what is revolution in history essay

ENCYCLOPEDIC ENTRY

Revolutions are an instrument of change and often an attempt to promote equality and combat oppression.

Geography, Social Studies, World History

Chinese Revolution

Citizens of the Xiangyang commune in Jiangsu Province, China, protest against Lin Biao, who tried to seize power of the Chinese government.

Photograph by Bettman

In the fields of history and political science, a revolution is a radical change in the established order, usually the established government and social institutions. Typically, revolutions take the form of organized movements aimed at effecting change—economic change, technological change, political change, or social change. The people who start revolutions have determined the institutions currently in place in society have failed or no longer serve their intended purpose. Because the objective of revolutions is to upturn established order, the characteristics that define them reflect the circumstances of their birth.

Revolutions are born when the social climate in a country changes and the political system does not react in kind. People become discouraged by existing conditions, which alters their values and beliefs. Over the course of history, philosophers have held different views as to whether revolution is a natural occurrence in a changing society, or whether it indicates social decay . The Greek philosopher Aristotle linked revolution to a number of causes and conditions, but largely to the desire for equality and honor. Plato linked revolution to social decay . He believed that revolutions occur when institutions, such as the Church or the State, fail to instill in society a system of values and a code of ethics that prevent upheaval.

Throughout the Middle Ages, Europeans generally did what they could to prevent revolution and preserve the established order. The Church maintained the authority in medieval times, and it aimed to preserve stability in society at all costs. Sometime during the Renaissance , however, the concept of revolution began to change. People began to believe change was necessary for society to progress.

Between 1450 and 1750, philosophical and political ideas were changing rapidly throughout the world. The Renaissance, the Scientific Revolution, and the Protestant Reformation all took place during this time period, and people expanded their worldviews as they gained knowledge of new concepts and accepted new ideas. At this time in Europe, most countries had absolute monarchies, and people began to question the power of absolute governments. As their discontent grew, their questions turned to protests. A wave of revolutions took place in the 1700s, an era commonly known as the Age Enlightenment—revolutions in France, in Latin America, and in the American colonies. In all these countries, the revolutions not only changed the political systems and replaced them with new ones, but they altered public belief and brought about sweeping changes in society as a whole.

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Never-Before-Published Hannah Arendt on What Freedom and Revolution Really Mean

Thoughts on poverty, misery, and the great revolutions of history.

In the 1960s, some years after the publication of her book On Revolution , Hannah Arendt lived in a world of revolutionary events, to which she was particularly sensitive. Such events included the expulsion of Krushchev in the Soviet Union; the construction of the Berlin Wall dividing Germany into two states; the Cuban missile crisis; the so-called “Quiet Revolution” in Canada, nationalistic in character; the Civil Rights movements here and abroad; anti-war protests, some of which were deadly, here and in Europe; military coups in South Korea, Vietnam, and Greece; Pope John XXIII’s profoundly revolutionary Second Vatican Council; the horror of the Cultural Revolution in China; the scientific revolution best known as “the conquest of space”; and the ongoing decolonization and independence battles in formerly imperial domains.

This manuscript, never before published, is marked “A Lecture” and dated “1966-67.” Where and when it was delivered, or if it was delivered, is not known. The manuscript seems too long for a single lecture. It might have been given at the University of Chicago where Arendt was teaching at the time in the School on Social Thought. Or it could have been at the Graduate Faculty of the New School for Social Research, which Arendt agreed to join in 1967, primarily to be in New York, close to her husband, Heinrich Bluecher, who was unwell. The where and when of the lecture have not been confirmed, though extant records have been thoroughly searched.

–Jerome Kohn

This essay appears in the current print issue of    The New England Review .

My subject today, I’m afraid, is almost embarrassingly topical. Revolutions have become everyday occurrences since, with the liquidation of imperialism, so many peoples have risen “to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and nature’s God entitle them.” Just as the most lasting result of imperialist expansion was the export of the idea of the nation-state to the four corners of the earth, so the end of imperialism under the pressure of nationalism has led to the dissemination of the idea of revolution all over the globe.

All these revolutions, no matter how violently anti-Western their rhetoric may be, stand under the sign of traditional Western revolutions. The current state of affairs was preceded by the series of revolutions after the First World War in Europe itself. Since then, and more markedly after the Second World War, nothing seems more certain than that a revolutionary change of the form of government, in distinction to an alteration of administration, will follow defeat in a war between the remaining powers—short, that is, of total annihilation. But it is important to note that even before technological developments made wars between the great powers literally a life and death struggle, hence self-defeating, politically speaking wars had already become a matter of life and death. This was by no means a matter of course, but signifies that the protagonists of national wars had begun to act as though they were involved in civil wars. And the small wars of the last 20 years—Korea, Algeria, Vietnam—have clearly been civil wars, in which the great powers became involved, either because revolution threatened their rule or had created a dangerous power vacuum. In these instances it was no longer war that precipitated revolution; the initiative shifted from war to revolution, which in some cases, but by no means all, was followed by military intervention. It is as if we were suddenly back in the 18th century, when the American Revolution was followed by a war against England, and the French Revolution by a war against the allied royal powers of  Europe.

And again, despite the enormously different circumstances—technological and otherwise—military interventions appear relatively helpless in the face of the phenomenon. A large number of revolutions during the last two hundred years went to their doom, but relatively few were dissipated by superiority in the application of the means of violence. Conversely, military interventions, even when they were successful, have often proved remarkably inefficient in restoring stability and filling the power vacuum. Even victory seems unable to substitute stability for chaos, honesty for corruption, authority and trust in government for decay and disintegration.

Restoration, the consequence of an interrupted revolution, usually provides not much more than a thin and quite obviously provisional cover under which the processes of disintegration continue unchecked. But there is, on the other hand, a great potential future stability inherent in consciously formed new political bodies, of which the American Republic is the prime example; the principal problem, of course, is the rarity of successful revolutions. Still, in the world’s present configuration where, for better or worse, revolutions have become the most significant and frequent events—and this will most likely continue for decades to come—it would not only be wiser but also more relevant if, instead of boasting that we are the mightiest power on earth, we would say that we have enjoyed an extraordinary stability since the founding of our republic, and that this stability was the direct outgrowth of revolution. For, since it can no longer be decided by war, the contestation of the great powers may well be decided, in the long run, by which side better understands what revolutions are and what is at stake in them.

It is, I believe, a secret from nobody, at least not since the Bay of Pigs incident, that the foreign policy of this country has shown itself hardly expert or even knowledgeable in judging revolutionary situations or in understanding the momentum of revolutionary movements. Although the Bay of Pigs incident is often blamed on faulty information and malfunctioning secret services, the failure actually lies much deeper. The failure was in misunderstanding what it means when a poverty stricken people in a backward country, in which corruption has reached the point of rottenness, are suddenly released, not from their poverty, but from the obscurity and hence incomprehensibility of their misery; what it means when they hear for the first time their condition being discussed in the open and find themselves invited to participate in that discussion; and what it means when they are brought to their capital, which they have never seen before, and told: these streets and these buildings and these squares, all these are yours, your possessions, and hence your pride. This, or something of the same sort, happened for the first time during the French Revolution.

Curiously, it was an old man in East Prussia who never left his hometown of Königsberg, Immanuel Kant, a philosopher and lover of freedom hardly famous for rebellious thoughts, who at once did understand. He said that “such a phenomenon in human history will never be forgotten,” and indeed, it has not been forgotten but, on the contrary, has played a major role in world history ever since it occurred. And though many revolutions have ended in tyranny, it has also always been remembered that, in the words of Condorcet, “The word ‘revolutionary’ can be applied only to revolutions whose aim is freedom.”

Revolution, like any other term of our political vocabulary, can be used in a generic sense without taking into account either the word’s origin or the temporal moment when the term was first applied to a particular political phenomenon. The assumption of such usage is that no matter when and why the term itself appeared, the phenomenon to which it refers is coeval with human memory. The temptation to use the word generically is particularly strong when we speak of “wars and revolutions” together, for wars, indeed, are as old as the recorded history of mankind. It may be difficult to use the word “war” in any other than a generic sense, if only because its first appearance cannot be dated in time or localized in space, but no such excuse exists for the indiscriminate usage of the term revolution.

Prior to the two great revolutions at the end of the 18th century and the specific sense it then acquired, the word “revolution” was hardly prominent in the vocabulary of political thought or practice. When the term occurs in the 17th century, for example, it clings strictly to its original astronomical meaning, which signified the eternal, irresistible, ever-recurring motion of the heavenly bodies; its political usage was metaphorical, describing a movement back into some pre-established point, and hence a motion, a swinging back to a pre-ordained order. The word was first used not when what we are apt to call a revolution broke out in England and Cromwell rose up as a sort of dictator, but on the contrary, in 1660, on the occasion of the reestablishment of the monarchy, after the overthrow of the Rump Parliament. But even the Glorious Revolution, the event through which, rather paradoxically, the term found its place in historical-political language, was not thought of as a revolution but as the restoration of monarchical power to its former righteousness and glory. The actual meaning of revolution, prior to the events of the late 18th century, is perhaps most clearly indicated in the inscription on the Great Seal of England of 1651, according to which the first transformation of monarchy into a republic meant: “ Freedom by God’s blessing restored .”

The fact that the word “revolution” originally meant restoration is more than a mere oddity of semantics. Even the 18th-century revolutions cannot be understood without realizing that revolutions first broke out when restoration had been their aim, and that the content of such restoration was freedom. In America, in the words of John Adams, the men of the revolution had been “called without expectation and compelled without previous inclination”; the same is true for France where, in Tocqueville’s words, “one might have believed the aim of the coming revolution was the restoration of the ancien régime rather than its overthrow.” And in the course of both revolutions, when the actors became aware that they were embarking upon an entirely new enterprise rather than revolving back to anything preceding it, when the word “revolution” consequently was acquiring its new meaning, it was Thomas Paine, of all people, who, still true to the spirit of the bygone age, proposed in all seriousness to call the American and French revolutions “counter-revolutions.” He wanted to save the extraordinary events from the suspicion that an entirely new beginning had been made, and from the odium of violence with which these events were inevitably linked.

We are likely to overlook the almost instinctive horror manifest in the mentality of these first revolutionists before the entirely new. In part this is because we are so well acquainted with the eagerness of scientists and philosophers of the Modern Age for “things never seen before and thoughts never thought before.” And in part it is because nothing in the course of these revolutions is as conspicuous and striking as the emphatic stress on novelty, repeated over and over by actors and spectators alike, in their insistence that nothing comparable in significance and grandeur had ever happened before. The crucial and difficult point is that the enormous pathos of the new era, the Novus Ordo Seclorum , which is still inscribed on our dollar bills, came to the fore only after the  actors, much against their will, had reached a point of no return.

Hence, what actually happened at the end of the 18th century was that an attempt at restoration and recovery of old rights and privileges resulted in its exact opposite: a progressing development and the opening up of a future which defied all further attempts at acting or thinking in terms of a circular or revolving motion. And while the term “revolution” was radically transformed in the revolutionary process, something similar, but infinitely more complex, happened to the word “freedom.” As long as nothing more was meant by it than freedom “by God’s blessing restored ,” it remained a matter of those rights and liberties we today associate with constitutional government, which properly are called civil rights. What was not included in them was the political right to participate in public affairs. None of those other rights, including the right to be represented for purposes of taxation, were either in theory or practice the result of revolution. Not “life, liberty, and property,” but the claim that they were inalienable rights of all human creatures, no matter where they lived or what kind of government they enjoyed, was revolutionary. And even in this new and revolutionary extension to all mankind, liberty meant no more than freedom from unjustifiable restraint, that is, something essentially negative.

Liberties in the sense of civil rights are the results of liberation, but they are by no means the actual content of freedom, whose essence is admission to the public realm and participation in public affairs. Had the revolutions aimed only at the guarantee of civil rights, liberation from regimes that had overstepped their powers and infringed upon well-established rights would have been enough. And it is true that the revolutions of the 18th century began by claiming those old rights. The complexity comes when revolution is concerned with both liberation and freedom, and, since liberation is indeed a condition of freedom—though freedom is by no means a necessary result of liberation—it is difficult to see and say where the desire for liberation, to be free from oppression, ends, and the desire for freedom, to live a political life, begins. The point of the matter is that liberation from oppression could very well have been fulfilled under monarchical though not tyrannical government, whereas the freedom of a political way of life required a new, or rather rediscovered, form of government. It demanded the constitution of a republic. Nothing, indeed, is more clearly borne out by the facts than Jefferson’s retrospective claim “that the contests of that day were contests of principle between the advocates of republican and those of kingly government.” The equation of a republican government with freedom, and the conviction that monarchy is a criminal government fit for slaves—though it became commonplace almost as soon as the revolutions began—had been quite absent from the minds of the revolutionaries themselves. Still, though this was a new freedom they were aiming at, it would be hard to maintain they had no prior notion of it. On the contrary, it was a passion for this new political freedom, though not yet equated with a republican form of government, which inspired and prepared those to enact a revolution without fully knowing what they were doing.

No revolution, no matter how wide it opened its gates to the masses and the downtrodden— les malheureux , les misérables, les damnés de la terre , as we know them from the grand rhetoric of the French Revolution—was ever started by them. And no revolution was ever the result of conspiracies, secret societies, or openly revolutionary parties. Speaking generally, no revolution is even possible where the authority of the body politic is intact, which, under modern conditions, means where the armed forces can be trusted to obey the civil authorities. Revolutions are not necessary but possible answers to the devolution of a regime, not the cause but the consequence of the downfall of political authority. Wherever these disintegrative processes have been allowed to develop unchecked, usually over a prolonged period, revolutions may occur under the condition that a sufficient number of the populace exists which is prepared for a regime’s collapse and is willing to assume power. Revolutions always appear to succeed with amazing ease in their initial stages, and the reason is that those who supposedly “make” revolutions do not “seize power” but rather pick it up where it lies in the streets.

If the men of the American and French revolutions had anything in common prior to the events which were to determine their lives, shape their convictions, and eventually draw them apart, it was a passionate longing to participate in public affairs, and a no less passionate disgust with the hypocrisy and foolishness of “good society”—to which must be added a restlessness and more or less outspoken contempt for the pettiness of merely private affairs. In the sense of the formation of this very special mentality, John Adams was entirely right when he said that “the revolution was effected before the war commenced,” not because of a specifically revolutionary or rebellious spirit, but because the inhabitants  of the colonies were “formed by law into corporations, or bodies politic” with the “right to assemble . . . in their own town halls, there to deliberate upon public affairs,” for it was indeed “in these assemblies of towns or districts that the sentiments of the people were formed in the first place.”

To be sure, nothing comparable to the political institutions in the colonies existed in France, but    the mentality was still the same; what Tocqueville called a “passion” and “taste” in France was in America an experience manifest from the earliest times of colonization, in fact ever since the Mayflower Compact had been a veritable school of public spirit and public freedom. Prior to the revolutions, these men on both sides of the Atlantic were called hommes de lettres , and it is characteristic of them that they spent their leisure time “ransacking the archives of antiquity,” that is, turning to Roman history, not because they were romantically enamored of the past as such but with the purpose of recovering the spiritual as well as institutional political lessons that had been lost or half-forgotten during the centuries of a strictly Christian tradition. “The world has been empty since the Romans, and is filled only with their memory, which is now our only prophecy of freedom,” exclaimed Saint Just, as before him Thomas Paine had predicted “what Athens was in miniature, America will be in magnitude.”

To understand the role of antiquity in the history of revolutions we would have to recall the enthusiasm for “ancient prudence” with which Harrington and Milton greeted Cromwell’s dictatorship, and how this enthusiasm had been revived in the 18th century by Montesquieu’s Considerations on the Causes of the Grandeur and the Decadence of the Romans . Without the classical example of what politics could be and participation in public affairs could mean for the happiness of man, none of the men of the revolutions would have possessed the courage for what would appear as unprecedented action. Historically speaking, it was as if the Renaissance’s revival of antiquity was suddenly granted a new lease on life, as if the republican fervor of the short-lived Italian city-states, foredoomed by the advent of the nation-state, had only lain dormant, so to speak, to give the nations of Europe the time to grow up under the tutelage of absolute princes and enlightened despots.

The first elements of a political philosophy corresponding to this notion of public freedom are spelled out in John Adams’s writings. His point of departure is the observation that “Wherever men, women, or children are to be found, whether they be old or young, rich or poor, high or low . . . ignorant or learned, every individual is seen to be strongly actuated by a desire to be seen, heard, talked of, approved and respected by the people about him and within his knowledge.” The virtue of this “desire” Adams saw in “the desire to excel another,” and its vice he called “ambition,” which “aims at power as a means of distinction.” And these two indeed are among the chief virtues and vices of political man. For the will to power as such, regardless of any passion for distinction (in which power is not a means but an end), is characteristic of the tyrant and is no longer even a political vice. It is rather the quality that tends to destroy all political life, its vices no less than its virtues. It is precisely because the tyrant has no desire to excel and lacks all passion for distinction that he finds it so pleasant to dominate, thereby excluding himself from the company of others; conversely, it is the desire to excel which makes men love the company of their peers and spurs them on into the public realm. This public freedom is a tangible worldly reality, created by men to enjoy together in public—to be seen, heard, known, and remembered by others. And this kind of freedom demands equality, it is possible only amongst peers. Institutionally speaking, it is possible only in  a republic, which knows no subjects and, strictly speaking, no rulers. This is the reason why discussions of the forms of government, in sharp contrast to later ideologies, played such an enormous role in the thinking and writing of the first revolutionaries.

No doubt, it is obvious and of great consequence that this passion for freedom for its own sake awoke in and was nourished by men of leisure, by the hommes de lettres who had no masters and were not always busy making a living. In other words, they enjoyed the privileges of Athenian and Roman citizens without taking part in those affairs of state that so occupied the freemen of antiquity. Needless to add, where men live in truly miserable conditions this passion for freedom is unknown. And if we need additional proof of the absence of such conditions in the colonies, the “lovely equality” in America where, as Jefferson put it, “the most conspicuously wretched individual” was better off than 19 out of the 20 million inhabitants of France, we need only remember that John Adams ascribed this love of freedom to “poor and rich, high and low, ignorant and learned.” It is the chief, perhaps the only reason, why the principles that inspired the men of the first revolutions were triumphantly victorious in America and failed tragically in France. Seen with American eyes, a republican government in France was “as unnatural, irrational, and impracticable as it would be over elephants, lions, tigers, panthers, wolves, and bears in the royal menagerie at Versailles” (John Adams). The reason why the attempt was made nevertheless is that those who made it, les hommes de lettres , were not much different from their American colleagues; it was only in the course of the French Revolution that they learned they were acting under radically different circumstances.

The circumstances differed in political as well as social respects. Even the rule of King and Parliament in England was “mild government” in comparison with French absolutism. Under its auspices, England developed an intricate and well-functioning regime of self-government, which needed only the explicit foundation of a republic to confirm its existence. Still, these political differences, though important enough, were negligible compared with the formidable obstacle to the constitution of freedom inherent in the social conditions of Europe. The men of the first revolutions, though they knew well enough that liberation had to precede freedom, were still unaware of the fact that such liberation means more than political liberation from absolute and despotic power; that to be free for freedom meant first of all to be free not only from fear but also from want. And the condition of desperate poverty of the masses of the people, those who for the first time burst into the open when they streamed into the streets of Paris, could not be overcome with political means; the mighty power of the constraint under which they labored did not crumble before the onslaught of the revolution as did the royal power of the king.

The American Revolution was fortunate that it did not have to face this obstacle to freedom and, in fact, owed a good measure of its success to the absence of desperate poverty among the freemen, and to the invisibility of slaves, in the colonies of the New World. To be sure, there was poverty and misery in America, which was comparable to the conditions of the European “laboring poor.” If, in William Penn’s words, “America was a good poor Man’s country” and remained the dream of a promised land for Europe’s impoverished up to the beginning of the 20th century, it is no less true    that this goodness depended to a considerable degree on black misery. In the middle of the 18th century, there lived roughly 400,000 blacks along with approximately 1,850,00 whites in America, and, despite the absence of reliable statistical information, it may be doubted that at the time the percentage of complete destitution was higher in the countries of the Old World (though it would become considerably higher during the 19th century). The difference, then, was that the American Revolution—because of the institution of slavery and the belief that slaves belonged to a different “race”—overlooked the existence of the miserable, and with it the formidable task of liberating those who were not so much constrained by political oppression as the sheer necessities of life. Les malheureux , the wretched, who play such a tremendous role in the course of the French Revolution, which identified them with le peuple , either did not exist or remained in complete obscurity in America.

One of the principal consequences of the revolution in France was, for the first time in history, to bring le peuple into the streets and make them visible. When this happened it turned out that not just freedom but the freedom to be free had always been the privilege of the few. By the same token, however, the American Revolution has remained without much consequence for the historical understanding of revolutions, while the French Revolution, which ended in resounding failure, has determined and is still determining what now we call the revolutionary tradition.

What then happened in Paris in 1789? First, freedom from fear is a privilege that even the few have enjoyed in only relatively short periods of history, but freedom from want has been the great privilege that has distinguished a very small percentage of mankind throughout the centuries. What we tend to call the recorded history of mankind is, for the most part, the history of those privileged few. Only those who know freedom from want can appreciate fully the meaning of freedom from fear, and only those who are free from both want and fear are in a position to conceive a passion for public freedom, to develop within themselves that goût or taste for liberté and the peculiar taste for égalité or equality that liberté carries within it.

Speaking schematically, it may be said that each revolution goes first through the stage of liberation before it can attain to freedom, the second and decisive stage of the foundation of a new form of government and a new body politic. In the course of the American Revolution, the stage of liberation meant liberation from political restraint, from tyranny or monarchy or whatever word may have been used. The first stage was characterized by violence, but the second stage was a matter of deliberation, discussion, and persuasion, in short, of applying “political science” as the Founders understood the term.

But in France something altogether different happened. The first stage of the revolution is much better characterized by disintegration rather than by violence, and when the second stage was reached and the National Convention had declared France to be a republic, power already had shifted to the streets. The men who had gathered in Paris to represent la nation rather than le peuple , whose chief concern—whether their name was Mirabeau or Robespierre, Danton or Saint-Just—had been government, the reformation of monarchy and later the foundation of a republic, saw themselves suddenly confronted with yet another task of liberation, that is, liberating the people at large from wretchedness: to free them to be free.

This was not yet what both Marx and Tocqueville would see as the entirely new feature of the revolution of 1848, the switch from changing the form of government to the attempt to alter the order of society by means of class struggle. Only after February 1848, after “the first great battle . . . between the two classes that split society,” Marx noted that revolution now meant “the overthrow of bourgeois society, whereas before it had meant the overthrow of the form of state.” The French Revolution of 1789 was the prelude to this, and though it ended in dismal failure, it remained decisive for all later revolutions. It showed that what the new formula, namely, all men are created equal, meant in practice. And it was this equality that Robespierre had in mind when he said that revolution pits the grandeur of man against the pettiness of the great; and Hamilton as well, when he spoke of the revolution having vindicated the honor of the human race; and also Kant, taught by Rousseau and the French Revolution, when he conceived of a new dignity of man. Whatever the French Revolution did and did not achieve—and it did not achieve human equality—it liberated the poor from obscurity, from non-visibility. What has seemed irrevocable ever since is that those who were devoted to freedom could remain reconciled to a state of affairs in which freedom from want— the freedom to be free —was a privilege of the few.

Apropos of the original constellation of the revolutionaries and the masses of the poor they happened to bring into the open, let me quote Lord Acton’s interpretive description of the women’s march to Versailles, among the most prominent turning points of the French Revolution. The marchers, he said, “played the genuine part of mothers whose children were starving in squalid homes, and they thereby afforded to motives, which they neither shared nor understood [i.e., concern with government] the aid of a diamond point that nothing could withstand.” What le peuple , as the French understood it, brought to the revolution and which was altogether absent from the course of events in America, was the irresistibility of a movement that human power was no longer able to control. This elementary experience of irresistibility—as irresistible as the motions of stars—brought forth an entirely new imagery, which still today we almost automatically associate in our thoughts of revolutionary events.

When Saint-Just exclaimed, under the impact of what he saw before his eyes, “ Les malheurueux sont la puissance de la terre,” he meant the great “revolutionary torrent” (Desmoulins) on whose rushing waves the actors were borne and carried away until its undertow sucked them from the surface and they perished together with their foes, the agents of counter-revolution. Or Robespierre’s tempest and mighty current, which was nourished by the crimes of tyranny on one side and by the progress of liberty on the other, constantly increased in rapidity and violence. Or what the spectators reported—a “majestic lava stream which spares nothing and which nobody can arrest,” a spectacle that had fallen under the sign of Saturn, “the revolution devouring its own children” (Vergniaud). The words I am quoting here were all spoken by men deeply involved in the French revolution and testify to things witnessed by them, that is, not to things they had done or set out to do intentionally. This is what happened, and it taught men a lesson that in neither hope nor fear has ever been forgotten. The lesson, as simple as it was new and unexpected, is, as Saint-Just put it, “If you wish to found a republic, you first must pull the people out of a condition of misery that corrupts them. There are no political virtues without pride, and no one can have pride who is wretched.”

This new notion of freedom, resting upon liberation from poverty, changed both the course and goal of revolution. Liberty now had come to mean first of all “dress and food and the reproduction of the species,” as the sans-culottes consciously distinguished their own rights from the lofty and, to them, meaningless language of the proclamation of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. Compared to the urgency of their demands, all deliberations about the best form of government suddenly appeared irrelevant and futile. “ La République? La Monarchie? Je ne connais que la question sociale ,” said Robespierre. And Saint-Just, who had started out with the greatest possible enthusiasm for “republican institutions,” would add, “The freedom of the people is in its private life. Let government be only the force to protect this state of simplicity against force itself.” He might not have known it, but that was precisely the credo of enlightened despots which held, with Charles I of England in his speech from the scaffold, that the people’s “liberty and freedom consists in having the government of those laws by which their life and their goods may be most their own; ’tis not for having share in Government, that is nothing pertaining to them.” If it were true, as all participants moved by the misery of the people suddenly agreed, that the goal of revolutions was the happiness of the people— le  but de la Révolution est le bonheur du people —then it indeed could be provided by a sufficiently enlightened despotic government rather than a republic.

The French Revolution ended in disaster and became a turning point in world history; the American Revolution was a triumphant success and remained a local affair, partly of course because social conditions in the world at large were far more similar to those in France, and partly because the much praised Anglo-Saxon pragmatic tradition prevented subsequent generations of Americans from thinking about their revolution and adequately conceptualizing its experience. It is therefore not surprising that the despotism, or actually the return to the age of enlightened absolutism, which announced itself clearly in the course of the French Revolution, became the rule for almost all subsequent revolutions, or at least those that did not end in restoration of the status quo ante, and even became dominant in revolutionary theory.

I don’t need to follow this development in detail; it is sufficiently well known, especially from the history of the Bolshevik party and the Russian Revolution. Moreover, it was predictable: in the late summer of 1918—after the promulgation of the Soviet Constitution but prior to the first wave of terror prompted by the attempted assassination of Lenin—Rosa Luxemburg, in a private, later published, and now famous letter, wrote as follows: “With the repression of political life in the land as a whole . . . life dies out in every public institution, becoming a mere semblance of life, in which only the bureaucracy remains as the active element. Public life gradually falls asleep. The few dozen party leaders of inexhaustible energy and boundless experience direct and rule. Among them only a dozen outstanding heads do the ruling, and an elite of the working class is invited from time to time to meetings where its members are to applaud the speeches of the leaders, and to approve proposed resolutions unanimously. . . A dictatorship, to be sure; not the dictatorship of the proletariat, however, but of a handful of politicians. . .” Well, that this is how it turned out—except for Stalin’s  totalitarian rule, for which it would be difficult to hold either Lenin or the revolutionary tradition responsible—no one is likely to deny. But what is perhaps less obvious is that one would have to change only a few words to obtain a perfect description of the ills of absolutism prior to the revolutions.

A comparison of the two first revolutions, whose beginnings were so similar and whose ends so tremendously different, demonstrates clearly, I think, not only that the conquest of poverty is a prerequisite for the foundation of freedom, but also that liberation from poverty cannot be dealt with in the same way as liberation from political oppression. For if violence pitted against violence leads to war, foreign or civil, violence pitted against social conditions has always led to terror. Terror rather than mere violence, terror let loose after the old regime has been dissolved and the new regime installed, is what either sends revolutions to their doom, or deforms them so decisively that they lapse into tyranny and despotism.

I said before that the revolution’s original goal was freedom in the sense of the abolition of personal rule and of the admission of all to the public realm and participation in the administration of affairs common to all. Rulership itself had its most legitimate source not in a drive to power but in the human wish to emancipate mankind from the necessities of life, the achievement of which required violence, the means of forcing the many to bear the burdens of the few so that at least some could be free. This, and not the accumulation of wealth, was the core of slavery, at least in antiquity, and it is due only to the rise of modern technology, rather than the rise of any modern political notions, including revolutionary ideas, which has changed this human condition at least in some parts of the world.

What America achieved by great good luck, today many other states, though probably not all, may acquire by virtue of calculated effort and organized development. This fact is the measure of our hope. It permits us to take the lessons of the deformed revolutions into account and still hold fast not only to their undeniable grandeur but also to their inherent promise.

Let me, by way of concluding, just indicate one more aspect of freedom which came to the fore during the revolutions, and for which the revolutionaries themselves were least prepared. It is that the idea of freedom and the actual experience of making a new beginning in the historical continuum should coincide. Let me remind you once more of the Novus Ordo Saeclorum . The surprising phrase is taken from Virgil who, in his Fourth Eclogue , speaks of “the great cycle of periods [that] is born anew” in the reign of Augustus: Magnus ab integro seclorum nascitur ordo . Virgil speaks here of a great ( magnus ) but not a new ( novus ) order, and it is this change in a line much quoted throughout the centuries that is characteristic of the experiences of the modern age. For Virgil—now in the language of the 17th century—it was a question of founding Rome “anew,” but not of founding a “new Rome.” This way he escaped, in typically Roman fashion, the fearful risks of violence inherent in breaking the tradition of Rome, i.e., the handed down ( traditio ) story of the founding of the eternal city by suggesting a new beginning.

Now, of course we could argue that the new beginning, which the spectators of the first revolutions thought they were watching, was only the rebirth of something quite old: the renascence of a secular political realm finally arising from Christianity, feudalism, and absolutism. But no matter whether it is a question of birth or rebirth, what is decisive in Virgil’s line is that it is taken from a nativity hymn, not prophesying the birth of a divine child, but in praise of birth as such , the arrival of a new generation, the great saving event or “miracle” which will redeem mankind time and again. In other words, it is the affirmation of the divinity of birth, and the belief that the world’s potential salvation lies in the very fact that the human species regenerates itself constantly and forever.

What made the men of the revolution go back to this particular poem of antiquity, quite apart from their erudition, I would suggest, was that not only the pre-revolutionary idea of freedom but also the experience of being free coincided, or rather was intimately interwoven, with beginning something new, with, metaphorically speaking, the birth of a new era. To be free and to start something new were felt to be the same. And obviously, this mysterious human gift, the ability to start something new, has something to do with the fact that every one of us came into the world as a newcomer through birth. In other words, we can begin something because we are beginnings and hence beginners.

Insofar as the capacity for acting and speaking—and speaking is but another mode of acting—makes us political beings, and since acting always has meant to set something in motion that was not there before, birth, human natality, which corresponds to human mortality, is the ontological condition sine qua non of all politics. This was known in both Greek and Roman antiquity, albeit in an inexplicit manner. It came to the fore in the experiences of revolution, and it has influenced, though again rather inexplicitly, what one may call the revolutionary spirit. At any rate, the chain of revolutions, which for better and worse has become the hallmark of the world we live in, time after time discloses to us the eruption of new beginnings within the temporal and historical continuum.

For us, who owe it to a revolution and the resulting foundation of an entirely new body politic that we can walk in dignity and act in freedom, it would be wise to remember what a revolution means in the life of nations. Whether it ends in success, with the constitution of a public space for freedom, or in disaster, for those who have risked it or participated in it against their inclination and expectation, the meaning of revolution is the actualization of one of the greatest and most elementary human potentialities, the unequaled experience of being free to make a new beginning, from which comes the pride of having opened the world to a Novus Ordo Saeclorum .

To sum up: Niccolò Machiavelli, whom one may well call the “father of revolutions,” most passionately desired a new order of things for Italy, yet could hardly yet speak with any great amount of experience of these matters. Thus he still believed that the “innovators,” i.e., the revolutionists, would encounter their greatest difficulty in the beginning when taking power, and find retaining it far easier. We know from practically all revolutions that the opposite is the case—that it is relatively easy to seize power but infinitely more difficult to keep it—as Lenin, no bad witness in such matters, once remarked. Still, Machiavelli knew enough to say the following: “There is nothing more difficult to carry out, nor more doubtful of success, nor more dangerous to handle, than to initiate a new order of things.” With this sentence, I suppose, no one who understands anything at all of the story of the 20th century will quarrel. Moreover, the dangers Machiavelli expected to arise have proved to be quite real up to our own day, despite the fact that he was not yet aware of the greatest danger in modern revolutions—the danger that rises from poverty. He mentions what since the French Revolution has been called counter-revolutionary forces, represented by those “who profit from the old order,” and the “lukewarmness” of those who might profit from the new order because of “the incredulity of mankind, of those who do not truly believe in any new thing until they have experienced it.” However, the point of the matter is that Machiavelli saw the danger only in defeat of the attempt to found a new order of things, that is, in the sheer weakening of the country in which the attempt is made. This too has proved to be the case, for such weakness, i.e., the power vacuum of which I spoke before, may well attract conquerors. Not that this power vacuum did not previously exist, but it can remain hidden for years until some decisive event happens, when the collapse of authority and a revolution make it manifest in dramatic calls into the open where it can be seen and known by all. In addition to all this, we have witnessed the supreme danger that out of the abortive attempt to found the institutions of freedom may grow the most thoroughgoing abolition of freedom and of all liberties.

Precisely because revolutions put the question of political freedom in its truest and most radical form—freedom to participate in public affairs, freedom of action—all other freedoms, political as well as civil liberties, are in jeopardy when revolutions fail. Deformed revolutions, such as the October Revolution in Russia under Lenin, or abortive revolutions, such as the various upheavals among the European central powers after World War I, may have, as we now know, consequences which in sheer horror are well-nigh unprecedented. The point of the matter is that revolutions rarely are reversible, that once they have happened they are not forgettable—as Kant remarked about the French Revolution at a time when terror ruled in France. This cannot possibly mean that therefore the best is to prevent revolutions, for if revolutions are the consequences of regimes in full disintegration, and not the “product” of revolutionaries—be they organized in conspiratorial sects or in parties—then to prevent a revolution means to change the form of government, which itself means to effect a revolution with all the dangers and hazards that entails.

The collapse of authority and power, which as a rule comes with surprising suddenness not only to the readers of newspapers but also to all secret services and their experts who watch such things, becomes a revolution in the full sense of the word only when there are people willing and capable of picking up the power, of moving into and penetrating, so to speak, the power vacuum. What then  happens depends upon many circumstances, not least upon the degree of insight of foreign powers into the irreversibility of revolutionary practices. But it depends most of all upon subjective qualities and the moral-political success or failure of those who are willing to assume responsibility. We have little reason to hope that at some time in the not too distant future such men will match in practical and theoretical wisdom the men of the American Revolution, who became the Founders of this country. But that little hope, I fear, is the only one we have that freedom in a political sense will not vanish again from the earth for God knows how many centuries.

This essay appears in the current print issue of The New England Review . And will be included in Thinking Without a Banister, Essays in Understanding, Vol. 11, by Hannah Arendt, edited by J. Kohn, to be published by Schocken Books in January 2018, under the title: “The Freedom to Be Free”

Hannah Arendt

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How Did The War Between Britain and America Benefit Others

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22 March 1765 – 14 January 1784

Thirteen Colonies (United States)

Dutch Republic, France, Loyalist, Spain, United Kingdom, United States, American colonies

The Boston Tea Party (1773), The Battles of Lexington and Concord (1775), The Declaration of Independence (1776), The Battle of Saratoga (1777), The Siege of Yorktown (1781)

George Washington: As the commander-in-chief of the Continental Army, George Washington emerged as a central figure in the revolution. His strategic brilliance, perseverance, and moral character helped inspire and lead the troops through challenging times, ultimately leading to victory. Thomas Jefferson: Known for his eloquence and intellect, Thomas Jefferson was the principal author of the Declaration of Independence. His ideas and ideals, including the belief in natural rights and self-governance, greatly influenced the revolutionary cause. Benjamin Franklin: A polymath and influential statesman, Benjamin Franklin played a vital role in rallying support for the revolution. He traveled to Europe as a diplomat, securing crucial aid from France and other countries, and his scientific discoveries further enhanced his reputation. John Adams: A passionate advocate for independence, John Adams was instrumental in driving the revolutionary movement forward. He served as a diplomat, including as a representative to France and as the second President of the United States, and his contributions to shaping the nation were significant. Abigail Adams: Abigail Adams, wife of John Adams, was an influential figure in her own right. Her letters to her husband and other prominent figures provided valuable insights and perspectives on the revolution, and she became an early advocate for women's rights and equality.

In the 18th century, the thirteen American colonies were under British rule. Over time, tensions began to rise as the colonists developed a distinct identity and desired greater autonomy. Several key factors contributed to the buildup of resentment and ultimately led to the revolution. One crucial prerequisite was the concept of colonial self-government. The colonists enjoyed a degree of self-rule, which allowed them to develop their own institutions and local governments. However, as British policies, such as the Stamp Act and Townshend Acts, imposed new taxes and regulations on the colonies, the sense of self-government and individual liberties were threatened. Another significant factor was the Enlightenment era, which spread ideas of natural rights, individual freedoms, and representative government. Influential thinkers like John Locke and Thomas Paine advocated for the rights of the people and challenged the legitimacy of monarchy. The causes of the American Revolution were diverse and multifaceted. The colonists' grievances included taxation without representation, restrictions on trade, and the presence of British troops in the colonies. The Boston Massacre in 1770 and the Boston Tea Party in 1773 further heightened tensions and solidified the resolve for independence. Ultimately, the outbreak of armed conflict in 1775 at Lexington and Concord marked the beginning of the Revolutionary War. The Declaration of Independence, adopted on July 4, 1776, served as a powerful statement of the colonists' grievances and their determination to establish a free and sovereign nation. The historical context of the American Revolution reflects the culmination of colonial aspirations for self-government, Enlightenment ideas of individual rights, and a series of grievances against British rule.

Establishment of the United States as a sovereign nation; the creation of a new form of government based on democratic principles; adoption of the United States Constitution; redefinition of citizenship; abolition of feudalism; expansion of territorial boundaries, etc.

One of the major effects of the American Revolution was the establishment of a new form of government based on the principles of democracy and individual rights. The United States Constitution, born out of the revolution, served as a model for constitutional governments around the world. The idea of a government by the people and for the people spread, inspiring future revolutions and movements for independence. The revolution also challenged the existing colonial powers, particularly the British Empire, and set in motion a wave of decolonization throughout the world. The success of the American colonies in breaking free from British rule demonstrated that colonies could successfully achieve independence, fueling nationalist movements in other parts of the world and ultimately leading to the dissolution of empires. The American Revolution also had significant economic effects. It established the United States as a new economic power and opened up opportunities for trade and commerce. The revolution encouraged the development of industry and innovation, setting the stage for the industrial revolution that would follow. Furthermore, the American Revolution had a profound impact on the institution of slavery. While the revolution did not immediately abolish slavery, it planted the seeds of abolitionism and sparked debates on the issue of human rights and equality. Lastly, the American Revolution inspired and influenced subsequent revolutions and movements for independence, such as the French Revolution, which drew inspiration from the ideals of liberty, equality, and popular sovereignty championed by the American colonists.

Public opinion on the American Revolution varied greatly during the time period and continues to be interpreted differently today. In the 18th century, support for the revolution was not unanimous. Some colonists were loyal to the British Crown and opposed the revolutionary movement, while others actively supported the cause of independence. Public opinion shifted over time as events unfolded and more people became aware of the grievances and aspirations of the revolutionaries. Many colonists, especially those who felt oppressed by British policies, embraced the ideals of liberty, self-determination, and representation. They saw the revolution as a necessary step towards achieving these principles and securing their rights as free individuals. Others were motivated by economic factors, such as trade restrictions and taxation without representation, which fueled their support for independence. However, there were also segments of the population that remained loyal to Britain. Some believed in the benefits of British rule, such as protection and stability, while others feared the potential chaos and uncertainty that could result from a revolution. In modern times, public opinion on the American Revolution tends to be positive, with many viewing it as a pivotal moment in history that laid the foundation for democratic governance and individual freedoms. The ideals and principles that emerged from the revolution continue to shape American identity and influence public discourse on issues of liberty, equality, and self-governance.

1. The American Revolution lasted for eight years, from 1775 to 1783, making it one of the longest and most significant conflicts in American history. 2. The American Revolution had a profound impact on the world stage. It inspired other countries and movements seeking independence and democracy, such as the French Revolution that followed in 1789. 3. While often overlooked, women made significant contributions to the American Revolution. They served as spies, messengers, nurses, and even soldiers. Some notable examples include Deborah Sampson, who disguised herself as a man to join the Continental Army, and Abigail Adams, who advocated for women's rights.

The topic of the American Revolution holds immense importance for academic exploration and essay writing due to its profound impact on the world and the enduring legacy it left behind. Firstly, the American Revolution marked a pivotal moment in history where thirteen colonies fought for their independence from British rule, leading to the formation of the United States of America. It represents a significant event in the development of democracy and self-governance, serving as an inspiration for subsequent revolutions worldwide. Studying the American Revolution allows us to understand the principles and ideals that shaped the nation's foundation, such as liberty, equality, and the pursuit of happiness. It sheds light on the struggles and sacrifices made by individuals who fought for their rights and paved the way for the establishment of a democratic government. Furthermore, exploring this topic provides insights into the complexities of colonial society, the causes of the revolution, the role of key figures, and the social, economic, and political consequences of the conflict.

1. Bailyn, B. (1992). The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution. Belknap Press. 2. Ellis, J. J. (2013). American Creation: Triumphs and Tragedies at the Founding of the Republic. Vintage. 3. Ferling, J. E. (2015). Whirlwind: The American Revolution and the War That Won It. Bloomsbury Publishing. 4. Fischer, D. H. (2006). Washington's Crossing. Oxford University Press. 5. Maier, P. (1997). American Scripture: Making the Declaration of Independence. Vintage. 6. Middlekauff, R. (2005). The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789. Oxford University Press. 7. Middlekauff, R. (2007). The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789. Oxford University Press. 8. Nash, G. B. (2006). The Unknown American Revolution: The Unruly Birth of Democracy and the Struggle to Create America. Penguin Books. 9. Tuchman, B. W. (1989). The First Salute: A View of the American Revolution. Random House. 10. Wood, G. S. (1992). The Radicalism of the American Revolution. Vintage.

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Revolutionary War

By: History.com Editors

Updated: August 11, 2023 | Original: October 29, 2009

The Revolutionary War (1775-83), also known as the American Revolution, arose from growing tensions between residents of Great Britain’s 13 North American colonies and the colonial government, which represented the British crown.

Skirmishes between British troops and colonial militiamen in Lexington and Concord in April 1775 kicked off the armed conflict, and by the following summer, the rebels were waging a full-scale war for their independence.

France entered the American Revolution on the side of the colonists in 1778, turning what had essentially been a civil war into an international conflict. After French assistance helped the Continental Army force the British surrender at Yorktown, Virginia, in 1781, the Americans had effectively won their independence, though fighting did not formally end until 1783.

Causes of the Revolutionary War

For more than a decade before the outbreak of the American Revolution in 1775, tensions had been building between colonists and the British authorities.

The French and Indian War , or Seven Years’ War (1756-1763), brought new territories under the power of the crown, but the expensive conflict lead to new and unpopular taxes. Attempts by the British government to raise revenue by taxing the colonies (notably the Stamp Act of 1765, the Townshend Acts of 1767 and the Tea Act of 1773) met with heated protest among many colonists, who resented their lack of representation in Parliament and demanded the same rights as other British subjects. 

Colonial resistance led to violence in 1770, when British soldiers opened fire on a mob of colonists, killing five men in what was known as the Boston Massacre . After December 1773, when a band of Bostonians altered their appearance to hide their identity boarded British ships and dumped 342 chests of tea into Boston Harbor during the Boston Tea Party , an outraged Parliament passed a series of measures (known as the Intolerable, or Coercive Acts ) designed to reassert imperial authority in Massachusetts .

Did you know? Now most famous as a traitor to the American cause, General Benedict Arnold began the Revolutionary War as one of its earliest heroes, helping lead rebel forces in the capture of Fort Ticonderoga in May 1775.

In response, a group of colonial delegates (including George Washington of Virginia , John and Samuel Adams of Massachusetts, Patrick Henry of Virginia and John Jay of New York ) met in Philadelphia in September 1774 to give voice to their grievances against the British crown. This First Continental Congress did not go so far as to demand independence from Britain, but it denounced taxation without representation, as well as the maintenance of the British army in the colonies without their consent. It issued a declaration of the rights due every citizen, including life, liberty, property, assembly and trial by jury. The Continental Congress voted to meet again in May 1775 to consider further action, but by that time violence had already broken out. 

On the night of April 18, 1775, hundreds of British troops marched from Boston to nearby Concord, Massachusetts in order to seize an arms cache. Paul Revere and other riders sounded the alarm, and colonial militiamen began mobilizing to intercept the Redcoats. On April 19, local militiamen clashed with British soldiers in the Battles of Lexington and Concord in Massachusetts, marking the “shot heard round the world” that signified the start of the Revolutionary War. 

HISTORY Vault: The Revolution

From the roots of the rebellion to the adoption of the U.S. Constitution, explore this pivotal era in American history through sweeping cinematic recreations.

Declaring Independence (1775-76)

When the Second Continental Congress convened in Philadelphia, delegates—including new additions Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson —voted to form a Continental Army, with Washington as its commander in chief. On June 17, in the Revolution’s first major battle, colonial forces inflicted heavy casualties on the British regiment of General William Howe at Breed’s Hill in Boston. The engagement, known as the Battle of Bunker Hill , ended in British victory, but lent encouragement to the revolutionary cause. 

Throughout that fall and winter, Washington’s forces struggled to keep the British contained in Boston, but artillery captured at Fort Ticonderoga in New York helped shift the balance of that struggle in late winter. The British evacuated the city in March 1776, with Howe and his men retreating to Canada to prepare a major invasion of New York.

By June 1776, with the Revolutionary War in full swing, a growing majority of the colonists had come to favor independence from Britain. On July 4 , the Continental Congress voted to adopt the Declaration of Independence , drafted by a five-man committee including Franklin and John Adams but written mainly by Jefferson. That same month, determined to crush the rebellion, the British government sent a large fleet, along with more than 34,000 troops to New York. In August, Howe’s Redcoats routed the Continental Army on Long Island; Washington was forced to evacuate his troops from New York City by September. Pushed across the Delaware River , Washington fought back with a surprise attack in Trenton, New Jersey , on Christmas night and won another victory at Princeton to revive the rebels’ flagging hopes before making winter quarters at Morristown.

Saratoga: Revolutionary War Turning Point (1777-78)

British strategy in 1777 involved two main prongs of attack aimed at separating New England (where the rebellion enjoyed the most popular support) from the other colonies. To that end, General John Burgoyne’s army marched south from Canada toward a planned meeting with Howe’s forces on the Hudson River . Burgoyne’s men dealt a devastating loss to the Americans in July by retaking Fort Ticonderoga, while Howe decided to move his troops southward from New York to confront Washington’s army near the Chesapeake Bay. The British defeated the Americans at Brandywine Creek, Pennsylvania , on September 11 and entered Philadelphia on September 25. Washington rebounded to strike Germantown in early October before withdrawing to winter quarters near Valley Forge .

Howe’s move had left Burgoyne’s army exposed near Saratoga, New York, and the British suffered the consequences of this on September 19, when an American force under General Horatio Gates defeated them at Freeman’s Farm in the first Battle of Saratoga . After suffering another defeat on October 7 at Bemis Heights (the Second Battle of Saratoga), Burgoyne surrendered his remaining forces on October 17. The American victory Saratoga would prove to be a turning point of the American Revolution, as it prompted France (which had been secretly aiding the rebels since 1776) to enter the war openly on the American side, though it would not formally declare war on Great Britain until June 1778. The American Revolution, which had begun as a civil conflict between Britain and its colonies, had become a world war.

Stalemate in the North, Battle in the South (1778-81)

During the long, hard winter at Valley Forge, Washington’s troops benefited from the training and discipline of the Prussian military officer Baron Friedrich von Steuben (sent by the French) and the leadership of the French aristocrat Marquis de Lafayette . On June 28, 1778, as British forces under Sir Henry Clinton (who had replaced Howe as supreme commander) attempted to withdraw from Philadelphia to New York, Washington’s army attacked them near Monmouth, New Jersey. The battle effectively ended in a draw, as the Americans held their ground, but Clinton was able to get his army and supplies safely to New York. On July 8, a French fleet commanded by the Comte d’Estaing arrived off the Atlantic coast, ready to do battle with the British. A joint attack on the British at Newport, Rhode Island , in late July failed, and for the most part the war settled into a stalemate phase in the North.

The Americans suffered a number of setbacks from 1779 to 1781, including the defection of General Benedict Arnold to the British and the first serious mutinies within the Continental Army. In the South, the British occupied Georgia by early 1779 and captured Charleston, South Carolina in May 1780. British forces under Lord Charles Cornwallis then began an offensive in the region, crushing Gates’ American troops at Camden in mid-August, though the Americans scored a victory over Loyalist forces at King’s Mountain in early October. Nathanael Green replaced Gates as the American commander in the South that December. Under Green’s command, General Daniel Morgan scored a victory against a British force led by Colonel Banastre Tarleton at Cowpens, South Carolina, on January 17, 1781.

Revolutionary War Draws to a Close (1781-83)

By the fall of 1781, Greene’s American forces had managed to force Cornwallis and his men to withdraw to Virginia’s Yorktown peninsula, near where the York River empties into Chesapeake Bay. Supported by a French army commanded by General Jean Baptiste de Rochambeau, Washington moved against Yorktown with a total of around 14,000 soldiers, while a fleet of 36 French warships offshore prevented British reinforcement or evacuation. Trapped and overpowered, Cornwallis was forced to surrender his entire army on October 19. Claiming illness, the British general sent his deputy, Charles O’Hara, to surrender; after O’Hara approached Rochambeau to surrender his sword (the Frenchman deferred to Washington), Washington gave the nod to his own deputy, Benjamin Lincoln, who accepted it.

Though the movement for American independence effectively triumphed at the Battle of Yorktown , contemporary observers did not see that as the decisive victory yet. British forces remained stationed around Charleston, and the powerful main army still resided in New York. Though neither side would take decisive action over the better part of the next two years, the British removal of their troops from Charleston and Savannah in late 1782 finally pointed to the end of the conflict. British and American negotiators in Paris signed preliminary peace terms in Paris late that November, and on September 3, 1783, Great Britain formally recognized the independence of the United States in the Treaty of Paris . At the same time, Britain signed separate peace treaties with France and Spain (which had entered the conflict in 1779), bringing the American Revolution to a close after eight long years.

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World History Project AP®

Course: world history project ap®   >   unit 5.

• BEFORE YOU WATCH: Unit 5 Overview – Revolutions
• WATCH: Unit 5 Overview – Revolutions

READ: Unit 5 Introduction – Revolutions, 1750-1900

• ACTIVITY: Geography – Unit 5 Mapping Part 1
• ACTIVITY: Vocab Tracking 5.0
• ACTIVITY: Vocab – Word Wall 5.0
• ACTIVITY: Themes Notebook
• READ: Data Exploration – Child Labor

Unit 5 Introduction – Revolution 1750 to 1900

• What evidence does the author provide to support the claim that 1750 to 1900 was an age of revolution?
• What new ideas helped create the political revolutions at the start of this period?
• What innovation started off the Industrial Revolution? Why was this change so revolutionary?
• According to the article, what are the effects of capitalism?
• Which of the revolutions described in this introduction seems the most “revolutionary”? Why?
• In Unit 4 you encountered the Columbian Exchange. Did the Columbian Exchange lead to the Industrial Revolution? Why or why not?

What revolution?

• the use of fossil fuels as energy
• widespread new political systems with democratic features
• the economic systems of capitalism and socialism
• the massive growth of factories and cities and the pollution and consumer culture that accompanied them
• much more rapid communications through steamships, railroads, and the telegraph
• modern imperialism and colonialism (and ideas about race and gender that justified these systems)
• the scientific method and the changing worldviews that it supported

Political revolutions

The industrial revolution, social and economic transformations, whose revolution.

• While women were still largely excluded from political life during this time, these new ideas would eventually motivate social movements to increase women’s rights socially, economically, and politically.
• Side note: Today, every nation on Earth has a child mortality rate lower than 17.6%.

Want to join the conversation?

Writing a history essay

An essay is a piece of sustained writing in response to a question, topic or issue. Essays are commonly used for assessing and evaluating student progress in history. History essays test a range of skills including historical understanding, interpretation and analysis, planning, research and writing.

To write an effective essay, students should examine the question, understand its focus and requirements, acquire information and evidence through research, then construct a clear and well-organised response. Writing a good history essay should be rigorous and challenging, even for stronger students. As with other skills, essay writing develops and improves over time. Each essay you complete helps you become more competent and confident in exercising these skills.

Study the question

This is an obvious tip but one sadly neglected by some students. The first step to writing a good essay, whatever the subject or topic, is to give plenty of thought to the question.

An essay question will set some kind of task or challenge. It might ask you to explain the causes and/or effects of a particular event or situation. It might ask if you agree or disagree with a statement. It might ask you to describe and analyse the causes and/or effects of a particular action or event. Or it might ask you to evaluate the relative significance of a person, group or event.

You should begin by reading the essay question several times. Underline, highlight or annotate keywords or terms in the text of the question. Think about what it requires you to do. Who or what does it want you to concentrate on? Does it state or imply a particular timeframe? What problem or issue does it want you to address?

Begin with a plan

Every essay should begin with a written plan. Start constructing a plan as soon as you have received your essay question and given it some thought.

Prepare for research by brainstorming and jotting down your thoughts and ideas. What are your initial responses or thoughts about the question? What topics, events, people or issues are connected with the question? Do any additional questions or issues flow from the question? What topics or events do you need to learn more about? What historians or sources might be useful?

If you encounter a mental ‘brick wall’ or are uncertain about how to approach the question, don’t hesitate to discuss it with someone else. Consult your teacher, a capable classmate or someone you trust. Bear in mind too that once you start researching, your plan may change as you locate new information.

Start researching

After studying the question and developing an initial plan, start to gather information and evidence.

Most will start by reading an overview of the topic or issue, usually in some reliable secondary sources. This will refresh or build your existing understanding of the topic and provide a basis for further questions or investigation.

Your research should take shape from here, guided by the essay question and your own planning. Identify terms or concepts you do not know and find out what they mean. As you locate information, ask yourself if it is relevant or useful for addressing the question. Be creative with your research, looking in a variety of places.

If you have difficulty locating information, seek advice from your teacher or someone you trust.

Develop a contention

All good history essays have a clear and strong contention. A contention is the main idea or argument of your essay. It serves both as an answer to the question and the focal point of your writing.

Ideally, you should be able to express your contention as a single sentence. For example, the following contention might form the basis of an essay question on the rise of the Nazis:

Q. Why did the Nazi Party win 37 per cent of the vote in July 1932? A. The Nazi Party’s electoral success of 1932 was a result of economic suffering caused by the Great Depression, public dissatisfaction with the Weimar Republic’s democratic political system and mainstream parties, and Nazi propaganda that promised a return to traditional social, political and economic values.

An essay using this contention would then go on to explain and justify these statements in greater detail. It will also support the contention with argument and evidence.

At some point in your research, you should begin thinking about a contention for your essay. Remember, you should be able to express it briefly as if addressing the essay question in a single sentence, or summing up in a debate.

Try to frame your contention so that is strong, authoritative and convincing. It should sound like the voice of someone well informed about the subject and confident about their answer.

Plan an essay structure

Once most of your research is complete and you have a strong contention, start jotting down a possible essay structure. This need not be complicated, a few lines or dot points is ample.

Every essay must have an introduction, a body of several paragraphs and a conclusion. Your paragraphs should be well organised and follow a logical sequence.

You can organise paragraphs in two ways: chronologically (covering events or topics in the order they occurred) or thematically (covering events or topics based on their relevance or significance). Every paragraph should be clearly signposted in the topic sentence.

Once you have finalised a plan for your essay, commence your draft.

Write a compelling introduction

Many consider the introduction to be the most important part of an essay. It is important for several reasons. It is the reader’s first experience of your essay. It is where you first address the question and express your contention. It is also where you lay out or ‘signpost’ the direction your essay will take.

Aim for an introduction that is clear, confident and punchy. Get straight to the point – do not waste time with a rambling or storytelling introduction.

Start by providing a little context, then address the question, articulate your contention and indicate what direction your essay will take.

Write fully formed paragraphs

Many history students fall into the trap of writing short paragraphs, sometimes containing as little as one or two sentences. A good history essay contains paragraphs that are themselves ‘mini-essays’, usually between 100-200 words each.

A paragraph should focus on one topic or issue only – but it should contain a thorough exploration of that topic or issue.

A good paragraph will begin with an effective opening sentence, sometimes called a topic sentence or signposting sentence. This sentence introduces the paragraph topic and briefly explains its significance to the question and your contention. Good paragraphs also contain thorough explanations, some analysis and evidence, and perhaps a quotation or two.

Finish with an effective conclusion

The conclusion is the final paragraph of your essay. A good conclusion should do two things. First, it should reiterate or restate the contention of your essay. Second, it should close off your essay, ideally with a polished ending that is not abrupt or awkward.

One effective way to do this is with a brief summary of ‘what happened next’. For example, an essay discussing Hitler’s rise to power in 1933 might close with a couple of sentences about how he consolidated and strengthened his power in 1934-35.

Your conclusion need not be as long or as developed as your body paragraphs. You should avoid introducing new information or evidence in the conclusion.

Reference and cite your sources

A history essay is only likely to succeed if it is appropriately referenced. Your essay should support its information, ideas and arguments with citations or references to reliable sources.

Referencing not only acknowledges the work of others, but it also gives authority to your writing and provides the teacher or assessor with an insight into your research. More information on referencing a piece of history writing can be found here .

Proofread, edit and seek feedback

Every essay should be proofread, edited and, if necessary, re-drafted before being submitted for assessment. Essays should ideally be completed well before their due date then put aside for a day or two before proofreading.

When proofreading, look first for spelling and grammatical errors, typographical mistakes, incorrect dates or other errors of fact.

Think then about how you can improve the clarity, tone and structure of your essay. Does your essay follow a logical structure or sequence? Is the signposting in your essay clear and effective? Are some sentences too long or ‘rambling’? Do you repeat yourself? Do paragraphs need to be expanded, fine-tuned or strengthened with more evidence?

Read your essay aloud, either to yourself or another person. Seek feedback and advice from a good writer or someone you trust (they need not have expertise in history, only in effective writing).

Some general tips on writing

• Always write in the third person . Never refer to yourself personally, using phrases like “I think…” or “It is my contention…”. Good history essays should adopt the perspective of an informed and objective third party. They should sound rational and factual – not like an individual expressing their opinion.
• Always write in the past tense . An obvious tip for a history essay is to write in the past tense. Always be careful about your use of tense. Watch out for mixed tenses when proofreading your work. One exception to the rule about past tense is when writing about the work of modern historians (for example, “Kershaw writes…” sounds better than “Kershaw wrote…” or “Kershaw has written…”).
• Avoid generalisations . Generalisation is a problem in all essays but it is particularly common in history essays. Generalisation occurs when you form general conclusions from one or more specific examples. In history, this most commonly occurs when students study the experiences of a particular group, then assume their experiences applied to a much larger group – for example, “All the peasants were outraged”, “Women rallied to oppose conscription” or “Germans supported the Nazi Party”. Both history and human society, however, are never this clear cut or simple. Always try to avoid generalisation and be on the lookout for generalised statements when proofreading.
• Write short, sharp and punchy . Good writers vary their sentence length but as a rule of thumb, most of your sentences should be short and punchy. The longer a sentence becomes, the greater the risk of it becoming long-winded or confusing. Long sentences can easily become disjointed, confused or rambling. Try not to overuse long sentences and pay close attention to sentence length when proofreading.
• Write in an active voice . In history writing, the active voice is preferable to the passive voice. In the active voice, the subject completes the action (e.g. “Hitler [the subject] initiated the Beer Hall putsch [the action] to seize control of the Bavarian government”). In the passive voice, the action is completed by the subject (“The Beer Hall putsch [the action] was initiated by Hitler [the subject] to seize control of the Bavarian government”). The active voice also helps prevent sentences from becoming long, wordy and unclear.

You may also find our page on writing for history useful.

Citation information Title : ‘Writing a history essay’ Authors : Jennifer Llewellyn, Steve Thompson Publisher : Alpha History URL : https://alphahistory.com/writing-a-history-essay/ Date published : April 13, 2020 Date updated : December 20, 2022 Date accessed : Today’s date Copyright : The content on this page may not be republished without our express permission. For more information on usage, please refer to our Terms of Use.

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Essay on Revolution: Meaning, Inevitability and Sources

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After reading this article you will learn about Revolution:- 1. Meaning of Revolution 2. Inevitability of Revolution 3. Types 4. Sources.

Meaning of Revolution:

According to COD the term revolution means “complete change, turning upside down, great reversal of conditions, and fundamental reconstruction especially forcible substitution by subjects of new ruler on polity for the old.”

This is not definition of revolution. These are the various meanings of revolution. One meaning is significant. It means fundamental reconstruction that brings about radical changes of the society. Lenin’s remark about revolution is that in political and scientific sense it is the transfer of power from one class to another class.

Even this is not sufficient. Macpherson defines revolution in an elaborate sense. For the purposes of political, social and economic changes the forcible capture of political power is revolution. He defines revolution in the light of Marxian concept of revolution. The objective of revolution is to bring, about radical changes in society.

If it does not take place, it is not revolution. The writer of the article published in the Bottomore edited book defines revolution in this way. In the scheme of history first sketched by Marx and Engels in the German Ideology, the leading idea was that of a succession of eras each based on a mode of production, and revolution in its fullest sense meant a cataclysmic leap from one of these to the next.

Herbert Aptheker, the renowned Marxist thinker, defines revolution in the following way: “I would define revolution as an historical process leading to and culminating in social transformation, wherein one ruling class is displaced by another, with the new class representing, as compared to the old, enhanced productive capacities and socially progressive potentialities” .

We can deduce several features of revolution from Aptheker’s definition.

One is, revolution is an historical process.

Second, it brings about a radical change of society. That is, society is completely transformed.

Third, one ruling class is displace by another ruling class.

Fourth, revolution releases the productive forces from the grip of few persons.

Finally, socially progressive potentialities are utilized for the welfare of the whole society.

Normally non-Marxist thinkers do not make any distinction between revolution and counter-revolution. Aptheker holds a different view. While the objective of revolution is radical change of society the purpose of the latter is to frustrate that attempt.

Aptheker writes “any definition that would call both the victory of George Washington and the victory of Francisco Franco by the same name is bound to confuse more than define.” Marx and his followers view revolution completely from different background.

Revolution does not mean mere change of government. In normal sense, revolution means one class or party comes to power replacing another class or party. The economic foundation or base of the society remains unaffected.

Few changes here and there in the superstructure take place. Marxists do not call it revolution. The chief purpose of revolution in Marxian sense is to attack the economic base of capitalist society. After that it will attack the superstructure. Economic, social and cultural changes occur as a result of revolution.

Inevitability of Revolution:

With the growth of capitalism the power, influence, wealth etc. of the bourgeoisie has increased enormously. On the contrary, the proletarians have sunk into deeper pauperism; their conditions have become more and more miserable.

Marx and Engels say in the Manifesto that the bourgeoisie is unfit to be the ruling class in the society and to impose its conditions of existence upon society as an over­riding law.

It is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state. Society cannot live under this bourgeoisie, in other words, its existence is no longer compatible with society.

The rapid development of modern industry produces wealth on the one hand and on the other innumerable contradictions and crises. Capitalists adopt various curative measures to get rid of the crises, but they do not prove their effectiveness. The crises and contradictions multiply and aggravate day after day and irreconcil­ability also mounts.

They ultimately explode, forcing the proletarians to revolt. Marx and Engels have said in the Manifesto, “Modern Industry cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie produces above all is its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable”.

The authors of the Manifesto have said that the proletarians must utilize the social conflicts so that these lead to an open revolution. The violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie will lay the foundation for the rule of the proletariat. So it is the inherent social conflicts of capitalism which will lead to the revolution. By using the conflicts the proletarians will precipitate the revolutions.

Marx and Engels have emphasized in their various works that the transfer of power from the hands of one group of persons to those of another group in a peaceful way cannot be regarded as revolution because it does not make way for radical changes of society and the emancipation of working class from capitalist exploitation.

They have further said the proletariat cannot raise itself up without the whole super-incumbent structure of official being sprung into air. The parliamen­tary means of solving workers’ problems were despised by Marx.

He called them “parliamentary cretinism”. Moreover, it would not be a weapon for the proletariat, but a trap.

Pointing out the ineffectiveness of parliamentary system and inevitability of revolution Lenin once said this was “historically obsolete”. The parliamentary system simply allows people to decide every few years which member of the ruling class was to repress and crush people through parliament.

Peaceful and reformist transition to socialism is not merely philistine stupidity but also downright deception of the workers. Only the forcible overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the destruction of the entire bourgeois state can ensure emancipation.

So it is not compromise between revolution and reformism, and parliamentary system and proletarians’ class struggle.

In Capital Marx writes that the process of transformation has sufficiently decomposed the old society from top to bottom. New forces are emerging, labourers are turned into proletarians, and the development of the capitalist mode of production has reached a maximum point after which there is no scope of expansion. Under such circumstances the whole society waits for a change.

That is, the revolution is inevitable. In The German Ideology we find Marx and Engels saying both for the production on a mass scale and for the success of the cause itself, the alteration of men in mass scale is necessary, an alternation which can take place in a practical movement, a revolution, this revolution is necessary, not only because the ruling class cannot be overthrown in any other way, but also because the class overthrowing it can only in a revolution succeed in ridding itself of all muck of ages and become fit to found society anew.

Types of Revolution:

From the study of history through the application of dialectic Marx and Engels were convinced that only one revolution was not enough for the formation of a communist society.

A number of revolutions were required. When the relations of production appear to be incompatible with the existing forces of production a change becomes inevitable.

When the change comes in a violent way or form, sometimes it is called revolution. One such revolution is bourgeois revolution. It is a way of transforma­tion from the feudal to the capitalist socio-economic formation.

To put it in other words, in feudal society there arose a bitter class struggle between the feudal lords or aristocrats on the one hand and the bourgeoisie or capitalists on the other hand.

The radical changes that take place within the feudal society are the objective prerequisites of the bourgeois revolution. The bourgeoisie, by increasing produc­tion, harvests larger amount of profit and to ensure the continuous flow of profit the bourgeoisie tends to control the political power.

The power is used by the bourgeoisie as an effective weapon. Talking about bourgeois revolution Marx writes “Bourgeois revolutions storm swiftly from success to success, their dramatic effects outdo each other, men and things seem set in sparkling brilliance.”

The French Revolution of 1789-94 was a classical bourgeois revolution in the forms of struggle, the scope of events and degree of participation by the working class. The French Revolution was the result and expression of the powerful popular anti-exploiter movements. That is why the big bourgeoisie, which came to power, was eager to clamp down on the masses after the first onslaught of the revolution.

The urge was expressed in the declaration of Right of Man and Citizen (1789), which proclaimed equality for all people, but sanctified the right of property. The dictatorship of the Jacobins, the most revolutionary representatives of the bourgeoi­sie, was the pinnacle of revolution.

The French Revolution could not satisfy the demands of the poor people nor was it able to do away with the division of society into rich and poor.

Before the publication of the Manifesto Marx seriously studied the various aspects of the French Revolution and this enabled him to form the following opinion the Revolution was purely a political one because there was a change of hands of political persons. It ended the rule of autocracy, but the bourgeoisie filled up the vacuum.

The French Revolution could not emancipate the workers and peasants, only a socialist revolution can achieve the objective.

In the Eighteenth Brumaire Marx observes that though the French Revolution was a political one subsequent revolution would be socialist. A political or bourgeois revolution ends in transfer of power, but a socialist revolution aims at radical change in the ownership of the forces of production and relations of production.

Sources of Revolution:

We have briefly analysed the types or forms. It is now necessary to throw light on various sources of revolution. According to Marx the conflict or contradiction is the main source of revolution.

We shall here quote a portion of the famous passage in the Preface to the Critique of Political Economy:

“At a certain stage of their develop­ment, the material productive forces of society come in conflict with the existing relations of production with the property relations within which they have been at work hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an epoch of social revolution.”

We, therefore, see that the contradiction between the forces of production and relations of production is the prime factors of revolution. In every capitalist society this contradiction is permanently and spectacularly found. This antagonism is irreconcilable and there a revolution is inevitable.

The contradiction will end in social revolution. That is the prophecy of Marx. In Capital Marx writes, “the historical development of the antagonisms, immanent in a given form of production, is the only way in which that form of production can be dissolved and a new form established.”

The contradiction, according to Marx, has two-fold effects. One limits the efficacy of the ruling class and the other raises the consciousness and organizing capacity of the proletarians. How does the contradiction lead to revolution? In Capital Marx has elaborated the issue.

With the accumulation of capital both the exploitation and misery of the workers grow more and more. Sometimes some of the workers are paid high wages. But that does not help the alleviation of misery.

The workers are also dehumanised, they become part of the machine. But the mere appearance of contradiction cannot create a revolutionary situation. Marx has cautioned us on this point. The antagonisms must reach the stage of maturity and this is possible only in developed capitalism.

In Class Struggle in France and other writings Marx has said that revolution is not a readymade thing which the workers will get on demand. Let us quote him “The working class did not expect miracles from the commune. They have no readymade Utopias to introduce par decret due people. They know that in order to work out their own emancipation, and along with it that higher form to which present society is irresistibly tending by its own economical agencies, they will have to pass through long struggles, through a series of historic processes, transformation circumstances and men”.

MESW, Proper consciousness creates an atmosphere conducive to revolution. Consciousness about what? Consciousness about their position, about the utility of struggle. The Marxists hold that in this arena there is an important role of ideology to play. It makes people conscious to know the nature of antagonism.

In a mature capitalist system there shall exist contradiction and the workers are quite aware of it. But the awareness is not sufficient for revolution. This conscious­ness must inspire them to fight for their emancipation.

However, the existence of contradiction and sufficient consciousness are essential elements of revolution. In the words of Aptheker, “The relationship between the two elements of the contra­diction is dialectical”

Here the two elements of contradiction are it manifests the decay of efficiency of ruling class, and strength of consciousness. The Marxists are of opinion that a revolutionary situation is an objective condition of revolution. It means the material condition of society must be quite ripe for a revolution.

Only a revolutionary situation encourages workers to throw the severest onslaught against the bourgeoisie. Side-by-side a subjective condition also hastens the revolution. A critic observes, “A revolutionary situation merely creates the possibility of a victorious revolution. But to turn this possibility into a reality the subjective “factor too must be ripe.” People must be mentally prepared to make any sacrifice for the success of revolution.”

Related Articles:

• Lenin’s View on Social Revolution
• Essay on Socialist Society: Meaning, Nature and Political Organisation
• Essay on Proletariat: Meaning, Rise and Nature
• Post-Behavioural Revolution and After: Sources and Characteristics

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What was the Glorious Revolution?

When did the glorious revolution occur, what caused the glorious revolution, why is the glorious revolution significant.

Glorious Revolution

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The Glorious Revolution refers to the events of 1688–89 that saw King James II of England deposed and succeeded by one of his daughters and her husband. James’s overt Roman Catholicism , his suspension of the legal rights of Dissenters, and the birth of a Catholic heir to the throne raised discontent among many, particularly non-Catholics. Opposition leaders invited William of Orange , a Protestant who was married to James’s daughter Mary (also Protestant), to, in effect, invade England. James’s support dwindled, and he fled to France. William and Mary were then crowned joint rulers.

The Glorious Revolution took place during 1688–89. In 1688 King James II of England , a Roman Catholic king who was already at odds with non-Catholics in England, took actions that further alienated that group. The birth of his son in June raised the likelihood of a Catholic heir to the throne and helped bring discontent to a head. Several leading Englishmen invited William of Orange , a Protestant who was married to James’s eldest daughter, Mary (also Protestant), to lead an army to England. He arrived in November, and James fled the next month. In April 1689 William and Mary were crowned joint rulers of the kingdom of England.

The Glorious Revolution (1688–89) in England stemmed from religious and political conflicts. King James II was Catholic . His religion, and his actions rooted in it, put him at odds with the non-Catholic population and others. Many tolerated him, thinking that the throne would eventually pass to his eldest child, Mary , who was Protestant. This view changed with the birth of James’s son in June 1688, as the king now had a Catholic heir. Alarmed, several prominent Englishmen invited Mary’s husband, William of Orange , to invade England. He did so in November. James soon fled England, and William and Mary were crowned joint rulers in April 1689.

The Glorious Revolution (1688–89) permanently established Parliament as the ruling power of England —and, later, the United Kingdom —representing a shift from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional monarchy. When William III and Mary II were crowned, they swore to govern according to the laws of Parliament, not the laws of the monarchy. A Bill of Rights promulgated later that year, based on a Declaration of Rights accepted by William and Mary when they were crowned, prohibited Catholics or those married to Catholics from claiming the throne.  

Glorious Revolution , in English history, the events of 1688–89 that resulted in the deposition of James II and the accession of his daughter Mary II and her husband, William III , prince of Orange and stadholder of the United Provinces of the Netherlands .

After the accession of James II in 1685, his overt Roman Catholicism alienated the majority of the population. In 1687 he issued a Declaration of Indulgence , suspending the penal laws against Nonconformists and recusants, and in April 1688 ordered that a second Declaration of Indulgence be read from every pulpit on two successive Sundays. William Sancroft , the archbishop of Canterbury , and six other bishops petitioned him against this and were prosecuted for seditious libel. Their acquittal almost coincided with the birth of a son to James’s Roman Catholic queen, Mary of Modena (June). This event promised an indefinite continuance of his policy and brought discontent to a head. Seven eminent Englishmen, including one bishop and six prominent politicians of both Whig and Tory persuasions, wrote to William of Orange, inviting him to come over with an army to redress the nation’s grievances.

William was both James’s nephew and his son-in-law, and, until the birth of James’s son, William’s wife, Mary, was heir apparent . William’s chief concern was to check the overgrowth of French power in Europe. Between 1679 and 1684, England’s impotence and the emperor Leopold I ’s preoccupation with a Turkish advance to Vienna had allowed Louis XIV to seize Luxembourg , Strasbourg , Casale Monferrato , and other places vital to the defense of the Spanish Netherlands , the German Rhineland , and northern Italy. By 1688, however, a great European coalition had begun to form to call for a halt to aggressions. Its prospects depended partly upon England. Thus, having been in close touch with the leading English malcontents for more than a year, William accepted their invitation. Landing at Brixham on Tor Bay (November 5), he advanced slowly on London as support fell away from James II. James’s daughter Anne and his best general, John Churchill , were among the deserters to William’s camp. Thereupon, James fled to France.

William was now asked to carry on the government and summon a Parliament. When this Convention Parliament met (January 22, 1689), it agreed, after some debate, to treat James’s flight as an abdication and to offer the crown, with an accompanying Declaration of Rights , to William and Mary jointly. Both gift and conditions were accepted. Thereupon, the convention turned itself into a proper Parliament and large parts of the Declaration into a Bill of Rights . This bill gave the succession to Mary’s sister, Anne, in default of issue from Mary, barred Roman Catholics from the throne, abolished the crown’s power to suspend laws, condemned the power of dispensing with laws “as it hath been exercised and used of late,” and declared a standing army illegal in time of peace.

The settlement marked a considerable triumph for Whig views. If no Roman Catholic could be king, then no kingship could be unconditional. The adoption of the exclusionist solution lent support to John Locke ’s contention that government was in the nature of a social contract between the king and his people represented in Parliament. The revolution permanently established Parliament as the ruling power of England.

The French Revolutions: Causes and Impacts Essay

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Introduction

Origin and experience of the 1789 revolution, origin and experience of the 1848 revolution, similarities.

Bibliography

France has had many major revolutions that changed the country’s face, politically, socially and economically. By the 1700s, it had a full strength monarch system of government in which the king held absolute power also known as an absolute monarchy, most typified by Louis XIV. The nobles that were allowed to make legislations were corrupt and often enriched themselves leaving the poor or the so-called third estates to lavish in poverty 1 . This paper will attempt to compare and contrast the two revolutions, which occurred in 1789 and 1848, focusing on their causes as well as the impacts associated with their occurrences.

The 1789 revolution took place at a time when the French monarchy had absolute power, governing the whole country and implementing high tax due to massive debt caused by wars that King Louis XVI had participated in including the American war of independence. Its causes were mainly the hard social, economic and political cataclysm that they had and were worsening each day 2 . The country was heading into bankruptcy, making life much more difficult; people died daily and were buried in pauper graves, privileges were given to the nobles and the church. This led to a surge in protests involving mainly of the public and their sympathizers in various French cities like Paris, Lyon, Marseille, among others. The monarch’s symbol of power was the Bastille jail in Paris that had been in place for the past 400 years and its attack signified the beginning of a republican government. This saw execution of King Louis amid protest from other European countries that supported the rule of monarchy, and duped France into wars with other states like Britain, which had a constitutional monarchy, Spain and the Netherlands as well as Belgium.

The impacts of this ‘terror’ were worsened by the soaring prices with the devaluation of French currency due to unprecedented war that was in existence. This prompted price control in almost all foodstuffs as the Jacobins seized power in a reign of terror. The national assembly that was constituted mainly by the third estate constituted a committee of public safety, whose days were numbered with the escalating famine and shortages that faced the country. Besides, workable laws were still in the process of making as they fought to install a feasible constitution. Tax levied by the Catholic Church, which owned the largest land in the country added more injury to already soaring economic problems. The effects were realized but at a price since even though rights of citizens were instilled, ravaging famine, wars and terror consumed the population 3 . This revolution took new shift as power changed hands from monarchy, through to the Robespierre, Jacobins, in 1794 then to Directory through to 1799 when Napoleon took over under Consulate. Secularism became rampant; innovations, wars, and the restoration of monarchy are some of the results that surfaced 4 . For instance, After the King’s execution, Revolutionary tribunal and public safety committee were instituted; this saw a reign of terror, with ruling faction brutally killing potential enemies irrespective of their age, sex or condition. Paris alone recorded about 1400 deaths in the last six weeks to 27 July 1794, when it was replaced by Directory in 1975. This brought together 500 representatives, in a bicameral legislature consisting of two chambers, which lasted about 4 years to 1799 when it was replaced by Consulate.

This revolution took place in Europe at a time when reforms were the main activity. This ended the reinstated monarchy that had replaced the earlier revolution 5 . A second republic was instituted and later saw the election of Louis Napoleon as its president although he went on to establish an empire that lasted another 23 years. The Orleans monarch had been put in place following a protest that saw the July monarch, Charles abdicate his throne and flee to England in 1830. This new monarch stood among three opposing factions, the socialists, legitimists, and the republicans. With Louis Philippe at the helm of Orleans’s rule, mainly supported by the elites, favors were given to the privileged set; this led to disenfranchisement of the working classes as well as most of the middle class. Another problem that caused this revolution was the fact that only landowners were allowed to vote, separating the poor from the rich. The leader never cared for the needs of his subjects as some people were not permitted in the political arena. He also opposed the formation of a parliamentary system of government. Furthermore, the country was facing another economic crisis, and depression of the economy due to poor harvest 6 Poor transport system affected aid efforts during the depression and the crushing of those who rebelled.

It started with banquets as protests were outlawed, resulting in protests and barricades once Philippe outlawed banquets forcing him to abdicate and flee to England as well. Provisional government was formed, in what was called a second republic. Unemployment relief was incorporated in government policies and universal suffrage enacted, which added 9 million more voters. Workshops were organized which ensured the ‘right to work’ for every French citizen. Other impacts included reduced trading and luxury as the wealthy fled and this meant servicing credits was a problem. Conservatism increased in the new government with struggles emerging between the classes. Eventually, politics tilted to the right and this revolution failed once again, ushering in the second empire.

The two revolutions had very many similarities in their origins; the first was started out of social and political problems like, unemployment, which was widely prevalent. Similarly, the second was also aimed at establishing the right to work. In both cases, forced protests were used to ensure that revolutions took place and they all failed; the first, giving way to emperor Napoleon Bonaparte and the second ushering emperor napoleon III. In both cases, corruption was rampant as could be seen in the nobles of the first monarchy and the elite who were favored in the second monarch. Financial crisis and expected economic depression was significant in causing the two revolutions. The impacts were also similar in some ways as there were no stable governments during the two revolutions.

The first revolution was more radical as it caused terror and war as compared to the second, which was less violent; this is evident in the assault on Bastille. The causes of the first revolution were more founded on the basic rights of the people as compared to the second. The first revolution occurred when there was limited freedom to the public with their rights restricted to one vote by the third estate, while in the second revolution, there were provisional governments that had liberated some of the restrictions like the universal suffrage and characterized by struggles between classes. The first revolution was the initiation of the revolutions that followed and was characterized with heavy loss of lives during the reign of terror, while the second was characterized by more political and social systems that enforced changes.

The two revolutions failed to fulfill all their goals although they made several crucial changes such as universal suffrages, which added 9 million new voters. Many thoughts have considered the revolutions to make a huge impact on British Philosophical, intellectual and political life, having a major impact on the Western history. Some of the sympathizers of the revolution like Thomas Paine among other English radicals shared their sentiment at first, as they believed it was a sign of liberty, fraternity and Equality. However, when it turned into exterminations and terror, it gave second thoughts to the earlier supporters. In the end, after the second revolution’s failure, a second state was put in office, led by Napoleon III; he purged the republicans, thereby dissolving the National Assembly, and then established a second empire, restoring the old order. It is imperative to note that the revolutions made great significance in the developments of Europe as a whole.

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Thesis Statements

What is a thesis statement.

Your thesis statement is one of the most important parts of your paper.  It expresses your main argument succinctly and explains why your argument is historically significant.  Think of your thesis as a promise you make to your reader about what your paper will argue.  Then, spend the rest of your paper–each body paragraph–fulfilling that promise.

Your thesis should be between one and three sentences long and is placed at the end of your introduction.  Just because the thesis comes towards the beginning of your paper does not mean you can write it first and then forget about it.  View your thesis as a work in progress while you write your paper.  Once you are satisfied with the overall argument your paper makes, go back to your thesis and see if it captures what you have argued.  If it does not, then revise it.  Crafting a good thesis is one of the most challenging parts of the writing process, so do not expect to perfect it on the first few tries.  Successful writers revise their thesis statements again and again.

A successful thesis statement:

• makes an historical argument
• takes a position that requires defending
• is historically specific
• is focused and precise
• answers the question, “so what?”

How to write a thesis statement:

Suppose you are taking an early American history class and your professor has distributed the following essay prompt:

“Historians have debated the American Revolution’s effect on women.  Some argue that the Revolution had a positive effect because it increased women’s authority in the family.  Others argue that it had a negative effect because it excluded women from politics.  Still others argue that the Revolution changed very little for women, as they remained ensconced in the home.  Write a paper in which you pose your own answer to the question of whether the American Revolution had a positive, negative, or limited effect on women.”

Using this prompt, we will look at both weak and strong thesis statements to see how successful thesis statements work.

While this thesis does take a position, it is problematic because it simply restates the prompt.  It needs to be more specific about how  the Revolution had a limited effect on women and  why it mattered that women remained in the home.

Revised Thesis:  The Revolution wrought little political change in the lives of women because they did not gain the right to vote or run for office.  Instead, women remained firmly in the home, just as they had before the war, making their day-to-day lives look much the same.

This revision is an improvement over the first attempt because it states what standards the writer is using to measure change (the right to vote and run for office) and it shows why women remaining in the home serves as evidence of limited change (because their day-to-day lives looked the same before and after the war).  However, it still relies too heavily on the information given in the prompt, simply saying that women remained in the home.  It needs to make an argument about some element of the war’s limited effect on women.  This thesis requires further revision.

Strong Thesis: While the Revolution presented women unprecedented opportunities to participate in protest movements and manage their family’s farms and businesses, it ultimately did not offer lasting political change, excluding women from the right to vote and serve in office.

Few would argue with the idea that war brings upheaval.  Your thesis needs to be debatable:  it needs to make a claim against which someone could argue.  Your job throughout the paper is to provide evidence in support of your own case.  Here is a revised version:

Strong Thesis: The Revolution caused particular upheaval in the lives of women.  With men away at war, women took on full responsibility for running households, farms, and businesses.  As a result of their increased involvement during the war, many women were reluctant to give up their new-found responsibilities after the fighting ended.

Sexism is a vague word that can mean different things in different times and places.  In order to answer the question and make a compelling argument, this thesis needs to explain exactly what  attitudes toward women were in early America, and  how those attitudes negatively affected women in the Revolutionary period.

Strong Thesis: The Revolution had a negative impact on women because of the belief that women lacked the rational faculties of men. In a nation that was to be guided by reasonable republican citizens, women were imagined to have no place in politics and were thus firmly relegated to the home.

This thesis addresses too large of a topic for an undergraduate paper.  The terms “social,” “political,” and “economic” are too broad and vague for the writer to analyze them thoroughly in a limited number of pages.  The thesis might focus on one of those concepts, or it might narrow the emphasis to some specific features of social, political, and economic change.

Strong Thesis: The Revolution paved the way for important political changes for women.  As “Republican Mothers,” women contributed to the polity by raising future citizens and nurturing virtuous husbands.  Consequently, women played a far more important role in the new nation’s politics than they had under British rule.

This thesis is off to a strong start, but it needs to go one step further by telling the reader why changes in these three areas mattered.  How did the lives of women improve because of developments in education, law, and economics?  What were women able to do with these advantages?  Obviously the rest of the paper will answer these questions, but the thesis statement needs to give some indication of why these particular changes mattered.

Strong Thesis: The Revolution had a positive impact on women because it ushered in improvements in female education, legal standing, and economic opportunity.  Progress in these three areas gave women the tools they needed to carve out lives beyond the home, laying the foundation for the cohesive feminist movement that would emerge in the mid-nineteenth century.

Thesis Checklist

When revising your thesis, check it against the following guidelines:

• Does my thesis make an historical argument?
• Does my thesis take a position that requires defending?
• Is my thesis historically specific?
• Is my thesis focused and precise?
• Does my thesis answer the question, “so what?”

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American Revolutionary War

The American Revolutionary War (1775-1783), or the American War of Independence, was a conflict between Great Britain and its 13 North American colonies, who declared independence as the United States of America. Initially a rebellion within the British Empire , the war took on a global scope when France and Spain joined against the British, contributing to the eventual American victory.

The war was the central part of a broader political upheaval, the American Revolution (c. 1765-1789), which had taken root over a decade before the first shots were fired. The quarrel between Britain and the Thirteen Colonies, over the issue of parliamentary taxes, steadily escalated, as colonists were divided into factions; the Whigs, or Patriots, opposed the taxes on the basis that they were unconstitutional, while the Tories, or Loyalists, remained in support of Great Britain. Tensions sometimes boiled over into acts of violence, such as the Boston Massacre (1770) and the Boston Tea Party (1773); a group of political agitators known as the Sons of Liberty was also known to assault Loyalists, tarring and feathering them.

In 1774, Parliament responded to the Boston Tea Party by issuing the so-called Intolerable Acts , which aimed to punish Boston by closing its harbor to commerce and suspending representative government in Massachusetts. In September 1774, 12 of the 13 colonies sent delegates to the First Continental Congress , where it was decided that the New England militias should begin preparing for a potential conflict with British soldiers. Amidst these rising tensions, General Thomas Gage, military governor of Massachusetts, knew that he could not crush a rebellion with the meager forces he had on hand and sought to suppress the New England militias before they had a chance to strike. He decided to achieve this by seizing stores of munitions that the militias had kept stockpiled in various towns.

Shortly after midnight on 19 April 1775, 700 elite British soldiers marched toward the town of Concord, where one such stockpile of weapons was stored. Despite Gage's attempts at discretion, the Patriots had discovered his intentions several days in advance; no sooner had the British troops set out than two Patriot riders, Paul Revere and William Dawes, were on their way to alert the militias. When the British soldiers reached the town of Lexington, on the road to Concord, they were confronted by 70 militiamen. After a brief standoff, a shot was fired; although it is unknown who fired it, it became immortalized as 'the shot heard round the world'. The British forces responded by firing two musket volleys, killing eight militiamen and wounding another ten.

After clearing the colonial militia off Lexington Green, the British continued on to Concord, where they encountered more resistance from 400 militiamen. After discovering that most of the munitions had already been removed by the Patriots, the soldiers began their 12-mile (19 km) retreat to Boston. The Patriots harassed them utilizing guerilla warfare , and by the end of the march, they had lost 273 casualties, compared to 95 Patriot losses. By then, the number of Patriots had swollen to 15,000 men. Encouraged by their victory in the Battles of Lexington and Concord , the Patriots laid siege to the 6,000 soldiers trapped inside Boston.

Washington Takes Command

Despite their numerical advantage, the Patriots lacked enough arms and ammunition to win the siege. Hoping to steal the artillery they needed from Fort Ticonderoga on Lake Champlain, the Patriots dispatched an expedition jointly led by Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold to take the fort; on 10 May 1775, Allen and Arnold took the garrison by surprise and secured the capture of Fort Ticonderoga without spilling a drop of blood. Meanwhile, the Patriots outside Boston decided to lure the British army into an engagement by fortifying the provocative position atop Breed's Hill. The British had no choice but to launch a frontal assault; although the ensuing Battle of Bunker Hill (17 June 1775) was a British victory, it came at the horrendous price of 1,054 casualties.

By this point, the Second Continental Congress had taken on the role of wartime government of the rebellious colonies. It had adopted the New England army, which was now referred to as the Continental Army, and appointed George Washington to lead it. Washington arrived outside Boston in July 1775 and immediately set about strengthening discipline and reinforcing the military hierarchy. In autumn, he sent Colonel Henry Knox to retrieve the artillery from Ticonderoga. Arriving in November, Knox loaded the cannons onto 42 sleds and hauled them the hundreds of miles back to Boston. Washington positioned the guns on the heights overlooking the city . Rather than endure such a bombardment, the British forces evacuated Boston on 17 March 1776.

Darkest Hour

Emboldened by the Patriot performance in the Siege of Boston , Congress authorized the American invasion of Quebec , a British colony in Canada, hoping to coerce it into joining the rebellion. The Patriots captured Montreal and laid siege to the city of Quebec but suffered a crushing defeat at the Battle of Quebec (31 December 1775), where their commander, General Richard Montgomery, was killed. Demoralized and riddled with smallpox, the Patriots maintained a half-hearted siege of the city until the arrival of British reinforcements compelled them to withdraw.

In April 1776, Washington moved his army to New York City, predicting that its economic significance and strategic location would make it the next target of a British attack. He was right. In July, just as the United States was declaring its independence, British General William Howe arrived in New York Harbor with an army of 32,000 men, including British regulars as well as German auxiliary troops, commonly known as Hessians. On 22 August, Howe landed on Long Island and assaulted the American defenses atop Brooklyn Heights five days later. The Battle of Long Island resulted in another American defeat and the loss of 2,000 Continental troops.

Washington was forced to evacuate New York City, which came under British occupation on 15 September. Howe pursued Washington, fighting a string of battles at Harlem Heights (16 September), White Plains (28 October), and Fort Washington (16 November). The Continental Army was chased out of Manhattan, through New Jersey, and across the Delaware River; by December, its strength had dwindled to barely 3,000 ragged, disease-ridden men. Washington knew that the success of the revolution depended on the survival of his army, and so he adopted a Fabian strategy; he would avoid pitched battles, striking only when an opportunity presented itself.

Despite being on the cusp of victory, the British soldiers entered winter quarters, believing that the Continental Army were too weak to pose a threat. Washington was quick to act; on Christmas Day 1776, he led his army back across the Delaware River, surprising and defeating a Hessian garrison at the Battle of Trenton the next morning. He followed this up with a victory over the British rearguard at the Battle of Princeton (3 January 1777). These victories galvanized renewed support for the revolution and staved off defeat for at least another campaign season.

Year of the Hangman

Despite the setbacks at Trenton and Princeton, the new year of 1777 found the British confident of victory; indeed, Tories in New York City referred to it as 'the year of the hangman', as the triple sevens seemed to resemble the gallows from which the Patriots would soon swing. The British war minister, Lord Germain, had ordered General John Burgoyne to push south from Canada and advance along the Hudson River to capture Albany, New York, a move that would isolate New England from the other colonies. Germain expected General Howe to push northwards from Manhattan in support. Although he offered vague promises of assistance, Howe had no intention of playing second fiddle to Burgoyne. Instead, he planned his own campaign to capture the US capital of Philadelphia, a move that he believed would win the war.

Burgoyne's offensive, which began on 20 June, recaptured Fort Ticonderoga and defeated a Patriot force at Hubbardton (7 July), but as he penetrated deeper into the wilderness of upstate New York, he found that his supply lines were stretched dangerously thin. He sent a detachment of Germans to forage for supplies, only for the entire force to be wiped out by Patriot militia at Bennington (15 August). Still, Burgoyne's pride prevented him from turning back. He crossed over to the west side of the Hudson, only to come face to face with the Northern Department of the Continental Army near Saratoga, New York. Burgoyne fought the Patriots in two engagements collectively known as the Battles of Saratoga (19 September; 7 October) but was defeated both times. On 17 October, with no sign of help from Manhattan, Burgoyne surrendered his entire army, marking the greatest Patriot victory of the war thus far.

As Burgoyne was struggling in New York, Howe began his Philadelphia Campaign , landing in Maryland in late August. He defeated Washington twice, at the Battle of Brandywine (11 September) and the Battle of Germantown (4 October), but was unable to land a killing blow. He then occupied Philadelphia but failed to capture the Continental Congress, which had prudently evacuated the city. Although Howe had achieved his goal, the capture of Philadelphia did not have the desired effect, as the Patriot movement seemed no closer to collapsing. Frustrated, Howe blamed his lack of success on inadequate support from Parliament and resigned.

Meanwhile, the Continental Army had moved into winter quarters at Valley Forge , where it suffered from a lack of supplies, including food and clothing; around 2,000 soldiers died during the next six months from exposure, malnutrition, and disease. The army was saved when Washington garnered enough congressional support to reorganize the faulty supply department. The Continentals also underwent significant retraining at Valley Forge, under the careful guidance of professional soldiers like Baron Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben.

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Foreign Intervention

Since the outbreak of hostilities, France had been watching the war with interest. Eager to avenge its humiliating defeat in the recent Seven Years' War, France had been supplying the rebellious colonies with weapons and supplies; French officers, too, had been commissioned as major generals in the Continental Army, including the famous Marquis de Lafayette . The Saratoga Campaign convinced the French foreign minister, Comte de Vergennes, that the U.S. stood a chance at victory. In early 1778, Vergennes negotiated an alliance with the United States, and France officially entered the war, dispatching a fleet to North America in April.

In 1779, Spain entered the war as well, but only as a French ally; the Spanish wanted to weaken Britain but did not want to acknowledge the independence of the United States, fearing the effect it would have on their own colonies. The Dutch Republic, too, helped finance the Revolution and went to war with Britain in 1780. The entry of these European powers transformed a small, localized rebellion into a global conflict, stretching Britain's military forces thin; battles took place in the Caribbean, India , and even in Europe , where a Franco-Spanish army conducted the Great Siege of Gibraltar (1779-83).

Stalemate in the North

In May 1778, the British army evacuated Philadelphia. Howe's replacement, Sir Henry Clinton, had been ordered to consolidate his forces in New York City to brace for a possible French attack there. Washington pursued, striking at the Battle of Monmouth (28 June), which greatly raised Patriot morale, as the Continentals held their ground for five hours in the scorching heat. The British army then withdrew to the safety of New York City, with the Continental Army taking up a position just outside the city. The two armies would maintain these approximate positions for the next three years.

In the summer of 1778, the French fleet arrived off the American coastline. The French admiral, Comte d'Estaing, agreed to help the American general John Sullivan assault the British-occupied city of Newport, Rhode Island. However, after the French ships were battered in a storm, d'Estaing opted to sail for Boston for repairs, leaving Sullivan's army on its own at the Battle of Rhode Island (29 August 1778). The next year saw limited action in the North, although the Americans did capture key British positions at Stony Point and Paulus Hook. Washington took advantage of the quiet to send General Sullivan on a punitive expedition against those Iroquois nations that had allied with the British. Sullivan's expedition destroyed over 40 Iroquois villages in upstate New York and burned over 160,000 bushels of corn, greatly reducing the political power of the Iroquois Confederacy.

The Continental Army spent the winter of 1779-80 at Morristown, New Jersey, where it experienced an even harsher winter than at Valley Forge. Rapid depreciation of the Continental currency meant that Congress could not pay the soldiers what they were owed, leading several Continental regiments to mutiny in early 1781. Hoping to capitalize on the tensions in the Continental Army, German General Wilhelm von Knyphausen launched an attack on New Jersey but was repulsed at the battles of Connecticut Farms (7 June 1780) and Springfield (23 June). In September 1780, the capture of British Major John André revealed that Benedict Arnold had become disillusioned with the Patriot cause and had plotted to sell the stronghold of West Point to the British army. Arnold escaped capture and defected to the British side, while his contact, Major André, was hanged as a spy.

Southern Campaigns

As fighting petered out in the North, the British generals shifted their focus to the American South, partially because the South was rumored to be replete with Loyalists, who would welcome the British army with open arms. Another reason was that the South provided the U.S. with much of its cash crops, including rice, indigo, and tobacco, the loss of which would be a major blow to the American war effort. In December 1778, as part of their 'southern strategy', the British army captured the lightly defended Savannah, Georgia. The following year, a Franco-American army failed to retake the city at the Siege of Savannah , making Georgia the first state to fall back under British control.

Emboldened by this success, General Clinton launched a larger expedition against Charleston, South Carolina, the most important city in the South. The Siege of Charleston was arguably the greatest British victory of the war; Clinton not only captured Charleston itself but took prisoner the entire Southern Department of the Continental Army. Satisfied with his victory, Clinton returned to Manhattan, leaving his second-in-command, Lord Charles Cornwallis, behind to pacify the rest of South Carolina.

This proved easier said than done. Although Cornwallis won a major victory over a hastily assembled American army at the Battle of Camden (16 August 1780), the residents of South Carolina proved much less Loyalist than he would have liked. Several Patriot militias began springing up in the Carolinian backcountry, led by cunning men like Thomas Sumter, Francis Marion, and Andrew Pickens; utilizing their knowledge of the land, these militias would strike at parties of British soldiers before melting back into the woodlands and swamps. Cornwallis attempted to beat the Patriots at their own game by raising Tory militias, sparking a bloody South Carolinian civil war. But the strength of these Tory militias was broken at the Battle of Kings Mountain (7 October 1780).

After the British suffered another defeat at the Battle of Cowpens (17 January 1781), a frustrated Cornwallis decided to march into North Carolina to deal with a Continental Army under General Nathanael Greene, which was providing aid to the South Carolina militias. Cornwallis caught up with Greene at the Battle of Guilford Court House (17 March 1781), winning a pyrrhic victory; Greene, following Washington's example, managed to slip away with his army intact, depriving Cornwallis of a decisive victory. Rather than chase Greene across the Carolinas, Cornwallis decided to press on into Virginia, hoping that his suppression of that state would end Patriot resistance throughout the South. Greene, meanwhile, confronted the forces Cornwallis had left behind in the Carolinas, fighting battles at Hobkirk's Hill (25 April) and Eutaw Springs (8 September).

Yorktown & Paris

As soon as Cornwallis invaded Virginia, he was reprimanded by General Clinton; under the false impression that Washington was preparing to attack New York City, Clinton ordered Cornwallis to return to Manhattan. The exasperated Cornwallis marched his army to the port town of Yorktown, fortifying it as he awaited the Royal Navy to pick him up. The Patriots sensed a perfect opportunity; a small force under Marquis de Lafayette was sent to keep Cornwallis trapped in Yorktown, while Washington led a combined Franco-American force south. Meanwhile, a French fleet under Comte de Grasse defeated a British fleet at the Battle of the Chesapeake (5 September), cutting off Cornwallis' escape by sea. Washington's allied army commenced the Siege of Yorktown, which ended with Cornwallis' surrender on 19 October 1781.

With the American victory at Yorktown, the active phase of the war came to an end. Parliament had, by now, grown war-weary; the ministry of Lord North, which had conducted the war, was ousted, and the new ministry offered to negotiate peace. The resultant Treaty of Paris of 1783 brought an end to the war; Great Britain recognized the independence of the United States, whose borders were fixed at the Mississippi River. Washington and the new British commander-in-chief, Sir Guy Carleton, negotiated a ceasefire as the peace negotiations were underway, and the last British troops evacuated New York City in November 1783. The war was finally over, leaving the infant United States to figure out what kind of nation it was going to become.

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Bibliography

• Boatner, Mark M. Cassell's Biographical Dictionary of the American War of Independence. London: Cassell, 1973., 1973.
• Chernow, Ron. Alexander Hamilton. Penguin Books, 2005.
• Daughan, George C. Revolution on the Hudson. W. W. Norton & Company, 2017.
• Fleming, Thomas. The Strategy of Victory. Da Capo Press, 2017.
• Freeman, Douglas Southall. George Washington. Charles Scribner's Sons, 2024.
• McCullough, David. 1776. Simon & Schuster, 2006.
• Middlekauff, Robert. The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789. Oxford University Press, 2007.
• Oller, John. The Swamp Fox: How Francis Marion Saved the American Revolution. Da Capo Press, 2018.
• Philbrick, Nathaniel. Bunker Hill: A City, A Siege, A Revolution. Penguin Books, 2014.
• Unger, Harlow Giles. Lafayette. Trade Paper Press, 2003.

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Mark, H. W. (2024, June 10). American Revolutionary War . World History Encyclopedia . Retrieved from https://www.worldhistory.org/American_Revolutionary_War/

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Mark, Harrison W.. " American Revolutionary War ." World History Encyclopedia . Last modified June 10, 2024. https://www.worldhistory.org/American_Revolutionary_War/.

Mark, Harrison W.. " American Revolutionary War ." World History Encyclopedia . World History Encyclopedia, 10 Jun 2024. Web. 19 Jun 2024.

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Submitted by Harrison W. Mark , published on 10 June 2024. The copyright holder has published this content under the following license: Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike . This license lets others remix, tweak, and build upon this content non-commercially, as long as they credit the author and license their new creations under the identical terms. When republishing on the web a hyperlink back to the original content source URL must be included. Please note that content linked from this page may have different licensing terms.

The Civic Promise of Juneteenth

W hile Martin Luther King, Jr.’s January birthday has been a national holiday for nearly four decades, the four-year-old Juneteenth federal holiday already holds greater promise for civic education.

Precisely because a more racially contentious dynamic has unfolded around Juneteenth, this relatively recent celebration has opened the door to a focused telling of Black history. By contrast the relatively lukewarm reception to Martin Luther King Jr. Day has made education about difficult stories from our nation’s past less likely.  Juneteenth, on the other hand, holds more promise for honest encounters with a past often obscured by the politics of the present.

Unlike the  2021 unanimous Senate vote and 415-14 House tally  in favor of the Juneteenth holiday, the 1983 voting process for the King holiday was lengthy and conflictual. Having failed passage in both 1968 and 1979,  the bill finally became law in 1983  but only after a Senate filibuster had been defeated and the House two-thirds majority mustered. At the state level, New Hampshire, the last state to establish a holiday to honor King by name, did not do so  until 2000 . 

Pundits at the time conjectured that such a contentious legislative process would foster ongoing dissension. Contrary to this prediction, however, the celebration of the King holiday soon lost its political edge. Only a year after the first celebration of the holiday, noted civil rights historian and author  Vincent Harding  observed in the September 1987 edition of the Journal of American History that the country had developed “a massive case of national amnesia” by stripping King of his prophetic and revolutionary messages. As a result, the holiday rarely stirred new controversies.

By contrast, the establishment of Juneteenth as a federal holiday in 2021 offered a rare moment of bi-partisan support for racially conscious legislation. But the subsequent record of Juneteenth celebrations has been far more mixed. To be certain, this new holiday has popularized the Juneteenth history. The delay in announcing an end to slavery to the quarter million enslaved people in Texas is now much more widely known. Where once the account of the army’s arrival in Galveston, Texas, on June 19, 1865, rarely circulated outside African-American circles, the narrative is now told  on an annual basis in thousands of celebrations across the country . 

At the same time, tensions around Juneteenth celebrations have increased in the wake of the initial bi-partisan consensus. Since January 2021,  44 states  have introduced bills placing limits on the teaching of Critical Race Theory (CRT), often with chilling effect on all public discussions of race-specific history. As of 2023,  28 states  have enacted restrictions and bans on CRT and related topics through legislative mandate, executive order, or other means. These legislative developments have, in turn, politicized Juneteenth as public celebrations of the day become a rare occasion for instruction in Black history.

Amid these racial tensions, the historically specific nature of the holiday made a softening of the story less likely. The life of an individual—even one tragically cut short like MLK Jr.’s—offers many angles for re-interpretation. The story of the failure to inform an enslaved people of their freedom has proven far more difficult to recast.

Read More: The Origins of Juneteenth and Why ‘Black Independence Day’ Falls on June 19th

Historians have long argued that the practice of democracy requires not only a civically educated populace but a body politic knowledgeable about its successes and failures. If the way forward for U.S. democracy involves such literacy, Juneteenth celebrations—more so than the now blunted King holiday—appear to be an incubator for what that racially conscious literacy might entail. 

In the small Mountain West city of Missoula, Montana where I live, for instance, the Montana Black Collective Missoula organizes an annual Juneteenth celebration at which leaders from the city and county join community residents to learn not only about the events of Juneteenth in Texas but the history of African Americans in their city and state. Past celebrations have included talks about the famed sojourns of the 25 th -infantry bicycle corps , the history of Ku Klux Klan’s visit to a local African Methodist Episcopal Church in Missoula , and the legacies of notable Black Montanans —women, men, and children. The platform for educating the public about Montana’s Black History has broadened significantly due to the educational and celebratory activities provided by the Juneteenth holiday.

Whenever such local celebrations take place, they model the possibilities that emerge from robust telling of our nation’s often fraught, frequently horrific, and yet hope-filled history. That story offers an invitation to strengthen the body politic and to honor the forebears who, like those who marched into the full awareness of their freedom in Galveston, Texas, on June 19, 1865, took risks and helped bring about a fuller realization of what democracy could mean and might one day become. The King holiday can and should continue to be celebrated as a point of national unity around a fallen hero, of course. But the ongoing celebration of Juneteenth holds even greater promise for robust civic education precisely because it acknowledges a point of such historic tension.

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The Musical Revolution: America’s Independence and the Symphony of Freedom

This essay is about the American Declaration of Independence viewed through the lens of a musical revolution. It explores how the events leading up to July 4, 1776, can be likened to a symphony, with the oppressive British measures creating tension and the Enlightenment ideas providing a harmonious counterpoint. The Boston Tea Party is described as a dramatic overture, setting the stage for the revolutionary “performance.” The Continental Congress is portrayed as a grand orchestra, with leaders harmonizing their strategies for independence. Thomas Paine’s “Common Sense” is compared to a sweeping sonata, while Jefferson’s draft of the Declaration is seen as a magnum opus blending philosophical ideals and colonial grievances. The essay concludes by imagining the Declaration’s principles as a melody inspiring movements for self-determination across the galaxy, highlighting the enduring power of a shared dream of liberty and justice.

How it works

In the heat of summer on July 4, 1776, the American colonies declared their independence from Great Britain, an act that would not only forge a new nation but also resonate through history like a powerful symphony. Imagine this historic event as more than a political milestone; envision it as a musical revolution, a composition that orchestrated the values of liberty and justice, echoing across time and space.

The years leading up to 1776 were filled with discordant notes, a cacophony of oppressive British measures that clashed with the colonies’ growing desire for autonomy.

The Stamp Act of 1765 and the Townshend Acts of 1767 were like dissonant chords, creating tension and unrest. These acts imposed taxes without representation, striking a sour note with the colonists who felt their rights were being trampled.

Amidst this tension, the Enlightenment’s ideals provided a harmonious counterpoint. Thinkers like John Locke and Montesquieu offered philosophical frameworks that inspired colonial leaders, much like a composer drawing on classical themes to create a new masterpiece. Figures such as Samuel Adams and Patrick Henry became the virtuosos of this movement, transforming Enlightenment ideas into a revolutionary symphony that resonated with the colonists.

The Boston Tea Party of 1773 was a dramatic overture, an explosive protest against the Tea Act that set the stage for the revolution. Colonists, disguised as Mohawk Indians, boarded British ships and dumped tea into Boston Harbor. This bold act was a clarion call, announcing their readiness to challenge British authority and setting a powerful rhythm for the revolution to follow.

In 1774, the First Continental Congress convened, bringing together delegates from twelve of the thirteen colonies. This assembly was like a grand orchestra, where representatives harmonized their ideas and strategies to resist British rule. Despite hopes for reconciliation, the outbreak of armed conflict in April 1775 at Lexington and Concord marked the beginning of the Revolutionary War, a battle symphony that would define the colonies’ fight for independence.

As the Continental Congress reconvened in May 1775, the tempo for independence quickened. Thomas Paine’s pamphlet “Common Sense,” published in January 1776, was a musical masterpiece in its own right. Paine’s compelling arguments for independence were like a sweeping sonata, capturing the hearts and minds of the colonists and transforming public sentiment.

By June 1776, the crescendo for independence reached its peak. Richard Henry Lee of Virginia introduced a resolution declaring that the colonies were “free and independent States.” A committee, including Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, and Benjamin Franklin, was tasked with drafting a formal declaration. Jefferson, with his lyrical prose and philosophical depth, composed the initial draft.

Jefferson’s draft of the Declaration of Independence was a magnum opus, blending Enlightenment ideals with the colonies’ grievances against King George III. The preamble, asserting the natural rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, was a revolutionary aria, challenging the established order and proclaiming the colonies’ vision for a new nation.

After intense debate and revision, the Continental Congress adopted the Declaration of Independence on July 4, 1776. This momentous act was celebrated with fanfare throughout the colonies, even as the reality of the long and difficult war ahead began to settle in.

Imagine the Declaration’s principles as a melody that transcended Earth, inspiring not only the colonists but also distant civilizations across the galaxy. The assertion that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed could resonate with beings from other worlds, sparking their own movements for self-determination.

The Revolutionary War that followed was a complex and arduous symphony, with movements of triumph and tragedy. The colonists’ resilience and determination were key to their eventual victory. Their struggle was not just a fight for political independence but also a testament to the power of a shared vision of liberty and justice.

The impact of the Declaration of Independence was profound and far-reaching. It inspired subsequent movements for freedom and self-determination around the globe, much like a timeless piece of music that influences generations of composers. The principles enshrined in the Declaration—liberty, equality, and the pursuit of happiness—became foundational to the American identity and continued to resonate in the country’s political and cultural life.

Reflecting on the Declaration from a musical perspective, we see it as both a historical milestone and a universal symphony of human aspiration. Its significance extends beyond the immediate political context, touching upon the timeless quest for liberty that resonates across cultures and epochs. The courage and vision of the American revolutionaries serve as a reminder that the pursuit of freedom is a fundamental part of the human spirit, a quest that transcends boundaries and eras.

Thus, the Declaration of Independence stands not only as a document of its time but as a symphony in the grand concert of human history. Its legacy is a brilliant composition, capturing the essence of liberty and justice. This masterpiece continues to inspire and guide us, reminding us of the enduring power of a shared dream—a dream that, like the best music, speaks to the soul and invites us to imagine a better world.

Cite this page

The Musical Revolution: America's Independence and the Symphony of Freedom. (2024, Jun 17). Retrieved from https://papersowl.com/examples/the-musical-revolution-americas-independence-and-the-symphony-of-freedom/

"The Musical Revolution: America's Independence and the Symphony of Freedom." PapersOwl.com , 17 Jun 2024, https://papersowl.com/examples/the-musical-revolution-americas-independence-and-the-symphony-of-freedom/

PapersOwl.com. (2024). The Musical Revolution: America's Independence and the Symphony of Freedom . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/the-musical-revolution-americas-independence-and-the-symphony-of-freedom/ [Accessed: 20 Jun. 2024]

"The Musical Revolution: America's Independence and the Symphony of Freedom." PapersOwl.com, Jun 17, 2024. Accessed June 20, 2024. https://papersowl.com/examples/the-musical-revolution-americas-independence-and-the-symphony-of-freedom/

"The Musical Revolution: America's Independence and the Symphony of Freedom," PapersOwl.com , 17-Jun-2024. [Online]. Available: https://papersowl.com/examples/the-musical-revolution-americas-independence-and-the-symphony-of-freedom/. [Accessed: 20-Jun-2024]

PapersOwl.com. (2024). The Musical Revolution: America's Independence and the Symphony of Freedom . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/the-musical-revolution-americas-independence-and-the-symphony-of-freedom/ [Accessed: 20-Jun-2024]

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1 (page 1) p. 1 What is a revolution?

• Published: December 2013
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‘What is a revolution?’ illustrates how revolutions differ from other kinds of disorders and social change. Peasant revolts, grain riots, strikes, social movements, coups, and civil wars can all arise in the course of revolutions and are important constituent elements of revolutionary struggles. Revolutions are distinct from these because they combine all the elements of forcible overthrow of the government, mass mobilization, the pursuit of a vision of social justice, and the creation of new political institutions. It is this combination that leads us to conceive of revolutions as the process by which visionary leaders draw on the power of the masses to forcibly bring into existence a new political order.

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Something to Stand for with Mike Rowe

Join America's favorite storyteller on an epic journey to the heart of Washington DC. This cinematic tour de force will take viewers to the frontlines of the American Revolution, World War I... Read all Join America's favorite storyteller on an epic journey to the heart of Washington DC. This cinematic tour de force will take viewers to the frontlines of the American Revolution, World War II, the Civil Rights movement, and more. Join America's favorite storyteller on an epic journey to the heart of Washington DC. This cinematic tour de force will take viewers to the frontlines of the American Revolution, World War II, the Civil Rights movement, and more.

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What to know about the Oneida Nation's 50th pow wow

This year’s 50th Oneida Pow Wow will feature hundreds of Indigenous dancers from tribal nations around the continent — Turtle Island — competing for prize money in front of thousands of spectators.

The three-day event starting June 28 on the Oneida Reservation, just west of Green Bay, is expected to draw about 10,000 visitors.

“It’s more or less a gathering for all nations to come together,” said Tonya Webster, chairwoman of the Oneida Nation Pow Wow Advisory Council.

The Oneida Pow Wow is not only meant as a celebration of Indigenous culture, but as a sharing of that culture with the surrounding non-Indigenous population to promote understanding.

Here's what to know about this year's event.

Pow wow will include food, vendors, dance and other events

Various Indigenous vendors will selling crafts, such as jewelry and dreamcatchers, and food, such as Indian tacos made with frybread and Oneida white corn soup.

More than $108,000 in prize money will be awarded to dancers and drummers at this year’s pow wow.

A lacrosse tournament also will be held. There will not be a fireworks display this year because organizers said there is not enough clearance in the wooded area.

The history of the Oneida Pow Wow

That sharing of culture was the tribe’s intent during its first iteration of the pow wow in Wisconsin in the 1840s — about 21 years before Congress declared Independence Day an official holiday in 1870.

The Oneidas established in Wisconsin in the early 1800s after being forced by the New York state government to leave their homelands in upstate New York, despite having fought to create the U.S. and a federal law stating their lands in New York state were guaranteed to them.

Also, the Oneida Constitution, as part of the Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) Confederacy, served as the basis for the U.S. Constitution, according to historians.

As more European immigrants were arriving in Wisconsin, Oneida leaders were fighting pressure from state and federal officials for further removal westward to Oklahoma.

The first Oneida Pow Wow in Wisconsin was started by Chief Daniel Bread in 1849 to commemorate the July 4th Independence Day. His strategy was to not only celebrate Oneida’s involvement in the Revolution, but also to remind the growing nearby non-Indigenous population of their contributions and to help come to an understanding of each other, according to tribal historians Laurence Hauptman and the late L. Gordon McLester III. The two published an article on the topic in the Oneida newsletter Kalihwisaks, and the Wisconsin Historical Society Magazine last year.

Oneida warriors had fought in George Washington’s Continental Army against the British during the Revolutionary War in the battles of Barren Hill, Monmouth Courthouse, Oriskany and Saratoga.

In fact, Oneidas have fought for America in every armed conflict since then and the names of the warriors who made the ultimate sacrifice are carved into a memorial wall on the reservation.

“They (Oneidas) have consciously used the day as part of their survival strategy, namely to unify their community, fight off local, state and federal policies that they deem harmful; educate and win support from their Wisconsin neighbors by displaying with pride their rich culture,” wrote Hauptman and McLester.

The celebration included fireworks, a lacrosse match, a feast and a speech by Bread.

“To Bread, what better way was there to win over non-Indian neighbors than having a festival on the reservation on July 4th, one that would educate outsider about the greatness of his people’s history, especially their past heroic service in the Continental Army,” Hauptman and McLester wrote.

The modern iteration of the Oneida Pow Wow began in the early 1970s at the height of the American Indian Movement, when tribes across the country were reigniting their cultural practices after years of assimilation.

Oneida Pow Wow 2024 tickets, location and other information

The 2024 pow wow occurs June 28-30.

It will be held at the Norbert Hill Center, N7210 Seminary Road, in Oneida.

Admission is $8 per day or $15 for a weekend pass. Anyone 62 years or older get in free. Advance tickets are available at the five Oneida One Stop convenience store/gas stations on the reservation.

Grand entry times, a performance of all dancers, are 7 p.m., Friday, June 28, 1 and 7 p.m., June 29 and noon, June 30, followed by group and individual performances for competition.

Frank Vaisvilas is a former Report for America corps member who covers Native American issues in Wisconsin based at the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel. Contact him at  [email protected]  or 815-260-2262. Follow him on Twitter at  @vaisvilas_frank .

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Who’s laughing now a new doc delves into the history of queer comedians.

A chorus of LGBTQ talent — Margaret Cho, Wanda Sykes, Rosie O'Donnell, Joel Kim Booster, Bob the Drag Queen, Guy Branum, Roz Hernandez and more — helps director Page Hurwitz unpack a colorful and triumphant history in 'Outstanding: A Comedy Revolution.'

By Abbey White

Abbey White

Associate Editor & News Writer

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In the making since 2019, Page Hurwitz’s new Netflix documentary, Outstanding: A Comedy Revolution , taps a throng of queer notables — from Wanda Sykes, Rosie O’Donnell and Lily Tomlin to Joel Kim Booster, Fortune Feimster and Bob the Drag Queen — to show how LGBTQ funny people have left their mark and challenged others’ perceptions for more than a century.

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Netflix showcases south east asian slate of films and series including new titles from joko anwar, kimo stamboel and carlo ledesma, netflix taps hannah minghella to head feature animation and live-action family film.

Featuring an intergenerational and diverse cast, the documentary — set against the backdrop of the Netflix Is a Joke Fest’s Stand Out: An LGBTQ+ Celebration show in 2022 — unpacks what has fueled the cycle of progress and regression that has surrounded the queer comedy community for decades.

The doc ranges far and wide, from entertainers on the vaudeville circuit and early pioneers such as comedian and actress Moms Mabley and female impersonator Rae Bourbon to the role of variety shows and LGBTQ cruises; from the Stonewall Riots and HIV and AIDS to the feminist movement and politics of the Reagan and Clinton administrations.

Throughout, Hurwitz underscores the impact key moments and movements had on how the queer comedy community developed.

“When you explore the history of queer stand-up, especially in the modern era, it’s very much a female driven story and there are a couple reasons for that. Our history is this intergenerational torch pass and we all influence each other, but comedian after comedian I interviewed said women really led the way,” the director explains. “AIDS was also devastating.[ The Kids in the Hall ‘s] Scott Thompson talks about it in the film, but it wasn’t even possible to start because there was so much homophobia. Then we lost a generation of men who could have been terrific comedians, and in some cases were, but we didn’t get to see their entire careers.”

Yet Tyler, like many of her fellow comedians, found joy in liberation even then, offering a blueprint for everyone who followed. “I don’t care about [having lost] two years on television, pretending you’re straight,” she tells THR on the red carpet of the doc’s world premiere. “We gained everything. If you gain your freedom — if you’re free — nothing’s more important.”

While the film also calls out a deluge of anti-gay material spouted over the years by the likes of Sam Kinison, Eddie Murphy, Mel Brooks, and Andrew Dice Clay, the focus stays mostly on themes of perseverance and celebration, especially as seen at the triumphant Netflix Is a Joke group show. It’s a gathering comedian Todd Glass tells THR he would have turned down only a decade ago. “I wouldn’t [have] even wanted to have been associated with a gay-related show. I would have said, ‘No, I don’t want to brand myself. I do stand-up. I happen to be gay,’ ” Glass says at Jungle Bird’s, where the doc’s stars gathered following the premiere to celebrate Hurwitz’s historic endeavor. “But 10 years later, obviously, I feel completely different — and I’m glad that I do.”

Yet a fear of association — and the very real threats that sexuality or nonconforming gender expression can present to personal and professional life — remains a palpable theme. “There’s the fear that an adjective will eclipse your identity,” says Guy Branum at the doc’s after party.

As the doc notably highlights, threats to LGBTQ comedians have not subsided, with trans performers facing vitriolic attacks similar to those experienced by gay acts in the ’80s. “I’ve had a lot of moments where I’m scared to go out there. I’ve had a lot of moments where I’m on a lineup and I see so many people making fun of trans women in their act, and I see an audience of people laughing at it,” says comedian Roz Hernandez. “I don’t want to entertain this audience, but I go out there anyway because I’m not going anywhere.”

Even in the face of the latest round of cultural and industry backlash, Hernandez and her counterparts like Patti Harrison, River Butcher, Georgio and Booster are rejecting fear and coming as their full selves — onstage and off. “I’m really not concerned with getting labeled as an XYZ comedian,” Booster says. “Stand-up is a great meritocracy. People aren’t laughing at me because of labels. They’re just not.”

It’s an era that has opened the door to specials like Hannah Gadsby’s Gender Agenda and director Quentin Lee’s Laugh Proud — all evidence of the inevitability of out LGBTQ stand-ups and queer comedy. “We will keep going,” Hurwitz tells THR . “It hasn’t been easy. These comedians lost a lot. Still, here we are, and we’re not going anywhere.”

A version of this story first appeared in the June 19 issue of The Hollywood Reporter magazine. Click here to subscribe .

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