Variables | Items | Mean | SD | CA | DG | CR | AVE | VIF |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Entrepreneurial skills | 4 | 4.124 | 0.4926 | 0.722 | 0.725 | 0.828 | 0.546 | 1.476 |
Market orientations | 4 | 4.178 | 0.4784 | 0.749 | 0.750 | 0.841 | 0.570 | 1.463 |
Sales orientations | 4 | 3.202 | 0.9928 | 0.849 | 0.716 | 0.862 | 0.614 | 1.037 |
Networking | 6 | 4.078 | 0.6637 | 0.868 | 0.885 | 0.901 | 0.603 | 1.334 |
Entrepreneurial competency | 4 | 5.879 | 0.6777 | 0.802 | 0.812 | 0.870 | 0.627 | 1.247 |
Micro-enterprise performance | 5 | 5.857 | 0.7398 | 0.868 | 0.872 | 0.905 | 0.655 | – |
Author(s) own compilation
Items and Variables | ES | MO | SO | NE | EC | EP |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Entrepreneurial Skills – Item 1 | 0.352 | 0.115 | 0.273 | 0.210 | 0.294 | |
Entrepreneurial Skills – Item 2 | 0.338 | 0.052 | 0.320 | 0.298 | 0.281 | |
Entrepreneurial Skills – Item 3 | 0.355 | 0.165 | 0.318 | 0.321 | 0.302 | |
Entrepreneurial Skills – Item 4 | 0.387 | 0.060 | 0.285 | 0.299 | 0.275 | |
Market Orientation – Item 1 | 0.394 | 0.126 | 0.346 | 0.248 | 0.326 | |
Market Orientation – Item 2 | 0.322 | 0.151 | 0.310 | 0.248 | 0.261 | |
Market Orientation – Item 3 | 0.348 | 0.072 | 0.350 | 0.283 | 0.258 | |
Market Orientation – Item 4 | 0.393 | 0.023 | 0.278 | 0.284 | 0.306 | |
Sales Orientation – Item 1 | −0.055 | 0.044 | 0.082 | 0.004 | −0.043 | |
Sales Orientation – Item 2 | 0.086 | 0.024 | 0.063 | 0.095 | 0.084 | |
Sales Orientation – Item 3 | 0.134 | 0.170 | 0.206 | 0.122 | 0.110 | |
Sales Orientation – Item 4 | 0.044 | 0.063 | 0.087 | 0.043 | 0.025 | |
Networking – Item 1 | 0.297 | 0.340 | 0.153 | 0.158 | 0.141 | |
Networking – Item 2 | 0.320 | 0.340 | 0.109 | 0.247 | 0.165 | |
Networking – Item 3 | 0.328 | 0.344 | 0.042 | 0.205 | 0.178 | |
Networking – Item 4 | 0.312 | 0.339 | 0.128 | 0.284 | 0.248 | |
Networking – Item 5 | 0.326 | 0.336 | 0.161 | 0.264 | 0.178 | |
Networking – Item 6 | 0.320 | 0.295 | 0.165 | 0.199 | 0.188 | |
Ent. Competency – Item 1 | 0.300 | 0.319 | 0.033 | 0.179 | 0.455 | |
Ent. Competency – Item 2 | 0.248 | 0.220 | 0.075 | 0.184 | 0.407 | |
Ent. Competency – Item 3 | 0.311 | 0.258 | 0.050 | 0.309 | 0.339 | |
Ent. Competency – Item 4 | 0.352 | 0.306 | 0.212 | 0.271 | 0.502 | |
Enterprise Performance – Item 1 | 0.367 | 0.336 | 0.049 | 0.182 | 0.502 | |
Enterprise Performance – Item 2 | 0.280 | 0.318 | 0.142 | 0.207 | 0.464 | |
Enterprise Performance – Item 3 | 0.251 | 0.337 | 0.039 | 0.122 | 0.380 | |
Enterprise Performance – Item 4 | 0.334 | 0.276 | 0.103 | 0.204 | 0.392 | |
Enterprise Performance – Item 5 | 0.335 | 0.280 | 0.127 | 0.250 | 0.449 | |
Entrepreneurial Skills (ES) | 0.739 | |||||
Market Orientation (MO) | 0.484 | 0.755 | ||||
Sales Orientation (SO) | 0.134 | 0.121 | 0.784 | |||
Networking (NE) | 0.406 | 0.425 | 0.161 | 0.777 | ||
Entrepreneurial Competencies (EC) | 0.386 | 0.352 | 0.125 | 0.298 | 0.792 | |
Enterprise Performance (EP) | 0.390 | 0.383 | 0.114 | 0.240 | 0.545 | 0.809 |
Entrepreneurial Skills (ES) | – | |||||
Market Orientation (MO) | 0.656 | – | ||||
Sales Orientation (SO) | 0.148 | 0.148 | – | |||
Networking (NE) | 0.515 | 0.531 | 0.164 | – | ||
Entrepreneurial Competencies (EC) | 0.497 | 0.449 | 0.125 | 0.349 | – | |
Enterprise Performance (EP) | 0.489 | 0.472 | 0.109 | 0.270 | 0.639 | – |
Author’s data analysis
Hypothesis | Coefficient | Decision | Q | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
ES → EC | 0.246 | 0.000 | 0.054 | ||||
MO → EC | 0.178 | 0.011 | 0.028 | ||||
SO → EC | 0.052 | 0.401 | 0.189 | 0.003 | 0.111 | ||
NE → EC | 0.114 | 0.024 | 0.012 | ||||
ES → EP | 0.149 | 0.011 | 0.023 | ||||
MO → EP | 0.165 | 0.012 | 0.029 | ||||
SO → EP | 0.024 | 0.710 | 0.355 | 0.001 | 0.210 | ||
NE → EP | −0.024 | 0.642 | 0.001 | ||||
EC → EP | 0.642 | 0.000 | 0.234 |
Author(s) own compilation
Path | Beta | CI-Min | CI-Max | Sig. | Decision | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
ES → EC → EP | 0.107 | 0.053 | 0.152 | 0.000 | Mediation | |
MO → EC → EP | 0.077 | 0.016 | 0.149 | 0.022 | Mediation | |
SO → EC → EP | 0.022 | −0.041 | 0.067 | 0.406 | No Mediation | |
NE → EC → EP | 0.049 | 0.010 | 0.095 | 0.020 | Mediation |
Author(s) own compilation
Code | Items | Sources |
---|---|---|
ES – Item 1 | I consider myself very creative | |
ES – Item 2 | I have adequate problem solving skills | |
ES – Item 3 | I possess high level of leadership | |
ES – Item 4 | I possess adequate entrepreneurial skill to manage the enterprise | |
MO – Item 1 | I am quick to detect changes in customers’ product preferences | (1993) |
MO – Item 2 | I will promote a product even if I am not sure whether it is right for the customer | |
MO – Item 3 | I will paint too rosy a picture of my products to make them sound as good as possible | |
MO – Item 4 | As the owner of a business, I sell product lines depending on real market needs | |
SO – Item 1 | I stay alert for weaknesses in a customer’s personality so I can use them to put pressure on him/her to buy | |
SO – Item 2 | I will promote a product even if I am not sure whether it is right for the customer | |
SO – Item 3 | I will paint too rosy a picture of my products to make them sound as good as possible | |
SO – Item 4 | I spend more time trying to persuade a customer to buy than trying to discover his needs | |
NE – Item 1 | I frequently communicate with actual and potential business network partners | |
NE – Item 2 | I have a high number of business network partners | |
NE – Item 3 | My network is very diverse | |
NE – Item 4 | My network is very dense | |
NE – Item 5 | My network partners frequently provide me new information | |
NE – Item 6 | I receive extensive support from my network partners | |
EC – Item 1 | I identify goods or services that customers want | (2008) |
EC – Item 2 | I develop long-term trusting relationships with others | |
EC – Item 3 | I negotiate with others | |
EC – Item 4 | I recognize and work on my own shortcomings | |
EP – Item 1 | Compared to your major competitors, how is your firm’s customer satisfaction? | |
EP – Item 2 | Compared to your major competitors, how is your firm’s competitive position? | |
EP – Item 3 | Compared to your major competitors, how is your firm’s customer retention? | |
EP – Item 4 | Compared to your major competitors, how is your firm’s sales growth? | |
EP – Item 5 | Compared to your major competitors, how is your firm’s return on investment? |
Entrepreneurial skills (ES); market orientation (MO); sales orientation (SO); networking (NE); entrepreneurial competencies (EC); enterprise performance (EP)
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This research was funded by the Ministry of Higher Education, Malaysia under the grant entitled “Developing a Comprehensive Rural Entrepreneurship Model for Poverty Eradication (REMODE)” (R/NRGS/A01.00/00047A/006/2014/000149).
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Despite an increased interest in crises within the field of entrepreneurship, there is still a lack of understanding about the interplay between different types of crises and entrepreneurship. In addition, the specific circumstances surrounding each type of crisis may also cause the conclusions of these studies to diverge or converge. To enhance our theoretical understanding of entrepreneurship during times of crisis, our review seeks to answer the following research questions: (1) How are the different types of crises addressed in entrepreneurship literature, and what similarities and differences exist? (2) How can we broaden our understanding and deepen our insights into the relationship between a crisis and entrepreneurship? In an effort to review the largest possible variety of crises that extends beyond political crises, natural disasters, and financial crises, we have also included a number of recent studies that examined COVID-19 from an entrepreneurial perspective. Following this, our study identifies six types of crises along with corresponding research themes, key findings, and critical shortcomings. This review also identifies multiple research gaps and suggests several future research directions, as well as theoretical approaches that researchers can take to build upon existing discussions surrounding entrepreneurship in times of crisis.
Economically and socially disruptive crises, such as natural catastrophes, terrorist attacks, and financial collapse, have persisted throughout history. Such frightful occurrences impact the lives of many individuals, organizations, and the communities to which they belong, frequently culminating in large-scale global effects. The current COVID-19 situation exemplifies this type of crisis. The ongoing threat of invisible crises arising from both human and natural causes (i.e. global warming) has become a new normal for society ( Bendell et al. 2020 ). Such crises also have an effect on businesses, since typically, young and small businesses are more susceptible than large businesses to the challenges posed by shocks (i.e. Bărbulescu et al. 2021 ; Bartz and Winkler 2016 ). However, times of crisis can also provide a unique environment necessary for the emergence of entrepreneurial and prosperous organizations ( Cucculelli and Peruzzi 2018 ; Guo et al. 2020 ). For example, since the outbreak of COVID in 2019, the number of daily users of Zoom, a video teleconferencing software, has soared 30-fold, elevating the firm to its current position as a globally renowned, billion-dollar IT corporation ( Caminiti 2021 ). Beyond its monetary value, the realization of this particular entrepreneurial opportunity has had a significant impact on our society by altering how office meetings are held and how students learn through virtual classrooms across diverse nations.
Given this co-presence of both challenges and opportunities, scholars in the field of entrepreneurship have held a substantial interest in crises (i.e. Doern et al. 2018 ; Grube and Storr 2018 ; Williams and Vorley 2015 ). When an ambivalent and complex relationship exists, such as the relationship between a crisis and entrepreneurship, a review study can play a significant role in comparing and contrasting the findings of previous research ( Snyder 2019 ; Torraco 2005 ), thereby helping to resolve inherent theoretical tensions. Furthermore, a review is especially desired when the focal discipline strongly relates to social issues. According to Fischer et al. (2021) , a review is required to establish a robust theoretical base to generate trustworthy recommendations for solving real-world problems. In our case, the ultimate goal is to enlighten entrepreneurs and stakeholders (i.e. investors and governments) about the potential consequences that could result from how they choose to respond to unprecedented crises. This goal can be best served by integrating and comparing scattered findings about various crises that exist across entrepreneurial contexts. In order to robustly enhance our theoretical understanding in this area, our review seeks to answer two major research questions: (1) How are the different types of crises addressed in entrepreneurship literature, and what similarities and differences exist? (2) How can we broaden our understanding and deepen our insights into the relationship between a crisis and entrepreneurship? In this paper we attempt to answer these questions, ones that prior literature reviews have not yet been able to thoroughly address ( Doern et al. 2018 ; Grube and Storr 2018 ).
In an effort to review the largest possible variety of crises that extends beyond political crises (e.g. war), natural disasters (e.g. volcanic eruptions), and financial crises, we have also included a number of recent studies that examined COVID-19 from an entrepreneurial perspective. This inclusion is timely given that the global COVID-19 crisis, which began in 2019, has almost reached its conclusion. Since 2019, research on COVID-19 has proliferated across all academic disciplines ( Donthu and Gustafsson 2020 ; Holmes et al. 2020 ), including entrepreneurship. The influx of unique data pertaining to this crisis has allowed for numerous analyses to spring forth, especially those relating to the impact of the pandemic on entrepreneurship and subsequent entrepreneurial responses. However, if these findings are not consolidated in a timely manner, they may remain fragmented as purely ‘COVID-19 related’ studies, leaving them susceptible to becoming an episodic or obsolete topic of discussion within a few years, otherwise known as an ‘academic fad’ ( Wefald and Downey 2009 ). However, our review attempts to categorize COVID-19 alongside other crises as a sub-type of naturally-driven crises and places it within the broader framework of ‘ crisis and entrepreneurship ’. We strive to do this as the discussion surrounding COVID-19 continues to be a relevant key resource for future scholars interested in the crisis context.
The academic society’s desire for novel contributions from individual research is becoming stronger than ever ( Corley and Gioia 2011 ; Neubaum and Micelotta 2021 ). However, it is one of the most challenging goals for most scholars. A creative gaze does not arise suddenly, but rather, it is based on tedious efforts to learn about many existing works ( Sawyer 2011 ). A comprehensive review article that expands upon the different types of crises and their corresponding research themes will aid in understanding the vast discussions that exist in the field. In this regard, the identification of key research gaps is one of the primary benefits of review articles ( Paul and Criado 2020 ). To best serve this goal, we have organized our review according to underlying research themes rather than merely categorizing variables into antecedents and outcomes. Our review identifies multiple research gaps where we particularly encourage researchers to generate new contributions to the field by incorporating different components from the highlighted research themes among the different types of crises outlined in our paper. For example, in the literature on economic crises, a group of research showed that small businesses learn from crises and subsequently respond better than those without such experience (e.g. Brzozowski et al. 2019 ). By applying this theme to COVID-19, future research could investigate the resilience of entrepreneurial companies that have previously experienced multiple waves of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Another essential benefit of a review is to draw researchers’ attention from existing theoretical approaches to fresh insights or perspectives for future research ( Paul and Criado 2020 ). To maximize this advantage, our discussion in the later part of this paper provides insights in three ways. First, the research themes are derived through an extensive review that includes the recent COVID-19 crisis, with research gaps and future directions presented for each theme. Second, we present overall, new research directions that either examine each theme more deeply or combine themes. Third, while the previous two insights are based on current literature, the third insight moves attention away from these traditional paths towards newer approaches. We propose two new avenues for researchers to consider: the third-party perspective approach and the quality-concerning approach, both of which emphasize the roles and perspectives of governments, regions, and investors surrounding entrepreneurial firms in crisis. Thus, these approaches can generate useful implications from a practical point of view, particularly to the parties that need to protect the entrepreneurship ecosystem into the future.
With the advent of the COVID-19 pandemic, it comes as no surprise that an understanding of the concept of a crisis has become critical to both scholars and practitioners. Although there are different definitions of a ‘crisis’, most studies define it as a disruptive event that occurs unpredictably and in a way that can significantly threaten the actor’s (i.e. an individual, organization, and/or community) normal functioning ( Doern et al. 2018 ; Williams et al. 2017 ). While the vast majority of scholars define a crisis as a disruptive event, some scholars view a crisis as more of a ‘process’ that evolves gradually before, during, and after a triggering event ( Bundy et al. 2017 ; Newman et al. 2022 ). Others have extended the concept of a crisis further by defining it as more of an expected challenge that entrepreneurs may face in their daily lives as their businesses evolve along with their life cycles ( Doern et al. 2018 ).
In terms of the different typologies for a crisis that have been put forth, the scope of the impact (i.e. from individual to global) and the cause of a crisis (i.e. human, natural, and technological) are critical features for classifying crises ( Bendell et al. 2020 ; Doern et al. 2018 ). The crises discussed in entrepreneurship literature can be categorized as different types of crises based on these two taxonomies (i.e. the scope of the impact and the primary causes of the crisis). Each crisis is fundamentally heterogeneous and some may also have common characteristics ( Rauch and Hulsink 2021 ). Although some papers provided a comprehensive review of the studies on entrepreneurship in the context of a crisis, our current knowledge on entrepreneurship in times of crisis is still limited as studies remain mostly fragmented based on a single type of crisis and there is also a lack of understanding concerning how crises can be similar or different. For example, Doern and colleagues (2018) provided an overview of the different definitions and typologies of a crisis in entrepreneurship and suggested that an entrepreneur’s experience, the business growth phase, and the type or phase of the crisis, all influence the entrepreneur’s crisis reaction. Korber and McNaugthon (2017) reviewed studies at the intersection of entrepreneurship and resilience and found that studies largely focused on ex-ante features of entrepreneurial individuals and firms amid a crisis, while few works studied post-disruption resilience dynamics. More recently, particular efforts have been made by scholars to systematically understand studies on entrepreneurship in the COVID-19 context (e.g. Belitski et al. 2022 ; Khlystova et al. 2022 ). Although these reviews are fruitful, the diversity and heterogeneity of a crisis remain largely undiscussed, even in light of the emerging contextualized perspective in entrepreneurship literature.
Studies in the field of entrepreneurship have moved towards approaches that are more focused on contextualization ( Welter et al. 2019 ). Researchers interested in entrepreneurship in times of crisis are also a part of this movement, resulting in a wide spectrum of focus on entrepreneurship in various types of crises. While COVID-19 and the 2007–2008 global financial crisis take on the majority of scholarly interest, there are also other types of crises that contribute to a more contextualized understanding of entrepreneurship in times of crisis. For example, studies focusing on the long-term dynamics and the trajectory of individuals within the broader business community following a natural disaster ( Dinger et al. 2019 ), the effects on emotional intelligence after suffering local shocks from an economic recession within a developing economy ( Quintillán and Peña-Legazkue 2019 ), and the entrepreneurial activities in communities under continuous threat of the Calbuco volcano eruptions in 2015 and 2016 in Chile ( Muñoz et al. 2019 ). From a contextualized perspective, there is merit in reviewing prior literature on entrepreneurship within a wide range of crises and in distinguishing the different types of crises, as such an approach invites us to have a more layered understanding of entrepreneurship in times of crisis where we might otherwise expect sameness across different types of crises ( Welter et al. 2019 ).
A systematic review is defined as “a review of an existing body of literature that follows a transparent and reproducible methodology in searching, assessing its quality, and synthesizing it, with a high level of objectivity” ( Kraus et al. 2020 , 1026). To systematically review the literature of entrepreneurship in crisis and post-crisis contexts, this paper follows the methodologies suggested by Kraus et al. (2020) and Petticrew and Roberts (2006) . The review process comprises of four major stages: (1) review planning, (2) study identification and evaluation, (3) data extraction and integration, and (4) finding dissemination ( Kraus et al. 2020 ). In the planning stage, we reviewed a broad range of literature related to entrepreneurship and crises to clarify our research questions, as well as to develop a study protocol. To ensure a transparent and reproducible procedure, a review protocol was developed for implementation. Figure 1 shows the systematic review protocol.
Research protocol of a systematic review.
We limited our review to only include peer-reviewed journal articles across disciplines as they are considered to be both valid and reliable sources of knowledge ( Podsakoff et al. 2005 ). Thus, unpublished papers, book chapters, and conference papers were excluded from the review. To implement the search procedure, we used the Web of Science as it is one of the most comprehensive databases, covering an extensive range of quality journals across different academic disciplines. Within the Social Science Core Collection database of the Web of Science, we applied the Boolean search string “entrepreneurship AND (crisis OR covid OR shock OR disaster)” for studies written in English. The main search included studies published up until February 1, 2021, and this search was updated once in November 2022, to further include newly published articles between February 1, 2021, and October 31, 2022. With regards to the updated search, we limited the search to publications within the Web of Science meso-topics of Management or Economics, the categories of Business, Management, or Economics, and the Social Science Citation Index (SSCI), in order to collect an initial data set of influential articles that would be most relevant to our research topic. After excluding any duplicates, the initial search yielded 918 studies in the primary search and 232 studies in the updated search, resulting in a data set of 1150 studies in total. Three additional steps were conducted to create the final data set. First, we read the titles and abstracts of selected articles and excluded studies that heavily focused on refugees, healthcare, and tourism or simply dealt with small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) with no relevance to entrepreneurship literature. We further validated the relevance of the articles by taking into account the research topic, which led to the selection of 206 studies. Second, we carefully read the full text of the articles to determine whether a study was suitable for the research objective and selected 97 articles. Finally, nine studies were further selected from a forward and a backward citation search, resulting in a final data set of 106 studies.
Figure 2 illustrates the 106 research articles by year (the grey area indicates that only articles published up until October 31, 2022, are included in our review). An increasing interest in topics surrounding entrepreneurship and crises has taken place since 2015, with a slight decrease occurring after 2017. Following this, an upward, blossoming trend can be clearly seen following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, with 75 percent of papers (80) having been published since 2019.
Trends in publications by year.
Figure 3 shows the different types of crises described within the reviewed articles. Research was conducted utilizing very different contexts, including the 2007–2008 global financial crisis, the 1997 Asian financial crisis, local economic collapse (e.g. the 2012 economic breakdown in Greece), the current COVID-19 pandemic, environmental disasters (e.g. earthquakes, hurricanes), and political conflicts (e.g. war). The analysis revealed that the majority of studies covering both crises and entrepreneurship focused on external, major, and extreme events. These studies placed a strong emphasis on the influence that a crisis may have on the entrepreneurial behaviors and outcomes of people, organizations, and regions, as well as the characteristics that assist such actors in overcoming the crisis at hand. Most publications (60 percent) utilized quantitative methods, 20 percent of the articles utilized qualitative methods, and the remaining studies (20 percent) were literature reviews or conceptual papers. Table 1 shows that there are two main contexts upon which the reviewed articles are concentrated: COVID-19 (41 percent) and the global financial crisis of 2007–2008 (34 percent). While a quantitative approach was mostly used to study entrepreneurship in the context of the 2007–2008 global financial crisis, a variety of research methods were utilized in the studies that focused on COVID-19. With regards to empirical studies, most scholars drew primarily on individual (38%), organizational (25%), and mixed (15%) units of analysis, while other studies focused on country (11%), sub-national region (9%), and household (2%) units of analysis. A list of all 106 papers can be found in Table 2 .
Type of crisis reviewed. Articles (5) that handled a variety of crises were excluded in the figure above.
Articles by crisis with corresponding methodologies.
Type of crisis | 2007–2008 Global financial crisis | 1997 Asian financial crisis | Local economic collapse | COVID-19 pandemic | Environmental disaster | Political conflict | Variety of crises | Total |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Secondary data | 28 | 2 | 1 | 8 | 2 | 2 | 0 | 43 |
Secondary data + survey | 1 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 2 |
Survey | 3 | 0 | 6 | 9 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 19 |
fsQCA | 2 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 2 |
Grounded theory | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 |
Interview | 1 | 0 | 2 | 8 | 2 | 3 | 0 | 16 |
Ethnography | 1 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 2 |
Literature review | 0 | 0 | 0 | 10 | 0 | 0 | 3 | 13 |
Conceptual paper | 0 | 0 | 0 | 6 | 0 | 0 | 2 | 8 |
Total | 36 | 2 | 10 | 43 | 4 | 6 | 5 | 106 |
Full list of papers by crisis.
Crisis | Studies |
---|---|
2007–2008 Global financial crisis | ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; , ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; , ; ; ; ; |
1997 Asian financial crisis | ; |
Local economic collapse | ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; |
COVID-19 | ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; , , ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; |
Environmental disasters | ; ; ; |
Political conflicts | ; ; ; ; ; |
Variety of crises | ; ; ; ; |
The global financial crisis, which began in late 2007, brought an end to an era of continuous economic progress and plunged many countries into the worst post-war economic calamity ever experienced. The 2007–2008 global financial crisis received considerable attention in crisis-related entrepreneurship research, with thirty-six (36) studies out of 106 focusing on it. Following a thorough review of these publications, it was determined that, despite differences in background countries or methodology, academics continue to engage in in-depth and ongoing discussions about some commonly appealing research themes. These themes mostly cover theoretical tensions and the question of whether or not there is a mutually intertwined influence among individuals, businesses, regions, and countries. The 2007–2008 financial crisis can also be viewed as an external occurrence with an impact at the ecosystem level that is beyond the control of individuals or businesses. As a result, paying attention to the effect of these macro-environmental components on entrepreneurial activities stems from an interactive viewpoint, as opposed to an obsolete perspective that views entrepreneurship as something that is simply driven by entrepreneurs. Although the research questions presented here do not cover the entirety of the research on entrepreneurship in the aftermath of the financial crisis, they have sparked the interest of numerous scholars. The research questions are listed in the order of greatest proportion, with some studies having addressed two or more research themes at the same time ( Arrighetti et al. 2016 ).
There is little doubt that the global financial crisis had a negative influence on traditional, established enterprises. However, entrepreneurship literature contains contradictory theoretical tensions about the influence of the economic crisis on entrepreneurial enterprises. According to the pro-cyclical viewpoint, if the economic crisis affects demand for products and services, so too will it affect any possibilities for entrepreneurship. Counter-cyclical schools of thought, on the other hand, predict that the economic crisis will encourage more people to create their own businesses as employment opportunities within conventional organizations decline.
Scholars have been looking for empirical data to support these opposing viewpoints. First, Abdesselam et al. (2017) , as well as Vegetti and Adăscăliţei (2017) , stated that entrepreneurial activities will certainly decrease in response to the business cycle. While observing OECD countries’ entrepreneurial activities from 1999 to 2012, these analyses were divided into pre-crisis and post-crisis relative to 2008. Entrepreneurship, which developed alongside the settlement boom from 1999 to 2008, saw a dramatic decrease during the recovery period of 2010–2012, when the unemployment rate was higher than ever, however, the rate of self-employment did not rise. The authors termed this, ‘the break of entrepreneurship dynamics’, meaning that those who were unemployed did not jump into entrepreneurial activities. However, the loss of an entrepreneurial dynamic was relatively minor in countries that had focused on more traditional industries, such as agriculture, and that had little connection to the financial industry. González-Pernía et al. (2018) tried to showcase why economic crises reduce entrepreneurship and revealed that economic decline leads to lower perceptions of opportunity, which subsequently leads to lower entrepreneurial activity. Bakhtiari (2019) , who analyzed corporate-level data from 2002 to 2015 in Australia, also found that entrepreneurship had become less dynamic and riskier during the crisis. In particular, he said that immediately after the crisis, small enterprises experienced business failure and showed a significant increase in ‘exits’ from the market.
On the other hand, several scholars have argued that the economic crisis played a role in fostering the creation of new firms. Hundt and Sternberg (2014) , for example, observed entrepreneurial activities in Germany for 13 years before and after the financial crisis of 2007–2008. Their hypothesis, which stated that the financial crisis can in fact stimulate entrepreneurship, was supported. Contrary to their expectations, the financial crisis did not have a differential impact on necessity versus opportunity-based entrepreneurship. Also, they noted that the supported facilitation effect could vary depending on the local human capital context.
Mühlböck et al. (2017) explained this seemingly counterintuitive argument with the term, ‘desperate entrepreneurship’. A significant proportion of entrepreneurs start their business despite the negative perceptions of opportunity, which are even more likely to increase during times of crisis. Geographically, this trend is higher in countries that are more largely impacted by economic crises and have higher unemployment rates. Following this, desperate entrepreneurs can be said to have no other choice but to start a business, resulting in the crisis essentially fostering entrepreneurship.
Scholars have been interested in how well existing entrepreneurial companies can survive during a severe crisis due to contradictory theoretical forecasts. In general, the smaller the company, the less likely it is to survive. This is due to the lack of human and financial resources at the firm’s disposal. According to Cucculelli and Peruzzi (2018) , large organizations can survive the crisis through cost reduction or branch reduction at the managerial level, however small businesses face a limitation in downsizing, with products and services having not yet been diversified, making the firm more vulnerable to crises.
According to the Schumpeterian view, which poses a differing perspective, the flexibility of small organizations can boost the viability of independent enterprises during an economic downturn. The hypothesis that the global economic crisis would have a negative impact was rejected by Davidsson and Gordon (2016) who stated that “for most nascent entrepreneurs and their ongoing start-up efforts, the (behavioral) effects of macroeconomic crises are far smaller than what is likely to be commonly believed” ( Davidsson and Gordon 2016 , 930). Simón-Moya et al. (2016) discovered, surprisingly, that entrepreneurial companies are more likely to survive the financial crisis since the crisis reduces the firm’s ‘opportunity costs’, leaving founders with no other choice but to persevere.
Bartz and Winkler (2016) provide a more sophisticated answer by distinguishing between the size and age of the entrepreneurial actor. That is, ‘small’ firms maintain higher growth rates than large firms in both times of stabilization and crisis given that flexibility becomes an advantage, however ‘young’ companies are overly market-dependent and their founder-owned characteristics are negatively affected by the crisis in a significant way.
Cefis and Marsili (2019) also investigated which company traits are more resistant to a crisis, departing from the one-size-fits-all theory that all small firms are more likely to survive in a crisis. Companies were more adaptable both during and after the crisis if innovation was incorporated within the first 2 years of the company’s inception. At this period, innovation was most effective when it focused on the technological aspect. Devece et al. (2016) made a similar point, finding that need-based entrepreneurs were ineffective in times of crisis, whereas those with a foundation of opportunity or innovation were more effective.
Recent research on entrepreneurship has increasingly shifted its emphasis to the effect of a mutual give and take exchange taking place between enterprises and the regions in which they are embedded. After summarizing the academic discussions on the subject, it is clear that corporations and their corresponding regions are developing constructive two-way relationships with one another. It was discovered that regional and national features can provide a ‘safety net’ for entrepreneurship ( Ruiz-Fuensanta and Bellandi 2019 ; Van Stel et al. 2014 ). For example, Jabłońska and Stawska (2020) discovered that in Poland and the Czech Republic, entrepreneurial activity was primarily stimulated by the level of spending on regional municipalities, social welfare, and R&D, as well as the proportion of the economically active population who were unemployed. As a result, the study advised entrepreneurs to pay attention to the unique conditions of where they belong. Goschin (2020) delved a bit deeper into the post-crisis impact, discovering that, among a variety of criteria, foreign direct investments, population expansion, and the agglomeration of active firms are key components in assisting new firm survival within the first 3 years.
Bishop and Shilcof (2017) and Pisá-Bó et al. (2021) focused on whether the region of interest (i.e. urban or rural) plays an important role in the crisis-entrepreneurship relationship and found that the more urban the area, such as London, the lesser the consequences suffered as a result of the economic crisis. In urban areas, the entrepreneurship dynamic was maintained even during the crisis, and in rural areas, more necessity-based start-ups were developed due to limited employment possibilities. Furthermore, Pinho and de Lurdes Martins (2020) , who investigated 44 countries during the economic crisis, argued that institutional elements inherent in a society, rather than geographical characteristics such as countries or regions, determine the genuine impact of an economic crisis. Countries that were struck more strongly by the crisis were distinguished from those that did not. The authors concluded that while the economic shock suffered by a country following a financial crisis does vary, institutional qualities (e.g. a start-up’s social image, education level, information governance) also have a key impact on new venture creation during such times.
It should be noted that some studies focused on the upward influence of entrepreneurial activity on a country or region, as opposed to a downward influence. According to Abdesselam et al. (2017) , small innovators, rather than large enterprises, fuel national growth during a recovery era. Armeanu et al. (2015) examined the Romanian economy before and after the financial crisis and discovered that entrepreneurship was the primary driver of the nations’ economic recovery. Bishop (2019) discovered that entrepreneurial competency assists communities in adapting to crises, where the size and diversity of local knowledge-based enterprises plays a mediating role. In other words, it was suggested that while nurturing start-ups, it is possible to strengthen the local economy’s sustainability in times of crisis by growing a mix of varied businesses, rather than cultivating clusters that are centered in a certain field.
Despite the previous emphasis on the influence of the macro-environment, local community, and region, the importance of ‘people,’ the focal actors of entrepreneurial activities, has not lessened ( Frese and Gielnik 2014 ; Mitchell et al. 2002 ). In this regard, there are research streams concerned with how global crisis conditions, such as the economic crisis, affect individual entrepreneurs. Meliou (2019) investigated women who decided to start a business during Greece’s financial crisis and discovered that material support from family members, particularly spouses, emotional support, and informational support through social connections, were all crucial. In a study focusing on developing countries, Quintillán and Pea-Legazkue (2019) discovered that the process of internationalization (i.e. whether they sell their products or services internationally) is dependent on the entrepreneurs’ emotional intelligence rather than traditional human assets, especially during the crisis. According to the finding, even in chaotic circumstances such as economic crises, the higher an individual’s emotional stability, the more likely they are to accept risky actions.
Some research has focused on whether the association between variables that were discovered in previous entrepreneurship related literature is represented similarly or differently in the unique context of the global economic crisis ( Elitcha and Fonseca 2018 ; Kraus et al. 2011 ). Martínez-Rodriguez et al. (2020) , for example, discovered that the crisis had a moderating effect on how national accounting and fiscal policies influence opportunity or necessity-based entrepreneurship. Santos et al. (2017) , on the other hand, conducted an individual-level study to evaluate the effects of individual efficacy, opportunity perception, and role model perceptions on initial entrepreneurial activity and found that it stayed consistent regardless of the crisis. Giotopoulos et al. (2016) discovered that at the individual level, the influence of an individual’s gender, education level, and sense of opportunity on the level of entrepreneurship changes during a crisis. During a crisis, for example, the effect of gender and educational attainment on growth intention was stronger than in non-crisis times.
Finally, although the number is small, there has been an increasing research concentration incorporating organizational learning theory and investigating whether or not entrepreneurs and their businesses can learn from crises. Both studies in this review that conducted research on this topic viewed the 2003 global economic slump as a precursor experience to the 2007–2008 global economic downturn. During the 2008–2009 period, Brzozowski et al. (2019) found interesting changes in corporate responses. Based on organizational learning theory, they investigated how the experience of the crisis in 2003 affected the company’s subsequent response to the economic crisis of 2007–2008, which revealed that firms took more active steps in the following crisis after taking a prudent stance in the previous crisis. In a similar vein, Cucculelli and Peruzzi (2018) reported that enterprises that modified their business models following the 2003 crisis fared better during the 2007–2008 crisis. This supports the idea that organizations learn from crises.
In times of crisis, ‘desperate entrepreneurship,’ defined as the phenomenon of individuals attempting to start a business despite lacking confidence in necessary skills and abilities to perceive opportunities ( Mühlböck et al. 2017 ), can lead to a ‘refugee effect’ in developing countries. Vial (2011) and Yindok (2021) utilized the 1997 Asian financial crisis as a contextual backdrop for their studies, which examined the factors that influenced the entry and survival of enterprises operating in developing countries during this time, as well as the factors affecting the revitalization of household entrepreneurship. Both studies compared rural areas and cities in developing countries during the financial crisis and discovered that a link exists between the formation of necessity-driven entrepreneurship and geographical and financial characteristics. First, micro-entrepreneurship is encouraged in areas with high-quality formal institutions and infrastructure ( Vial 2011 ). Second, the 1997 Asian financial crisis triggered a temporary surge in entrepreneurship participation, primarily in communities that suffered less of a drop in overall perceived, material well-being, as a result of the crisis. Thus, in the context of developing countries, entrepreneurship serves as a social safety net in times of crisis, particularly for wealthier households. It should be noted that wealthier household enterprises focusing on informal and low-technology were the ones to take on low-skilled workers engaged in service and trade, workers who not only found it difficult to find work during the financial crisis but also needed to fill the subsequent gap in income.
In terms of research methodology, these studies represent good examples of how to best approach a mixed-level analysis, whereby the influence of financial, human, and social capital, as well as the effect of the quality of institutions and infrastructure, were examined to see if a resulting effect on participation in entrepreneurship and on firm survival existed, both during and post-crisis. However, it is vital to explore more advanced research methods that incorporate both macro variables (i.e. quality of institutions and infrastructure) and meso variables (i.e. business ownership) simultaneously, similar to that seen in Vial (2011) , where the 1997 Asian financial crisis was treated as a moderating variable.
In the context of a local economic collapse, eight papers conducted an in-depth examination of micro- and meso-level factors that influenced entrepreneurship as part of an interconnected community. To be more specific, except for one qualitative study ( Weaven et al. 2021 ), if we classify based on the dependent variable, seven papers discussed micro-level entrepreneurship as: entrepreneurial intentions ( Arrighetti et al. 2016 ; Gil-Soto et al. 2022 ), entrepreneurial behaviors ( Rani et al. 2019 ; Williams and Vorley 2015 ), the attitudinal changes of entrepreneurial judgment and actions ( Liu et al. 2021 ), work and family balance ( Cesaroni et al. 2018 ), and female entrepreneurship ( Dal Mas and Paoloni 2019 ). Furthermore, three papers addressed the meso-level as community resilience ( Bakas 2017 ), as well as the financial and creative performance of firms ( Cannavale et al. 2020 ; Laskovaia et al. 2018 ) as part of a community with regional characteristics.
When entrepreneurial actors, as individuals or organizations, are able to successfully work together with local community resources, entrepreneurial actors can identify opportunities and implement the necessary remedies to enable long-term recovery following an economic collapse ( Bakas 2017 ; Cannavale et al. 2020 ; Laskovaia et al. 2018 ). As a consequence, the community’s competence and resources end up strengthening the entrepreneurial actors’ will and aptitude, allowing for them to effectively tackle any challenges they face, resulting in a virtuous cycle ( Arrighetti et al. 2016 ; Cesaroni et al. 2018 ). For example, according to Dal Mas and Paoloni’s (2019) study, which considered the financial crisis from an Italian context, potential female entrepreneurs were found to be more sensitive to the complexity of their efforts, making the strong relationship between relational capital and female entrepreneurs a sensitive component in the establishment of new businesses during this time. Similarly, Bakas (2017) found that female handicraft tourism entrepreneurs in Crete and Epirus, Greece, conceptualized their entrepreneurial involvement as being primarily for the community’s benefit, which in turn increased community resilience in the context of an economic crisis. On the other hand, studies focusing on the quality of local institutional norms and an entrepreneur’s behavior and decision-making during a crisis merits further investigation. Liu et al. (2020) examined how and why some foreign entrepreneurs adjust their attitudes towards local institutional norms, such as corruption, more than local entrepreneurs, particularly during a crisis. They employed system justification theory to understand why and how entrepreneurs differ in the extent of their attitudes towards entrepreneurial judgment and actions concerning corruption.
If future studies consider how the characteristics of each local community affect entrepreneurship after the current, global COVID-19 crisis, rather than the various financial crises that have taken place, the results of prior conflicting studies regarding the negative or positive impact of a crisis on entrepreneurship could be clarified.
The COVID-19 pandemic represents a crisis that has entirely changed people’s lives. Businesses have been shut down unexpectedly and people were forced to stay in their homes due to a lockdown enforced by governments around the world. A key observation from not only the 2007–2008 financial crisis but also the COVID-19 pandemic, is that the world is very much connected, so much so that the impact of such crises is only becoming more severe and far-reaching in geographic scope. Unlike the 2007–2008 financial crisis, COVID-19 produced a situation of limited movement and mobility as the threat of the spread of the disease increased, fuelling a severe disconnection in society between people and places. A set of papers (43) in this review investigated entrepreneurship in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. We identified five research themes that are based on the key research questions addressed in these publications, which are outlined below.
Among the various disciplines of entrepreneurship, most studies mainly focus on entrepreneurial actors, such as entrepreneurs and young and small firms. Entrepreneurial actors represent a critical component for the potential sustainable development of the corresponding local communities and countries involved ( Cui et al. 2016 ; Geroski et al. 2010 ; Thornhill and Amit 2003 ). In particular, when entrepreneurial actors cooperate and share local knowledge with community members, they are able to recognize opportunities and implement the responses needed to ensure sustainable crisis recovery ( Korsgaard et al. 2020 ). However, despite some studies that emphasized the importance of local communities and ecosystems ( Bărbulescu et al. 2021 ; Bartz and Winkler 2016 ), research from a community-based perspective is still insufficient. Furthermore, given that the pandemic has prolonged over a significant amount of time, it appears necessary to take a more sophisticated approach in studying entrepreneurship during the pandemic by considering the time horizon throughout the different phases of the pandemic (i.e. before the crisis, the beginning of the crisis, during the crisis) as well as the severity of the pandemic over time.
The first stream of literature investigates how potential and nascent entrepreneurs responded to the COVID-19 pandemic in terms of new business creation. Studies in this stream of research particularly focused on entrepreneurial intention (e.g. Ruiz-Rosa et al. 2020 ) and entrepreneurial activities, such as the consideration of starting a new business by potential entrepreneurs, as well as early phase activities in new firm creation by entrepreneurs (e.g. Liñán and Jaén 2022 ). These studies showed that despite the unfavorable entrepreneurial environment as a result of the COVID-19 crisis, entrepreneurs still managed to start businesses. A crisis impacts the creation of new firms by fostering the necessity-driven motivations of entrepreneurs, motivations that are triggered when a crisis brings about a reduction in the number of suitable income alternatives ( Hundt and Sternberg 2014 ; Simón-Moya et al. 2016 ). Liñán and Jaén (2022) found that while there could be an initial decrease in overall entrepreneurial activity during the pandemic, the necessity-driven motives of entrepreneurs will likely increase soon afterward. On the other hand, Kuckertz (2021) suggested that habitual entrepreneurs, those who have established ventures several times, were the ones who sought opportunities to start new businesses even under rising uncertainty. The author confirmed that it was the entrepreneurs who perceived opportunities that were the ones to start innovative ventures during the COVID-19 crisis, despite the overall decline in entrepreneurial activities. A key, underlying theme tied to the impact of COVID-19 on entrepreneurship is that the entrepreneur’s perceptions of the crisis, and of the potential opportunities or threats at play, represented an important driver of entrepreneurship. Thus, these studies show that in addition to the various contexts and characteristics of the entrepreneurial environment that exist as a result of the crisis, how entrepreneurs perceived the environment surrounding them explained, to a large extent, their engagement in entrepreneurial activities during this time.
Scholars found that many young and small firms, as opposed to established firms, are more vulnerable to the significant challenges brought about by shocks ( Bărbulescu et al. 2021 ; Brown et al. 2020 ; Lim et al. 2020 ). The major obstacles discussed in the literature included difficulties in managing supply chains and difficulties in acquiring capital. These challenges were observed at the firm level, as well as within the entrepreneurial ecosystem, which includes private equity investors and venture capitalists. For example, Aftab et al. (2021) showed that small and medium-scale enterprises in Pakistan suffered from the lockdown, as well as from decreases in the demand for products and services, difficulties in managing the supply chain, challenges in maintaining employees, and from a subsequent decline in sales and profits. Brown et al. (2020) found that out of the different types of entrepreneurial finance available, seed financing was the most severely impacted by the COVID-19 crisis, meaning that entrepreneurial start-ups experienced the greatest challenges in obtaining capital.
On the other hand, studies also acknowledged the positive consequences of this global crisis. This perspective views times of crisis as something that can provide a unique environment necessary for the emergence of entrepreneurial and prosperous organizations ( Cucculelli and Peruzzi 2018 ; Davidsson et al. 2021 ; Guo et al. 2020 ). While various governments proactively drove initiatives to slow down the spread of the disease, a variety of innovative products (i.e. testing kits) were developed and growth opportunities were formed in non-contact industries, such as digital commerce, telemedicine, and automation ( Liu et al. 2020 ; Negrutiu 2021 ). In addition, some studies suggested that a crisis drives entrepreneurs to question their previously used responses, making it all the more important for them to develop ways to cope with external shocks ( Kwong et al. 2019 ). This might mean reconstructing organizational resources to stimulate growth, particularly when confronting change ( Dahles and Susilowati 2015 ). For example, Lim et al. (2020) suggested that a firm, as a bundle of resources, experiences a temporal imbalance of resources due to the crisis, which allows entrepreneurs to realign their firm’s resource system, allowing the firm to enter into the next phase of growth.
A variety of studies in our review attempted to understand how young and small firms responded to, and broke through such difficult times, as not all firms enjoyed crisis-induced opportunities during the pandemic. Studies showed that a transformation of the firm represented a key factor in their entrepreneurial journey that allowed for such firms to consider new possibilities. This transformation was achieved through the adoption or innovation of business models (e.g. Guckenbiehl and de Zubielqui 2022 ) or technologies (e.g. Modgil et al. 2022 ), the adjustment of business plans (e.g. Stephan et al. 2020 ), and the reconstruction of resources and processes in combination with internal coordination and external support (e.g. Bărbulescu et al. 2021 ; Habiyaremye 2021 ; Meurer et al. 2022 ). Guckenbiehl and de Zubielqui (2022) , for example, suggested six start-up types, based on their responses to the pandemic: stable beneficiaries, business-as-usual continuers, digital adjusters, adversity survivors, opportunity graspers, and lemonade makers. They also showed that the start-ups that perceived opportunities, as well as adversity in the pandemic, were the ones that engaged in business model changes by adopting or innovating their business models. Considering resilience as a resource-based capability, Anwar et al. (2021) showed that both individual resilience and inter-functional coordination enhance organizational resilience, which in turn has a beneficial impact on sales revenue, sales growth, and client retention. Bărbulescu et al. (2021) found that although start-ups were vulnerable during the COVID-19 crisis, their focus on an information and communication technology (ICT) based business allowed them to develop strong relationships with various actors both inside and outside the industry, thus further helping them to overcome challenges and to build a sustainable ecosystem in the long term. Studies showed that young and small firms, particularly those that utilized digital technologies and continuously strived for innovation, were better at responding to external shocks brought about by the pandemic ( Belitski et al. 2022 ; Habiyaremye 2021 ; Khlystova et al. 2022 ; Modgil et al. 2022 ). Given that a set of papers in this review frequently mention digitalization as a key factor tied to pandemic-induced transformation, we have separated the discussion on digitalization into its own research theme.
In addition to the organizational factors fostering the survival of small and young firms in times of crisis, other studies emphasized the role of the ecosystem ( Bărbulescu et al. 2021 ; Habiyaremye 2021 ; Ratten 2020a , 2020b , 2020c ), given that entrepreneurs and their firms are embedded in society and that actors within the ecosystem are interdependent with each other. Some studies noted that knowledge sharing and the construction of a strong ecosystem helped firms to achieve higher performance or experience long-term growth during the COVID-19 pandemic ( Bărbulescu et al. 2021 ; Habiyaremye 2021 ). For example, Habiyaremye (2021) found that enhanced knowledge sharing through cooperative learning fostered higher innovation performance and efficient resource use for the organization and its partners, both during and after the COVID-19 crisis. In summary, at an organizational level, a transformation of organizational resources and processes supported by cooperative members is needed to break through such difficult times and to allow for new opportunities. Furthermore, in the context of persistent threats as a result of a pandemic, the interconnected nature of the ecosystem can enable entrepreneurial actors to utilize local knowledge and benefit from the interdependence between actors so that they can construct the necessary responses within the community in crisis.
As this long and unpredictable crisis continued, social actors struggled to gain the resiliency necessary for returning to the optimal, pre-pandemic state. Pursuing a path that returns to the former best state does not guarantee future success, especially when a crisis continues to progress. A variety of studies showed that the utilization of digital technology is a key that enables resilience as well as transformation during a crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic. Studies highlighted that digitalization assisted firms in using emergency responses as well as in responding strategically, quickly, and efficiently to societal crises, thus improving performance ( Belitski et al. 2022 ; Khlystova et al. 2022 ; Modgil et al. 2022 ). Moreover, digital technology helped entrepreneurs and their firms to not only bring about critical changes and increase efficiency during the crisis, but also to connect to necessary support, resources, and other ecosystem participants. For example, Ratten et al. (2021) found that co-creation opportunities are a common strategy for collaboration in the sports industry during times of crisis and engaging in online interactions helped sports entities to overcome the physical limitations brought about by social distancing policies. Meurer et al. (2022) showed that when access to help was significantly limited by social distancing tactics during the COVID-19 pandemic, entrepreneurs still sought and obtained support from online communities in resolving problems, collecting critical resources, evaluating ideas in early venture stages, understanding new emerging topics, and planning. As the pandemic froze the normal functioning of society, a transformation was needed to break through such difficult times. However, this transformation cannot be limited to merely returning to ‘the old good days’, especially when a crisis continues to progress. The studies in our review evidenced that digitalization allowed entrepreneurial actors to effectively gain the cooperation of others and to adjust to a new business environment.
Although the COVID-19 pandemic has had unprecedented, devastating effects across the world, all countries did not suffer in an identical manner ( Liñán and Jaén 2022 ; Liu et al. 2020 ). Scholars have come to realize that the institutional context has an important role in explaining such differences. In particular, studies have focused on formal institutions (e.g. the political system, government policy, and the quality of the business environment) rather than informal institutions (e.g. the level of corruption and cultural norms). For example, Liñán and Jaén (2022) emphasized the importance of the institutional context in transitioning entrepreneurial intention into realized behaviors. They highlighted that necessity-driven entrepreneurship is more prevalent in less favorable business environments (e.g. emerging countries, states with high fragility). Galindo-Martín et al. (2021) found that the countries that had higher levels of economic competitiveness before the pandemic also experienced more entrepreneurship and more sustained development during the pandemic due to their appropriate infrastructure, institutions, and educational and health systems.
Government policy received particular interest from these scholars as the pandemic brought about rapid government intervention from most countries to prevent the widespread transmission of the disease and to foster societal recovery. Lockdown policy, monetary policy, and fiscal policy are examples of such interventions. Stephan et al. (2020) found that the severity of country-level lockdowns had an impact on the degree of adversity faced by entrepreneurs and that those who were more severely affected enjoyed less hedonic and eudaimonic well-being, as well as more distress. Piva and Guerini (2022) showed that the reduction in new firm creation rates during the initial pandemic wave was mainly seen in areas where the pandemic was more severe, whereas lockdown policies had negative effects on firm creation rates, regardless of the level of pandemic severity. They also showed that the impact of firm support policies was negative in the regions where the pandemic was more severe, but the impacts of demand stimulus policies were positive and stronger where the pandemic was less severe. However, they observed that these effects disappeared in the second wave. Galindo-Martín et al. (2021) showed that monetary policy encouraged entrepreneurship during the COVID-19 pandemic as entrepreneurs benefited from increased loan availability and low-interest rates. They also confirmed that fiscal policies had a positive effect on entrepreneurship, but to a lesser extent than monetary policies.
The relationship between the institutional context and entrepreneurship is not limited in a unidirectional fashion. Audretsch and Moog (2022) suggested that entrepreneurship and democracy are closely linked as democracy and entrepreneurship are both fuelled by decentralized, independent, and autonomous decision-making. In particular, they argued that the pandemic allowed the government to impose restrictions on peoples’ freedoms, which is also the fundamental principle of entrepreneurship. Although Piva and Guerini (2022) separated the effect of lockdown policies from the effect of pandemic severity during different waves of the pandemic, most studies did not distinguish the effect of lockdown policies from pandemic severity and also neglected to account for the time horizon, which may play a key role in understanding how the impact of the pandemic has changed over time, depending on the relevant government policies that were enacted.
Natural catastrophes, as opposed to crises with human or technological precursors, cause unforeseen change, ranging from social transformations to changes in the role of the individual in entrepreneurship ( Bustamante et al. 2020 ; Dinger et al. 2019 ). Despite the fact that environmental disasters are infrequent, when earthquakes, tornadoes, floods, and volcanoes strike contemporary, industrial civilization, the affected region suffers a severe economic and social crisis. However, natural disasters not only disrupt networks and destroy infrastructure, but also provide new opportunities ( Boudreaux et al. 2022 ). In this context, the four studies covering environmental disasters within this review demonstrate that entrepreneurship, such as firm creation, individual agency, entrepreneurial preparedness, and start-up activity, has the potential to be a catalyst for community restoration, even in disaster-stricken areas. Based on the theory of planned behavior, Bustamante and colleagues (2020) investigated the moderating effect of an earthquake that took place in Chile on the link between entrepreneurship-oriented beliefs (behavioral, normative, and control beliefs) and entrepreneurial intentions. Dinger and colleagues, (2019) study, which analyzed six American communities that were affected by environmental disasters (i.e. tornado, flood), viewed entrepreneurship as an act of individual agency driven by a social, community-embedded identity. The authors found that the opportunities to engage in the recovery process post-crisis can influence the long-term dynamics and trajectories of the community. Muñoz et al. (2019) demonstrated how entrepreneurs living in communities under constant threat of volcanic eruptions prepare to continue their entrepreneurial activities or participate in new ones even after the expected eruption occurs. Also, researchers note that the effect of natural disasters on entrepreneurial activity is nuanced and contingent upon country governance ( Boudreaux et al. 2022 ). According to Boudreaux et al. (2022) , natural disasters tend to encourage more start-up activity, but only in countries that have high-quality governance.
In sum, entrepreneurship during and after a catastrophic environmental disaster, can also act as a recovery mechanism for the communities and societies involved. In comparison to other crises, studies covering environmental disasters attempted to reveal some of the more specific, inner psychological mechanisms at play by applying theories such as the theory of planned behavior or social identity theory, in order to help explain the importance of the relationship between human psychological factors and entrepreneurship. This suggests that even in the face of COVID-19, scholars have opportunities to investigate entrepreneurship more extensively by incorporating theories stemming from societal (i.e. crisis in context theory), psychological (i.e. socio-emotional decision theory), and educational (i.e. field theory) fields.
The study of entrepreneurship and political conflict covers the creation of small businesses by entrepreneurs and enterprises in areas where conflict persists, with a particular focus on harsh environments. Past conflicts, in addition to current political struggles, represent key sources of poverty given the inherent damage to economic activity and livelihoods, as well as the perpetuation of reinforced location dependence. Overcoming conflicts and enabling entrepreneurship in conflict-stricken regions may require alternative strategies and approaches, such as networking, local knowledge, major external investment, top-down government efforts, or capacity building ( Abebe 2022 ; Cheung and Kwong 2017 ; Churchill et al. 2021 ; Mittermaier et al. 2022 ). The approaches to entrepreneurship research on political conflict is two-fold, including: the bricolage-driven approach of refugee entrepreneurship ( Abebe 2022 ; Kwong et al. 2019 ; Mittermaier et al. 2022 ; Nisar Khattak et al. 2021 ) and the adversity-driven approach ( Churchill et al. 2021 ; Hayward et al. 2022 ).
First, the bricolage-driven approach has recently garnered the attention of scholars interested in refugee entrepreneurship because of its potential to offset the immense socio-economic issues triggered by the “refugee crisis” of the mid-2010s ( Abebe 2022 ). Bricolage, which can be defined as “making do with whatever is at hand [involves the] redeployment of discarded, disused, or unwanted resources-at-hand, be it physical artefacts, skills or knowledge, in ways different from those for which they were originally intended” ( Levi-Strauss 1966 ). War, infrastructure destruction, and the lack of physical mobility all limit access to a wider innovation system ( Cheung and Kwong 2017 ). The difficulties faced by displaced entrepreneurs bring about both opportunities and challenges in deploying bricolage ( Kwong et al. 2019 ). As such, bricolage is increasingly being recognized as an important strategy to tackle resource constraints, especially in conflict-affected contexts.
Second, the adversity-driven approach illustrates how, according to the underdog theory of entrepreneurship, early adversity, such as political difficulties, can positively influence the creation of entrepreneurship in adulthood ( Churchill et al. 2021 ; Hayward et al. 2022 ). Although such approaches are uncommon in entrepreneurship research, they are very common in childhood adversity-driven longitudinal research, where progress is examined from the time of the observed event to the subsequent outcomes ( Rauch and Hulsink 2021 ). According to emerging theory on “underdogs”, persons with less human capital or other disadvantages may choose or be forced to pursue self-employment or entrepreneurship ( Miller and Le Breton-Miller 2017 ). Ineffective personal conditions of an economic, sociocultural, cognitive, physical, and emotional nature may have an equally important role to play in motivating people to become successful entrepreneurs in developing countries with political difficulties ( Miller and Le Breton-Miller 2017 ). The employment difficulties these individuals face drive many of them to start their businesses within the informal sector. As a result, issues like childhood poverty and opportunity gaps in developing nations produce circumstances and experiences that inspire certain adaptation needs, which in turn encourage outcomes like work ethic, risk tolerance, social and networking skills, and creativity ( Hayward et al. 2022 ). In this broad context, applying the underdog hypothesis in developing nations with political difficulties may more effectively explain the consequences of entrepreneurship, such as whether and when people become entrepreneurs, as well as their level of success.
Recently, entrepreneurship studies have shifted from purely examining the individual traits of entrepreneurs to understanding how entrepreneurs and their behavior evolves over time. As a result, future entrepreneurship studies that account for political conflict should adopt a phenomenon-driven strategy to pull numerous concepts and arguments from many domains in order to experimentally map and fill the research gaps that exist in the field ( Abebe 2022 ). We believe it is important to note that future research should apply the adversity-driven approach from various geographical and historical contexts so as to ensure the validity of the research findings. For example, future research could also investigate how experiences with past political conflicts affect refugees and “underdogs” in terms of their coping mechanisms as entrepreneurs, as well as what particular actions these individuals take to create new ventures.
Our literature review systematically analyzed research at the intersection of crisis and entrepreneurship. We divided the crisis construct into six types and examined how each of them interacted within diverse entrepreneurial contexts. As a result, we were able to answer our two research questions.
How are the different types of crises addressed in entrepreneurship literature, and what similarities and differences exist?
The key findings answering this question are summarized in Table 3 . Regarding the impact of the global financial crisis on entrepreneurship, researchers paid most attention to themes with theoretical tensions between two opposing points of view: the questions of whether the economic crisis boosts or regresses entrepreneurship and whether small businesses can do better during the crisis. These questions are still being debated. Another theme focuses on the interactional or eco-system perspective, which acknowledges that locations, communities, and nations all play a role in the formation and development of entrepreneurship, and conversely, that small businesses can also have an impact on regional backgrounds. A series of scholars have also shown interest in the individual experiences of entrepreneurs during times of crisis. Finally, although the portion was not large, there were a series of studies that made efforts to move away from simply observing positive or negative effects, and instead, testing existing theoretical relationships in a crisis context or seeing whether firms can accumulate and learn from a crisis experience.
With the outbreak of COVID-19, many new studies have focused on natural disasters as the key contextual background of interest. We identified five research themes underlying the findings and discussions in these newer studies. Some themes are comparable to the financial crisis, while others are dissimilar. A few of these studies applied the anti-cycle view that entrepreneurial activities are promoted more in the face of a natural crisis. However, overall, this emerging research departs from merely testing the pros and cons of traditional tensions and instead focuses on taking a deeper look at the processes affected. While studies on financial crises focused on financial adversity, such as the high cost of capital and financial buffers to resiliency, studies covering natural disasters focused on obstacles in logistics and, in particular, on the selection of products and services. In a similar way, studies focusing on the survival of small businesses during times of crisis delved into specific strategies regarding how small companies survived better than their larger counterparts, rather than merely comparing survival rates. Similar to studies covering the 2007–2008 financial crisis, the institutional environment and interactions within such environments remained one of the important themes in natural disaster focused papers. The last notable difference was the emphasis on ‘digitalization’, particularly for studies encompassing COVID-19. Numerous studies concur that digital competence was essential for crisis survival.
Summary of key findings and future research directions.
Types of crisis/ㄲRsearch theme | Key discussions or findings | Future research directions |
---|---|---|
(1) Does the global financial crisis stimulate or reduce entrepreneurial activity? | Theoretical tensions exist between the pro-cyclical view, which predicts a reduction in entrepreneurship as it is a part of the macroeconomic system, and the counter-cyclical view, which predicts the opposite as the financial crisis pushes individuals into entrepreneurship | Can damaged entrepreneurial dynamics be restored in the long term? What processes or mediators (rather than outcomes) exist that affect an increase/decrease in entrepreneurial activities? What is the role of infrastructure (e.g. policy) in shaping the positivity of this effect? |
(2) Can entrepreneurial firms survive better in a financial crisis? | Some researchers suggest that small businesses are vulnerable to financial crises due to a lack of buffering resources. Others, especially Schumpeterian scholars, argue that their high flexibility will boost their viability during crises | At what point do entrepreneurial firms gain an advantage? For example, is it due to an ease of pivoting? Does ownership status affect chances of survival? How do strategies, such as vertical integration, affect small firm survival during a crisis? |
(3) Does the impact of a crisis on entrepreneurship vary by geography? | Geological backgrounds and their characteristics (e.g. the GDP of nations) play a major role in whether small firms can overcome the financial crisis. Often, it works the other way around: small firms help to reconstruct the regional economy | If region serves as a buffer, do MNCs based in various regions have a better advantage than entrepreneurial firms during times of crisis? How does the degree of an entrepreneur’s embeddedness to their community influence such interactions? |
(4) How do individual entrepreneurs deal with crises? | Characteristics of individual entrepreneurs, such as their emotional intelligence, alter firm reactions to the crisis | How does the support of family, colleagues, employees and partners affect an entrepreneur’s recovery and well-being? |
(5) Crisis as a moderator of the previously stated relationship | The crisis had moderating effects on previously established relationships, for example, national policies and types of entrepreneurship | Does the moderating effect of a crisis appear differently depending on the characteristics of the crisis (e.g. financial/natural)? |
(6) Does the organization learn from crises? | Some scholars questioned whether enterprises that had experienced a prior financial crisis (e.g. the 2003 economic slump) reacted differently in the 2008 crisis | Does the entrepreneur’s past crisis experience, not the company’s experience, also have a learning effect? Which strategies are most effective in this case? |
1997 Asian financial crisis | In most developing countries facing the crisis, entrepreneurship induced refugee effects allowed for a maintenance of household incomes via necessity-driven entrepreneurship | What is the difference between self-employment and desperate entrepreneurship and what are the additional factors that can explain necessity-driven entrepreneurship? |
Local economic collapse | The studies on local collapse dealt with scattered, local economic crises | How do the characteristics of each community affect entrepreneurship, particularly after the COVID-19 crisis? What regional characteristics have a negative or positive effect on entrepreneurship? |
2. COVID-19 pandemic | ||
(1) How has the pandemic influenced potential and nascent entrepreneurs’ decisions to start a new business? | Despite the unfavorable entrepreneurial environment, necessity-driven entrepreneurship was fostered during the pandemic. In particular, habitual entrepreneurs perceived opportunities to start new businesses | What is the long-term impact of the pandemic on entrepreneurial motivation and the decision to start a new business? How does the impact vary depending on the severity of the pandemic, the type of industry, or the local economic system that exists? |
(2) What challenges and opportunities did young and small firms face during the pandemic? | Difficulties in managing supply chains and acquiring capital were observed at the firm level and within the entrepreneurial ecosystem; opportunities were mostly present in health-related and non-contact industries. Some firms reconstructed their resources and strategies, changing challenges to opportunities | What combination of internal and external business conditions allows young and small firms to change challenges into opportunities? What is the role of the local community in this process? How are the challenges and opportunities different depending on the business stage of the new venture? |
(3) How did young and small firms respond to and overcome the pandemic? | A transformation of organizational resources supported by cooperative learning and value creation within the ecosystem helped firms to survive, enhance their performance, and achieve sustainable growth both during and after the pandemic | Do immediate reactions differ from responses made in the later phases of the pandemic? How does the entrepreneur’s social environment (e.g. family, friends, mentors) influence their decision-making during the pandemic? Following the pandemic, what do long-term interactions between entrepreneurial ecosystem participants look like? |
(4) How did the institutional environment affect entrepreneurship during the pandemic? | The institutional environment and entrepreneurship are closely linked to each other and the relationship varies depending on the context, such as the degree of entrepreneurial motivation, pandemic severity, the time horizon of the pandemic, and the characteristics of governmental policies | How do local characteristics (e.g. financial resources, human capital) moderate the impact of the pandemic over time? What is the optimal combination of institutional conditions to promote entrepreneurship, particularly considering the different phases of the pandemic? |
(5) What role did the digital capabilities of young and small firms play during the pandemic? | Digital capabilities help firms to not only quickly and efficiently respond to the new business environment as a result of the pandemic, but also to develop relationships with others, thus allowing them to connect to necessary support and resources | Do differences exist between early adopters and late adopters? How does the social environment (e.g. social norms, organizational culture, industry standards) influence the adoption and diffusion of digital technologies during the pandemic? What strategies could be used to improve the utilization of digital technologies during the pandemic? |
Environmental disasters | Entrepreneurship during and after a catastrophic environmental disaster, can also act as a recovery mechanism for the communities and societies involved | How does institutional quality affect the promotion of entrepreneurship and the ability for new ventures to overcome the natural disaster? |
Political conflicts | The bricolage-driven and adversity-driven approaches suggest that the current political struggle and past political conflicts both affect the formation of entrepreneurship | In addition to Vietnam and China, did refugee entrepreneurship continue to influence subsequent generations in areas where geopolitical conflicts persist, such as Palestine and Tibet? |
How can we broaden our understanding and deepen our insights into the relationship between a crisis and entrepreneurship?
Our second research question serves as the most critical role of the review study, which is to help researchers identify key research gaps and fresh theoretical perspectives ( Paul and Criado 2020 ). To best serve this goal, we suggest future research directions in three ways. First, the specific topics to be explored by each detailed crisis and research theme are individually summarized in Table 3 . Second, we discuss possible directions and cautions for further development centering on the themes dealt with in the papers reviewed in this study. Third, we present two perspectives that have not yet been primarily addressed in the studies reviewed here, but that deserve the attention of future research.
There are five key cautions and future research recommendations we would like to provide to scholars based on our review of the current literature. First, research focusing on the framework and classification of the different definitions of entrepreneurship may be critically beneficial. Researchers have presented several alternative definitions of entrepreneurship. Entrepreneurship was defined as an entrepreneurial activity at various levels (e.g. individual, organizational, national), self-employment ( Elitcha and Fonseca 2018 ), and new firm creation ( Cesaroni et al. 2018 ). Considering the multifaceted characteristics, it is inevitable that scholars would use different definitions according to their research questions, however we would like to remind scholars that it is important to consolidate knowledge on the topic under a more definitive framework. Similarly, measures for entrepreneurial activity varied greatly, including: entrepreneurial opportunity perception ( González-Pernía et al. 2018 ), the expected number of jobs (business units) in 5 years ( Devece et al. 2016 ), firm economic performance ( Brzozowski et al. 2019 ), and entrepreneur finance by volume and types of firms ( Brown et al. 2020 ). Analyzing what variables are typically used and how they are quantified may help academics interested in the topic to gain clarity and to identify potential study options.
Second, empirical research showed that the degrees of analysis in some studies did not match the proposed concepts. Specifically, some studies employed individual survey data to explain organizational performance or growth. For example, Kraus et al. (2011) examined the effects of market turbulence on firm performance during the crisis using survey data (n = 111), but the company’s performance was measured by individual respondents, not at the firm level. Also, the study of Pinho and de Lurdes Martins (2020) utilized GEM data to analyze the impact of institutional factors on new business opportunities in adverse macroeconomic environments. This study also measured institutional factor conditions (normative, cognitive, regulatory) using individual respondents from NES-GEM, which are not at the institutional level. If it is not possible to obtain data at the corresponding level of interest, multiple responses should be collected and measured and composite validities should be confirmed. In sum, researchers should offer a definition of entrepreneurship that agrees with the focus of the chosen, suitable research model. They should also confirm that their research model is consistent with their developed concepts of entrepreneurship and chosen level(s) of analysis. When interpreting research results, care must be given to prevent the expansion of the interpretation beyond the limits of the study. Therefore, researchers should be aware that contradictory results regarding whether a crisis positively or negatively impacts entrepreneurship very much depends on how a study defines entrepreneurship, determines the level(s) of analysis, and evaluates the factors involved.
Third, combining research themes is worthwhile. Each research theme establishes meaningful findings, but each interprets the problems through its own theoretical lens. Accordingly, we could not predict the more complex, multifaceted effects of a crisis on entrepreneurship. Certain research themes led to different, often conflicting conclusions. Abdesselam et al. (2017) stated that in response to the business cycle, entrepreneurial activities will inevitably shrink. However, in the research theme on the viability of small companies based on the Schumpeterian view, the effect of the macro environment in atrophying entrepreneurship was surprisingly small ( Davidsson and Gordon 2016 ). The discovery of these distinctly opposing main effects suggests the existence of a third contextual factor that current research has not yet considered. Therefore, comprehensively combining the major influential factors suggested among different research themes is promising. There have been a few studies that have attempted to do this. Hundt and Sternberg’s (2014) took into account time, region, and individual influences in determining whether the global financial crisis promoted entrepreneurial activities. Vegetti and Adăscăliţei (2017) also considered country-specific differences by entering 25 EU countries as high-level variables. Although they combined regional effects, other meaningful combinations are also possible. For instance, we can extend the crisis-learning theme by testing whether regions (not individuals or firms) that went through multiple crises served better for resilient backgrounds.
Fourth, future studies may wish to reflect upon each crisis’ specific characteristics. While studies on natural disasters are expanding, it was difficult to discover fundamental differences from studies on the financial crisis, especially in terms of variable operationalization, theorization, and conceptualization. Rather, many studies simply categorized the impact into pre-and post-crisis ( Brown et al. 2020 ). Failing to consider the inherent nature of each crisis may constrain the ability for researchers to refine interpretations and implications. For example, a financial crisis and a crisis caused by the spread of an epidemic disease can affect start-ups in very different ways. The former can dramatically increase a company’s capital acquisition costs, and the latter can limit supply-related decision-making. Even if the end result is the same, the existence of different mechanisms and surrounding factors depending on the type of crisis would point to findings that would allow for entrepreneurs to cope with different types of crises in more sophisticated ways. To pose an example related to COVID-19, future research may wish to tap into the rich, public data regarding virus infection and dissemination rates. Research themes regarding how such rates affected the speed of entrepreneurship recovery, or how an entrepreneur’s COVID-19 infection experience affected the progress of work (e.g. Chong et al. 2020 ), could be explored.
Lastly, in-depth theoretical analysis is needed to combine crisis and entrepreneurship-related research more succinctly. Most of the literature focused solely on the results of analyzing entrepreneurship during times of crisis without providing a sufficient theoretical explanation of the relationship between entrepreneurship and crises. Two exceptions include the studies by Dinger et al. (2019) and Bărbulescu et al. (2021) . These studies demonstrated an effort to explain the manifestation of entrepreneurship in times of crisis, and they proposed hypotheses that harmoniously described the traits of both entrepreneurship and crises. For example, Dinger et al. (2019) applied social identity theory to describe how opportunities to engage in the recovery process, post-crisis, can influence the long-term dynamics and trajectories of the community, whereas Bărbulescu et al. (2021) applied quadruple helix theory to explain how young people’s attitudes and behaviors impacted entrepreneurship participation during COVID-19. Future research may want to incorporate more diverse theories that hold a higher relevance to crises, such as the Crisis in Context Theory (CCT) ( Myer and Moore 2006 ), to uncover fruitful theoretical explanations of entrepreneurship in times of crisis.
While the previous section outlined five different avenues to deepen existing discussions, this section presents broader approaches to studying entrepreneurship in times of crisis from new theoretical lenses that may engender new research themes. In contrast to the narrow economic view, which regards crises as market failures and emphasizes that entrepreneurship is only to take advantage of such opportunities, the eco-systematic perspective has become popular ( Audretsch et al. 2019 ; Jabłońska and Stawska 2020 ). This perspective stresses that companies do more than solely making profits and emphasizes the necessity of analyzing mutual interactions among stakeholders (e.g. government, communities) that surround entrepreneurship ( Kotsopoulos et al. 2022 ). Our review showed that the interaction between a company and the environment is receiving attention regardless of the type of crisis. Thus, while keeping this eco-systematic perspective in mind, we would also like to extend this view into two separate and more nuanced avenues that merit further attention.
The third-party perspective has received increasing attention in the field concerning personal crisis, such as being the target of abusive behaviors or personal aggressions (e.g. Dunford et al. 2015 ; Hershcovis and Bhatnagar 2017 ). The focus of this perspective was to uncover when and why third parties engage in helping behaviors to the victim. By extending this perspective to entrepreneurial crisis contexts, entrepreneurial firms and entrepreneurs can be seen as victimized first parties to various crises, and any surrounding stakeholders, namely the government, large corporations, capitalists, local communities, and consumers, may all fall into the third party categorization.
Particularly during times of crisis, there is a tendency for firms to desperately rely on aid from the government or financial investors to overcome the risky valley. For instance, according to Murtinu (2021) , start-ups that managed to gain support from venture capitalists also obtained information about government institutional reforms more quickly, thereby achieving more favorable market evaluations. Therefore, it is critical to understand how these key crisis-savers view the focal companies during times of crisis. The third-party perspective has highlighted the importance of the third-parties’ attributions and the first-parties’ individual characteristics in determining whether or not to provide help ( Mellor 1992 ; Skarlicki and Kulik 2004 ). In entrepreneurial contexts, institutions may not help if they think that firms have not adequately prepared for the macro-crisis environment or that the company is not worth helping. Therefore, future research can focus on discovering which criteria institutional actors may use to determine which ventures to save first in the face of a crisis. For example, such decision making could depend upon the firm’s diversification strategy, the entrepreneur’s past crisis-related experience, or the CEO’s willingness to sacrifice a share of their ownership.
Qualitative interviews or surveys of government officials or investors can be used in tandem with the third-party perspective to apply diverse experimental methodologies that current literature has yet to implement. As mentioned previously, third-party studies are often closely related to the cognitions of key stakeholders ( Mellor 1992 ). Scenario-based manipulation could be adopted, where the characteristics of the business, or of the founding CEO, are manipulated. The subjects of the experiment would take on the perspective of a venture capital investor or of a government representative and decide which business they would fund, and ultimately save, amid the crisis. Such findings would hold important, practical implications for entrepreneurs in terms of improving their resiliency and survival rates via obtaining the timely support of stakeholders, particularly in the face of future crises.
In addition, the third-party perspective can shed light on valuable research themes at the individual level. Prior literature has extensively covered the personal difficulties and stresses experienced by entrepreneurs in the midst of a crisis. However, meaningful insights could be obtained by observing the feelings and responses of those closest to an entrepreneur, such as a spouse, partners inside the company, team members, as well as other founders. Given that close third-party interpretations of the situation and the emotional support that they provide can be decisive in determining the entrepreneurs’ well-being during times of crisis, this approach warrants future exploration ( Hobfoll et al. 1986 ). For instance, employee perceptions of the founder’s efforts during a crisis may affect their unity and loyalty, and subsequently, the venture’s resiliency. From the viewpoint of consumers, which represent another major third-party ( Roundy 2018 ), if the social value or innovative nature of the business is well-recognized, the firm may be better placed to overcome the crisis through more active consumption. We believe that utilizing this approach and considering the various third-party perspectives at play can help future research to generate novel and practical contributions.
Underlying many of the discussions so far is a common belief that entrepreneurship is desired and is something that our society should nurture, especially in times of crisis. According to the reviewed articles, this is true, to a certain degree, when it comes to leading economic growth ( Bakhtiari 2019 ), bringing about social innovation ( Sedera et al. 2022 ), and maintaining the livelihoods of lower-income populations ( Yindok 2021 ) in crisis. However, are all new businesses equally desirable and helpful during a crisis? According to Youssef et al. (2018) , certain conditions must be met in order for entrepreneurship to have a positive effect. We suggest that the current theoretical focus needs to shift from one that tracks the number of entrepreneurial activities amid a crisis, to one that measures the quality of such activities, especially on a long-term basis.
According to research, necessity-based entrepreneurship increases significantly after a crisis ( Martínez-Rodriguez et al. 2020 ). However, Acs (2008) warns that necessity-driven new firms are likely to negatively influence the economy’s sustainable development. This is because entrepreneurs with low levels of education or capital, particularly during a crisis, do not pioneer new ideas like opportunity-oriented entrepreneurs, but instead focus only on imitative start-ups that are easy and quick to establish ( Venâncio and Pinto 2020 ). Omri and Afi (2020) also commented that the more these start-ups pursue purely economic profits, the more insensitive they are to environmental problems. We have observed similar cases up close during the COVID-19 crisis. Small sized mask and sanitizer manufacturers have surged due to the outbreak of the pandemic. They aimed to satisfy the rapidly increasing market demand for such products, but supply soon exceeded demand, threatening their survival due to the large amounts of unsold inventory ( Aeppel 2021 ). Not only did this waste resources, but it also hurt employees and communities in the event of business closure. Therefore, future researchers are encouraged to observe not only the number of start-ups, but also the sustainable quality of these start-ups.
Another topic that deserves the attention of quality-conscious scholars is ‘corruption’ ( Abdesselam et al. 2017 ) because in the midst of chaos lies the lure of embezzlement. Governments provide tax credits, loans, and subsidies to stabilize global and local crises. For example, the U.S. adopted a COVID-19 stimulus program providing $1.9 trillion of support to small businesses and individuals. Given that this financial support needed to be delivered quickly, it is doubtful that the delivered financial or material aids were used as intended. Also, it is unclear how many start-ups that received these funds ended up surviving and creating long-term value, as opposed to launching and terminating their business only to secure policy funds. After tracking 129 firms over 4 years, Stevenson et al. (2021) found that, contrary to expectations, government-granted start-ups did not have a long-term profitability advantage. Therefore, the possibility of such embezzlement in a crisis context can be investigated by referring to studies on CEO morality (“Antecedents of Corporate Scandals: CEOs’ Personal Traits, Stakeholders’ Cohesion, Managerial Fraud, and Imbalanced Corporate Strategy | SpringerLink” n.d.) or unethical behaviors that favor the company, often called unethical pro-organizational behaviors ( Umphress et al. 2010 ).
Research on other actors in entrepreneurial ecosystems may benefit from a quality-oriented approach. During a crisis, the qualitative characteristics of the institutional environment changes swiftly, as do enterprises. Boudreaux et al. (2022) proposed the significance of examining institutional changes during crises like COVID-19 and their long-term impact. The ecological perspective revealed that the government and geographical background had a great influence on its survival, yet the majority of the attention was focused on economic qualities. However, aside from GDP, institutional actors have a number of characteristics that can determine their resilient momentum. The degrees of a government’s democracy ( Audretsch and Moog 2022 ), morality ( Massaro et al. 2022 ), grant policies ( Srhoj et al. 2022 ) and public health policies ( Belitski et al. 2022 ) may all affect the quality of formal institutions. It should not be overlooked that governments are equally prone to corruption ( Liu et al. 2021 ). Communities, as informal institutions, have different cultural traits ( Khlystova et al. 2022 ) or pro-social networks ( Meurer et al. 2022 ). We hope researchers investigate not only how belonging to an economically prosperous region aids survival in a crisis, but also how these varied institutional qualities affect entrepreneurship during times of crisis.
Funding source: Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea.
Award Identifier / Grant number: NRF- 2021S1A5B5A16076168
Research funding: This work was supported by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF- 2021S1A5B5A16076168).
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Table of Contents
Entrepreneurship and innovation are closely related but distinct concepts. While innovation involves introducing something new, such as a business model , product, idea, or service, entrepreneurship focuses on turning a great idea into a viable business opportunity.
Innovation is the starting point for entrepreneurship, as it involves the creation of new and valuable ideas. However, entrepreneurship goes further by taking on the risk and responsibility of bringing those ideas to market and building a successful business.
The key distinction lies in the risk component associated with entrepreneurship, which is not necessarily present in innovation alone.
The meaning of innovation involves the generation of new ideas, whether it be new products, processes, upgrades to existing services, or business models. It is the act of introducing something new or creating change that adds value to existing products or services .
Innovation plays a crucial role in promoting growth, enabling organizations to adapt to evolving market trends, and ultimately driving profitability. While innovation can involve the creation of entirely new concepts, it also includes improvements and enhancements to existing products, services, or ideas. It disrupts the status quo and encourages a departure from the traditional approach. Innovation requires fresh thinking, creativity, and the ability to identify opportunities for change and improvement.
It should be noted that innovation is distinct from invention, as it does not necessarily entail the creation of something entirely new. Instead, it focuses on introducing novel ideas or enhancing existing ones to meet the needs of customers, industry demands, and societal changes. Innovation is a vital means for organizations to remain relevant, competitive, and responsive in their respective industries, and it does not inherently involve risk.
A well-defined innovation strategy and effective management are crucial to capitalize on entrepreneurial opportunities and drive growth. An innovation strategy outlines goals and processes for generating and implementing new ideas. Through practices like idea generation, resource allocation, and risk assessment, businesses foster a culture of creativity and drive innovation at all levels. Embracing entrepreneurial opportunities and leveraging innovation as a catalyst allows organizations to stay competitive, adapt to market changes, and achieve sustainable growth.
Entrepreneurship encompasses the willingness of individuals or groups to take risks and capitalize on business opportunities in a dynamic market.
Business entrepreneurs play crucial roles as leaders, innovators, pioneers, and inventors, driving economic, technological, and social advancements within their industries. They possess the ability to identify and transform great ideas into viable business ventures by embracing risk. In doing so, they add value and creativity to the innovations they pursue.
Entrepreneurs are not limited to a single type of innovation but actively seek out diverse sources of innovation. Once they identify a promising opportunity, they establish and manage profitable businesses around it. To succeed, entrepreneurs must embody traits such as risk-taking, motivation, leadership, management skills, decision-making abilities, and effective planning. Successful entrepreneurship is the outcome of combining these qualities with dedication and hard work.
We at Digital Leadership offer innovation consulting services that guide organizations through the process of digital transformation. With expertise in emerging technologies and new business models, we help businesses unlock their potential and create value . Our customized strategies, backed by the UNITE Innovation Frameworks, enable long-term sustainability and maximize profit while minimizing costs.
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Entrepreneur Type | Description |
---|---|
Serial Entrepreneur | Starts and manages multiple businesses, constantly seeks new opportunities, and identifies market gaps. |
Social Entrepreneur | Driven by creating positive social or environmental change, focuses on innovative solutions for societal problems. |
Lifestyle Entrepreneur | Prioritizes personal freedom and fulfillment, and starts businesses aligned with interests and values for a desired lifestyle. |
Scalable Entrepreneur | Aims for high-growth businesses with scalability, and focuses on innovative ideas or technologies. |
Small Business Entrepreneur | Establishes and operates independent businesses, often with a local or niche focus. |
Corporate Entrepreneur | Exhibits an entrepreneurial mindset within established companies, driving innovation and identifying new business opportunities. |
Technopreneur | Specializes in technology-based businesses, leveraging advancements to develop and commercialize innovative products or services. |
Although there is a link or relationship between innovation and entrepreneurship , they have different meanings altogether. Here are the major differences between the two concepts:
Innovation meaning: Innovation is the process of creating something new.
Entrepreneurship: Entrepreneurship identifies the opportunities in great innovations creates opportunities, adds value, and keeps the value improving over a period of time.
Point of Difference | Innovation | Entrepreneurship |
Definition | Creation of something new. | Identification of innovative opportunities and their transformation into profitable business ventures. |
Risk-Taking | The generally low risk involved. | Involves taking significant risks to convert ideas into successful businesses. |
Durability | Often has a short lifespan. | Exhibits long-term durability, with continuous and improvement. |
Interest | Innovators may lose interest after the idea stage. | Entrepreneurs persist, adapt, and work hard to make their ventures more successful. |
Skills | Focuses on inquiry, creativity, and experimentation. | Requires planning, leadership, management, decision-making, risk-taking, and hard work. |
Cause | The outcome of new thinking and ideas. | Process of leveraging innovation to create viable business opportunities. |
Innovative entrepreneurship is crucial for identifying emerging trends and market demands, allowing businesses to create new and appealing goods or services for their target audience. To stay relevant in a competitive landscape, businesses must continue to innovate by developing innovative products, and services, and evolving their brand. Innovation plays a central role in entrepreneurship as it involves the replacement or improvement of existing offerings, enabling entrepreneurs to meet market trends and satisfy customer demands with innovative strategies.
Here are some benefits of innovation entrepreneurship:
Creative development.
Innovation entrepreneurship fosters creativity, and design thinking, and encourages employees to tap into their creative potential. It helps businesses adapt to market demands and trends, opening doors to new opportunities for growth.
The process of brand development, guided by HR innovation teams, is a crucial driver of business success. It helps businesses establish strong digital business models and reinforces their brand presence in the market. By focusing on digital business strategies, organizations can leverage technology and digital platforms to enhance their operations, reach wider audiences, and create unique customer experiences.
Innovation entrepreneurship paves the way for continuous improvement within organizations. Recognizing the importance of innovation, entrepreneurs strive to enhance their creativity and drive ongoing advancements in their products, services, and processes.
HR innovation teams are adept at responding to current needs and positioning businesses for future market trends. Innovation entrepreneurship equips businesses with the understanding and ability to proactively respond to emerging trends, facilitating their growth and success.
Maximizing Existing Products: While introducing new products and services is important, innovative culture also emphasizes making the most of existing offerings. Through continuous improvements and enhancements, businesses can increase their profitability and efficiency, propelling them to greater heights. Design thinking plays a pivotal role in this process, as it encourages a human-centered approach to problem-solving and innovation.
Consumers recognize the value that innovation brings to products and services. Innovation entrepreneurship adds compelling elements that differentiate businesses, offering them positive exposure and a unique selling point.
Leveraging social media platforms enables businesses to effectively communicate their innovation campaigns to a wide target audience. It provides valuable insights into customer needs and preferences, helping businesses improve their offerings to meet those demands effectively.
By embodying these traits and tips, aspiring entrepreneurs can foster an innovative mindset and increase their chances of success in the dynamic business landscape.
Innovation and entrepreneurship are distinct yet interconnected concepts that play vital roles in the success of businesses. Some may think they mean the same thing, but using them interchangeably is an error. While they center around the same idea, it is important to understand their differences.
Innovation is the embodiment of creative thinking, driving the development of unique solutions and ideas. It encompasses the introduction of technological or digital advancements that unlock new possibilities and capabilities. Serving as the backbone of every organization, innovation is imperative for success. Businesses that neglect to cultivate an innovative culture put themselves at risk of being outpaced by their more forward-thinking competitors. Entrepreneurship revolves around the ability to identify and seize business opportunities, while innovation centers on transforming those opportunities into reality.
To stay relevant in their respective industries, companies require the synergy of both entrepreneurs and innovators. While business entrepreneurs possess the vision to make strategic decisions, it is the innovator who possesses the expertise to effectively execute those decisions and drive towards a shared goal.
We believe the information shared in this post will give you a better understanding of the Innovation-Entrepreneurship Relationship.
The process of brand development, guided by HR innovation teams, is a crucial driver of business success. It helps businesses establish strong digital business models and reinforces their brand presence in the market
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Learn how to overcome the 90% failure rate in innovation from a master innovator and best-selling author.
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t first glance, employability and entrepreneurship may appear to be two distinct fields. However, both practical and theoretical findings indicate that the two may be more interlinked than we believe.
It would be beneficial to begin this evaluation by first defining the concepts of employability and entrepreneurship, and subsequently asking the question of what do both fields constitute that inevitably places them in correlation with each other. Given the vast amount of both academic and commercial sources of information on the definitions of these two concepts, we will seek to provide academic (and practical definitions) of both these areas.
According to the Institute of Employment Studies, employability is “about having the capability to gain initial employment, maintain employment and obtain new employment if required” (Hillage, J. and Pollard, E., 1998; p.2).
Additionally, the same study by Hillage & Pollard (1998; p.3) identifies three key aspects of employability in an individual, which are:
Entrepreneurship, according to Professor Howard Stevenson, as quoted by Iacobelli and Eisenmann (2013; p.2) is “the pursuit of opportunity beyond resources controlled”. The question of whether employability and entrepreneurship have a direct link and if yes, the extent of the latter, makes the case for a look into the skills and competencies that are attributed to employability and entrepreneurship.
In a research conducted by Open University, a group of individuals and stakeholders who were directly associated with entrepreneurship were asked to provide examples of the attributes that they seek to provide their entrepreneur participants with. The study found that there was a considerable number of mutual personal skills within employability and entrepreneurship.
Examples of such skills include interpersonal and relationship building, innovation and problem-solving (Evelyn, 2021). Similar to the argument put forward by the aforementioned, another study examining the relationship between entrepreneurship and employability proposes a similar viewpoint.
The research states that when higher education institutions enhance learner employability, they are also making the same impact with respect to personal entrepreneurial skills. Nonetheless, it must be noted that whilst, in this perspective, entrepreneurship may be seen as a “special form of employability”, employability teaching is limited if the aim is promoting self-employment knowledge. In a world that is becoming increasingly centred on technology, there are now countless tools available to those seeking to pursue self-employment and/or entrepreneurship. For instance, let’s consider one example: building an online store or a website. This is a task that would be considered “complicated” in the 2000s or even early 2010s.
Additionally, building a business website would be considered to be a “corporate” matter: something that would mainly be done by a business. Currently, building a website (at least a simple one with an “okay” design) is a relatively seamless task, using Content Management Systems (CMS) such as Wix , WordPress , Webflow or Drupal .
In the above example, this development alone is arguably a factor that has increased the number of people who have either switched to self-employment on a full-time basis. Alternatively, many individuals have begun commercialising their personal skills on a part-time/second job basis, thanks to more availability of the means of accessing their target audience.
Whilst the example of CMS systems and the ease of building websites and/or online stores may seem minor, it does reflect a shift. This shift and academic research support the view that employability and entrepreneurship are far more related than we think.
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Despite the powerful benefits of entrepreneurial failure experience with regard to experiential learning and future venture performance, our understanding of how failure experience impacts entrepreneurs’ decision to reenter entrepreneurship while taking advantage of the lessons that they have learned from their previous entrepreneurial endeavors remains limited. While some studies have highlighted the potential of entrepreneurial failure experience to stimulate reentry intention, other researchers have argued that failure experience can actually decrease subsequent entrepreneurial intention. This study draws on various streams of research on entrepreneurs’ responses to business failures at the cognitive, affective, and behavioral levels to propose the existence of a curvilinear relationship between entrepreneurial failure and reentry intention. We employ hierarchical regression to test a series of hypotheses by reference to a sample of 379 entrepreneurs who had experienced failure in their recent business ventures. The results reveal that the degree of failure exhibits an inverted U-shaped relationship with reentry intention. Furthermore, we find that the effect of entrepreneurial failure on reentry intention is mediated by entrepreneurs’ learning from failure and that entrepreneurial passion moderates the effects of entrepreneurial failure on both learning from failure and reentry intention. This article helps explain the distinctive effects of failure experience on reentry intention and provides empirical evidence that can facilitate the development of tailor-made support programs that can help previously failed entrepreneurs address the challenges that they encounter during the process of reentry into entrepreneurship.
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Causal ascriptions and perceived learning from entrepreneurial failure, data availability.
The datasets generated during and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.
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The first author would like to acknowledge the financial support of the National Natural Science Foundation of China (Grant No: 72172165) and the Natural Science Foundation of Guangdong Province, China (Grant No: 2024A1515011283).
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Institute for justice clinic on entrepreneurship—significant achievements for 2023-24.
The Institute for Justice Clinic on Entrepreneurship (IJ Clinic) continued to be a lifeline for small businesses in Chicago in 2023-24 through our meaningful representation of low-income entrepreneurs, advocacy for economic liberty, and outreach to small businesses throughout the city. Particularly in the South and West sides of Chicago, entrepreneurs and small business owners struggle to navigate the changing economic and regulatory landscape. IJ Clinic students and attorneys were able to provide invaluable guidance to clients and lawmakers so that the small businesses that are key to our economic future can survive and even flourish.
The IJ Clinic is delighted to work with Chicago entrepreneurs looking to transform their companies and communities. In our role as outside general counsel for a select group of client businesses founded by low-income entrepreneurs, we forge long-term relationships and are uniquely situated to gain insights into the business objectives and operations of clients.
In 2023 we bid farewell to a few clients who graduated, and in 2024 welcomed three new clients with student participation in reviewing prospective client applications, interviewing candidates, selecting and onboarding them as clients.
Our clients feature businesses across various industries and neighborhoods.
The IJ Clinic advises on a wide array of contracts and issues ranging from entity structures, finance, real estate, employment, IP strategy and protection, and customer and vendor facing contracts.
Students benefit from frequent client interactions, leading meetings, scoping out projects and delivering results. In addition to researching legal issues, students develop communication skills including how to deliver creative solutions and sometimes unwelcome news.
By providing free legal services to our clients, we help them transform their companies and communities. Details of our engagement with and representation of our clients are confidential, of course. But here is a sampling of some of the major projects students worked on for clients in the past year:
As one of our clients expressed to our student team as they prepared to graduate , ”Before you go ... your impact on our business plans went beyond our expectations. You gave us the power to add new options for important decisions and more confidence once our choices were made. [Our business] quickly became able to move faster with more complex transactions. Great students ask good questions. And we got a lot of the right questions when we needed them to catch our attention.”
The IJ Clinic acts as a watchdog, advocating for legislative reform to knock down excessive regulatory and legal barriers that keep entrepreneurs from making their dreams a reality.
In addition, the IJ Clinic led the continuing efforts to root out inequities in occupational licensing in Illinois. In the previous year, the IJ Clinic drafted and lobbied for two bills that passed in the Illinois General Assembly. Under the moniker CLIMB, standing for Comprehensive Licensing Information to Minimize Barriers, the new laws were designed to present the General Assembly with more information, data, and context about the unintentional or excessive burdens that the State of Illinois places on people starting jobs. Occupational licenses impose strict requirements for individuals who want to enter an occupation, like barbering or make-up artistry, or social work. By their very definition, they exclude people who cannot afford to meet the requirements (and put some people into debt to meet them). And that makes it very difficult for the low-income entrepreneurs we serve to start innovative or traditional businesses and to hire eligible employees. In one CLIMB bill, Public Act 102-1078, we designed a task force to analyze occupational licensing for low- to moderate-income occupations, with a focus on equity. In 2022-2023, we led the effort to set up the task force, collect and analyze relevant data, and present the task force with the information needed to complete their report. One key finding of our analysis of public occupational licensing data revealed that only 1.7% of low- to moderate-income licensees ever faced discipline from state regulators, and sixty-six percent of those disciplinary actions were initiated for state revenue collection, not for scope-of-practice infractions that could impact public health and safety. Our goal is to have a General Assembly that is well informed of the facts about individual people’s challenges, not just the goals of the trade associations and trade schools that benefit from exclusionary, restrictive licensing.
The IJ Clinic provides educational seminars and community events aimed at offering entrepreneurs practical advice on starting and growing a business, with a healthy dose of inspiration along the way.
South Side Pitch : The IJ Clinic continues to shine a spotlight on innovation and inspiration from Chicago’s South Side entrepreneurs. South Side Pitch is a competition for businesses that culminates in the finalists facing off before a panel of prominent judges, Shark Tank style. In 2023, we had a live audience of over 105 attendees at the Polsky Center while also presenting a professional live video stream for a group of viewers. Rodney Trussell of R City Kitchen, through his own unique pitch, won three awards: First Place, The Community Favorite Award, and the Rustandy Center Social Impact Award. He went home with $15,500. Second Place went to April Preyar of Justus Junkie, Inc. In this tenth annual event, we reviewed more than 100 applications, exposed hundreds of Chicagoans to the twenty-five semi-finalists who posted video pitches and five finalists whose businesses contribute so much to their South Side neighborhoods. Often, South Side Pitch participants are prospective clients for the IJ Clinic where we can further support their business visions and growth.
Pitch Perfect: An opportunity for Chicagoland businesses to develop and hone the all-important business pitch hosted in the Green Lounge. In June 2024, our first Pitch Perfect of the year was open to any Chicago area business. As one participant noted “... I will incorporate all the knowledge I gleaned from the event last night as I move forward in my business. Also, I will definitely share information about this event to others I feel will equally benefit from this program.” In 2023, we also held Pitch Perfects in August and November with partner organizations like The Urban Juncture Foundation and its Build Bronzeville Small Business Development Center. Overall, nearly sixty participants attended all three Pitch Perfects in 2023.
Workshops: In 2024 the IJ Clinic has already hosted two workshops, one focused on vacant lots advocacy and another on website optimization for businesses. The IJ Clinic collaborated with 2022 South Side Pitch finalist CJ Harris of That’s So Creative, LLC to host the workshop “Make Your Website Work For You!” The IJ Clinic also hosted a roundtable with community leaders and local entrepreneurs who have encountered obstacles to obtaining city-owned vacant lots and who wish to reform the acquisition process. The group plans to reconvene in November or December of 2024 to consider any progress made by the city which has announced initiatives to streamline certain city processes to help make sure vacant lots in disinvested communities are given back to those community members.
Lunch Talks : In April 2024, the IJ Clinic collaborated with two student-led organizations, Impact Initiative and the Law and Business Society, to present two Lunch Talks. These two lunch talks included IJ Clinic clients Connie Anderson and Clifton Muhammad from The Record Track on revitalizing their neighborhood record store and Professors Tom and Amber Ginsburg’s creative and regulatory journey to transform an abandoned synagogue on the South Side into a green community arts center.
Generous with their time and openly sharing their experiences, we so appreciate our IJ Clinic alumni.
In January 2024, we held a happy hour for IJ Clinic alumni in New York City to reconnect with Professors Catherine Gryczan and Beth Kregor.
During the school year, IJ Clinic alumni were guest speakers in our seminar meetings. One spoke about her experience as a lawyer and advocate for businesses in the cannabis industry, and a pair of alumni shared their career paths before and into their roles as in-house counsel in a sports team, a financial firm, and a food services business.
While we are very proud of our achievements for our clients and community, we are also proud of all the aha moments when our students’ skills take a leap forward, when they make new connections between the classroom and the world, when they deliver difficult news, when they identify solutions to clients’ problems in a creative but practical way. Those moments of reflection and discovery are significant achievements too.
Here is how some of our students described the experience:
“I began my 3L year quite worried about whether I would be ready to practice law in just a few short quarters. But during my time at the Clinic, I learned such a wide array of hard and soft skills that I'm ready to enter the legal profession with confidence!”
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Transcript — September 3, 2024
Jon Alterman: Isabelle Werenfels, welcome to Babel.
Isabelle Werenfels: Thank you very much for having me, Jon.
Jon Alterman: You recently helped write a paper on what were described as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) “southern neighborhoods.” Why should a transatlantic military alliance that's preoccupied with Russia's invasion of Ukraine focus on the Mediterranean?
Isabelle Werenfels: Well, because what NATO is fighting on its eastern flank is also present in its southern flank. I think that is a very important reason. If we look, for instance, at the Sahel, we have a growing Russian presence. We have Russian narratives that are gaining traction in North Africa. We have Wagner, or now Africa Corps, in Libya. It probably came a bit as a shock to the members of the alliance to see how difficult it was to generate solidarity with Ukraine among North African countries in the UN after February 2022.
All these things came together, and then you have Russia drawing on Iranian drones to fight in Ukraine. So, it's very difficult to separate these arenas. Then, of course, you have the southern European allies that are direct neighbors of North Africa, and as Pedro Sanchez said at the NATO Summit Public Forum, our well-being, meaning the Europeans’ or southern Europeans’ well-being, depends on that of our neighbors. All of that came together, and I imagine there was a strong push from the southern European allies to have a look at the southern neighborhoods.
Jon Alterman: Much of our audience is American. For an American audience, it is a bit complicated to understand what NATO’s role should be, what the EU’s role should be, what a national role should be, and what a multilateral role should be in different venues. In your opinion, what should be the breakdown in NATO's and the EU's approaches to the Mediterranean Basin?
Isabelle Werenfels: There should be a very clear division of labor, as you insinuate. The EU is the actor who is best at all of the questions of development. Development aid, the economic questions, etc. We can discuss whether they are good at that or not, but this is their turf.
When it comes to security, I think NATO has added value. If we just take one example, most North African armies really noticed how well the Ukrainians did initially in February 2022, thanks to NATO training. These countries are very keen on that. It is a way to build ties and bring them closer to the alliance, which is the ultimate goal.
At the same time, it would be naïve to think that these countries will decide between NATO, the alliance, Western countries—whatever we want to call it—and the strategic competitors. However, there are areas where NATO has things to offer that the EU cannot offer. When it comes to heavy lifting, even in domains such as resilience, disaster control, etc., we shouldn't forget that within NATO, we have the United States and, at the same time, there is Turkey. That is also a very important signal to some of the southern partners.
Jon Alterman: Let me ask about the strategic competitors. Of course, Algeria has a long history of relations with Russia and China. Egypt has been deepening its relationships with both Russia and China. As you've watched the Ukraine war unfold, what kinds of attitudes have you seen in North Africa toward solidarity with NATO about Russian moves? To what extent is there a sense that Russia is a useful player, partly for its role in regional affairs and partly for its role pushing back Western European demands for human rights, democratization, and those kinds of things? You've spent a lot of time thinking about Tunisia, and there certainly is a sense that China is a welcome alternative to Western pressure on democratization. How do North African countries think about the prospect of solidarity with NATO countries and Western countries?
Isabelle Werenfels: There's a huge ambivalence regarding Russia to different degrees. You mentioned Algeria, which has a very long history cooperating with Russia. Since 2022, Algeria has largely, but not completely, aligned with Russia in UN resolutions. However, Algeria saw that its close relations with Russia do not necessarily pay off in its immediate neighborhood, the Sahel.
Algeria had good ties with Mali and decent ties with Niger. Since the coups in those two countries, it has been quite turbulent. Relations with Mali have gone sour, despite the fact that the new military junta in Mali is very close to Russia. Just as its ambassador said at the UN just a few days ago, Algeria does not like having private militaries in neighboring countries, referring to Wagner and Africa Corps. This is one thing which has made them ambivalent.
At the same time, however, there's this sense that Russia, together with China, offers an alternative global order, and that China—more so than Russia—offers a more just, more equitable global order that takes into account what the countries in the Global South need and want. I think that's where the ambivalence is.
Then, we also have differences between governments and populations, and we have differences between different countries. A country like Morocco has aligned much more closely with the Western countries on Ukraine, it has relations with Israel, and it is fiercely anti-Iran. Whereas in Tunisia, we have an interesting situation. We have a military that is rather pro-Western because most of its equipment and corporations are connected to the United States, and that's going very well. They have good NATO ties. We have that, but we have a president who has a totally different discourse, who has traveled to Iran, who is pro-Russian, who's been to China, and who is more or less courting these states, or they're courting him.
Large parts of the political elite are still in a different mode. That's another dimension. All of these countries, not just Tunisia, are strongly dependent on Europe for trade reasons. That is something that we still see. Even if they have diversified—even if Algeria's being courted because of its gas—Europe is a really important partner, and it has pipelines that go to Europe. We cannot forget these dependencies. At the same time, the cooperation paradigm between Europe and North Africa has changed fundamentally in past years. That's what Europe is trying to come to terms with, and so far, hasn’t managed.
Jon Alterman: Let's talk about that. When you and I first met more than 20 years ago, everybody was talking about the Barcelona Process, the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. What happened to those ideas that were in the air in the early 2000s? What went right and wrong, and what needs to be done differently going forward?
Isabelle Werenfels: That's a huge question. The framework at the time had different baskets: there was the political track, there was the economic track, and then there was a civil society track. There was already a contradiction between strengthening civil societies and closely cooperating with authoritarian regimes. However, I don’t think that was the essential problem. The problem was that somehow, reforms in those countries didn't really work, or they did not work enough.
The idea was that there should be a ring of prosperity around the Mediterranean. However, the reforms didn't develop in the way that Europeans had hoped, and the relationships just didn't deepen the way Europeans had hoped.
One reason for this was that Europeans were very much in a donor-recipient mode, and they were not ready to make concessions on issues that were very important to those countries. In trade, if you look at tomatoes from Morocco or olive oil from Tunisia, Europeans were not ready to really open their markets. As far as visas were concerned, southern partners were frustrated because Europeans couldn't grant visa freedom or freedom of movement for obvious domestic reasons. The southern partners were disappointed and lacked the will to really engage in the reforms the Europeans wanted, especially democratic reforms. They saw no reason to engage in those prior to 2011 and the so-called Arab Spring.
What has changed in recent years is that the North African countries now want to call the terms of trade. Europe is still struggling to deal with their stronger sovereignty reflexes, growing leverage, and negotiating power. There are lots of reasons for North Africa’s growing leverage, but one of the main reasons is the issue of migration, and the second reason is the export of oil and gas. Phosphate and other minerals also matter, but to a lesser extent.
That has given these countries a lot more negotiating power. There are other factors that have put them in a stronger position: instability in the Sahel, which has made stability in North Africa even more important, and the growing presence of strategic competitors. A country like Morocco has become very aware of the fact that it has important trade corridors between Europe and Sub-Saharan Africa. That connectivity has become a huge issue. Highways, pipelines, ports, etc. It's being courted by many actors. We see a lot of leverage, and, at the same time, the Europeans are not united on how to deal with these countries. These countries are excellent. They have learned how to play European countries against each other.
Jon Alterman: Let me pick up on two points that you just raised. You said that these North African states have a lot more leverage, and they're using the leverage more effectively. To what extent has the 2011 Arab Spring changed European perceptions and zeal to promote democratization? Is there a sense at all on the European side that maybe it wasn't worth it to invest so much in democratization because it didn't yield much? Or was there some other impact of the 2011 Arab uprisings that reframed the way Europe thinks about what is happening in North Africa?
Isabelle Werenfels: There were a number of things that reframed that. After 2011, there was general euphoria. There was a conviction that democracy was really coming and that we would see linear processes. Disappointment began in 2013 with Egypt. At the same time, European countries were very wary of the growing strength or impact of Islamist parties to different degrees. After the 2013 Sisi coup, the atmosphere had already changed a little bit.
For many European countries, 2015 was another important point because of the so-called migration crisis. After that, democratization was off the agenda. The one and only concern was, "How can we keep migrants out for domestic reasons? If we don't keep them out, we will have right-wing parties getting stronger and right-wing discourse and narratives dominating our domestic politics.”
We had a change and a disillusionment. If you look at a country like Tunisia, enormous funds were invested from the European perspective. Then, there was stagnation and a sense that many important reforms didn't take place—not just politically, but also economically. Then from 2021, we had a new president becoming increasingly authoritarian. So, there is almost total disillusionment.
Additionally, the terrorist attacks that happened after 2011 and the jihadism coming from North Africa and the Islamic State in the Middle East played a role in Europe, albeit to a lesser extent than migration. There was an amalgamation of the entire region, and it came across to many Europeans as a threat. Right-wing politicians played on that, and that changed the whole cooperation paradigm from the European side. While on the other side, there was growing self-confidence, leverage, and negotiating power.
Jon Alterman: As you mentioned, Europe is not a single body. There are different countries with a whole set of different perspectives. Are there different blocs in Europe? Are there groups of countries that think about things in different ways? How would you disaggregate them to understand where Europe is coming from?
Isabelle Werenfels: Regarding democratization, you have always had a Northern European bloc and a Southern European bloc. In Northern Europe, democracy, human rights, etc., were very dominant in the discourse and maybe a little less dominant in the policies.
Countries such as Spain, France, and Italy were always very pragmatic when it came to democracy. These states were their direct neighbors. They wanted to cooperate with them. They have close trade relations. In those countries, human rights, democracy, governance discourses played a smaller role. So, we have these blocs regarding democracy.
Then, interestingly, you had Eastern Europe with increasingly authoritarian tendencies or currents. If you look at the Hungarian president or at a certain time in Poland, there were sympathies for authoritarian leaders.
Then, you have uniting issues such as migration. Egypt is a country where most European states will have the same policy. All over Europe, you hear that Egypt is too big to fail. Egypt is geopolitically crucial because of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Regarding Egypt, there's no disagreement. When we move toward the Maghreb, however, we really have huge disagreements. If we look at Libya during the times of huge violence when General Haftar, the Russian-backed general who commands Eastern Libya, was moving to Western Libya, France supported him while other Europeans were very much aligned with the UN-backed government in the capital in Western Libya. You have these dynamics, and really almost hostilities. Italy had a different position from France. Germany was very much trying to mediate. It's very easy to create divisions among European countries when it comes to North Africa.
Jon Alterman: Let me take you back to Libya. During the Libyan Civil War, the Obama administration talked about “leading from behind.” Has the way that European countries and the United States engaged in Libya changed the way that that they're likely to engage in security issues in North Africa? How does Libya shape how the United States and European countries think about bilateral versus multilateral engagement in regional security issues?
Isabelle Werenfels: It has certainly lowered the appetite for intervention. That is absolutely clear, because the outcome was not what any of the countries engaged in Libya in 2011 were wishing for. Libya has shown how difficult it is to multilaterally engage in the security domain with a country that is so divided, because you will always have different positions of individual actors. Again, you have the direct neighbors such as Italy and to a certain extent France. You have others that are further away and then take on different positions in Europe.
Libya has also shown the Europeans that if you have a power vacuum, you will have strategic competitors moving in there. And this is what has happened with Russia. On the question of whether Europeans are still enthusiastic for democratization, I think anything that could imply destabilization is something Europeans are extremely wary of. Of course, Libya plays a role in this. Countries like Algeria are profiting from this, because they are increasingly considered an anchor of stability. So, regimes in those countries are being supported. Morocco is, in a way, the big winner in the region. Also, Egypt has profited enormously from the instability in the larger neighborhood.
Jon Alterman: There's a long, European history of colonial ties to the Mediterranean Basin. France played a dominant role. The UK also played a role. There was the Italian colonial presence in Libya. How does that legacy shape the way Europe continues to engage with the Mediterranean Basin, and the way the Mediterranean Basin continues to engage with Europe? Do you sense that even the non-colonial powers in Europe think about the Levant, which was largely British, differently than it thinks about the Maghreb, which was largely French?
Isabelle Werenfels: The colonial legacies are interestingly becoming much more of a burden these days than they were 10 years, 20 years, or 30 years ago. France senses this very much. After 2011, when France supported the dictator in Tunisia to the last minute, France became unpopular in Tunisia and among the Tunisian class. In Algeria, it was always very ambivalent. Also, Morocco has begun to move away from France. These colonial legacies play out a lot in hostilities or in very strong post-colonial discourses these days, discourses of neo-colonialism, and what I said before regarding sovereignty reflexes.
From the European side, it has become much more difficult to present advice, even if Europeans do not consider them to be patronizing suggestions, because they will be considered patronizing or neo-colonial from the other side. Everything related to political systems in these countries is rejected as being neo-colonial. It doesn't matter which country it comes from. France is in the most difficult position. Italy is in a difficult position to a certain extent in Libya. At the same time, one cannot deny the extremely close ties in the social fabric and the language. It is where young people from the Maghreb want to go and study. Libyans like to go to Italy. All the Francophone Maghrebis basically want to go to France. It's changing a little bit. It's very complex, very troubled, and I would argue it's getting more difficult. There is also a possibility for actors such as China to come in with new discourses of global order that claim to offer a different order that is based on justice, doesn't have the colonial baggage, etc.
Jon Alterman: What do you think that means for U.S. and European cooperation in the Middle East? Is the United States seen as part of that hegemonic project that's disadvantaged and gets lumped in with Europe? Are there ways the United States can untie the colonial legacy because of the long American history of anti-colonialism? How should it play out from a U.S. and European government perspective?
Isabelle Werenfels: The United States has a big advantage theoretically. At the moment, it doesn't have a big advantage practically because of the war in Gaza. That is changing the way North Africans are looking at the United States. However, if we move back to before 7th October, in a country like Tunisia, the United States was able to criticize more than many of the European countries without causing a public outcry. With Morocco, we know that ties are very good and getting closer all the time. This has to do with normalization with Israel and the so-called Trump deal, which has been upheld by the Biden administration. It's very difficult to say where it's going now with anti-U.S. sentiment.
Then, we have another thing. Maghrebis are quite divided over which administration they wish to see. The Moroccans and Egypt would have the smallest problem with a Trump administration. Others would have more difficulties with it. Morocco has been close and has profited from the Trump administration. Trump made very positive remarks about Sisi. He will remember that. We will see different reactions to different U.S. administrations. If we discount the current situation, the United States can approach these countries in a different way, because it does not have the colonial legacy.
Jon Alterman: Isabelle Werenfels, thank you very much for joining us on Babel.
Isabelle Werenfels: Thank you very much for having me.
(END.)
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How environmental policy perception and social media use impact pro-environmental behavior: a moderated mediation model based on the theory of planned behavior, 1. introduction, 2. theoretical framework and hypotheses, 2.1. apply tpb to peb, 2.2. environmental policy of the government, 2.3. the mediating role of smu, 3. data and methods, 3.1. measurement, 3.2. data collection and samples, 3.3. common method bias test, 4. data analysis and results, 4.1. measurement model analysis, 4.2. alternative model test, 4.3. structural model and hypothesis testing, 4.3.1. result of direct paths, 4.3.2. result of indirect paths, 4.3.3. result of the moderating role of demographic factors, 5. discussion, 6. conclusions, supplementary materials, author contributions, institutional review board statement, informed consent statement, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.
Click here to enlarge figure
DIM | Composite Reliability | Convergence Validity | Discriminant Validity | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
CR | AVE | EPP | SMU | ATT | SN | PBC | PEI | PEB | |
EPP | 0.844 | 0.523 | |||||||
SMU | 0.842 | 0.640 | 0.390 *** | ||||||
ATT | 0.842 | 0.646 | 0.383 *** | 0.307 *** | |||||
SN | 0.888 | 0.727 | 0.400 *** | 0.287 *** | 0.478 *** | ||||
PBC | 0.762 | 0.518 | 0.341 *** | 0.254 *** | 0.531 *** | 0.582 *** | |||
PEI | 0.920 | 0.793 | 0.228 *** | 0.300 *** | 0.401 *** | 0.428 *** | 0.558 *** | ||
PEB | 0.786 | 0.489 | 0.417 *** | 0.386 *** | 0.319 *** | 0.479 *** | 0.469 *** | 0.544 *** |
Models | Adj. R | χ | df | χ /df | RMSEA | CFI | TLI | SRMR |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Model 1 | 0.454 | 618.455 | 181 | 3.417 | 0.077 | 0.906 | 0.891 | 0.117 |
Model 2 | 0.518 | 585.621 | 180 | 3.253 | 0.074 | 0.913 | 0.898 | 0.110 |
Model 3 | 0.530 | 676.398 | 241 | 2.807 | 0.067 | 0.917 | 0.905 | 0.099 |
Model 4 | 0.535 | 657.865 | 238 | 2.764 | 0.066 | 0.920 | 0.908 | 0.096 |
Indirect Paths | E | SE | Bias-Corrected 90% CI | Hypothesis | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Lower Limit | Upper Limit | ||||
EPP→ATT→PEI→PEB | 0.011 | 0.008 | 0.002 | 0.030 | H5a supported |
EPP→SN→PEI→PEB | 0.016 | 0.014 | 0.000 | 0.044 | H5b not supported |
EPP→PBC→PEI→PEB | 0.070 | 0.028 | 0.035 | 0.133 | H5c supported |
EPP→PBC→PEB | 0.059 | 0.041 | 0.005 | 0.138 | H5d supported |
SMU→ATT→PEI→PEB | 0.005 | 0.005 | 0.001 | 0.017 | H8a supported |
SMU→SN→PEI→PEB | 0.005 | 0.005 | 0.000 | 0.021 | H8b not supported |
SMU→PBC→PEI→PEB | 0.026 | 0.017 | 0.005 | 0.063 | H8c supported |
SMU→PBC→PEB | 0.022 | 0.020 | 0.001 | 0.071 | H8d supported |
EPP→SMU→PEB | 0.079 | 0.031 | 0.035 | 0.139 | H10 supported |
EPP→SMU→ATT→PEI→PEB | 0.003 | 0.003 | 0.000 | 0.011 | H11a not upported |
EPP→SMU→SN→PEI→PEB | 0.003 | 0.003 | 0.000 | 0.013 | H11b not upported |
EPP→SMU→PBC→PEI→PEB | 0.016 | 0.011 | 0.005 | 0.042 | H11c supported |
EPP→SMU→PBC→PEB | 0.014 | 0.013 | 0.001 | 0.045 | H11d supported |
-Value | |||||
EPP→PEB | 0.318 *** | 0.189 *** | −0.129 | 0.286 | male = female |
EPP→SMU | 0.790 *** | 0.504 *** | −0.287 * | 0.055 | male > female |
SMU→PEB | 0.039 | 0.178 *** | 0.139 * | 0.089 | male < female |
EPP→ATT | 0.475 *** | 0.241 *** | −0.234 * | 0.061 | male > female |
EPP→SN | 0.795 *** | 0.410 *** | −0.385 ** | 0.021 | male > female |
EPP→PBC | 0.378 *** | 0.345 *** | −0.033 | 0.791 | male = female |
-Value | |||||
EPP→PEB | 0.220 *** | 0.224 * | 0.005 | 0.971 | youth = elderly |
EPP→SMU | 0.539 *** | 0.741 *** | 0.202 | 0.201 | youth = elderly |
SMU→PEB | 0.076 | 0.205 *** | 0.130 * | 0.088 | youth < elderly |
EPP→ATT | 0.162 ** | 0.675 *** | 0.512 *** | 0.000 | youth < elderly |
EPP→SN | 0.315 *** | 0.945 *** | 0.630 *** | 0.000 | youth < elderly |
EPP→PBC | 0.219 *** | 0.491 *** | 0.272 ** | 0.027 | youth < elderly |
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Liu, M.; Shi, Z.; Zhang, Z. How Environmental Policy Perception and Social Media Use Impact Pro-Environmental Behavior: A Moderated Mediation Model Based on the Theory of Planned Behavior. Sustainability 2024 , 16 , 7587. https://doi.org/10.3390/su16177587
Liu M, Shi Z, Zhang Z. How Environmental Policy Perception and Social Media Use Impact Pro-Environmental Behavior: A Moderated Mediation Model Based on the Theory of Planned Behavior. Sustainability . 2024; 16(17):7587. https://doi.org/10.3390/su16177587
Liu, Meng, Ze Shi, and Zaisheng Zhang. 2024. "How Environmental Policy Perception and Social Media Use Impact Pro-Environmental Behavior: A Moderated Mediation Model Based on the Theory of Planned Behavior" Sustainability 16, no. 17: 7587. https://doi.org/10.3390/su16177587
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