Paragraph Essay: Lessons Learned on Practitioner Research, the Role of Academic Research in the Classroom, and Assessing Changes in Student Motivation

Dan LaSalle, Temple University

Introduction

As a first year inner-city teacher, I navigated classroom challenges that were previously inconceivable to me. Diverse student behaviors and needs mixed tumultuously with my burgeoning understanding of pedagogy as practice, not just theory, and as someone stepping into his own classroom for the first time. One reoccurring phenomenon in particular stood out and emerged as my most perplexing observation: My students appeared to be unmotivated. Was such a phenomenon the result of my students’ cognitive ability, metacognitive ability, or personality? Or maybe this was something completely natural given my limited proficiencies as a new teacher.

Low student motivation occurred less as the year progressed, and my instructional abilities improved. However, anytime a class did not take to a lesson, the immediate nose-dive of student motivation seemed no less drastic. Even after several consecutive days of meaningful, challenging, and engaging instruction, when I would botch a lesson, my students would immediately return to a hostile and unruly disposition for the remainder of class, a state that had dominated my classroom in the early months of my first year teaching. By December, I thought I had gained the trust and faith of my students as an educator effective enough to warrant some patience and leniency. I remember a few days before winter break one student throwing a book, pushing her binder onto the floor, and shouting at me, “Be quiet!” as I fumbled through explaining a convoluted writing assignment. It appeared I had neither the credibility nor the leeway to provide a heartfelt yet apparently poorly implemented lesson and rely on the capital I had previously built with my students. Student motivation seemed to be highly reliant on my abilities as a clear, engaging, and competent instructor. When my abilities fell short, so too did student motivation.

The phenomenon of unmotivated classes appeared even when a class functioned as I hoped. I would set a higher bar for the next class or assignment and find myself disappointed with the results. Was student motivation a legitimate problem in my classroom, or did my passion for the zeitgeist of rigor compel me to ask too much of my students while unfairly placing the onus on them to demonstrate more grit?

Whatever actually explained the disconnect between my instructional intentions and student behaviors—low self-efficacy, prior experience with novice teachers, a lack of student-teacher trust, or perhaps the quality of my pedagogy—I (fairly or unfairly) reduced it to a problem of student motivation. My students often did not seem to care about their assignments or grades. I wanted to know why.

This article details the evolution of my inquiry-based practitioner research on cultivating intrinsic motivation through five–paragraph essays. Motivation refers to the impetus to act. Psychologists designate both level of motivation (low to high) and orientation (type) of motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2001). Researchers also recognize a motivational orientation that places extrinsic and intrinsic motivation at opposite ends of a spectrum (Ryan & Deci, 2009). The use of external rewards or punishments that compel action characterizes extrinsic motivation; the inherent joy and satisfaction from a task that invite autonomous action characterize intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). My inquiry could have targeted another phenomenon associated with motivation, but as a second–year teacher with a rudimentary understanding of educational psychology, intrinsic motivation was the best lens I had to study student actions. Without the instruments psychologists use to assess intrinsic motivation (reaction time in laboratory controlled settings, student self-reporting measures, or others) (Gay, Mills & Airasian, 2012), my inquiry examined the relationship between my actions as a teacher and a variety of ever-changing data on my students, such as choices in essay topic and the presence of student voice in writing assignments. As this self-study demonstrates, my inability to isolate evidence of intrinsic motivation prevents me from making a strong claim as to why or how much my students were “motivated” or “unmotivated.” This paradox—that an educator with the ability to influence student motivation cannot conclusively explain the impact of his instructional methods or actions—is a central theme in this inquiry.

Intrinsic motivation for writing has been linked to greater levels of student self-efficacy, self-regulation, and self-scaffolding among some age groups (Lipstein & Renninger, 2006). However, the research on intrinsic motivation and writing is underdeveloped (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). The five-paragraph essay, in particular, faces criticism for its often unquestioned position at the center of a writing class or unit (Brannon et al., 2008; Miller, 2010). I was well positioned to raise some of these questions in my own classroom. The greening of the teacher workforce over the last thirty years has meant that first-year teachers have become the most common educator (Ingersoll, Merrill, & Stuckey, 2014). Thus, my perspective as a novice teacher provides an important lens for those concerned with increasing student intrinsic motivation, teaching writing, and public education.

Practitioner research harnesses a teacher’s unique perspective as someone situated “inside” a classroom who tries to navigate, understand, and negotiate the phenomena and factors that impact learning, motivation, and student development (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1992). While teachers may not be able to scientifically evaluate educational and classroom-related phenomena, the ability to generate local knowledge about practices that best support student needs could very well help illuminate problems and directions for such research (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 2009). S. Ravitch (2014) extolled the virtues of practitioner-research in the most recent issue of Perspectives on Urban Education :

Such systematic examination is designed to increase awareness of the contexts that shape professional actions, decisions, and judgments, enabling practitioners to see our practices anew, to recognize and articulate the complexities of our work, and the values and choices at the core of professional practice. (p. 6)

This article hopes to offer such an examination by detailing my experiences as a practitioner negotiating factors that impact student motivation and crafting my professional decisions accordingly. Kaplan, Katz, and Flum (2012) offer similar sentiments to S. Ravitch’s when they evaluate the current state of motivation research:

Motivation theory and research of the past decades have contributed tremendously to scientific knowledge concerning mechanisms and processes of human motivation and engagement. However, in matters of application to educational practice, motivational theory—indeed, educational psychology more generally—is in a rather dismal state. (p. 168)

Due to the dominance, and limitations, of the control-experimental psychological paradigm in educational psychology, Kaplan, Katz, and Flum (2012) advocate for motivational phenomena to be studied in educational practice and context. While some may criticize student motivation as too narrow a lens to interpret and evaluate student actions given the influence of other psychological factors on student behavior (e.g., interest development, self-efficacy, and self-regulation), student motivation represents a construct that incorporates and often welcomes these other phenomena when describing student behaviors (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002; Silvia, 2006).

Struck by my students’ often hostile and apathetic responses to assignments and instruction and hoping to contribute to the knowledge of motivation, I began to take an inquiry stance on my own practice. I studied my practice on three fronts with the help of an off-site teacher research group: (a) how my inquiry question changes as a developing urban educator who attempts to incorporate findings and suggestions from motivational psychology without being a student in the academy, (b) the effectiveness of classroom strategies to increase student motivation as a second year teacher, and (c) the student outcomes I observed. Each of these fronts influences the others and my practice as the school year continues. I report on these influences throughout the academic year and conclude this article by discussing the implications of my narrative for practitioner research, the assessment of student motivation, the role of academic research on student motivation for educators, and the potential contributions of novice educators’ voices in education. This article does not attempt to offer definitive or proven strategies to improve student motivation or a more detailed account of the psychology of motivation; it represents a teacher’s efforts to synthesize academic research and pedagogical strategies with a developing competence as an educator for impoverished, under-motivated, and academically behind students.

The backdrop to my inquiry: The end of my first year of teaching

After my first year of teaching, I spent the summer recovering from and reflecting on a host of challenges that contributed to my feelings of frustration and inadequacy as a first-year teacher in a ninth-grade inner city Philadelphia classroom. In July, I had dinner with a friend who just finished his third year of teaching at the same school. We discussed the discomfort of watching the majority of our students remain reluctant to study, go above and beyond on assignments, and pursue academic interests outside of school walls. Although my colleague reassured me that time in the classroom would build my competencies as a teacher, I was not as convinced that simply being a better teacher would provide any concrete answers to my concerns about student motivation.

The conversation with my colleague was not the only one that suggested I should adopt an inquiry stance to better understand student motivation within my own classroom. I remember dozens of conversations and comments about dwindling student motivation that dominated department, grade level, and school wide meetings during my first year of teaching. Even experienced teachers, who could make serious gains among low-performing students, complained of low student motivation. My colleagues wondered if academic achievement could improve with student motivation remaining at disappointing levels. Or, perhaps the problem was that teachers continued to set the bar higher and higher and became frustrated when they capable students did not meet them.

Several studies support my colleagues’ concerns about student effort. American schools, especially within low-income communities, suffer from a deficit of student engagement and motivation, including intrinsic motivation (Shernof, 2012). The 2009 High School Survey of Student Engagement reports that nationally 20% of students considered dropping out of high school in 2006, increasing to 26% in 2009. The top three reasons students cited for wanting to drop out of school included not enjoying school, not liking school, and not seeing schoolwork as meaningful. Twenty-six percent of students reported they were bored because the material was too difficult, 42% found the material irrelevant to their life, and 66% were bored every day in school (Yazzie-Mintz, 2007). Over 30% of ninth graders fail to graduate high school across the nation (Alliance for Excellent Education, 2009), and in urban areas the figure is closer to 50%. In Philadelphia, the percentage of dropouts is 55% (Toppo, 2010). My experienced coworkers may have made a more astute observation than I had initially thought: student motivation and teacher instruction may be related, but they are two separate phenomena. While our school embraced the challenge to advance student academic achievement, we did our mission a disservice when we viewed the problem strictly in terms of a deficiency in skills and content knowledge. Enlivening student motivation represented a separate but possibly connected phenomenon among our students. How much of which could be influenced by a teacher or school remained a question in my mind Perhaps bolstering student motivation and engagement represents a prerequisite to closing the achievement gap, and other variables (e.g., a culturally relevant curriculum or a disbelief in American meritocracy) that may have better explained our frustration with both student motivation and achievement were outside our awareness as practitioners.

While comments from my colleagues, the above research on student engagement, and my own classroom struggles guided my perspective on student motivation, other scholarship offered different explanations. Research on resiliency and unstable communities led me to question whether I may be placing an extra and thus unfair burden on students in low-income and violent communities to discard the milieu of their struggling communities when they enter school. Is it fair for me, a college graduate raised to value education in a community full of educated role models, to expect my students to manifest the same priorities? Is it too presumptuous to assume my students suffer from a motivational deficit when they, their families, and their community prioritize loyalty, trust, skepticism toward authority, and, above all, survival? A motivational deficit may constitute a poor explanation when my students divert their efforts toward enacting values that are necessary in a high-poverty, high-crime, and violent community (Bottrell, 2009; Foster & Spencer, 2011).

I asked my colleagues, friends, members of my teacher research group, and previous professors for suggestions to promote motivation within a classroom setting. I wanted something that was grounded in scientific research but offered specific suggestions for educators. I was quickly introduced to self-determination theory. According to Ryan and Deci (2000, 2009), motivation exists on a spectrum where a person can fall at or between extrinsic motivation on one end and intrinsic motivation on the other. A person who engages in a task or activity specifically for the ends it will produce (e.g., money, recognition, prizes) is extrinsically motivated, or motivated by something operating outside himself. However, someone motivated specifically by a sense of joy that an activity elicits is considered to be motivated by something within or “intrinsic.” Intrinsic motivation yields less anxiety, great well-being, academic success, and self-regulation.

Given my limited experience navigating the complex academic literature on self-determination theory and other achievement motivation theories, I needed to take a step back and familiarize myself with the literature for more general audiences. Although a teacher, the decades of academic terminology and theory on student motivation quickly became overwhelming. A professor recommended Kohn’s (1993) Punished by Rewards . Kohn, a lecturer and author, synthesized psychological research on how the use of rewards and punishments (extrinsic motivation) would unavoidably and necessarily decrease the person’s interest and enjoyment in a task (intrinsic motivation). Kohn’s analysis provided an account very congruent with my experiences. Some of my students seemed highly motivated to engage with the content of a class’s lesson while other students would only entertain school work with the accompaniment of baked goods and positive phone calls to parents or threats of detention and failing grades.

Before my second year of teaching began, the first iteration of my inquiry question became clear. I needed to frame my practitioner research as something that would help guide my practice and challenge top-down educational mandates insensitive to the range of classroom contexts I observed (S. Ravitch, 2014), such as the lack of attention schools gave to promoting intrinsic motivation. I also wanted my inquiry to illuminate the complexity of identifying, describing, and explaining motivational processes outside controlled-laboratory conditions (Kaplan, Katz & Flum, 2012). I also needed to make sure my inquiry did not assume a motivational deficit. Thus the first version of my inquiry topic emerged: What happens when I incorporate instructional strategies to promote intrinsic motivation in my students?

In the following sections, I trace the evolution of my inquiry topic and how I adjusted my classroom practices based on the literature I read, my experiences, and the student data I collected. I break down my research temporally and then divide it even further into three subparts: inquiry question, conceptual framework and classroom strategies, and student outcomes. I group conceptual framework and classroom strategies into one section because of the natural and almost necessary need to allow new experiences and theories to guide and influence interventions (Maxwell, 2013).

The Beginning of My Practitioner Research: September-October

Inquiry Question

Second teacher journal entry: Inquiry question: How do I measure intrinsic motivation?” [emphasis added]

When I initially framed my inquiry question, it began with “What happens when,” which I reasoned would be better changed to “How do I measure.” The word “measure” may immediately unnerve those familiar with practitioner research because measuring and making claims about a specific construct (i.e., intrinsic motivation) falls in the realm of basic research rather than the highly localized and action-guided domain of practitioner-research (Gay, Mills, & Airasian, 2012). Although I wanted to cultivate intrinsic motivation within my students, I felt the best way to do so was parsing, identifying, and then measuring variant behaviors and thought processes within my students. My undergraduate background in the social sciences often required me to measure relationships, and that was the only framework I had to approach my study. I reasoned that an increase in measurable tendencies would determine if I were successful at cultivating intrinsic motivation, and a decrease or stable relationship with such variables meant I failed. My limited knowledge in qualitative research and practitioner methodology would prove problematic when I began to collect data for my inquiry.

Conceptual Framework and Classroom Strategies

Research on intrinsic and extrinsic motivation found the former to be a much better predictor of high school achievement than the latter (Guthrie & Coddington, 2009). With my nascent understanding of student motivation at the time (Kohn, 1993, 2006), I developed the following four strategies for fostering intrinsic motivation in my classroom for the upcoming year:

no class competitions;
no individual student rewards;
a behavior management system that focuses on the importance of maintained effort, diligence, and cooperation in the classroom, rather than a fear of punishment; and
explicit instruction in the phenomenon and importance of intrinsic motivation.

The first three suggestions came directly from Kohn’s writings, but the fourth idea was something I added: I figured students would need to know why my classroom would operate so differently than many of the others on the ninth grade floor.

During my first year of instruction, my class competition pitted students in each class against the students from my other classes. Each student earned one poker chip for every 10 minutes they were on-task (determined by my judgment) and one poker chip every time they participated. Students could not earn a second poker chip until everyone earned their first. Chips were totaled at the end of each class. Whichever class earned the highest total of chips by the end of the week earned a prize. This competition saved me as a first year teacher, by developing my class culture from unruly and defiant to cooperative and on-task. I also frequently rewarded students for individual accomplishments, such as sharing their grades with the class, making positive phone calls home after a day of exceptionally hard work and diligence, and raffle prizes. Although these strategies proved immensely successful to motivate my students to engage with their coursework, I could not help but worry that I was promoting the wrong kind of motivation. All of Kohn’s (1996) predictions had come true: I had to keep increasing the rewards for the competition to have appeal, students often became hostile and untrusting if they lost the competition or did not find their work praised in front of the class, and any day I tried to suspend the class competition or other incentives, my classroom immediately reverted back to the fractious culture that dominated the first few months of year.

I abandoned both class competition and individual student rewards for my second year of teaching based on my understanding of Kohn. He asserts that motivation is not singular. Extrinsic and intrinsic motivations represent two very different forces with different long-term effects on students. Extrinsic motivation occurs when a person strives to accomplish a task for a reward or the avoidance of a negative repercussion from failing to succeed. Intrinsic motivation occurs when a person strives to accomplish a task because of the enjoyment and pleasure of engaging in the task itself. Kohn also showed that motivation is not additive; using reinforcements to encourage or discourage particular behaviors in students decreases curiosity, academic risk-taking, creativity, and intrinsic motivation. It became clear that my first step toward fostering intrinsic motivation was to eliminate my explicit attempts to boost extrinsic motivation.

I also planned to reform my behavior management system. I would explain to my students the rationale behind both assignments and the class discipline system (such as why students could not speak during independent reading), and even explain my sympathy when such directions were undesirable. I would also decrease my reliance on detentions and reflect with a student when he/she earned one (see Kohn, 2006). At this time, I was only a weekend away from students entering my classroom for the first day of my second school year as a teacher. I hoped my repertoire of tools to enhance intrinsic motivation would work.

Student Outcomes

Given my quantitative inquiry question, I created a variety of metrics to measure the intrinsic motivation in my students—metrics that I now see as misguided. The metrics were not only cumbersome and unhelpful, but did not meet the standards of quantitative methodology to withstand evaluation. My metrics are outlined below:

I recorded any time I attempted to motivate a student, whether through extrinsic or intrinsic means. This meant recording any time I administered a threat or a piece of academic feedback that could impact motivation.
After several lessons on how to annotate a text, I administered a rather dull short story during the fifth week of school and told the students:

This assignment is completely optional. Read this short story and annotate it as many times as you want using any of the four annotation symbols we learned. If you do not do it or finish early, I have crossword puzzles for you. If you don’t finish early, put an X next to where you stopped reading.

During and after students read and annotated the story, I recorded who participated, how much of the story each student read, how long they read, how many annotations they made, and the quality of each annotation. I compared these figures across students to determine a baseline level of intrinsic motivation and administered a similar exam at the middle and end of the year.

Administering both metrics was challenging. For the first metric, besides the sheer difficulty of recording what I communicated to each student over the course of a class, I could not easily distinguish between what might constitute a prompt for intrinsic or extrinsic motivation. If I said, “It looks like you are enjoying this assignment. Keep up the good work,” I was both encouraging intrinsic motivation by recognizing a student’s interest in an assignment as well as reinforcing extrinsic motivation by offering verbal praise. Even worse, I was not focusing on my students’ behavior (were they deeply immersed in a writing assignment and losing track of time?) but instead focusing on quantifying what I, the teacher, was doing. Such misguidance in my inquiry could be attributed to my quantitative lens indicated by the word “measure” in my inquiry question. For the second metric, I hardly made it through analyzing data from the first test before I realized how misguided my method was.

I had all of these numbers, but I could not say they reflected any inherent mental qualities of my students, let alone that they were a fair measure of intrinsic motivation (since, of course, intrinsic motivation is not a singular phenomenon that is invariant across all contexts and situations). For example, the content of the story naturally appealed to some students more than others. Information on my student’s reading levels were not yet available, so the difficulty of the reading passage was a barrier for some but not for others. Even the very idea of thinking I could teach annotation and use it as a proxy for such a dynamic and multifaceted phenomenon as intrinsic motivation became an obvious error in my framework: Could the frequency and quality of a student’s annotations, even if a base-rate were established (Gay, Mils, & Airasian, 2012) say anything about a student’s motivation while literacy, previous exposure to annotation strategies, and a host of other factors influenced such data? . I designed my inquiry stance to embrace S. Ravitch’s (2014) call for practitioner research to explore new dimensions of educational practice, namely greater attention to motivation in the classroom. I also wanted to respond to Kaplan, Katz, and Flum’s (2012) call for a better bridge between academic research on achievement motivation and classroom practices. My inquiry was doing neither.

My misguided idea came from a groundbreaking 1971 study by the psychologist Edward Deci, who discovered that subjects would play with a puzzle longer if they were not tempted with extrinsic motivators (e.g., monetary compensation). Iterations of this experiment with different variables (e.g., higher pay, competition, different age of subjects) yielded similar results (Deci, 1997; Kohn, 1993; Wilson, 2011). Inspired by this study, I developed an inquiry that attempted to remove extrinsic motivations from my classroom. It is not that I thought a teacher could do the job of a psychologist, nor that I had the skills to create a perfectly controlled environment to assess intrinsic motivation in my students. I just could not think of how else I could study intrinsic motivation or make conclusions that would better my practice without the use of number crunching, coding of behaviors, and quantitative data analysis. Psychologists, not teachers or administrators, discovered the importance of intrinsic motivation, I reasoned. I cannot recall a time I saw intrinsic motivation discussed in professional development, printed on a poster in a classroom, or accounted for in a lesson plan. So I did the only thing I thought I could. I did as the psychologists did and quantified.

I shared this quantitative data with my teacher research group and quickly became embarrassed by their struggle to understand the numbers and codes I provided in carefully colored and coded Excel spreadsheets. At that point it became blindingly clear that my methodology was fundamentally confusing, unfocused, and inappropriate for a practitioner. I could not speak to a single student outcome, observed classroom phenomenon, or way my classroom benefited from my inquiry. My inquiry was failing at every level. The study struggled to provide an account of classroom dynamics justified by a teacher’s unique and quasi-anthropological perspective being an observer and agent “inside” a classroom (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1992). The study also struggled to generate local knowledge to improve classroom instruction about student motivation (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 2009). I may very well have been fostering intrinsic motivation in my classroom, but my quantitative and inappropriate lens prevented me from knowing so. I needed to readjust my inquiry question.

November – January

A needed development in my inquiry came from the teacher research group when one of the facilitators commented: “Why not get rid of the word ‘measure,’ from your inquiry question and return to the first form of your inquiry question that begins with, ‘What happens when…?’” This was the direction I needed. I was back to my initial inquiry question: What happens when I incorporate instructional strategies to promote intrinsic motivation in my students? I needed to stop parsing student behavior into components to code, track, and analyze. Instead, I needed to embrace my unique perspective and role as a teacher, develop the best strategies I thought appropriate to improve my instruction given my inquiry, and take an approach from within my classroom to observe and record any classroom occurrences relevant to my inquiry (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1992).

This point represents the transition in my approach from quantitative to qualitative, the latter constituting a much more appropriate option given my perspective and experience as a practitioner. Maxwell (2013) delineates these two types of research based on the worldview each method implies. Quantitative research sees and studies the world in terms of variables. Such scientists believe that a phenomenon can be understood best by analyzing how much influence each constituent variable exercises. For example, if I wanted to understand the phenomenon of my immune system, I would go to a doctor to anatomize this entity into a white blood cell count, vitamin levels, and my history of illnesses. Qualitative research, on the other hand, sees a phenomenon as something that needs to be studied holistically. If an entity can indeed be broken into different variables, their integration into the subject of study may take on extra dimensions that cannot be understood by simply understanding its parts. With my change to a qualitative approach came a shift in priorities. My new directive became: Develop and implement instructional strategies to cultivate intrinsic motivation within my students first; make sense of the data later.

At this point, several months into the school year, I developed and implemented strategies to foster intrinsic motivation in my students. I offered more choice in assignments and how I presented information to the class (Cordova & Lepper, 1996); provided more academic feedback to promote self-regulated learning (Zimmerman, 2008); differentiated reading, writing, and other curricular assignments based on student interests (Guthrie & Coddinton, 2009; Hidi & Renninger, 2006; Schiefele, 2009); and I allowed students time to identify their own strengths and weaknesses and set goals accordingly (Zimmerman & Cleary, 2009).

Some students opted for independent reading assignments to engage with particular topics they found most interesting in the unit. Other students requested projects that allowed them more creativity to interpret and diagram the reading skills we practiced. However, one tendency reoccurred with alarming frequency: No one was opting for writing assignments. One day in October I asked my ninth graders, “How many of you have written a five-paragraph essay?” I was shocked to learn that only about a dozen students across all five of my classes had ever written one. Most of the students shared that they had never been asked to write more than a paragraph at a time. Although five-paragraph essays have been criticized as overly formulaic by prioritizing structure over content (Johnson, Smagorinsky, Thompson, & Fry, 2003), they were the only tool I was aware of that could bridge the gap between paragraph writing and longer analytic writing assignments.

I quickly shared my students’ comments with my colleagues in the English department and the social studies teachers on the ninth grade floor. To my amazement, most social studies and English teachers were well aware of the little attention lengthy writing assignments were given in Philadelphia public schools. Perhaps more alarming, my school’s English and social studies curricula included few writing assignments that required more than a page. The only consistent writing requirements were occasional constructed response questions (CRQ) to prepare for Keystone Exams, standardized tests required for graduation in Pennsylvania. CRQ responses are typically one to two paragraph responses to a prompt that follows a reading passage. According to the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania (2014), a standardized test for composition has not yet been developed for high school students.

Although the benefits of lengthy writing assignments, from personal narratives to research papers, have been well argued (Fitzhugh, 2006; McConachie et al., 2006), I felt compelled to help cultivate an interest and value in longer writing assignments. Philadelphia has some of the highest poverty rates of all major US cities (The Pew Charitable Trusts, 2013), with 4th and 8th grade scores on the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) well below the national average (Mezzacappa, 2013). With school funding tied to performance on state standardized tests, and lengthy writing assignments not covered on any of them, a lack of attention to writing is certainly understandable.

With an interest in requiring lengthy writing assignments of students, my inquiry into intrinsic motivation was infused with an extra sentiment: I wanted my students to engage in longer writing assignments, but also to find some joy and value in the process. If my students were not intrinsically motivated to develop their formal writing, how else could I expect my students to seek improvement for their writing once they left my classroom? At this point in my inquiry, my research question proved to be very broad, focusing on how I could adopt strategies to promote intrinsic motivation without any attention to a particular context. Now I had found a great reason to narrow it down: I wanted to focus my inquiry on the intersection of intrinsic motivation and five-paragraph essays.

S. Ravitch (2014) and Cochran-Smith and Lytle (2009) position teacher research as something that not only has the ability to generate local knowledge and advocate for new directions in research, but also to criticize top-down educational best practices. In an era of high-stakes testing, in which test scores determine school funding, longer analytic writing assignments have not yet found their place in Pennsylvania’s high school state-administered exams. Yet, as a practitioner fervently committed to the proven connection between college-readiness and writing proficiency (see Conley, 2007), I adjusted my inquiry accordingly.

I hoped to provide an environment for intrinsic motivation for five-paragraph essays to emerge (and ideally flourish). Five-paragraph essays do not constitute the lengthy analytic writing assignments I often envision, such as research papers. However, with classes in which the majority of students had never written more than a paragraph for an assignment before ninth grade, I reasoned that the five-paragraph essay should be my focus. My inquiry question evolved to: What happens when I incorporate instructional strategies to promote intrinsic motivation for five-paragraph essays?

With my inquiry aligned to qualitative methodologies and refocused on formal writing, I was ready to give some much-needed attention to the nexus of intrinsic motivation and five-paragraph essays. I wanted my students to be able to write a research paper by the end of the year, and I would use five-paragraph essay assignments to prepare my students for that assignment. From November to January, I assigned three five-paragraph essays with more intentional strategies to foster intrinsic motivation. Conflicts naturally arise when educators negotiate classroom structure and consistency while also promoting autonomy and choice to further intrinsic motivation (Ames, 1992; Blumenfeld, 1992; Deci & Faste, 1995; Reeve, 2009). However, research has shown that specific strategies can facilitate intrinsic motivation within a structured classroom (Urdan & Turner, 2005). Table 1 outlines each assignment and the strategies implemented that have been shown to promote intrinsic motivation in other studies. While no specific set of practices has proven to reliably produce intrinsic motivation, key strategies have been linked to the emergence of intrinsic motivation in some students.

Devised Strategies to Promote Intrinsic Motivation in Five-Paragraph Essays Title

Note. The number assigned to the Intrinsic Motivation Strategies category corresponds to the number for the Academic Origins of Intrinsic Motivation Strategies category.

Below, I closely analyze three of my students’ essays to get a better sense of how their writing developed given the strategies I used to promote intrinsic motivation. An artifact analysis of the three five-paragraph essays written by my students did demonstrated a deeper understanding of the material, more passion and interest in both the writing topic and writing itself, and more time and effort committed to the activity. It may be too bold to argue that such strategies increased students’ intrinsic motivation in a semi-autonomous classroom, but certain characteristics in each student’s essays suggest greater competency, interest, and effort, all of which are necessary conditions for intrinsic motivation (Deci, 1995; Deci & Ryan 2000; Ryan & Deci, 2000).

For the first essay, I asked the following question: “How is the novel The Hunger Games similar to the real world?” Students were required to have a central thesis, and the introduction, body paragraphs, and conclusion were graded on criteria taught in the previous weeks. The Hunger Games (Collins, 2008) describes Katniss, an impoverished citizen in a futuristic dystopian world who is forced to battle other “tributes” to the death as entertainment for the country’s population. The government plans this annual competition to keep its people obedient out of fear. For the second essay, I asked, “What is the cause of violence?” and in the third essay, I asked, “Should Mr. Smith teach this short story next year?” The details of each assignment are listed in Table 1. Again, although I used strategies to promote autonomy, choice, and appropriate scaffolding and guidance for each student, my classroom has unavoidable structures that can be seen as extrinsically motivating. Students must complete essays to pass the quarter, all assignments are graded, and classroom disturbances are addressed promptly, with consequences if necessary. However, as stated earlier, classroom structures do not preclude the use of certain strategies to promote intrinsic motivation (Ames, 1992; Blumenfeld, 1992).

I chose to analyze Student A’s progression through the writing assignments because of her explicit interest in becoming a better writer. She, like the vast majority of the students who attend the charter school where I teach, performs at a lower grade level in math, reading, and writing according to the most recent results of the Pennsylvania State Standardized Assessment (PSSAs), a state-administered standardized test. Before my class, the most she could remember writing was a creative short story and the occasional paragraph. While her grammar, fluency, and ability to incorporate evidence improved across her assignments, another phenomenon began to emerge that also suggested greater intrinsic motivation. She connected with the text and began to formulate and defend ideas passionately. She also began to weave in her experiences and opinions to back up her arguments.

Excerpt from Student A’s five-paragraph essay #1.

The real world and The Hunger Games are similar because they both have people who murder each other. For example, in The Hunger Games people murder each other in the arena to stay alive in order to be the person who wins and goes home to their beloved home. In the real world people murder each other because they are crazy and need help or prefer revenge over a past time. Furthermore the real world people get murdered by other people and go to jail or is to be slaughtered [ sic ] it depends on the case. In The Hunger Games they kill tributes in the arena for entertainment. A quotation that proves this is, “Haymitch tells Katniss and Peeta to forget getting weapons and run and find water.”[1] This quotation proves that running and getting a weapon will get you killed easily and it’s better to run and find water than to risk your life for the weapons and food that is out there for the tributes to fight over. This is how The Hunger Games and real world are similar.

Excerpt from Student A’s five-paragraph essay #2.

Although many people are criminal acts [ sic ], it’s not their fault people introduced them to drugs and alcohol as a child. This makes them do more serious crimes. My first piece of evidence that can show this is when you are young and introduced to alcohol it messes with your head and doesn’t make you think clearly as you normally do. Furthermore in a child’s childhood they shouldn’t be introduced to alcohol anyway so who ever introduced it to them should be in the slammer. My second piece of evidence is drugs shouldn’t be introduced to kids in young stage of life. That will simply damage a lot of body parts in a young person. Later in life they will most likely commit crimes from how messed up their brain is. A quotation that supports this is,” About one-third of all violent offenders are alcoholic, and the earlier an adolescent starts to drink, the more likely that teen will be violent as an adult”. This quotation clearly explains being introduced to alcohol is very bad and makes the person capable of being more violent. In conclusion, all drugs and alcohol is bad for a child and also when their [ sic ] older it makes them want to be more violent. Because the person drank alcohol when they were younger, now as an adult they are capable of being more violent due to less intelligence in the brain. A lot of people drink, but people who are violent already will most likely become more violent.

Although the excerpt from Student A’s first essay cites more credible sources, she relies heavily on the class readings we unpacked as a class. In the second essay, she relies much more on her own opinions and experiences. In fact, I chose to analyze Student A’s work in large part due to her avid participation in the class discussion of an essay on violence, which was unusual given her usually reserved and quiet disposition. Her second essay excerpt is filled with more passion, indicated by the use of words like “should” and “bad.” She makes more evaluative statements, with comments like “not their fault” and “this quotation clearly explains being introduced to alcohol is very bad and makes the person capable of being more violent” [emphasis added]. Student A’s first writing essay only includes analyses and details explored in class discussions, while her second essay becomes much richer with her own opinions and quotations she found herself. Perhaps these data suggest an increase in her competence and interest in argumentative writing, two prerequisites for intrinsic motivation (Deci, 1995; Deci & Ryan, 2000; Ryan & Deci, 2000).

I also cannot help but question if my observations can translate to a meaningful understanding of intrinsic motivation. Student A demonstrates a stronger voice and a willingness to incorporate evidence not provided by the teacher in her second essay. But statements like “My first piece of evidence” and “My second piece of evidence” speak to the artificial audience created by the instruction I provided. Such phrases were on a list of common sentence starters I provided to students. Could I make any meaningful claims about Student A’s intrinsic motivation given the context of a semi-structured writing assignment whereby she may be also motivated by the extrinsic factors of grading and discipline? Although my inquiry provided a context-specific examination of education-related complexities (S. Ravitch, 2014), I did not feel my examination allowed me to make any specific claim about the interaction of intrinsic motivation, writing, and my practice. I felt stumped anytime I tried to articulate any thought specifically about a change in Student A’s motivation or the worthwhileness of my instructional strategies.

Excerpt from Student A’s five-paragraph essay #3.

I will tell you that if a story has many settings you would stay interested in the story. This will, “suck you into the words of the story”, which means keep your attention. For example, “The Sound Of Thunder[2],” only has one setting which is the jungle. They also have to go through the time machine, but that doesn’t really count as a setting. Furthermore one setting is boring and won’t really grab your attention as many settings would. Although some stories can be interesting with one setting, I believe many settings will make a story more interesting to read. Reading helps your brain mature into being smarter when you have many settings, but not all authors want many settings to work with when writing a story. That is understandable. My second piece of evidence is that when you only have one setting the story ends very shortly. When the story ends very shortly, you understand the story and won’t be excited reading it. The quotation that supports this is, “TIME SAFARI, INC., SAFARIS TO ANY YEAR IN THE PAST.” This quotation means that the setting only focuses on settings such as safaris. In conclusion, that’s why we need more settings and why Mr. X shouldn’t teach this next year.

Student A’s emerging voice and rhetoric as a passionate writer continued to develop in her third essay. She offers a more challenging and bold premise for this body paragraph. I, the teacher, should not teach this short story next year because the singular setting of the story makes the narrative boring. She routinely elaborates on her ideas. Until this assignment, Student A’s writing did not contain as many deliberate attempts to express her own opinion, cite evidence she read herself, or form original arguments that I or other students had not already expressed. Student A may be an example of a student taking greater academic risks. Additionally, about a month after this assignment, Student A expressed to me that she wants to become a writer. Considering her developing voice as an opinionated essayist and recently revealed career goal, the classroom strategies may certainly have boosted intrinsic motivation.

While I studied Student A’s essays for evidence of greater intrinsic motivation because of her explicit desire to improve as a writer and argumentative essayist, I approached Student B’s essays with a different lens. Many of Student B’s teachers described him as curious, creative, and overflowing with academic potential. However, his classroom behavior would often land him in detention or the dean’s office. Student B and I (luckily) had a strong relationship. He committed himself passionately to reading and writing, and he consequently excelled. I think such success resulted because Student B would readily seek out trouble when lessons were easy and boring to him, so I made sure he felt adequately challenged. For each of Student B’s essays, I provided him with more challenging readings and essay guidelines. I also required him to explain his essay outline to me in greater detail than his classmates so that I could give him feedback solely on how to enhance the rigor and scholarship of his work. Below are excerpts from three of his five-paragraph essays.

Excerpt from Student B’s five-paragraph essay #1.

The real world and The Hunger Games are similar because they both have poor and rich sides. The poor people don’t have medicine and food. The same for the real world. Furthermore the rich people they have everything. They don’t understand how people are suffering on the poor sides. “In [West] Berlin there is happiness. There are good jobs, plentiful amounts of food, and the streets are clean”. The poor don’t have that but they should. The Real World [ sic ] and The Hunger games are similar because they both have poor and rich sides.

Excerpt from Student B’s five-paragraph essay #2.

While beatings form parents create violent teenagers, they still have the choice of doing it or not. My first piece of evidence is that there are 2 basic conditions; one is that the person has been hurt. Therefore, that is why they do violent things. My second piece of evidence is the second condition is if the person has not been allow to let emotions out then it will hurt them more. A quotation that explains this is “be the victim of violence creates violence in the child only when the emotions out [ sic ] are blocked or repressed.” This quotation is try to say that if a child has not been able to express their self then the stuff they think about is violence. So that means everybody should have someone to talk to. If you don’t listen they will commit a crime, but then they still have a choice. Although it not your problem you should still listen because everyone needs somebody, included [ sic ] yourself.

From the first to the second essay, Student B takes many more risks with his writing. In his first writing assignment he tries to select appropriate pieces of evidence to compare the disparity in wealth between East and West Berlin, Germany to the communities or “districts” in The Hunger Games . His argument stems from a class reading and discussion comparing the income and resource disparity in the city of Panem in The Hunger Games to East and West Berlin, Germany. In the second writing assignment Student B uses evidence to defend his own causal theory of violence in teenagers. He makes intentional efforts to heighten his diction and how he explains the nexus between his opinion and his evidence. Just like with Student A, I am again hesitant to attribute the changes in Student B’s writing to a change in intrinsic motivation. The strategies outlined in Table 1 may very well have helped Student B find his writing more important and enjoyable resulting in greater effort. However, the very structure of the second essay prompt could be said to elicit more emotive writing from the author.

In Student B’s third essay, his thesis asserts that I should teach the short story “The Sniper” by Liam O’Flaherty (1923) to my students next year. “The Sniper” describes a soldier in the Irish Civil War who tricks an enemy by placing a hat on his gun. Once his hat is fired upon, the soldier pretends to die. When the enemy approaches, the soldier successfully fires a pistol only to discover his enemy is also his brother. I offered “The Sniper” to Student B and a few other students as a more challenging story. Although the following excerpt demonstrates atypically confusing writing from Student B, he attempts to unpack the symbolism present in the story. Student B refused help with his analysis. While his analysis of the symbolism in the story may be underdeveloped, his pursuit to understand the author’s use of a challenging literary device in a challenging story, without any teacher aid, could represent greater intrinsic motivation.

Excerpt from Jamal’s five-paragraph essay #3.

The symbolism is good, and it stands out in the story. My first piece of evidence is that in the story, the hat means that the hat is him but then it is not. Therefore that why [ sic ] he got to kill his enemy. My second piece of evidence is that the smoke means where the guy is. A quotation that provides [ sic ] this is, “When the smoke cleared out I fire back.” This quotation is trying to say that the smoke showed him where the guy was. There is a lot of symbolism in the story. Since the story is so good, then teach it next year. He kills his brother, but he did not know it was him. A boy, in war, killed his brother.

Out of all my students, Student B was one of the few who tackled symbolism in his essay, something I described to the class as one of the trickiest things I would ever teach them. I find myself struggling to negotiate two very opposing observations. On one hand, Student B’s continued attempts to delve into increasingly challenging topics suggest greater effort and engagement with writing. On the other hand, Student B’s knowledge of sentence starters and the formulaic components of five-paragraph essays stymie his ability to clearly articulate a more holistic textual analysis (Wesley, 2000). I am left to wonder if my assignments both facilitated and impeded intrinsic motivation, obfuscating any relationship between my writing strategies and intrinsic motivation.

Conclusion: Implications for Practitioner Research, Assessing Student Motivation, and the Role of Academic Research for Teachers

Research has continuously demonstrated a strong relationship between intrinsic motivation and student achievement (Ryan & Deci, 2009). In low-income schools, struggling students need to work especially hard to graduate high school and college, perform at competitive levels in the work force, and excel wherever their academic interests and pursuits take them given the additional risk-factors that poverty begets (Bottrell, 2009). Yet, a huge problem remains. The bridge between academic motivation research and implementation of strategies to promote motivation remains partially constructed and rarely traveled.

This article detailed my attempt to help build this bridge. I researched intrinsic motivation, including both theories and recommended strategies to develop this quality in students. I implemented and altered the suggested practices based on both the context of my school and my continued study of existing research. Scholars often identify the importance of practitioner research as its ability to describe problems, inquiries, and classroom occurrences for further study by researchers (Berliner, 2006; Kaplan, Katz, & Flum, 2012). I can only hope this article does this in some small way. In more specific terms, this article raises several important considerations:

A paradox in practitioner research . As D. Ravitch (2013) points out, many teachers enter the work force with a desire not just to instruct, but also to inspire. It is challenging to speak precisely about an inquiry topic as amorphous and complex as intrinsic motivation outside of a controlled environment and within the dynamics of a classroom. Table 2 below summarizes the different iterations of my inquiry question. Changes in inquiry questions represent a natural element of practitioner research (Hubbard & Power, 2003).

The Evolution of Inquiry Question over the Academic Year

The challenges of this inquiry speak not only to the difficulties of a practitioner contributing to the academic literature on psychological phenomena, but also to the greater challenge of accurately commenting on such topics within a classroom setting. Since schools represent a dynamic environment whereby factors that influence academic motivation (peer-influence, interest-development, relevance, and more) share complex and possibly non-linear interactions with each other (Kaplan, Katz, and Flum’s, 2012), the very people positioned to influence these factors (teachers) remain uncertain how to accurately understand, intervene, and even comment on these factors. This challenge is worth recognizing. Although researchers have the tools and skills to generate general knowledge on such phenomena like motivation, practitioners have the local knowledge of navigating and responding to such phenomena alongside students, even if they are not aware of precisely how they are doing it. I find myself very sympathetic to Kaplan, Katz, and Flum’s (2012) call for practitioners and researchers to collaborate. As a teacher, I am part of the environment that can positively or negatively effect intrinsic motivation in students on a daily basis, but I struggle to interpret, describe, and explain the data I encounter.

The role of academic research in the classroom . Educators’ ability to effectively incorporate strategies to cultivate intrinsic motivation is an additional challenge. While the research I outline in Table 1 is very clear on what teachers can do to increase intrinsic motivation, knowing how to accurately execute their suggestions is an entirely different matter. Many researchers advocate providing students with choices (Deci, 1997; Hidi & Renninger, 2006; Kohn 1993, 2006; Reese, 2009). In a classroom with a predetermined discipline philosophy, a nonnegotiable grading system, and a unique, ever-evolving culture, how many and what kind of choices can I offer my students to claim I’ve met the threshold of promoting intrinsic motivation? Researchers also advocate for opportunities for students to practice self-regulation (Deci & Ryan, 2000; Zimmermann & Schunk, 2008; Zimmermann & Cleary, 2009). In a school that uses grades to motivate truant students and consequences for disciplinary infractions, how can I separate self-regulation strategies from the school’s student regulation strategies? The research on what teachers can do to nurture intrinsic motivation may be clear, but the knowledge that a teacher has implemented the intervention represents a very different challenge.
Assessing student motivation in a complex environment . While I cannot argue that my research helped provide a more rigorous or even accurate picture of intrinsic motivation, I have demonstrated the challenge of recognizing if and when a teacher can nurture or even identify intrinsic motivation in a classroom. Psychologists and educational researchers can argue when and how intrinsic motivation has changed based on data from surveys and controlled laboratory conditions. As a teacher inside a classroom, I struggle to make any such claim without training in a research methodology that accounts for both a specific context and student motivational forces. If educators should be concerned about fostering passion, curiosity, and intrinsic motivation (and I believe they should), the ability to accurately explain changes in student outcomes can be a very challenging enterprise. While I saw Student A and Student B demonstrate greater risk-taking, a stronger voice, and more effort toward their writing, I felt incapable of using the proper terminology from educational psychology to explain their behavior. I could not see the world through the lens of a psychologist. Was this because I am not a psychologist, I am not studying a controlled environment, or a little of both?
A likely common narrative across early educators . According to the National Commission on Teaching and America’s Future (2010), teachers with less than five years of experience have continued to comprise a greater proportion of the teacher workforce over the last 20 years. Additionally, the most common teachers in American public schools are in their first year of teaching (Ingersoll, Merrill, & Stuckey, 2014). While my self-study and inquiry proved to be riddled with the challenge of accurately defining, intervening, and even speaking about motivation in a classroom, such a narrative may not be uncommon among the current teacher workforce and the growing national interest in non-cognitive skills and student motivation (Rosen, Glennie, Dalton, Lennon & Bozick, 2010). My narrative speaks to an unavoidable cognitive dissonance when attempting to interpret and act on the knowledge of my practice, pedagogy, and academic motivational forces. Perhaps this voice represents a common one across the nation.

S. Ravitch (2014) argues:

Practitioner research enables practitioners to engage in structured inquiries that are directed towards knowledge generation; it helps practitioners to gain formative insights into what concerns or confuses us, what aspects of practice are most challenging and rewarding, about our roles as supporters, advocates, collaborators and change agents, about the parameters, possibilities, and constraints of our work settings. (p. 6)

In this article I have explored the evolution of my inquiry into cultivating intrinsic motivation for five-paragraph essays. Responding to S. Ravitch’s (2014) invitation to gain insight into a matter that concerns, confuses, challenges, and rewards me, I attempted to generate knowledge about the results of a teacher adopting strategies to promote intrinsic motivation in five-paragraph essay instruction. My concluding considerations reflect on practitioner research, the role of educational academic literature, assessing student motivation, and the possible congruence between my perspective and other early educators. I may not speak to a successful increase in intrinsic motivation, but the narrative of my shifting inquiry question, framework, and data collection offers challenges and insights for others trying to understand and promote student motivation within the classroom.

[1] This is not actually a quote from The Hunger Games . Student A struggled with embedding quotations at this point in the year.

[ 2] “The Sound of Thunder” by Ray Bradbury (1952)

DAN LASALLE is a Teach for America alumnus and graduate student at Temple University. He runs the blog www.teachtoimpassion.com and currently teaches 8th grade composition in a low-income public charter school in Philadelphia.

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Articles in this Volume

[tid]: editorial: teacher networks and the drive for equity, [tid]: a love supreme: reflections on why we continue to teach, [tid]: teacher networks in philadelphia: landscape, engagement, and value, [tid]: teacher networks companion piece, [tid]: reading for change: social justice unionism book groups as an organizing tool, [tid]: much more than it’s cooked-up to be: reflections on doing math and teachers’ professional learning, [tid]: teachers, traditions, and transformation: keynote address delivered at the 9th annual master’s capstone conference for the urban teacher master’s and certification program at the university of pennsylvania on 29 april 2014, [tid]: intrinsic motivation and the five-paragraph essay: lessons learned on practitioner research, the role of academic research in the classroom, and assessing changes in student motivation, [tid]: reimagining reading: creating a classroom culture that embraces independent choice reading, [tid]: saturday school: implementing project-based learning in an urban school, [tid]: inequities of intervention among culturally and linguistically diverse students, [tid]: listening to students from refugee backgrounds: lessons for education professionals, [tid]: educational ecosystems: a trend in urban educational innovation, [tid]: philadelphia’s renaissance schools initiative after four years, [tid]: this is not a test: a new narrative on race, class, and education. josé vilson. chicago, il: haymarket books, 2014. 220 pp., [tid]: marketing schools, marketing cities: who wins and who loses when schools become urban amenities. maia bloomfield cucchiara. university of chicago press, 2013. 304 pp..

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Home — Essay Samples — Psychology — Personality Psychology — Motivation

Essays on Motivation

🌟 the importance of writing a motivation essay 📝.

Motivation is like that extra sprinkle of magic dust that gives us the boost we need to achieve our goals and dreams ✨✨. It's the driving force behind our actions and the fuel that keeps us going when things get tough. Writing an essay about motivation allows us to delve deeper into this fascinating topic and explore its various aspects. So, why not grab your pen (or keyboard) and let's dive into the world of motivation! 💪📚

🔍 Choosing the Perfect Motivation Essay Topic 🤔

When it comes to choosing a topic for your motivation essay, there are a few things to consider. First, think about what aspect of motivation you find most intriguing. Is it personal motivation, motivation in the workplace, or maybe the psychology behind motivation? Once you have a general idea, narrow it down further to a specific angle that interests you the most.

💡 Motivation Argumentative Essay 💪📝

An argumentative essay on motivation requires you to take a stance and provide evidence to support your viewpoint. Here are ten exciting topics to get those creative juices flowing:

The role of intrinsic motivation in academic success
The impact of extrinsic rewards on employee motivation
Does social media affect motivation levels in teenagers?
The connection between motivation and self-esteem
How does motivation differ between genders?
The influence of music on motivation levels
Does money truly motivate people in the workplace?
The effects of positive reinforcement on motivation
The link between motivation and mental health
How does goal-setting impact motivation?

🌪️ Motivation Cause and Effect Essay 📝

In a cause and effect essay, you explore the reasons behind certain motivations and their outcomes. Here are ten thought-provoking topics to consider:

The causes and effects of procrastination on motivation
How does a lack of motivation impact academic performance?
The relationship between motivation and success in sports
The effects of parental motivation on children's achievements
How does motivation affect mental well-being?
The causes and effects of burnout on motivation levels
The impact of motivation on work-life balance
How does motivation affect creativity and innovation?
The causes and effects of peer pressure on motivation
The relationship between motivation and goal attainment

💬 Motivation Opinion Essay 💭📝

In an opinion essay, you express your personal thoughts and beliefs about motivation. Here are ten intriguing topics to spark your imagination:

Is self-motivation more effective than external motivation?
Are rewards a necessary form of motivation?
Should schools focus more on intrinsic motivation?
The role of motivation in achieving work-life balance
Is motivation a learned behavior or innate?
The impact of motivation on personal growth and development
Does motivation play a significant role in overcoming obstacles?
Is fear an effective motivator?
The role of motivation in maintaining a healthy lifestyle
Can motivation be sustained in the long term?

📚 Motivation Informative Essay 🧠📝

An informative essay on motivation aims to educate and provide valuable insights. Here are ten fascinating topics to explore:

The psychology behind motivation and its theories
How to stay motivated in challenging times
The impact of motivation on personal and professional success
Motivation techniques for achieving fitness goals
The role of motivation in leadership and management
Motivation in the context of mental health and well-being
The history of motivation research and key figures
Motivation strategies for students and educators
Motivation and its connection to creativity and innovation
Motivation in different cultural and societal contexts

📜 Thesis Statement Examples 📜

Here are a few thesis statement examples to inspire your motivation essay:

1. "Motivation, whether intrinsic or extrinsic, plays a pivotal role in driving individuals towards achieving their goals and aspirations."
2. "This essay explores the multifaceted nature of motivation, examining its psychological underpinnings, societal influences, and practical applications."
3. "In a world filled with challenges and opportunities, understanding the mechanisms of motivation empowers individuals to overcome obstacles and reach new heights of success."

📝 Introduction Paragraph Examples 📝

Here are some introduction paragraph examples for your motivation essay:

1. "Motivation is the driving force behind human actions, the invisible hand that propels us toward our goals. It is the spark that ignites the fire of determination within us, pushing us to overcome obstacles and realize our dreams."
2. "In a world where challenges often outnumber opportunities, motivation serves as the compass guiding us through life's intricate maze. It is the unwavering belief in our abilities and the fuel that keeps our ambitions burning bright."
3. "Picture a world without motivation—a world where dreams remain unfulfilled, talents remain hidden, and aspirations remain dormant. Fortunately, we do not live in such a world, and this essay delves into the profound impact of motivation on human lives."

🔚 Conclusion Paragraph Examples 📝

Here are some conclusion paragraph examples for your motivation essay:

1. "As we conclude this journey through the realm of motivation, let us remember that it is the driving force behind our accomplishments, the cornerstone of our achievements. With unwavering motivation, we can surmount any obstacle and turn our aspirations into reality."
2. "In the grand tapestry of human existence, motivation weaves the threads of determination, perseverance, and success. This essay's culmination serves as a testament to the enduring power of motivation and its ability to shape our destinies."
3. "As we bid farewell to this exploration of motivation, let us carry forward the knowledge that motivation is not just a concept but a potent force that propels us toward greatness. With motivation as our guide, we can continue to chase our dreams and conquer new horizons."

The Puzzle of Motivation Analysis

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Motivation and Its Various Types

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Learning Styles and Motivation Reflection

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Motivation is what explains why people or animals initiate, continue or terminate a certain behavior at a particular time. Motivational states are commonly understood as forces acting within the agent that create a disposition to engage in goal-directed behavior.

There are four main tyoes of motivation: Intrinsic, extrinsic, unconscious, and conscious.

Theories articulating the content of motivation: Maslow's hierarchy of needs, Herzberg's two-factor theory, Alderfer's ERG theory, Self-Determination Theory, Drive theory.

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Growth Mindset
Procrastination

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9 10 Academic Goals Examples to Supercharge Your Student Success

Becoming a successful student involves more than just going to classes and remembering facts for the test. It is about establishing a mentality of learning and evolving continuously, and distinct academic goals are a key aspect of that. These are the lights that lead the way and help you stay on track as you navigate through the trials and tribulations of your studies, whether it’s the demands of testing or the stuff that life throws at you. But, just as importantly, by clearly defining and outlining your academic objectives, you give your study a sense of intention and purpose. Whether it’s achieving a particular GPA, mastering a challenging topic, or participating in enriching extracurricular, strong academic Goals are the foundation of both short- and long-term academic success.

Establishing concrete goals and the quest of excellence are frequently linked in the academic sphere. Before delving into these Academic Goals Examples, it is important to recognize services like Scholarly Help that provide workable ways to handle several Tasks. With options like pay someone to do my online class , Scholarly Help ensures you stay on track without compromising other responsibilities. This comprehensive guide explores ten powerful academic goals examples designed to elevate your student success to unprecedented heights. Whether your academic goals are designed to improve your critical thinking habits, advance your time management skills, or explore interdisciplinary thinking to further your academic career, they should provide students with a path toward overall intellectual and personal development. Rounding up different students through carefully structured college academic goals. All must necessarily form the basis of individual reality and opportunities.

Mastering Time Management

One of the building blocks for academic achievement is the effective management of time. The ability allows students to combine studies with other activities, namely work, daily life, or personal life. To manage time effectively, learners are recommended to:

Plan a Weekly Schedule: set certain hours and days to work, study, and engage in other activities;
Set Priorities: determine poses that are urgent and important, then focus on a solution;
Do not Get Distracted: if some activities or processes are distracting, generate disadvantages.

Enhancing Study Skills

Improving study abilities might result in better comprehension and recall of course material. Students should focus on:

Active Learning Techniques: Engage with the material such as holding discussions, teaching others, and transforming what one learned to real-life application.
Effective Note-Taking: Employ methods like Cornell Note-taking System to organize and refresh notes.
Regular Review Sessions: Set regular study dates to refresh one’s memory and prepare for exams.

Setting Specific Academic Targets

Setting clear, specific targets helps students stay motivated and measure progress. Examples of specific academic goals include:

Achieve Specific GPA: Aim to reach or maintain a specific grade point average each semester.
Improving Grades in Challenging Subjects: Identify subjects where improvement is needed and set goals accordingly.
Completing Assignments Ahead of Deadlines: Plan to finish assignments before the due date to allow time for revisions.

Expanding Knowledge beyond the Classroom

Gaining knowledge outside the classroom can enhance academic performance and provide a broader perspective. Students can achieve this by:

Reading Extensively: Explore Books, Journals, and articles related to their field of Study.
Attending Seminars and Workshops: Participate in events offering additional insights and networking opportunities.
Engaging in Research Projects: Collaborate with professors or peers on research projects to deepen understanding of specific topics.

Developing Critical Thinking Skills

Critical thinking is vital for problem-solving and making informed decisions. Students can cultivate these skills by:

Questioning Assumptions: Always ask why and consider alternative viewpoints.
Analyzing Arguments: Evaluate the evidence and logic in different arguments.
Reflecting on Learning: Regularly review what has been learned and how it applies to real-world situations.

Building Effective Communication Skills

Strong communication skills are essential for academic and professional success. Students can enhance these skills by:

Participating in Class Discussions: Engage actively in discussions to practice articulating thoughts clearly.
Writing Regularly: Practice writing essays, reports, and articles to improve writing abilities.
Presenting Projects: Take opportunities to present work in front of an audience to build confidence and clarity.

Fostering Collaboration and Teamwork

Collaboration with peers can lead to better understanding and innovative solutions. Students should focus on:

Joining Study Groups: Collaborate with classmates to discuss topics and solve problems together.
Participating in Group Projects: Develop teamwork and leadership skills by working on group assignments.
Engaging in Extracurricular Activities: Join clubs and organizations that encourage teamwork and collective problem-solving.

Seeking Feedback and Continuous Improvement

Constructive feedback helps identify areas for improvement and guide academic growth. Students should:

Ask for Feedback: Request feedback from professors and peers on assignments and presentations.
Reflect on Criticism: Use feedback to identify strengths and weaknesses, developing action plans for improvement.
Commit to Lifelong Learning: Embrace continuous learning and improvement in all aspects of life.

Utilizing Academic Resources

Taking full advantage of available academic resources can enhance learning and performance. Students should:

Visit the Library Regularly: Utilize resources for research and study.
Use Online Databases: Access academic journals and articles online to support studies.
Seek Academic Support Services: Utilize tutoring, writing centers, and academic advising offered by the institution.

Preparing for Future Careers with Academic Goals

Setting academic goals with future careers in mind provides direction and motivation. Students should:

Identify Career Goals: Determine career aspirations and align academic goals accordingly.
Gain Relevant Experience: Pursue internships, part-time jobs, and volunteer opportunities related to the field of study.
Develop Professional Skills: Focus on skills like resume writing, interviewing, and networking to prepare for the job market.

Setting and meeting academic goals necessitates dedication, strategic planning, and consistent effort. By focusing on these ten academic goal examples, students can improve their learning experience, and performance, and set themselves up for future success. Remember that the key to academic success is to set specific, attainable goals and work hard to meet them.

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Motivation Essay for Students and Children

500+ words essay on motivation.

Everyone suggests other than the person lack motivation, or directly suggests the person remain motivated. But, no one ever tells what is the motivation of how one can stay motivated. Motivation means to face the obstacle and find an inspiration that helps you to go through tough times. In addition, it helps you to move further in life.

Meaning of Motivation

Motivation is something that cannot be understood with words but with practice. It means to be moved by something so strongly that it becomes an inspiration for you. Furthermore, it is a discipline that helps you to achieve your life goals and also helps to be successful in life .

Besides, it the most common practice that everyone does whether it is your boss in office or a school teacher or a university professor everyone motivates others in a way or other.

Role of Motivation

It is a strong tool that helps to get ahead in life. For being motivated we need a driving tool or goal that keeps us motivated and moves forward. Also, it helps in being progressive both physically and mentally.

Moreover, your goal does not be to big and long term they can be small and empowering. Furthermore, you need the right mindset to be motivated.

Besides, you need to push your self towards your goal no one other than you can push your limit. Also, you should be willing to leave your comfort zone because your true potential is going to revel when you leave your comfort zone.

Types of Motivation

Although there are various types of motivation according to me there are generally two types of motivation that are self- motivation and motivation by others.

Self-motivation- It refers to the power of someone to stay motivated without the influence of other situations and people. Furthermore, self-motivated people always find a way to reason and strength to complete a task. Also, they do not need other people to encourage them to perform a challenging task.

Motivation by others- This motivation requires help from others as the person is not able to maintain a self-motivated state. In this, a person requires encouragement from others. Also, he needs to listen to motivational speeches, a strong goal and most importantly and inspiration.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Importance of Motivation

Motivation is very important for the overall development of the personality and mind of the people. It also puts a person in action and in a competitive state. Furthermore, it improves efficiency and desire to achieve the goal. It leads to stability and improvement in work.

Above all, it satisfies a person’s needs and to achieve his/her goal. It helps the person to fight his negative attitude. The person also tries to come out of his/her comfort zone so that she/ he can achieve the goal.

To conclude, motivation is one of the key elements that help a person to be successful. A motivated person tries to push his limits and always tries to improve his performance day by day. Also, the person always gives her/his best no matter what the task is. Besides, the person always tries to remain progressive and dedicated to her/his goals.

FAQs about Motivation Essay

Q.1 Define what is motivation fit. A.1 This refers to a psychological phenomenon in which a person assumes or expects something from the job or life but gets different results other than his expectations. In a profession, it is a primary criterion for determining if the person will stay or leave the job.

Q.2 List some best motivators. A.2 some of the best motivators are:

Inspiration
Fear of failure
Power of Rejection
Don’t pity your self
Be assertive
Stay among positive and motivated people
Be calm and visionary

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Since I am a twin, a sense of competition is hardwired into my brain. Healthy competition can push us to do fantastic things. It makes us strive for a certain goal and gets us to do things faster. However, I do not think competition should become toxic. When anger, frustration, and depression is a result of competition, it is not healthy. Yet, competition can bring about respect, camaraderie, and mutual gain. In the case with my twin brother, we have pushed ourselves to be good at sports, music, school, and even at work. This competitive spirit has leaked into my life without my twin around. In a sense, I replicate my twin brother in other people. I always try to be number one at whatever I do—or at least in the top three. There are times this attitude becomes unhealthy, as I get frustrated if I give everything to a competition or activity and yield mediocre results. But as the years passed, I have gotten better at handling failure and defeat. All in all, I think I finish and do well in many areas of my life for the simple fact that I want to do well in them. Thriving in competition-based environments has made me do well in many tournaments and other events that engage in achieving top places. But, just the feeling of doing well against competent opponents is gratifying.

As I came from a childhood of low self-esteem due to bullying, medical problems, and stigmatization, achieving greatness has always been one of my goals. Like my goal of being in the top places of competitions, the yearning to achieve the heights of a discipline is a way for my self-esteem to get a boost. From a tender age, I wanted to be one of the greats in something: writing, music, sports. I just happen to be a writer now—so, I do my best to attain a high place among people of the written word. It is difficult to say, though, who will be labeled as “great” or “major” in the annals of history. Most famous writers die and then they became renowned worldwide. There are rare occasions when writers are famous in their lifetimes and much after. However, by the work I do, I hope that one day, my poems, essays, and stories will be in textbooks for school and I will be named as a “major poet” and such. Though I mostly write for the enjoyment of it, this concept of being remembered long after I have passed does have a potent motivating factor.

Besides wanting to be remembered and to show well at competitions, I also revel in the feeling of completing an important project. For instance, last year, I finished a poetry collection with my late father’s poems and my own poems. It was a tribute to him and his work. In a way, I felt that his death was not in vain and that his work was validated even more through this compilation. It is hard to describe the moment of knowing when such a prominent project is set to rest: it is almost like you are ready to die. You sense that a chapter of your life has closed and you are now a new person. These deep sentiments motivate me to complete projects on a regular basis.

The last, and most simple, factor that motivates me to do something is enjoyment. There are people who do activities they do not enjoy for decades. I am not one of those people. I can work on tasks I do not like for a while, but in the end, my main focus should be on something that I enjoy. If I find joy in doing a certain work, I engage in it for a large part of the day, or even all day without tiring. Tiredness in most cases, in my life, is due to a lack of enjoyment in the work being done.

Each person has his or her own motivating factors. For me, it happens to be competition, a desire for greatness, a want to complete projects, and enjoyment. I hope this reflection has allowed you to delve deeper into your true nature.

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STUDENT MOTIVATION ESSAY.pdf

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Andrej Iliev

Everything in our lives is underlined with some sort of motivation. This includes our students and their motivation to learn. Motivation is essential for learning and represent a driving force for students to complete their tasks and to build their knowledge. There are many factors which could potentially influence motivation, which makes research on this topic as it relates to learning diverse and abundant. However, motivational considerations can be summed up as being either task or ego-oriented. For facilitating task-oriented learning is recommended that teachers evaluate student performance based on an absolute scale rather than on a scale that compares student performance against each other, emphasize student participation and self-improvement in learning and incorporate test questions that require explanations and justifications rather than memorized material. Students are motivated by knowing that what they are learning has a greater purpose. They want to know that what they ...

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Motivation is crucial to education; it is a main factor that can drive humans to autonomous and independent learning. It is a complex system and it is individually organised making difficult to offer precise recommendation. A sound understanding of physiological and psychological processes that triggers human behaviours is vital to a good educational design that will flow naturally according to students' development. The article aims to do an analysis of recent and fundamental theories on motivation and learning in order to propose to educational professionals some key elements that will strengthen learning motivation and will facilitate teaching and teaching programmes designing. The ground of the article is the fact proven by a great number of studies that show great correlation between students' motivation and positive learning effects. This theoretical article addresses an important question regarding the understanding of motivation: what drives our motivational syste...

A Paper Presented to Rev. Dr. Peter D. Korosi Jos ECWA Theological Seminary

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Motivation refers to the forces that cause people to behave in certain ways. The students who spend the weekend in the library and the students who cannot wait to get out of class to go to the beach are both motivated, but they have different goals and interests. Without motivation, however, even the most capable working student with excellent support will accomplish little. In the article, we have identified the advantages and disadvantages of the learners’ goals - intrinsic versus extrinsic goals and immediate versus future goals; the effects of motivation on learning styles, tips for motivating learners; effects of motivation on students’ learning and behavior; strategies for motivating students; the role of motivation in the success of students at all stages of their education; and key factors affecting the learning process that are connected with motivation of students.

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Motivation, as the name suggests, is what ‘moves’ us. It is the reason we do anything at all. For teachers, a lack of motivation has long been one of the most frustrating obstacles to student learning. While the concept of motivation may intuitively seem fairly simple, a rich research literature has developed as researchers have defined this concept in a number of ways. Social scientists and psychologists have approached the problem of motivation from a variety of different angles, and education researchers have adapted many of these ideas into the school context. While there is a great deal of overlap between motivation theories, researchers differ in their identification of the underlying belief systems leading to motivational variation. Some theorists emphasise belief in oneself and one’s competency, others prioritise goal orientation, and a third group argues that the difficulty of the task shapes individual motivation. This resource will provide an introduction to various theor...

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Intrinsic motivation is an energizing of behavior that comes from within an individual, out of will and interest for the activity at hand. No external rewards are required to incite the intrinsically motivated person into action. The reward is the behavior itself. Logically, this seems like an ideal, for people to act as “origins” of their behavior rather than “pawns” (deCharms, 1968). However, it is certainly not the case that every real world behavior stems from an intrinsic energy

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How peer relationships affect academic achievement among junior high school students: The chain mediating roles of learning motivation and learning engagement

Yanhong Shao 1 ,
Shumin Kang 2 ,
Quan Lu 3 ,
Chao Zhang 2 &
Ruoxi Li 4

BMC Psychology volume 12 , Article number: 278 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

493 Accesses

Metrics details

Despite the recognition of the impact of peer relationships, learning motivation, and learning engagement on academic achievement, there is still a gap in understanding the specific mechanisms through which peer relationships impact academic achievement via learning motivation and learning engagement.

This study aims to investigate how peer relationships affect junior high school students’ academic achievement through the chain mediating roles of learning motivation and learning engagement, employing the self-system model of motivational development as the theoretical framework. In January 2024, 717 participants were selected from two middle schools in eastern China (mean age = 13.49 years, SD = 0.5). The data analysis in this study was performed using the structural equation model (SEM) in AMOS 24.0 and SPSS 24.0.

The results showed that peer relationships were directly and significantly related to junior high school students’ academic achievement, and that peer relationships were indirectly and positively related to junior high school students’ academic achievement via learning motivation and learning engagement respectively. The results also revealed a significant indirect and positive relationship between peer relationships and junior high school students’ academic achievement, mediated by the sequential mediating roles of learning motivation and learning engagement. Moreover, the path “peer relationship→learning motivation→academic achievement” has the strongest indirect effect.

For junior high school students to achieve academic success, the appropriate interventions should be implemented to improve peer relationships, learning motivation, and learning engagement.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

Academic achievement is a multifaceted construct that can be defined in broad and narrow aspects. Marsh and McCallum defined it broadly as the extent to which students achieve the objectives or goals of their educational institution or program [ 1 ]. In contrast, Hattie defined it narrowly as the progress that students make in their academic studies, demonstrated through their performance on tests, exams, and other assessments [ 2 ]. Many researchers have adopted the narrow definition, focusing on test scores in specific subjects [ 3 , 4 , 5 ]. In China, academic achievement is often measured by test scores in Chinese, Math, and English [ 6 , 7 ]. Therefore, academic achievement in this study refers to students’ test scores in these subjects. Academic achievement holds substantial importance not only for students’ future prospects but also serves as a critical indicator for evaluating the effectiveness of national educational systems [ 8 ].

Peer relationships have been recognized as influential factors in adolescents’ academic achievement [ 9 ]. Peer relationships refer to the social interactions and connections that individuals establish with their peers, including interpersonal relationship, social emotion, communication interaction [ 10 ]. They can have a profound impact on students’ academic outcomes, as peers can serve as sources of both positive and negative influence. Positive peer relationships have been associated with higher levels of academic achievement, while negative peer relationships can hinder students’ academic progress [ 11 ].

Learning motivation and learning engagement are two psychological constructs that have been extensively studied in relation to academic achievement [ 12 ]. Learning motivation encompasses the internal drive and inclination to participate in learning activities, which can be classified into two main categories: intrinsic motivation and extrinsic motivation [ 13 ]. Intrinsic motivation stems from personal interest, curiosity, and the inherent satisfaction derived from the learning process itself, while extrinsic motivation is driven by external factors such as rewards, grades, or social recognition [ 14 ]. Learning engagement encompasses the active involvement, effort, and persistence that individuals exhibit during the learning process, categorized into three components: vigor, dedication, and absorption [ 15 ]. Vigor is often used to describe an individual’s level of enthusiasm, engagement, and persistence in their studies. Dedication refers to an individual’s commitment and devotion to their academic pursuits. Absorption refers to an individual’s deep focus and concentration on what is studied [ 16 ]. Both learning motivation and learning engagement have been found to exhibit a positive correlation with academic achievement. For example, Wentzel suggested that learning motivation plays a positive role in academic achievement [ 17 ]. Similarly, Li et al. observed a noteworthy positive association between academic motivation and mathematics achievement among junior high school students [ 18 ]. Liem and Martin posited that school engagement has a positive impact on academic performance [ 19 ]. The findings highlight the importance of considering both learning motivation and learning engagement in understanding academic achievement.

Despite scholars proposing the influence of these factors on academic achievement, the specific mechanisms through which peer relationships influence academic achievement via learning motivation and learning engagement remain underexplored. To address this research gap, the primary objective of the current study is to investigate the interactive effects of peer relationships, learning motivation, and learning engagement on academic achievement, thereby providing a holistic comprehension of the interplay between these factors. Furthermore, this study endeavors to examine the chain mediating roles of learning motivation and learning engagement in the association between peer relationships and academic achievement among junior high school students. By examining these mediating pathways, this study seeks to elucidate the underlying mechanisms by which peer relationships impact academic outcomes. This study differs from those in investigating the chain mediating roles of learning motivation and learning engagement in the association between peer relationships and academic achievement within a unified conceptual framework, contributing to a deeper understanding of the factors that shape students’ academic success.

The self-system model of motivational development (SSMMD) serves as a conceptual framework for this study. Proposed by Connell and Wellborn [ 20 ] and supported by Skinner et al. [ 21 ], the SSMMD is rooted in the self-determination theory [ 22 ] and emphasizes the importance of individuals’ intrinsic motivation and psychological needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness [ 23 ]. The SSMMD comprises four interconnected components: social context, self-system, action, and developmental results. The social context, consisting of peers, teachers, and parents, shapes an individual’s self-system. It is within this social context that an individual’s self-beliefs, motivation, and engagement in activities are developed. The self-system, as a relatively stable personal resource, is influenced by long-term interactions with the surrounding context and can effectively predict the level of involvement in activities. This level of involvement, in turn, directly influences various aspects of an individual’s development, including behavior and academic performance [ 24 ]. The SSMMD presents a linear developmental pathway, where the social context influences the self-system, which then influences actions and subsequently developmental outcomes. In this study, we utilize the SSMMD framework to explore the relationship between peer relationships, learning motivation, learning engagement, and academic achievement. The relationship between the four variables and SSMMD can be elaborated as follows: Peer relationships, as a component of the social context, shapes an individual’s self-beliefs, which significantly influences their learning motivation. Students who possess higher levels of learning motivation are more likely to get active engagement in learning activities (as a component of the action), and impact their academic achievement positively (as a developmental outcome) [ 25 ]. Based on this model, this study hypothesizes that peer relationships (as a social context factor) may influence adolescents’ learning motivation (as a self-system factor), which in turn affects their learning engagement (as individual action), ultimately resulting in a positive impact on academic achievement (as developmental outcomes). This theoretical model in the study is visually represented in Fig. 1 .

The proposed theoretical model

Peer relationships and academic achievement

Previous research has consistently demonstrated the positive influence of peer relationships on academic achievement [ 26 ]. Several studies have examined the positive impact of peer relationships on overall academic achievement. For instance, Wentzel noted that peers’ support in homework was positively related to academic achievement [ 17 ]. Jacobson and Burdsal found that positive peer influence in middle schools predicted higher academic achievement [ 27 ]. In a longitudinal study, Gallardo et al. (2016) demonstrated the positive influence of peer relationships on mid-adolescents’ academic achievement [ 11 ]. Additionally, research has investigated the positive effects of peer relationships on academic achievement in specific subjects. For example, Li et al. reported a significantly positive effect of peer relationships on the mathematics achievement of junior high school students [ 18 ]. Li et al. (2020) identified a significantly positive connection between peer relationships and science literacy among 596 ethnic minority junior school students in China [ 28 ]. Moreover, previous studies have suggested that the positive impact of peer relationships on academic achievement increases with grade level [ 29 ] and that same-gender peer relationships are particularly important in predicting academic achievement [ 19 ]. Overall, these findings emphasize the critical role of positive peer relationships in academic achievement, highlighting that adolescents who cultivate supportive relationships with their peers are more inclined to achieve success in their academic pursuits. On the basis of this, the following hypothesis is proposed.

H1: Peer relationships are positively correlated with academic achievement.

Learning motivation as a mediator

Peer relationships have been demonstrated to have a significant influence on learning motivation [ 11 ]. Positive peer relationships can enhance students’ motivation in learning by providing support, encouragement, and a sense of belonging. For example, Li et al. have indicated that positive peer relationships could encourage students to strive towards predetermined learning goals [ 30 ]. Similarly, Kuo et al. have shown that regular peer interaction could increase students’ motivation and interest in learning [ 31 ]. Wentzel et al. conducted a questionnaire survey involving 240 participants, and found that adolescents who receive positive support from their peers are more prone to exhibit higher levels of motivation [ 32 ]. In a study by Huangfu et al. it was observed that peer support in the context of chemistry education had a significant positive impact on students’ continuing motivation in chemistry [ 33 ]. Conversely, negative peer relationships can lead to decreased motivation. For instance, Juvonen and Graham found that students who experienced bullying, as a form of negative peer relationship, reported lower levels of motivation to engage in academic tasks [ 34 ]. Similarly, Wentzel et al. revealed that peer rejection, as another form of negative peer relationship, was associated with lower levels of intrinsic motivation in students [ 35 ]. These finding underscore the crucial role of peer relationships in influencing students’ motivation in specific academic domains.

Furthermore, learning motivation has been found to have a positive correlation with academic achievement [ 36 ]. Students who possess high levels of motivation to learn tend to excel in classroom activities, put forth great effort to complete their learning assignments, and achieve their academic achievement [ 37 ]. Researchers have demonstrated that learning motivation, as a potential mechanism is associated with perceived academic achievement [ 38 ]. Moreover, intrinsic motivation has been found to have a positive correlation with students’ grades, while extrinsic motivation shows a negative association with academic outcomes [ 39 ]. In addition, researchers have shown that learning motivation exerts both direct and indirect influences on students’ academic achievement through learning activities [ 40 ]. Peer interactions have also been emphasized as influential factors in adolescent learning motivation and subsequent learning outcomes [ 41 ]. Li et al. highlighted the mediating role of learning motivation in the relationship between peer relationships and mathematics achievement [ 18 ]. Although the study focused on Zhuang ethnic minority students in China and limited the academic achievement to mathematics, it provides valuable insights and direction for the mediation hypothesis in this research. Based on these findings, the following assumptions are proposed:

H2: Peer relationships are positively correlated with learning motivation.

H3: Learning motivation is positively correlated with academic achievement.

H4: Learning motivation mediates the association between peer relationships and junior high school students’ academic achievement.

Learning engagement as a mediator

Research has consistently shown that peer relationships have an impact on students’ learning engagement [ 42 ]. For instance, Kiefer et al. have proposed that peer support may help middle school students improve their learning engagement [ 43 ]. Besides, Research has demonstrated that both academic and emotional support from peers can enhance students’ learning engagement [ 44 ]. Lee et al. have claimed that peer interaction can help students sustain their engagement in e-learning [ 45 ]. In addition, Yuan and Kim have suggested that peer appraisal in peer interactions can affect teenagers’ cognitive and emotional involvement [ 46 ].

Learning engagement is considered to be an important factor that affects students’ academic achievement [ 12 ]. High levels of learning engagement allow students to devote more time to learning activities and ultimately achieve better academic outcomes [ 47 ]. Liem and Martin found that active participation and investment in learning activities positively predict academic success [ 19 ]. Wang et al. further supported this by demonstrating that higher levels of classroom engagement are associated with better academic performance [ 4 ]. Additionally, Saqr et al. highlighted the longitudinal effects of engagement, showing that sustained high levels of engagement lead to improved academic outcomes over time [ 48 ]. Taken together, these recent studies underscore the critical role of student engagement in fostering academic achievement.

Learning motivation has been demonstrated to have a significant impact on students’ engagement in learning activities [ 49 ]. When students are motivated to learn, they are more likely to set ambitious goals and actively participate in their learning activities [ 50 ]. Research has consistently found a positive relationship between learning motivation and engagement [ 25 , 41 ]. For instance, a study by Froiland and Worrell explored the role of motivation in student engagement and found that intrinsic motivation, which stems from personal interest and enjoyment, was positively associated with higher levels of engagement [ 51 ]. Similarly, a study by Huang and Yang highlighted the importance of learning motivation, where students feel a sense of desire and enjoyment in their learning, in promoting engagement [ 52 ]. The self-system model of motivational development suggests that social contexts, including interactions with peers, can impact students’ self-systems, such as their motivation and self-efficacy in learning. When students’ self-systems, including learning motivation, are strengthened, they are more likely to engage in learning activities, leading to improved academic outcomes, such as academic achievement. Therefore, based on the aforementioned research, it is postulated that peer relationships can promote academic achievement by enhancing students’ motivation and engagement in learning activities. Hypotheses were derived from the aforesaid analysis:

H5: Peer relationships are positively correlated with learning engagement.

H6: Learning motivation is positively correlated with learning engagement.

H7: Learning engagement is positively correlated with academic achievement.

H8: Learning engagement mediates the association between peer relationships and junior high school students’ academic achievement.

H9: Learning motivation and learning engagement play a chain mediating role in the association between peer relationships and junior high school students’ academic achievement.

Materials and methods

Sampling and data collection.

Prior to conducting the survey, ethical approval and support were obtained from the Ethics Committee of Qufu Normal University. To ensure the privacy and confidentiality of the students, several measures were implemented. Firstly, the personal identification information of the students was anonymized, with the utilization of student ID numbers instead of real names on the questionnaire. Secondly, explicit assurances were provided to the participants that designated members of the research team would have access to and process the collected data. Lastly, strict adherence to legal regulations and ethical guidelines was maintained throughout the entire research process.

The sample size for the study was determined based on the guidelines of Structural Equation Modeling (SEM), which recommend a sample size of at least ten times the total number of observed variables [ 53 ]. Consistent with this recommendation, a sample of 717 participants, aged 13–14 years old, was drawn from two middle schools in Jiangsu province, Eastern China, in January 2024. The two schools selected for this study, in that they exhibit diversity in terms of student backgrounds, academic performance, and socio-economic status, reflecting the overall characteristics of students in the region. The participants were randomly chosen from Grades 7 and 8.

Data collection consisted of two distinct steps. Firstly, paper questionnaires were distributed with an explanation of the study. Students were encouraged to participate in the study voluntarily and express their ideas freely. Those who did not provide informed consent or failed to complete the questionnaire were excluded from the analysis. Totally, 717 valid questionnaires were collected, with a response rate of 89.6%. Secondly, the students’ academic achievement was also collected as part of the study. Specifically, the study collected scores from the final exams in the subjects of Chinese, math, and English as a measure of participants’ academic achievement, and matched the students’ grades with their IDs. To ensure comparability and facilitate analysis across different subjects, the overall scores, ranging from 0 to 120 were standardized. These standardized scores were then utilized as the observational variables of academic achievement.

Research instruments

Peer relationship scale.

Peer relationships were measured by the Peer Relationship Scale developed by Wei [ 10 ]. This scale comprises 20 items, categorized into three dimensions: interpersonal relationship (e.g., “My classmates all enjoy being with me.”), social emotions (e.g., “When I am with my classmates, I feel very happy.”), communication interaction (e.g., “If I see my classmates feeling upset or crying, I will go comfort them.”). The 5-point Likert scale was used, with scores ranging from 1 to 5 indicating “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree”, with higher scores indicating higher peer relationships. The scale has good reliability and validity, which has been validated by recent research [ 54 ].

Learning motivation scale

Learning motivation was measured by the Learning Motivation Scale, developed by Amabile et al. [ 55 ], and later revised by Chi et al. [ 56 ]. This scale comprises 30 items, including two subscales for intrinsic motivation (e.g., “I enjoy independently thinking to solve difficult problems.”) and extrinsic motivation (e.g., “I care a lot about how others react to my opinions.”). The scale uses a 4-point rating, with scores ranging from 1 to 4, representing “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree”. Studies have demonstrated good reliability and validity of this scale among Chinese adolescents [ 49 ].

Learning engagement scale

Learning engagement was assessed by the scale revised by Fang et al. [ 57 ] based on the Utrecht Work Engagement Scale-Student (UWES-S) [ 58 ]. This scale comprises 17 items, including three dimensions: vigor (e.g., “I feel energized when studying.”), dedication (e.g., “When I study, I feel time flying.”), and absorption (e.g., “I take pride in my learning.”). The scale uses a 7-point rating, with scores ranging from 1 to 7, representing “Never” to “Always”. The scale demonstrated good reliability, which has been validated by An et al. [ 49 ]

Academic achievement

Based on previous research [ 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 ], this study employed the final exam scores in Chinese, Mathematics, and English for grades 7 and 8 during the first semester as measures of academic achievement. A significant correlation was observed among the scores of these three subjects. Subsequently, the scores for each subject were standardized, and the average of these standardized scores was calculated as the overall indicator of academic achievement.

Statistical analysis

Data analysis was conducted using Amos 24.0 and SPSS 24.0. Initially, the Harman single-factor test was performed to explore the possibility of common method bias. Subsequently, descriptive analysis was carried out to provide an accurate portrayal of the sample’s characteristics. Then, a structural equation modeling (SEM) analysis was conducted to test both the measurement and structural models. The measurement model was assessed through confirmatory factor analysis, while the structural model was evaluated by analyzing goodness-of-fit indices and path coefficients. Lastly, the significance of mediating effects was determined using the bootstrapping approach.

Common method variance

To mitigate potential bias inherent in self-reported data obtained from junior high school students, the Harman single-factor test was conducted using SPSS 24.0 [ 59 ]. According to the test result, 11 factors exhibited characteristic roots exceeding 1, with the first factor accounting for 31.029% of the total variance, which fell below the critical threshold of 40% [ 60 ]. These findings suggest that no significant common method variance was present, indicating that the study’s reliability and validity were not substantially impacted.

Sample characteristics

The sample was composed of 717 participants selected from two middle schools in eastern China. The average age of participants was 13.49 years (SD = 0.5, range = 13–14 years). As indicated in Table 1 , the sample was gender-balanced, with males accounting for 50.1% and females accounting for 49.9%. The distribution of students across different grades was as follows: 53.7% in Grade Seven and 46.3% in Grade Eight. The majority of students resided in towns. Regarding the educational level of the participants’ fathers, 48.8% had completed junior high school or below, 36.8% had attended senior high school or vocational school, 8.9% had attended college, and 5.4% had attended university. Similarly, for the participants’ mothers, 51.9% had completed junior high school or below, 33.8% had attended senior high school or vocational school, 9.2% had graduated from colleges, and 5.2% had attended university.

Measurement model

The conventional approach to assessing a measurement model involves examining its reliability and validity [ 53 ]. In this study, the skewness of the 4 variables ranged from − 1.867 to 1.111, and the kurtosis ranged from − 0.351 to 3.512, which conforms to the normal distribution standards proposed by Hair et al. [ 61 ], providing a basis for the subsequent analysis. Reliability is commonly evaluated using Cronbach’s alpha, with coefficients from 0.80 to 0.89 considered acceptable. Convergent validity is evaluated through standardized factor loadings, composite reliability (CR), and average variance extracted (AVE), where values exceeding 0.5 are deemed acceptable [ 62 ]. Discriminant validity is assessed by comparing the square root value of AVE with the correlation coefficient value between constructs. It is generally expected that the square root value of AVE will exceed the correlation coefficient value [ 63 ].

Table 2 presents the results of the reliability and convergent validity analysis. The measurement model demonstrated acceptable reliability, as indicated by Cronbach’s alpha coefficients ranging from 0.839 to 0.961. Additionally, the standardized factor loadings ranged from 0.762 to 0.922, while the composite reliability (CR) and average variance extracted (AVE) values ranged from 0.835 to 0.937 and from 0.678 to 0.832, respectively, indicating acceptable convergent validity. Table 3 shows that the square root values of AVE for each construct were larger than the correlation coefficient values between the other constructs, indicating acceptable discriminant validity.

Structural model

The structural model was evaluated using the goodness-of-fit indices and path coefficients. Jackson et al. have suggested that a structural model fits the data when the goodness-of-fit index is between 1 and 3 for x 2 / df, greater than 0.9 for GFI, AGFI, NFI, TLI, and CFI, less than 0.08 for SMSEA [ 64 ]. Table 4 displays the following fit indices: X 2 / df = 1.142 (X 2 = 2663.1543, df = 2331), GFI = 0.946, AGFI = 0.942, CFI = 0.993, TII = 0.993, NFI = 0.946. All the values met the recommended thresholds, indicating a good fit for the structural model. Additionally, sensitivity analysis indicated that the effect size was 0.49, meeting the threshold proposed by Cohen [ 65 ] for a strong statistical test with a sample size of 717.

Hypothesis test

As depicted in Table 5 , the results revealed a significant and positive association between peer relationships and academic achievement (β = 0.178 , P < 0.001), providing support for H1. A significant and positive correlation was observed between peer relationships and learning motivation (β = 0.534 , P < 0.001 ), conforming H2. Learning motivation was found to have a significant and positive impact on academic achievement (β = 0.181, P < 0.001 ), thus supporting H3. Peer relationships exhibited a significant and positive influence on learning engagement (β = 0.183 , P < 0.001 ), providing support for H5. Learning motivation had a significant and positive effect on learning engagement (β = 0.224 , P < 0.001 ), thus H6 was supported. Learning engagement demonstrated a significant and positive impact on academic achievement (β = 0.217 , P < 0.001 ), providing support for hypothesis H7. Overall, the empirical data supported the expected directions of H1, H2, H3, H5, H6, and H7, indicating the significance of these relationships.

Analyses of the mediating effect of peer relationship on academic achievement

In this study, Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) was employed as the statistical technique to examine the mediating effect of learning motivation and learning engagement. SEM is considered more appropriate for examining mediation [ 66 ]. To determine the confidence intervals for the mediation effects in SEM, the bootstrap method was utilized [ 67 ]. Specifically, a mediating effect is considered statistically significant when the 95% bias-corrected confidence intervals (95% bias-corrected CI)does not include 0, and t exceeds 1.96 [ 68 ]. For data analysis, Amos 24.0 software was utilized. In this analysis, academic accomplishment was considered as the dependent variable, while peer relationship was treated as the independent variable. Additionally, learning motivation and learning engagement were regarded as mediating variables. To enhance the reliability of our results, a bootstrap resample size of 5000 was utilized, and the bias-corrected confidence interval level was set at 95%.

The results indicated in Table 6 demonstrate the statistical significance of the total effect and direct effect of peer relationships on academic achievement. The total effect of peer relationships on academic achievement was 2.510 (t = 6.213, 95% bias-corrected CI [1.745, 3.309], P < 0.01), while the direct effect was 1.313 (t = 3.712, 95% bias-corrected CI [0.487, 2.178], P < 0.01). Furthermore, the analysis revealed significant indirect effects in three pathways. The pathway of peer relationships→learning motivation→learning engagement→academic achievement had an indirect effect of 0.191 (t = 2.653, 95% bias-corrected CI [0.076, 0.365], P < 0.01). The pathway of peer relationships→learning motivation→learning engagement had an indirect effect of 0.713 (t = 2.493,95% bias-corrected CI [0.193, 1.326], P < 0.01). Lastly, the pathway of peer relationships→learning engagement→academic achievement had an indirect effect of 0.293 (t = 2.307, 95% bias-corrected CI [0.081, 0.585], P < 0.01). These results indicate that the three mediating effects were all statistically significant, providing support for H4, H8, and H9.

In addition, the indirect effect percentage of learning motivation and learning engagement as partial mediators were examined. As indicated in Table 6 , among the three significant indirect mediators, the indirect effect of learning motivation accounts for 59.5% of the total indirect effect, while the indirect effect of learning engagement accounts for 24.5% of the total indirect effect. Besides, the indirect effect of earning motivation and learning engagement accounts for 16% of the total indirect effect. The pathway “peer relationships → learning motivation → academic achievement” exhibited the strongest effect. The specific pathways of peer relationship acting on academic achievement through learning motivation and learning engagement are detailed in Fig. 2 .

The path diagram, *** p < 0.001

This study aimed to examine the interactive effects of peer relationships, learning motivation, learning engagement, and academic achievement among junior high school students. Additionally, the study sought to investigate the potential mediating roles of learning motivation and learning engagement in the association between peer relationships and academic achievement within this specific context. The study tentatively demonstrated the applicability of SSMMD in explaining the factors influencing academic achievement in junior high school settings. The findings of the study are presented below.

The results of the study revealed a direct and positive association between peer relationships and academic achievement among junior high school students. This finding not only confirms the research result of Jacobson and Burdsal [ 27 ], and that of Gallardo et al. [ 11 ], showing a positive correlation between peer relationships and academic achievement among middle school students but also reflects the idea presented by Escalante et al. [ 69 ] that academic achievement is affected by school climate, of which peer relationships are the dominant factor. This finding can be attributed to the notion that junior high school students in China who have stronger peer relationships within their school environment may receive greater support in their learning endeavors. This increased support may help alleviate learning-related stress, bolster their confidence levels, and enhance their self-esteem, thereby contributing to improved academic performance [ 26 ]. Additionally, it is noteworthy that peer influence exerts a substantial impact on shaping students’ academic behavior. For instance, students may observe their peers’ self-regulated behavior and diligence and be inclined to imitate them, thereby adopting similar study habits and strategies [ 70 ]. This study further demonstrates that peer relationships are a predictive factor of academic achievement.

The results of the study indicated that learning motivation partially mediated the association between peer relationships and academic achievement among Chinese middle school students. The finding builds upon previous research conducted by Wentzel [ 17 ], as it further elucidates the mediating role of learning motivation as a mediator between peer relationships and academic achievement among junior high school students. This finding can be explained by the increased reliance on peers for support and guidance, particularly after transitioning to junior high school. In Chinese culture, where collective values and social harmony are emphasized, peer relationships serve as a crucial source of support and guidance for students [ 71 ]. This heightened interaction with peers positively influences their learning attitude and personal values [ 72 ]. Consequently, this positive influence on learning attitudes and personal values contributes to the enhancement of learning motivation, ultimately leading to improved academic achievements among junior high school students. Additionally, the study’s results indicated the most substantial mediating role of learning motivation, supporting the notion that motivation is a more critical contributor to academic achievement [ 25 ]. This finding provides further evidence of the significant role of learning motivation in mediating the correlation between peer relationships and junior high school students’ academic achievement.

The results of the study demonstrated that learning engagement also partially mediated the association between peer relationships and academic achievement among junior high school students. This suggests that a high level of learning engagement can help elucidate why junior high school students who foster positive relationships with their peers tend to exhibit improved academic performance. When students have positive peer relationships, their increased learning engagement is reflected in their active participation in class, eagerness to complete assignments, and proactive pursuit of additional learning opportunities, ultimately leading to enhanced academic achievement [ 19 ]. This finding aligns with prior research [ 73 , 74 ], which postulates that learning engagement is a pivotal factor linking peer relationships and junior high school students’ academic achievement. The connections that teenagers forge with their contemporaries will facilitate increased participation in the educational process, which in turn will lead to enhanced academic performance [ 75 ]. The finding provided more evidence that learning engagement plays a significant role in the link between peer relationships and academic achievement.

The study further revealed that learning motivation and learning engagement played a chain mediation role in the association between peer relationships and academic achievement, which is one of the most astonishing conclusions drawn from the investigation. This result aligns with the self-system model of motivational development [ 20 ], which suggests that positive interactions and support from peers contribute to the development of individuals’ learning motivation. This motivation, in turn, influences their level of learning engagement, leading to improved academic achievement. Furthermore, the study revealed that junior high school students’ learning motivation contributed less to their level of learning engagement (β = 0.244, P < 0.001) than their peer relationships (β = 0.183, P < 0.001). This suggests that junior high school students’ primary source of learning engagement was learning motivation, because motivation plays a crucial role in driving their interest, effort, and persistence in academic tasks [ 49 ].

The theoretical and practical implications

This study holds significant theoretical implications. Firstly, it un derscores the complex interplay between peer relationships, learning motivation, learning engagement, and academic achievement. This expands our understanding of the underlying mechanisms that link these variables together. Secondly, it provides empirical support for the self-system model of motivational development, which suggests that peer relationships have an indirect influence on academic achievement through the mediating roles of learning motivation and learning engagement. This highlights the significance of social factors in shaping students’ motivation and engagement in the learning process.

This study carries practical implications for educators. Firstly, fostering positive peer relationships should be prioritized in educational settings. Teachers should implement strategies to promote a supportive and external classroom environment, such as peer mentoring programs or cooperative learning activities. Besides, teachers should create an inclusive and internal classroom environment that values diversity and promotes respect, empathy, and cooperation. By enhancing positive interactions among students, the motivation and engagement of individuals can be positively influenced, leading to improved academic achievement. Secondly, interventions targeting learning motivation and learning engagement should be implemented. Regarding learning motivation, teachers should encourage students to participate in problem-solving activities that connect learning to students’ lives and experiences, and motivate students to embrace challenges and solve problems [ 76 ]. Furthermore, teachers should provide timely and constructive feedback that helps students monitor their learning progress and adjust their strategies accordingly to foster students’ sense of intrinsic motivation. Additionally, teachers should understand the pressures students face in the learning process and provide appropriate support and strategies, such as offering flexible deadlines and providing alternative assignments. To enhance learning engagement, teachers should strive to gain a deeper understanding of teenagers’ needs and employ tactics and skills that strengthen their commitment to learning through meaningful classroom activities. Additionally, emotional support should be provided to help prevent learning fatigue and promote a positive attitude toward the learning process.

This study contributes to the literature in two ways. Firstly, it investigates the complex relationships among peer relationships, learning motivation, learning engagement, and academic achievement utilizing the self-system model of motivational development, which may provide insights for future research in other countries. Secondly, it explores the mediating mechanism between peer relationships and junior high school students’ academic achievement through examining the roles of learning motivation and learning engagement. The novel perspective can enrich our understanding of the link between peer relationships and academic achievement among junior high school students.

Limitations and future research directions

There are some limitations that should be acknowledged. Firstly, the study was carried out in a cross-sectional manner, making it difficult to establish a causal relationship between variables. Therefore, future longitudinal research is needed to investigate the association between peer relationships and academic achievement more conclusively. Secondly, this study was conducted within the context of China’s test-oriented learning environment, which may limit the generalizability of the findings to other educational settings. To enhance the external validity of the study, future research should be conducted in different countries. Thirdly, the study did not account for potential confounding factors such as academic pressure and self-evaluation, which may also influence academic achievement. Future research should consider these factors within a comprehensive theoretical framework. Finally, apart from academic achievement, all other variables were self-reported by participants, which may introduce potential bias. Future studies could benefit from incorporating observational data from parents, teachers, and classmates to provide a more objective perspective.

Data availability

The datasets generated and/or analysed during the current study are not publicly available due to ethical issues but are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

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This work was supported by the International Chinese Language Education Research Program [Grant no. 23YH82C].

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Shao, Y., Kang, S., Lu, Q. et al. How peer relationships affect academic achievement among junior high school students: The chain mediating roles of learning motivation and learning engagement. BMC Psychol 12 , 278 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-024-01780-z

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What I’ve Learned From My Students’ College Essays

The genre is often maligned for being formulaic and melodramatic, but it’s more important than you think.

An illustration of a high school student with blue hair, dreaming of what to write in their college essay.

By Nell Freudenberger

Most high school seniors approach the college essay with dread. Either their upbringing hasn’t supplied them with several hundred words of adversity, or worse, they’re afraid that packaging the genuine trauma they’ve experienced is the only way to secure their future. The college counselor at the Brooklyn high school where I’m a writing tutor advises against trauma porn. “Keep it brief , ” she says, “and show how you rose above it.”

I started volunteering in New York City schools in my 20s, before I had kids of my own. At the time, I liked hanging out with teenagers, whom I sometimes had more interesting conversations with than I did my peers. Often I worked with students who spoke English as a second language or who used slang in their writing, and at first I was hung up on grammar. Should I correct any deviation from “standard English” to appeal to some Wizard of Oz behind the curtains of a college admissions office? Or should I encourage students to write the way they speak, in pursuit of an authentic voice, that most elusive of literary qualities?

In fact, I was missing the point. One of many lessons the students have taught me is to let the story dictate the voice of the essay. A few years ago, I worked with a boy who claimed to have nothing to write about. His life had been ordinary, he said; nothing had happened to him. I asked if he wanted to try writing about a family member, his favorite school subject, a summer job? He glanced at his phone, his posture and expression suggesting that he’d rather be anywhere but in front of a computer with me. “Hobbies?” I suggested, without much hope. He gave me a shy glance. “I like to box,” he said.

I’ve had this experience with reluctant writers again and again — when a topic clicks with a student, an essay can unfurl spontaneously. Of course the primary goal of a college essay is to help its author get an education that leads to a career. Changes in testing policies and financial aid have made applying to college more confusing than ever, but essays have remained basically the same. I would argue that they’re much more than an onerous task or rote exercise, and that unlike standardized tests they are infinitely variable and sometimes beautiful. College essays also provide an opportunity to learn precision, clarity and the process of working toward the truth through multiple revisions.

When a topic clicks with a student, an essay can unfurl spontaneously.

Even if writing doesn’t end up being fundamental to their future professions, students learn to choose language carefully and to be suspicious of the first words that come to mind. Especially now, as college students shoulder so much of the country’s ethical responsibility for war with their protest movement, essay writing teaches prospective students an increasingly urgent lesson: that choosing their own words over ready-made phrases is the only reliable way to ensure they’re thinking for themselves.

Teenagers are ideal writers for several reasons. They’re usually free of preconceptions about writing, and they tend not to use self-consciously ‘‘literary’’ language. They’re allergic to hypocrisy and are generally unfiltered: They overshare, ask personal questions and call you out for microaggressions as well as less egregious (but still mortifying) verbal errors, such as referring to weed as ‘‘pot.’’ Most important, they have yet to put down their best stories in a finished form.

I can imagine an essay taking a risk and distinguishing itself formally — a poem or a one-act play — but most kids use a more straightforward model: a hook followed by a narrative built around “small moments” that lead to a concluding lesson or aspiration for the future. I never get tired of working with students on these essays because each one is different, and the short, rigid form sometimes makes an emotional story even more powerful. Before I read Javier Zamora’s wrenching “Solito,” I worked with a student who had been transported by a coyote into the U.S. and was reunited with his mother in the parking lot of a big-box store. I don’t remember whether this essay focused on specific skills or coping mechanisms that he gained from his ordeal. I remember only the bliss of the parent-and-child reunion in that uninspiring setting. If I were making a case to an admissions officer, I would suggest that simply being able to convey that experience demonstrates the kind of resilience that any college should admire.

The essays that have stayed with me over the years don’t follow a pattern. There are some narratives on very predictable topics — living up to the expectations of immigrant parents, or suffering from depression in 2020 — that are moving because of the attention with which the student describes the experience. One girl determined to become an engineer while watching her father build furniture from scraps after work; a boy, grieving for his mother during lockdown, began taking pictures of the sky.

If, as Lorrie Moore said, “a short story is a love affair; a novel is a marriage,” what is a college essay? Every once in a while I sit down next to a student and start reading, and I have to suppress my excitement, because there on the Google Doc in front of me is a real writer’s voice. One of the first students I ever worked with wrote about falling in love with another girl in dance class, the absolute magic of watching her move and the terror in the conflict between her feelings and the instruction of her religious middle school. She made me think that college essays are less like love than limerence: one-sided, obsessive, idiosyncratic but profound, the first draft of the most personal story their writers will ever tell.

Nell Freudenberger’s novel “The Limits” was published by Knopf last month. She volunteers through the PEN America Writers in the Schools program.

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May 14, 2024. Most high school seniors approach the college essay with dread. Either their upbringing hasn't supplied them with several hundred words of adversity, or worse, they're afraid ...
School Racial Composition and Changes in Black Children's Academic
Semantic Scholar extracted view of "School Racial Composition and Changes in Black Children's Academic Engagement and Motivation During Late Elementary School" by LaRen B. Morton et al. ... Semantic Scholar's Logo. Search 218,589,873 papers from all fields of science. Search. Sign In Create Free Account. DOI: 10.1007/s10826-024-02853-8;
Mathematics motivation in primary education: Building blocks that matter
In this introduction, we set the stage for a collection of papers from the Co-constructing Mathematics Motivation in Primary Education-A Longitudinal Study in Six European Countries Project (MATHMot for short), an international study aiming to identify the factors that shape the development of motivation in mathematics from a comparative perspective in primary education. Students ...