political instability in pakistan essay outline

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An Economic Impact of Political Instability: An Evidence from Pakistan

Article history Received: April 04, 2021 Revised: April 22, 2021 Accepted: April 26, 2021 The economy of Pakistan has been badly damaged by the political instability in the country. Despite its enormous economic resources, Pakistan’s economy remained under dark shadows during most of its historical discourse. The economic indicators describe a significant relationship between politics and the economy of Pakistan. The following study, by reviewing previous studies, concludes that there is a negative relationship between political instability and economic growth in Pakistan from 2000 to 2019. Political instability flourished corruption and reduced the economic growth of the country. Moreover, a weak political system and government institutions could not resist the political tension in the country. The study finally concludes that political instability reduces economic growth in the country and economic growth reinforces political stability in the country.

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Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences

Shujahat Hashmi

In case of Pakistan, only economic variables are observed as causes to high economic volatility while political variables are completely ignored. Although, it is apparent that the development pattern in Pakistan is highly volatile during the years of political instability that spans almost over the half history of the country. By taking the sample of 1971 to 2008 and using simple OLS technique, we observe how far political instability hampers the economic development of Pakistan. For the political instability measurement, ignoring all traditional measures of political instability, we construct political instability index by using seven different variables for Pakistan by employing Principal Component Technique; while for economic development measurement frequently economic development variables are used. Through analysis, the negative relationship is found between political instability and economic development in Pakistan.

The purpose of this paper is to empirically determine the effects of political instability in Pakistan within compared with India and China. We discussed GDP per capita and their impact on economic growth. By using the standard deviation and co- variance on a sample of 3 countries, and 5-year periods from 1988 to 2014, this study demonstrates that a significant negative relationship exists between political instability and economic growth we find that higher degrees of political instability are associated with lower growth rates of GDP Per capita. While democracy may have a small negative effect.

Prof.Dr.Abdul Ghafoor Awan

The objective of this paper was to investigate the relationship between economic growth and political instability. For this purpose, we selected three variables such as political instability, inflation rate and public debt to measure their impact on Gross Domestic Product (GDP). We used panel data and analyzed it through SPSS software to draw the results. We applied Multiple Regression, ANOVA and Correlation techniques for analysis of data. Our results show that there is a negative correlation between public debt and economic growth. Similarly, there is also a negative correlation between public debt and political instability. Our study suggests that Pakistan must reduce level of public debt and political instability and inflation in order to achieve high level of economic growth.

The political instability is condition for the nation building and nation building is process compulsory for the development of a nation. In most of developing countries the governments are not stable. A new government comes into the power overnight; either through coup data or army takes over. The new government introduces a new system of rules for the operation of business which cause frustration and anger among the people. Political instability now becomes a serious problem especially in developing countries. It is creating enormous difficulties and delaying the development of these countries. Political stability plays an important role in keeping society united and in maintaining legitimacy within the state. It is an essential for the economic development, social integration, and supremacy of law in a state. The stability of political system has direct effects on the procedures of nation and state building. These both require stable political systems for their growth and successful. The development of nation and state without firm and organized system of politics is not possible. So Political instability can be defined at least three ways, first approach is as, the propensity for regime or government change, second is to focus on the incidence of political disorder or violence in a society, such as killings, third approach focuses on economic growth affect by instability. PAKISTAN has spent 34 out of its 68 years, or half its life, in internal political instability as regime instability, political emergencies and constitutional deadlocks. Long-term instability in Pakistan has been significantly higher than in East Asia and post-Partition India. Lack of mature leadership, confrontation between the main organs of the state, poor relations between the center and the provinces, extensive corruption, distrust among the politicians, strong bureaucracy and crisis of governance are the immediate threats to democracy in Pakistan The political instability is directly affected economic growth. How does it affect economic growth and why this is important in developing countries like Pakistan is discussed in brief below? When there is lack of political instability in the county, it directly effects the economic growth. It closes off sources of internal and external investments. The eternal investors does not invest in the countries where there is civil war coups, army take over etc. is either small or zero. The lack of interest by the foreign investors for foreign direct investment, and giving Pakistan access to the productive markets are making economy low and more likely to rely on foreign aid. The improper use of aid on the huge disasters like earth quake in 2005 and on the wake of flood in 2010 has lost the trust of donors to support Pakistan sufficiently even in most difficult times. So that investment remains shy the Growth will remain the dream which leads the high unemployment and poverty. Political instability also limits internal investment. The wealthy classes in under developed countries have enough income to replacement. They can invest their saving in profitable projects. Generally they avoid investing

Journal of Research in Administrative Sciences

Ijaz Bokhari

IJMSBR Open Access Journal

This study analyzed the impact of political instability on financial development of Pakistan. OLS regression is used for the estimation of data. Time series data is used for the study. 40 years are included in the time series from 1972 to 2011. The variable of interest is political instability controlling the effects of trade openness, legal protection and GDP/capita. The regression results showed that political instability has negative significant impact on financial development of Pakistan. Trade openness is positive but insignificant with financial development. Legal protection and GDP/capita showed positive and significant impact on the financial development of Pakistan.

Dr. G H U L A M MUSTAFA , MUSHARAF RUBAB

The purpose of the study is to determine the impact of political instability on economic growth. For this purpose, we measured political instability by means of three proxies: terrorism, govt. type and election year whereas economic growth is determined with GDP annual growth rate. We used data from 1988 to 2016 and applied ARCH model as our dependent variable (economic growth) is subject to heteroscedasticy and ARCH effect. The results showed that political instability measured with terrorism and election year has negative effect on economic growth. However, govt. type is also found to be negative though insignificant. The study adds to the literature of Pakistan and is helpful for policymakers and investors

rafay chaudry

This research paper investigates the impact of politics on Pakistan's economy. Using a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, the study explores how political instability, corruption, and government policies have affected the country's economic growth and development. The research finds that political instability and corruption have been significant barriers to economic progress in Pakistan, leading to reduced foreign investment, weak institutions, and a lack of confidence in the government. Additionally, government policies such as tax and trade policies have had both positive and negative impacts on the economy, depending on their implementation and effectiveness. The study concludes with recommendations for policymakers to improve political stability, reduce corruption, and implement effective policies to promote sustainable economic growth in Pakistan.

Journal of Accounting and Finance in Emerging Economies

Ghulam Muhammad Mangnejo

This research paper empirically investigates the outcome of Political stability on economic growth (EG) of Pakistan for the period of 1988 to 2018. Political stability (PS), gross fixed capital formation (GFCF), total labor force (TLF) and Inflation (INF) are important explanatory variables. Whereas for model selection GDPr is used as the dependent variable. To check the stationary of time series data Augmented Dickey Fuller (ADF) unit root (UR) test has been used, and whereas to find out the long run relationship among variables, OLS method has been used. The analysis the impact of PS on EG (EG) in the short run, VAR model has been used. The outcomes show that all the variables (PS, GFCF, TLF and INF) have a significantly positive effect on the EG of Pakistan in the long run period. But the effect of PS on GDP is smaller. Further, in this research we are trying to see the short run relationship between GDP and other explanatory variables. The outcomes show that PS does not have su...

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Pakistan Army's special forces soldiers. Photo Credit: Mil.ru, Wikipedia Commons

Political Instability In Pakistan – OpEd

By Muhammad Younus

Pakistan, a country no stranger to political instability and terrorism, finds itself once again grappling with a deepening crisis of political uncertainty, economic volatility, and resurging terrorism.

The recent tensions between former Prime Government PTI and the army chief Gen. Asim Munir have only exacerbated an already precarious situation. Pakistan’s political landscape has long been characterized by a tumultuous nature, with periods of instability interspersed throughout its history. However, the previous year have been particularly turbulent, as the ousting of Prime Minister Imran Khan through a vote of no confidence and the subsequent formation of a new government have plunged the country into a severe economic and political crisis.

The power struggle between different political factions has caused widespread political uncertainty and public unrest, exacerbating the already fragile state of affairs. As the country navigates through these tumultuous times, it becomes imperative to analyze the underlying causes and consequences of political instability in Pakistan.

The influence of the military on political affairs has been a recurring theme in Pakistan’s history. Pakistan was formed as a democratic country in 1947, but its first decade was marked by political instability, weak governments, and a power struggle between different political forces, including the military and bureaucracy. In 1958, the military staged a successful coup, overthrowing the elected government and establishing military rule, which continued for several decades.

The military has played a prominent role in shaping the country’s political landscape, often exerting its influence behind the scenes. This military intervention has resulted in power imbalances, weakened democratic institutions, and hindered the country’s path towards stable governance. The constant power struggle between civilian governments and the military has created a cycle of instability, where political parties, once in power, are reluctant to challenge military interference, fearing retaliation or a loss of support. This dynamic not only undermines the democratic principles but also perpetuates a culture of political uncertainty and mistrust among the general public

During the 1980s and 1990s, there were sporadic attempts to restore democracy, but these were often hampered by political unrest, corruption, and the continuing influence of the military. It was not until the late 1990s that a more sustained effort was made to establish a stable and functioning democratic system in Pakistan.

Since then, Pakistan has had several periods of democratic rule, with alternations of power between different political parties.

The impact of political instability extends far beyond the realm of politics. It directly affects the country’s internal security, with dire consequences for the safety and well-being of its citizens. Pakistan already grapples with a volatile security situation, exacerbated by the recent Taliban takeover of neighboring Afghanistan. The power vacuum created by the Taliban’s resurgence has emboldened extremist groups within Pakistan, posing a significant threat to national security. The rise in terrorism activities has not only claimed innocent lives but has also undermined the efforts to establish peace and stability within the region. Abdul Basit, a prominent security analyst, warns, “The ongoing political instability in Pakistan has further strained the country’s internal security apparatus, making it more vulnerable to terrorist activities.” The heavy presence of troops on the streets of major cities indicates the gravity of the security situation, as they are prime targets for terrorist attacks.

Years of propaganda and distorted narratives have shaped the understanding of the country’s challenges among its citizens, leading to a skewed narrative that focuses primarily on political corruption while overshadowing other pressing concerns such as low literacy rates, inadequate healthcare, and poverty. This narrative problem has created an environment ripe for conspiracy theories and misinformation, resulting in a misalignment of priorities and hindering efforts to address the root causes of political instability. Overcoming this narrative problem requires a collective effort from all stakeholders, including the media, civil society, and educational institutions, to promote a more accurate and comprehensive understanding of the challenges faced by Pakistan.

A robust and inclusive democratic system is crucial in mitigating political instability. Creating a level playing field for all political parties, allowing fair competition and representation, is an essential aspect of strengthening democratic institutions. The International Crisis Group highlights the importance of enhancing democratic institutions and promoting electoral reforms, as it can help reduce political tensions and enhance the credibility of the electoral process. By ensuring transparency, inclusivity, and fairness in elections, Pakistan can lay the foundation for a more stable and democratic political system.

Corruption, another significant contributing factor to political instability, needs to be addressed effectively. Implementing measures to promote transparency and accountability is vital in combating corruption and restoring public trust in the political system. Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index underscores the correlation between corruption levels and political stability. By enacting and enforcing strong anti-corruption laws, establishing independent anti-corruption bodies, and ensuring their effective implementation, Pakistan can tackle this critical issue and create a more transparent and accountable governance framework.

Political instability often arises from a lack of communication and cooperation among state institutions and political actors. Encouraging dialogue and consensus-building is instrumental in fostering a unified approach towards governance and policymaking. The successful implementation of the National Action Plan (NAP) in Pakistan, aimed at countering terrorism, serves as an example of the positive outcomes achieved through collaborative efforts among political parties, the military, and civil society. Such consensus-building measures can strengthen governance, improve decision-making processes, and contribute to long-term political stability.

Extremist ideologies and sectarian tensions pose significant threats to political stability in Pakistan. To address this challenge, comprehensive efforts must be made to counter radicalization and promote tolerance and inclusivity. Drawing from the example of the National Counter Extremism Policy in the United Kingdom, targeted interventions, community engagement, and de-radicalization programs can play a vital role in countering extremism. Customizing such programs to the Pakistani context and fostering a more tolerant and inclusive society can help mitigate the risks of political instability associated with extremist ideologies.

Addressing the underlying causes of political instability in Pakistan necessitates comprehensive reforms to improve governance, economic stability, and social welfare. Strong governance structures, equitable economic policies, and investments in education and healthcare are crucial in tackling the socio-economic disparities that contribute to instability. Research conducted by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) emphasizes the positive correlation between good governance, socio-economic development, and political stability. By implementing structural reforms, promoting equitable economic growth, and prioritizing investments in key sectors, Pakistan can create a more stable and prosperous society.

To conclude, addressing political instability in Pakistan requires concerted efforts to overcome the narrative problem, strengthen democratic institutions, combat corruption, foster dialogue and consensus-building, counter extremist ideologies, and implement comprehensive reforms. These collective actions, guided by the principles of transparency, inclusivity, and democratic values, can pave the way for a stable and prosperous Pakistan. As Nelson Mandela once said, “It always seems impossible until it’s done.” Let us remain hopeful and resolute in our pursuit of a brighter future, where political stability, economic prosperity, and social harmony prevail. Together, we can overcome the challenges and forge a new narrative of hope, resilience, and progress for Pakistan and its people.

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political instability in pakistan essay outline

Muhammad Younus

Muhammad Younus is from Kalat, Balochistan and a student of University of Balochistan in final semester department of International Relations. His areas of interest foreign policy analysis, diplomacy, strategic studies, international political economy and national security policy.

Pakistan: Five major issues to watch in 2023

Subscribe to the center for middle east policy newsletter, madiha afzal madiha afzal fellow - foreign policy , center for middle east policy , strobe talbott center for security, strategy, and technology @madihaafzal.

January 13, 2023

1. Political instability, polarization, and an election year

Politics will likely consume much of Pakistan’s time and attention in 2023, as it did in 2022. The country’s turn to political instability last spring did not end with a dramatic no-confidence vote in parliament last April that ousted then Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan from office. Instability and polarization have only heightened since then: Khan has led a popular opposition movement against the incumbent coalition government and the military, staging a series of large rallies across the country through the year.

The struggle for power in Pakistan continues into 2023. While the incumbent government has not ceded to Khan’s demand for early elections, country-wide elections are constitutionally mandated to be held by October this year. It benefits the government politically to hold them off as long as it possibly can as it tries to dig itself out of Pakistan’s urgent economic crisis and its lackluster domestic performance (its diplomatic foreign policy approach has fared better, but that may not matter for elections). The last year has cost it precious political capital, and Khan’s party did very well in a set of by-elections held in July and October. The state has tried to mire Khan and his party in legal cases, relying on a familiar playbook used against opposition politicians in Pakistan, albeit to limited effect, with the courts’ involvement.

Khan’s party still controls two of Pakistan’s four provinces, Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), and the incumbent federal government’s (extra-legal) efforts to try to wrest power from it in Punjab, the largest province, have been unsuccessful (thanks to the courts). The year is off to a dramatic start, with Khan’s party initiating the process to dissolve the Punjab and KP assemblies this month to pressure the federal government into early elections.

For politics-obsessed Pakistan, the biggest question remains who will win the next general election. Will former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif (brother of current Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif) return to Pakistan to run as the head of his party, the PML-N? Can Imran Khan win on the strength of his popular support, despite his confrontation with the military? Regardless of the outcome, we can say this much given the histories of the main contenders: The direction of the country is unlikely to change.

2. A precarious economic situation

Pakistan’s economy has been in crisis for months, predating the summer’s catastrophic floods. Inflation is backbreaking, the rupee’s value has fallen sharply, and its foreign reserves have now dropped to the precariously low level of $4.3 billion, enough to cover only one month’s worth of imports, raising the possibility of default.

An economic crisis comes around every few years in Pakistan, borne out of an economy that doesn’t produce enough and spends too much, and is thus reliant on external debt. Every successive crisis is worse as the debt bill gets larger and payments become due. This year, internal political instability and the flooding catastrophe have worsened it. There is a significant external element to the crisis as well, with rising global food and fuel prices in the wake of Russia’s war in Ukraine. The combination of all these factors has spelled perhaps the greatest economic challenge Pakistan has ever seen. Yet the government has been mired in politicking, and the release of a $1.1 billion loan tranche from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) remains stalled as Islamabad has pushed back on the IMF’s conditions. The government has now resorted to limiting imports and shutting down malls and wedding halls early, small measures that fail to adequately address the problem.

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Pakistan may end up avoiding default for the time being with IMF help and loans from friendly countries, especially Saudi Arabia and other Gulf nations. But those won’t address the clear underlying malaise of the economy – and the fact that something fundamentally will need to change, in terms of how much the economy produces versus how much it spends, to avoid default down the road. But none of Pakistan’s political parties seem to have the political will or ability to bring about such change.

Pakistan must reportedly pay back $73 billion by 2025; it won’t be able to do so without debt restructuring.

3. Flood recovery

A “ monsoon on steroids ” – directly linked to climate change – caused a summer of flooding in Pakistan so catastrophic that it has repeatedly been described as biblical. It left a third of the country under water – submerging entire villages – killed more than 1,700, destroyed homes, infrastructure, and vast cropland, and left millions displaced.

More than four months after the worst of the flooding, nearly 90,000 people are still displaced from their homes, and the floodwater is still standing in some areas. It would be enormously difficult for any country to recover from such a disaster and rebuild lost infrastructure, including roads and schools, let alone a government dealing with a cash crunch like Pakistan’s.

But the Pakistani government – in particular the foreign minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, who has visited the United States twice since the summer, and the minister for climate change, Sherry Rehman – has done an admirable job bringing awareness of the flooding catastrophe to the world stage. A donors’ conference Sharif co-hosted with the United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres in Geneva this month raised pledges for more than $9 billion for flood recovery over the next three years (the money is mostly in the form of project loans). Pakistan has also played an important role in discussions about the devastating effects of climate change on developing nations, spearheading the effort to place loss and damage on the agenda at COP27 for the first time, and pushing for COP delegates in Egypt to agree to a loss and damage fund.

With billions of dollars in help promised, the government has passed one hurdle. But the road for recovery ahead will be tough: Displaced people are still sleeping under open skies in Sindh province. Implementing a sustainable recovery will require enormous capacity, resources, and transparency in a country already mired in other troubles.

4. Mounting insecurity

The Pakistani Taliban (or TTP), the terrorist group responsible for killing tens of thousands of Pakistanis from 2007 to 2014, have been emboldened – predictably so – by a Taliban-ruled Afghanistan, and once again pose a threat to Pakistan, albeit in a geographically limited region (for now). The group engaged in at least 150 attacks in Pakistan last year, mostly in the northwest. Because the TTP have sanctuary in Afghanistan, the Pakistani state increasingly finds itself out of options when it comes to dealing effectively with the group. The state’s negotiations with the TTP have failed repeatedly, as they are bound to, because the group is fundamentally opposed to the notion of the Pakistani state and constitution as it exists today. The Afghan Taliban have, unsurprisingly, also not proved to be of help in dealing with the TTP – and Pakistan’s relations with the Afghan Taliban have deteriorated significantly at the same time over other issues, including the border dividing the two countries.

At this point, Pakistan’s first preference will be to strike kinetically at TTP targets within its borders, but that will be limited by TTP movement across the border into Afghanistan. That movement is what leaves Pakistan with the difficult-to-resolve TTP issue and complicates things beyond the military operation it launched against the group in 2014. Still, the Pakistani Taliban at this point is not the biggest threat Pakistan faces, given the country’s major political and economic challenges – but left unchecked, it could morph into a significant crisis.

5. Civil-military relations

Pakistan has a new chief of army staff as of November 29 last year. General Asim Munir replaced General Qamar Javed Bajwa, who had held the all-powerful post for six years (due to a three-year extension). The appointment of the army chief was a subject of considerable political contention last year; a major part of the reason Khan was ousted from power was his falling out with the military on questions over the appointments of top army officials.

All eyes are now on how civil-military relations shape up under Munir. Under Bajwa, the military solidified its control over all manner of policy behind the scenes. Bajwa presided over a close “same-page” relationship with Khan; when that frayed, the PML-N was eager to take Khan’s place as the military’s ally and head of the civilian government. Bajwa left office saying the army would no longer be involved in political matters; few in Pakistan believe him. With politics set to dominate the agenda this year and an election imminent, Munir has a chance to show the country whether he will follow in his predecessor’s footsteps, or chart a new course for civil-military relations in Pakistan. Pakistan’s history indicates the former.

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Xenia Dormandy

Since March 2007, tensions in Pakistan have been rising: the political instability surrounding both the presidential and parliamentary elections is commingling with the increase in militant activity within Pakistan proper, which led to around 60 suicide attacks in Pakistan in 2007. Following Benazir Bhutto's assassination on December 27, the extremists have upped the ante, perhaps hoping to disrupt the February 18 elections. Is Pakistan becoming the world's "most dangerous nation"?

Since gaining independence in 1947, Pakistan has veered back and forth between democratically-elected and authoritarian military leaders, coupled with an unstable relationship with neighboring India and Bangladesh. From 1988 to 1999, following Zia ul Haq's death, democracy - albeit an unstable one - reigned; power alternated between Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, with neither completing a full term as Prime Minister. Finally, in October 1999, a Chief of Army Staff, Pervez Musharraf, led a coup against Sharif and took over as President.

CURRENT SITUATION

Over the past eight years, President Musharraf has done many good things for Pakistan, most notably building a relatively stable and fast-growing economy (GDP growth in 2006 was 6.5%). However, he has made no effort to create independent institutions, improve the provision of education and other social services, or establish local governance systems and networks. The situation has worsened significantly over the past year: the judiciary is now thoroughly politicized, the media is restricted by a "code of conduct", and the interim government is biased. Meanwhile, Musharraf's approval ratings have almost halved from 51% in late 2006 to 28% in early January 2008. Musharraf continues to prioritize his own political survival; however, he is no longer trusted by either the Pakistani people or the international community, leaving him in an untenable situation.

The recent deterioration of Pakistan's political situation has been driven by the following events:

In March 2007, Musharraf suspended Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry for misconduct, triggering a public outcry. Four months later, Chaudhry was reinstated in a ruling by his own Supreme Court; however, the incident sparked an enormous grassroots movement for change.
In July, security forces raided Islamabad's Red Mosque, a center for radical and militant thought, killing cleric Abdul Rashid Ghazi and an undetermined number of followers (estimates range from around 100 to over 1000). Consequently, Musharraf lost the support of the mullahs, who wield enormous social and moral power in Pakistan.
On October 6, Musharraf was overwhelmingly reelected President while still acting as Chief of Army Staff. The majority of opposition delegates boycotted the election, and the Supreme Court began assessing the legitimacy of the results.
On November 3, Musharraf declared a state of emergency and dismissed Chaudhry once again, staffing the caretaker government and judiciary with loyal supporters. As a result, his already-wavering public support plummeted.
In late November, Musharraf removed his uniform, appointing General Kiyani as the new Chief of Army Staff, and a day later was inaugurated in a new term as president.
On December 27, nearly two weeks after Musharraf ended emergency rule, Benazir Bhutto was assassinated at a campaign rally. Her 19-year-old son, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, and her husband, Asif Zardari, were appointed in her stead. In light of the violence that ensued, the parliamentary elections were pushed back to February 18.
In January 2008, there were at least four major suicide attacks within Pakistan proper; more have followed. Violence and military activity in the tribal areas has risen significantly.

The lack of predictability and transparency through both the presidential and parliamentary elections has amplified the confusion, the instability, and Musharraf's loss of credibility. Recently, these political fights have been compounded by a concurrent rise in militancy, which has fed into the ongoing sectarian violence throughout Pakistan and the fight for more autonomy in Baluchistan. Security in Pakistan is fading; this fact was made clear in January when refugees flooded into Afghanistan from Pakistan, the former being perceived as providing a safer environment.

Short Term: Tensions will remain on the boil at least until the parliamentary elections scheduled for February 18 take place. The militant attacks are not diminishing, and the electoral race continues, complicated by the additional confusion surrounding the new and multi-headed leadership of the PPP. Three scenarios for Pakistan's immediate future are feasible:

Given the continued violence and particularly if it seems likely that his party will lose badly in the parliamentary elections, it is still possible that President Musharraf could cancel the elections altogether and call a state of emergency. However, it is unlikely that the public would allow Musharraf to maintain this situation for long; ultimately, he would be removed from office, either by the military or by the people.
The elections could be won by the PPP, either by earning a majority or building a coalition with Sharif's PML-N or Musharraf's PML-Q. If the former coalition is created, then Musharraf will likely be ousted from power and prosecuted for his recent actions. Polls conducted in November 2007 found that if a legitimate election were held, the PPP would win by a slight margin. In early February 2008, polls predicted that the PPP had gained additional sympathetic support after Bhutto's assassination, further increasing their vote bloc.
Given polling data, it is clear that if Musharraf's party, the PML-Q, wins the parliamentary elections, it will be an illegitimate win. Under these circumstances, there will be a massive popular backlash and he will be ousted.

Regardless of who wins, all of the leading candidates will likely pursue similar policies to Musharraf, with differing levels of competence. Stability will be maintained by the military, particularly given the continuity that General Kiyani brings to the leadership. Any of the candidates for Prime Minister will face the same challenges; variance in their performance will be in the margins, with Sharif likely engaging more with the mullahs and the PPP following a more socialist economic policy.

Long Term: Perhaps the more important factor than the winner is the process followed, and whether the people feel their voices are being heard and their participation encouraged. Pakistan is at a crossroads. It could either follow a slow descent into further authoritarianism and increased militancy and extremism that will be clearly detrimental to Pakistan today and could in 5 to 7 years also become a danger to the rest of the world. Alternatively, it could pursue a slow ascent towards a more stable democratic system with established independent institutions, growing economy, and a nation representative of a moderate Muslim democracy. The people's continued participation will raise the probability of the latter path being taken and so, above all else, it is important that this is encouraged. However, either path is a gradual one, and as such requires patience and a long-term perspective from both Pakistanis and the international community.

RECOMMENDATIONS

The United States needs to pursue the following policy priorities and guidelines:

Pursue a long-term strategy rather than a short-term one.
Build trust between the U.S. and Pakistan and its people: Given perceived past fickleness and hypocrisy over promoting democratic sentiments but supporting authoritarian leaders (specifically Musharraf), the Pakistani people do not trust the U.S. Without this, the will to pursue joint interests vigorously will be limited.
Support democratic processes and stability first and foremost: This means also supporting Pakistan's current focus on the Pakistani Taliban rather than on al-Qaida as being the greater direct threat to Pakistan in the immediate term.
Prevent Pakistan from becoming the next epicenter of terrorism: This entails continuing to support Pakistan's military efforts at destroying the terrorist threat, as well as engaging hearts and minds, bringing the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) into Pakistan proper.

Given these priorities, the United States should alter current policy by:

Explicitly stating its support for free and fair elections and, more pertinently, support for the legitimate winner of these elections (discarding the current U.S. ambiguity of supporting both credible elections and President Musharraf in particular);
Reallocating a greater proportion of current U.S. military assistance to training Pakistan's military in counter-insurgency in Pakistan in the short-term and in the United States in the long-term.
Transferring around 15% of current military assistance to social and economic assistance specifically to democracy building efforts, supporting independent institutions and grass-roots political organizing.
Monitoring the current U.S. spending to the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and increase as capacity allows.
Policy Brief: Pakistan Political Stability

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Pakistan: Political Instability and Economic Growth

Mehwish Hakeem Shahzad
December 24, 2022
CSS , CSS Essays , CSS Solved Essays , Current Affairs , PMS , PMS Essays , Socio-economic problems
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Mehwish Shahzad has attempted this essay on the given pattern, which Sir Syed Kazim Ali teaches his students, who have consistently been qualifying their CSS and PMS essays. The essay is uploaded to help other competitive aspirants learn and practice how to write a comprehensive outline; how to write bullets in an outline; how to write the introductory paragraph; how to connect sentences and paragraphs; how to write a topic sentence; how to put evidence within the paragraphs.

1- Introduction 2- Understanding the relationship between political instability and economic growth 3- Current situation of political instability in Pakistan and its impact on the economy 4- How are political instability and economic growth can never move together?

✓ Inconsistent Economic policies, every new government abandoning the previous government’s economic projects due to their narrow mindedness GDP rate of 6.8% in the era of Ayub’s regime due to consistency in the policies
✓ Increasing unemployment owing to a decline in developmental and economic projects, a significant setback to the human capital due to political turmoil Political instability, the third most significant obstacle in the way of development, Word bank report
✓ Skyrocketing inflation due to the mismanagement and short-term policies of the government, declining rupee value Double-digit inflation increased to 24.9%, PBS report
✓ The gradual decay of economic institutions in the hand of politicians impeding economic progress Tarbela Hydropower project investigation in the NAB for corruption of Rs. 753 Mn by WAPDA
✓ Interrupting GDP growth, business, and trade activities due to riots and strikes by the frustrating people, a result of the political fiasco Unrest events leading to a 1% reduction in GDP, Survey report

5- How to ensure political stability for economic progress?

Political level

✓ Proper charter of economy, a national document for the country’s salvation by the consensus of all the political parties
✓ Long-term vision by the top leadership to foster political and economic stability and to avoid frequent ousters
✓ Encouraging public participation to hold politicians accountable for immature and self-interest policies

Economic level

✓ Broadening of the tax base with the help of political commitment, leading to political and economic prosperity
✓ Shifting from a geostrategic to the geo-economic hub, a welcome initiative for the country’s political and economic progress
✓ Implementing CPEC projects effectively to engender economic growth

6- Critical Analysis 7- Conclusion

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The economy is a country’s backbone, helping it march towards unsurpassable social and political development. However, political instability serves as a bottleneck to a state’s socioeconomic and political lifelines. Unfortunately, Pakistan also stands among those states where political upheaval has led the economy towards shambles. The current political scenario is the nadir of the country’s economic history. Since it is a fact that both cannot go hand in hand; the existence of one is the death of the other. It is saddening that frequent ouster of government leads to inconsistent economic policies affecting the smooth functioning of the economy since its inception. Moreover, increasing unemployment, skyrocketing inflation, and declining FDI result from political chaos since investors never invest in an uncertain political environment. Riots and strikes further interrupt business activities affecting the GDP of the country. Political turmoil has paved its way in the roots of the economy, damaging the economic institutions of Pakistan. It shows that political stability and economic prosperity have a symbiotic relationship. Both can work only in the shadow of each other, benefitting from each other at every turn. Therefore, pragmatic measures at the political and economic levels can help the country cope with political instability. At the political level, introducing an ethical charter of the economy as a national document, coupled with long-term vision by the top leaders and public participation, is imperative. At the economic level, widening the tax base, shifting to a geo-economic pivot, and implementing CPEC can engender economic growth. In the contemporary world, Pakistan can only progress if the country pulls itself out of these political clinches. Thus, the essay comprehensively analyses how political instability and economic growth can never move together. Also, it highlights the way forward to ensure political stability for economic progress.

Political instability is the propensity of a government to collapse either because of poor economic performance or rampant competition between various political parties. On the other hand, economic growth implies improvements in a country’s national income, leading to good economic conditions for the people. However, a country with a strong and stable political structure can experience steady economic growth. Indeed, a robust, safe environment where a political authority knows its duties and responsibilities eliminates the uncertainty of the economic future. In the same way, the economy in support of such a strong political environment will ensure steady growth. However, unstable structures in politics, of course, is the most critical factor affecting the economic stability of a state since political stability is the precondition to economic stability. Ray Jovanovich aptly said, “Without political stability, there can be no economic prosperity; that’s the bottom line.”

At present, political instability has become a matter of grave sickness for Pakistan. Since the recent ouster of the prime minister through the vote of no confidence has led a country towards instability and chaos. It has pushed the country to the brink of an implosion. Political instability manifests itself in Pakistan, including blame games, institutional decay, rising inflation, economic woes, and a tussle between the judiciary and executive. It casts dire consequences on the people’s political and economic development and social life. As a result, Markets expected Pakistan to be another Sri Lanka in the making. Since Pakistan has faced an acute foreign currency shortage after political instability, things may lead to a similar crisis in Sri Lanka. It is high time Pakistan swallowed the bitter pill of hard political reforms before it is too late.

Here, it is important to discuss that political instability and economic growth can never move together. Nevertheless, its effects are too severe to be ignored. Some of them will be brought under discussion in this section. To begin with, political instability leads to the switching of economic policies. When it came to power, every new government introduced its own economic model, which created volatility and inconsistency in the smooth functioning of the economic policies. As a result, investors feel reluctant to invest in such a volatile economy, which ultimately affects a country’s economic progress. It is evident that economic growth in military regimes was better than that of democratic regimes due to their long tenure. The GDP rate was 6.8% during Ayub’s regime since dictators had long terms leading to consistency in the economic policies. Hence, political unrest can never let the economy function smoothly.

Moreover, political instability reduces a country’s foreign direct investment (FDI). Since investors does not feel comfortable to invest in a country with political uncertainty. According to the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP), due to the recent ouster of the national government, investors withdrew their investment of $30 Million in the account of FDI . Moreover, it has multiplier effects, such as low investment in a country leading to low development, increased unemployment, increased poverty, and reduced foreign exchange reserves. Hence, it is proven that political chaos in a country is a severe blow to an already fragile economy.

Both of the above arguments lead to another significant discussion, which befalls Pakistan’s economy in the shape of unemployment. In a developing country like Pakistan, no new projects can be installed in a deteriorating political condition. Similarly, it does not create new jobs in a country since it halts the expansion of existing projects. According to World Bank, political uncertainty is the third most significant obstacle to Pakistan’s economy . It can impact not only the productivity and expenditure of a country but also the national income of a country. Thus, it depicts clearly that political instability and economic growth cannot go hand in hand.

With this puzzle, the issue of rising inflation during political chaos hits below the belt of Pakistan’s economy. When there is a high probability of being replaced, it becomes difficult to manage inflation. As a result, it depreciates the value of the domestic currency and, eventually, impacts the import and exports of a country. According to the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics (PBS), the annual inflation rate increased to 24.9% in July 2022, soon after the regime change. It was even expected to grow, which has dire consequences for the economy. Hence, frequent cabinet changes and political turmoil are directly correlated to a country’s economic woes.

Along with the mismanagement of inflation, the economic institutions of a country are also decaying in the hands of corrupt politicians. The economic institutions, including WAPDA, finance, commerce, textile, and industry, are all decaying due to incompetence, corruption, and ineptness. Recently, the WAPDA chairman appeared before the National Accountability Bureau’s (NAB) office where he was interrogated about corruption worth Rs753 million in the Tarbela Fourth Hydropower project. They invest only half on the ongoing projects, and the remaining half is pocketed for their use. Hence, this poor management, corruption, and inability caused stagnation of the economic process to a devastating end.

Last but most certainly not least, the riots and strikes due to political fiasco led to the closure of business and trade activities, interrupting the GDP growth. According to a survey title ‘The Economics of Social Unrest’, “on average, unrest events caused a 1% decline in the GDP.” For Pakistan, the long political unrest could cause a major dent in GDP growth. Political instability is common, followed by riots and strikes by the people. As a result, it halted business and trade activities. And it generated a negative signal to the investors, who consequently stopped investing in such a risky environment and shifted their business to other countries, affecting the economic progress.

Pakistan’s current federal and provincial governments need to go beyond firefighting and push forward essential reforms at the political and economic levels that are key to ensuring the country’s political and economic stability and long-term growth prospects. First, there must be a charter of the economy for economic stability. All stakeholders should be a part making of the alliance. In this regard, government and the opposition should collaborate to steer the country out of unprecedented political and economic uncertainties. The basic goals should be set in the charter of the economy. Those goals shall remain unchanged in the case of the new government. Recently, trade unions and business leaders had a meeting with the government and political parties to insist the government for the making of the charter. Hence, it depicts that they already realized this step’s importance.

Second, political parties should sit together and carve out a long-term vision to foster political and economic development. The leadership formulates and executes the strategy through which a leader’s vision translates into a reality. For instance, Deng Xiaoping changed China through his visionary leadership. He changed all the policies of the previous communist leader Mao Zedong; he introduced many reforms and engagements with the international community. Within a decade, he uplifted China out of the socioeconomic crisis. As a result, the per capita income of the Chinese was 25-fold, and 700 million people lifted themselves out of poverty. Hence, fine-tuning the policies is necessary for political and economic growth.

Third, public participation should be encouraged since it can pull the country out of the political darkness. The active role of the public in politics would hold politicians accountable. As a result, they never skip from the pro-state attitude; and they never make immature and self-interest policies. As Abraham Lincoln aptly says, “we the people are the rightful masters of congress and the courts.” Therefore, public participation is significant for a country’s lasting political and economic system.

At the economic level, the government needs to broaden the tax base bringing every sector and every individual above the threshold level under the tax net. It will help the government to reduce the budget deficit by up to 3% of the GDP in the next three years. This step would relieve the government from the budget deficit issue, and they can fully focus on the other issues of the economy. R ecently, amid the global crisis, Jordon pushed the tax ratio to six per cent, Egypt by three per cent and the Philippines by two per cent. Pakistan can also do the same with the help of strong political commitment and stringent reforms.

Next, the strategic shift from geo-strategic to geo-economic is a welcome and sound initiative by the government to realize Pakistan’s real potential. However, the government should need to formulate a proper strategy to implement it. Since the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) will connect Asia with Africa and Europe, Pakistan has a crucial role to play in it due to its strategic location. As Chinese president Xi Jinping aptly says, “the BRI may be China’s idea, but its opportunities are going to benefit the entire world.” Therefore, this project should be of prime importance to Pakistan’s government. Currently, it is the only way in the hand of Pakistan to realize its investment potential and achieve economic growth.

Last but certainly not least, China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is the harbinger of robust economic growth, and it is only possible through its proper implementation. Therefore, the government is required to fully focus on it and make sure that political upheaval would have no impact on it. So far, it is estimated that USD 64 billion worth of foreign investment will arrive through China’s megaproject. Therefore, it is high time for Pakistan to avail of this opportunity for investment to achieve economic progress. For this, Pakistan should build the trust of the industrialists and investors of this project and showcase itself as a safe haven for these investors.

In a critical diagnosis, various elements in the country have remained responsible for the worsened political scenario of the country. First and foremost is the role of military leadership in interfering in the country’s political affairs. Initially, it was directly involved in politics through martial law, and recently, it stayed backstage but still manoeuvred with the system. The successive military coups have not led a genuinely representative political culture to develop in Pakistan, thus, impacting the political stability. Moreover, the power play between the opposition party and the government has primarily affected the country’s political system. the main objective to gain power has blinded them to the country’s national interest. Therefore, their strategies to weaken each other have negatively impacted the political stability in Pakistan, hindering economic growth.

In conclusion, it is no exaggeration to say that political instability and economic growth can never move together. However, Pakistan can move towards economic development by overcoming the challenge of political instability in valid letters and spirit. For that matter, the government needs to make a plan to overcome the issue of political unrest in a country, not only at the political and economic levels. A proper charter of the economy by the consensus of all the political parties is the need of an hour. Also, special attention needs to be given to public participation in political matters, and long-term vision by the political leadership can surely bring political and economic stability. However, some more needs to be done; Pakistan has great prowess to transform itself from a crisis-ridden state to a flourished economy if the CPEC and the new narrative of geo-economics are implemented in true essence since it has trickle-down effects. Similarly, other measures like widening the tax base and other political and economic measures are vital efforts to engender political and economic progress. Indeed, by taking suggested measures, political stability can be achieved, which eventually helps the country reach the economic progress milestone.

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Political Instability in Pakistan | Essay for CSS Exams

This research was performed to investigate the role of political parties in Pakistan over the last two decades. This paper also attempts to discuss how parties and their actions affect the democratic culture in the state. I have investigated the roles of the political parties in Pakistan by examining their different functions, which include the responsibility to represent the civil society, to integrate the diverse elements of the society into a political system, and to respond to the demands and needs of the public. The internal politics of political parties in Pakistan and their criteria for recruitment and training leadership are discussed, as well as their effects on the political system of Pakistan.

The data were collected by researching secondary sources that discussed and evaluated the functions of political parties in Pakistan. A content analysis method was used to analyze the data and characterize the contributions of political parties to the political culture of Pakistan and their effects on the democratic system of Pakistan.

In this thesis, I have investigated the roles and mechanism of political parties in Pakistan based on an exploration of the roles of several prominent political parties, including the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz group) (PML (N)), the Pakistan People Party (PPP), the Awami National Party (ANP), and the Mutahida Quami Movement (MQM). During the past two decades, the PPP and PML (N) parties have remained prominent through the formation of alliances with other parties. This research discusses the roles of these parties in representation, integration, aggregation, recruiting, and training leadership during times in which these parties have held both power in government and represented the opposition.

Introduction

The major purpose of this research is to shed light on the problems faced by political parties and their role in the political system of Pakistan. The parties considered in this work are the Pakistan People Party (PPP), the Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz Group (PML (N)), the Awami (public) National Party (ANP), and the Mutahida (united) Quami (national) Movement (MQM). These political parties have held power in Pakistan at different times over the past two decades. This paper also attempts to discuss the functions of these parties, such as representation, integration, recruiting, and training leadership, and the conduct of political parties when they are in power or in opposition.

It has been argued that parties are ―endemic to democracy, an unavoidable part of democracy. In a democratic system, political parties provide the proper mode of functioning for the government so that the majority party or a combination of parties controls the government, while other parties serve as the opposition and attempt to check the abuses of power by the ruling party. Citizens extend their desires, needs, and problems to the government through the political parties. In fact, political parties represent an essential and important tool that acts as a bridge between a society and its government. The existence of a strong and viable opposition keeps the ruling party alert. It is also the duty of political parties to promote policies that will educate the people about how a democratic system functions and offer different policy packages to the electorates. To some extent, political parties allow people to defend their rights, and the support of the people strengthens political parties. Therefore, political parties promote the welfare of the society as a whole. One basic need is to develop the political ideology and democratic roots within a state, which is a fundamental method of political development. The goals and objectives of political development could not be achieved without political parties.

Since independence was achieved in Pakistan on 14 August, 1947, only a small number of civilian governments have completed their constitutional tenure, and most of those who did were under the rule of a dictator. The political system in Pakistan has never functioned efficiently in sixty-four years of independence. During this period, Pakistan’s political system has faced four military interventions, during which the army chiefs overtook political governments and imposed martial law. Pakistan still has not found a stable political equilibrium or clear directions to resolve its fundamental political conflicts. Because of these different types of government, the people of Pakistan are unsure of whether their government should be secular or Islamic and democratic or ruled by a military dictator. The main problems faced by political development are weaknesses among institutions, such as a lack of accountability and the presence of corruption; a lack of focus on people’s needs; and an emphasis on increasing the assets of the leaders of the political parties. As stated by Rasul Bakhsh Rais: ―The history of military dictators is characterized by deceit, institutional decay, political fragmentation, moral and social rot, (that produced polarization), insurgencies and alliances of the state with violent ethnic and religious groups. The occurrence of these incidents and events can only be explained by reviewing the circumstances under which the country was created. When an electoral political regime is in power, it will seek to prolong its control and satisfy key members by awarding them critical positions in important institutions. Furthermore, many internal problems in political parties lead to problems in the political system, such as an undemocratic structure and a lack of political values and practices. These problems decrease the popularity of political parties and reduce the trust of the leaders among the people.

Background of Pakistani Politics

The month of August 1947 brought a major change to the world map with the establishment of the two independent states of Pakistan and India on the 14 and 15 of August, 1947, respectively. Independence marked the end of a long British rule that lasted nearly one hundred and fifty years. It had been decided that the division between Pakistan and India would be made on the basis of the populations of Muslims and Hindus. Muslim-majority cities would be included in Pakistan, and Hindu-majority cities would be included in India. A large number of Muslims in the Indian part of the subcontinent migrated to Pakistan. Approximately two million people were killed due to communal violence and hatred between Sikhs, Hindus, and Muslims. The majority of the victims of these victims were Muslims.

Soon after independence, the founder of Pakistan Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah became the First Governor General of Pakistan; however, he died in 1948. Quaid-e-Azam was the most influential person in the party (Muslim League), having the total support of the people of Pakistan. He was the only person who could unite all the political leaders and ordinary people under a single national identity, and his death affected the politics of Pakistan badly. His successor, Liaqat Ali Khan, became prime minister and attempted to fill Quaid-e-Azam’s gap, but he was assassinated in October 1951.

The Muslim League is the founding party of Pakistan. ―But after his death Muslim League has never been able to transform itself from a nationalist movement a national party. After Quaid-e-Azam and Liaqat Ali Khan were lost, the Muslim League faced a deficiency of competent leadership in Pakistan. Power-hungry politicians remained representing groups of opportunists who had already opposed the formation of Pakistan8. On the other hand, a struggle began between the Mohajir (refugee) community, the aristocracy, and the religious leadership for gains in political power. All the weakness and incompetency led to a lack of political non-consensus, and bureaucrats resolutely became politicians who assumed power. A former bureaucrat, Ghulam Muhammad, was appointed as prime minster, and he succeeded another bureaucrat with an army background. The ruler never attempted to pay attention to the problems of the common people during the early years. Furthermore, these politicians were not able to finalize a constitution for Pakistan.

In 1958, Pakistani politics fell into an even worse state when Skandar Mirza took full advantage of the weaknesses of the political parties. At that time, there was only one way to avoid a general election i.e. imposition of martial law. Due to the failure of the political parties, martial law was declared on 7 October, 1958. President Mirza issued a proclamation to cancel the Constitution and declare martial law throughout Pakistan. He abrogated the central and provincial governments by dissolving the national and provincial assemblies. Two weeks later, Mirza was forced to retire, and General Muhammad Ayub Khan, the chief martial law administrator and supreme commander of the armed forces, took his place. During Ayub’s regime, the bureaucracy became empowered increasingly in Pakistan as Ayub Khan depended heavily on the bureaucracy to manage the political setup. General Yahiya Khan, the commander in chief of the army, succeeded Ayub Khan. Yahiya Khan ruled Pakistan for more than two years under the cover of martial law. From 1947–1958, not a single national election was held because most of the politicians knew that the electorate would reject them. Between 1958 and 1968, two indirect elections were held, but neither was conducted on a free and fair basis.

Ayub Khan introduced the first constitution of Pakistan. The presidential form of government was introduced, and all power was vested in the president. A basic democratic system was introduced, and only eighty thousand basic democrats elected the president. The military has ruled Pakistan for more than thirty-four of the sixty-four years of Pakistani independence. The feudal landlords and the capitalist class of people did not aid in the development of democracy in Pakistan. These ―power motivated groups failed in state building and were unable to articulate or aggregate the interests of the people, which is necessary to develop meaningful socio-economic policies for newly born nation. As a result, the poor and the middle class were trapped in a cycle of poverty, and these classes continue to decline today.

The first direct general election was held in 1970, almost twenty-three years after the birth of Pakistan; only two parties participated in these elections: the PPP from West Pakistan and the ANP from East Pakistan. These two parties achieved overwhelming success in these general elections.

The results of the elections indicated that the PPP had emerged as the majority party in Pakistan with a clear majority in Punjab and Sindh. In these elections, Sheikh Mujeeb Ur Rehman ‘s ANP in East Pakistan won an absolute majority of seats in the National Assembly, and this result was not acceptable to Z. A. Bhutto, whose PPP had won a majority of seats in the assembly from West Pakistan. Hence, President Yahiya Khan dismissed the legislature. This suspension led to a cry for independence in East Pakistan, which Yahiya Khan sought to suppress by military repression, and this resulted in a historical disaster: the separation of West Pakistan (presently Bangladesh) from East Pakistan (presently Pakistan).

Z. A. Bhutto was more successful in restoring parliamentary government in Pakistan. He helped to create a new constitution, the nation’s third in twenty-six years, which was adopted in 1973. He established a National Assembly of two hundred and seven members and four provincial assemblies of proportionate size. All representatives were to be elected directly for five-year terms. Under the constitution provision, Bhutto became prime minister of the government, elected by the majority of the National Assembly.

National elections were again held in 1977, and Z. A. Bhutto faced a strong alliance of political parties (Pakistan National Alliance, PNA). Bhutto won the election, and the PNA was able to obtain only thirty-six seats out of two hundred and seven in the Pakistan National Assembly. The opposition declared that the election had been rigged and began to agitate against the PPP’s government. Bhutto called in the army to restore law and order and to negotiate with the PNA.

The army chief of staff Zia ul Haq seized the reins of the government. Hence, a new and long-lasting era of martial law began, which ended in 1988 with the assassination of Zia ul Haq. Benazir Bhutto, the daughter of Z.A. Bhutto came into power with majority votes after the elections of November 1988. But in 1990, her government was dismissed for charges of corruptionby Ghulam Ishaq Khan the existing president of Pakistan at that time. Following the 1990 elections, Nawaz Sharif became prime minister of Pakistan with a majority of the votes, but his government was also dismissed by Ghulam Ishaq Khan. The democratic era (1988–1999) continued to alternate between B. Bhutto and Sharif until 1999, when the general public became fed up with the democratic era and the corruption of the politicians. In 1999, the dictator General Pervaz Musharaf imposed martial law and ruled until 2008 with so-called democracy. At first, the people of Pakistan welcomed this change of government in the hope that the unjust economic, social and political system would be reformed, but after two years, the economy of Pakistan fell into decline.

About the author

Shahzad F. Malik

Shahzad Faisal Malik is the administrator of CSSTimes.pk and is responsible for managing the content, design, and overall direction of the blog. He has a strong background in Competitive Exams and is passionate and sharing information with others. Shahzad Faisal Malik has worked as a Graphic Designer/Content Creator at CSSTimes in the past. In his free time, Shahzad Faisal Malik enjoys watching Cricket, writing blogs for different websites and is always on the lookout for new and interesting content to share with the readers of this website. As the website administrator, Shahzad Faisal Malik is dedicated to providing high-quality content and fostering a welcoming and engaging community for readers. He looks forward to connecting with readers and hearing their thoughts and feedback on the website.

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The PTI is exploiting a lunch to fundamentalism

The Pakistani Political system has always protected the interests of elites. Although political leadership has been the representative authority, they failed to raise hope for a democratic state that would provide socio-economic justice to all Pakistani citizens. The political leadership failed to create harmony on the national language, the role of Islam, provincial representation and the division of powers between the centre and the provinces, delayed the constitution and postponed general elections.

In October 1956, Pakistan came out from its infancy, a consensus was build and the first constitution of Pakistan came into force. The experience of democratic government was short but not sweet. In October 1958, Gen Muhammad Ayub Khan easily staged a military coup. The political paradigm shifted during the 1960s and 1970s, where class (revolutionary) politics was replaced by authoritarianism as a result of the influx of capital and urbanization. Industrial workers, student unions and middle-class socialist ideology emerged here.

Class politics, however, was short-lived when it was replaced by Antonio Gramsci’s commonsense politics in the 1980s. In which the lower classes of the society are also stakeholders. To counter the industrial class struggle of the 1960s, Zia furnished Pakistan with political-religious parties and a place in politics through the street mosque culture within the power structure.

For four decades after Zia, the Pakistani political scene was a hybrid of PML(N) and PPP patronage and intellectual politics. Once again, the landscape of Pakistan’s politics has changed when the poor and the educated are uneducated, devoid of critical thinking skills, and who are influenced by anti-American and anti-establishment rhetoric. Anti-establishment and anti-American sloganeering has breathed new life into Khan’s April 2022 lows towards the end of his nearly four-year rule.

More than the dismissal of the PTI, there is public resentment over the return of the previous government, which was accused of corruption and nepotism. This resentment towards the PDM has been well cashed in by the PTI leadership even though it has little knowledge of its linkages with the geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economic realities of the contemporary international system. The PTI leadership dreams of a utopian world which is far from reality. This is a dream that has been shown to the people of Pakistan.

At present, PTI chief Imran Khan’s popularity chart is skyrocketing due to the PTI’s constant tussle with state institutions, including the establishment, but the leadership strategy poses huge challenges in the field of foreign policy and security. People have hopes and are calling the Azadi March a turning point for Pakistan. Even the blind can see the political engineering to bring PTI to power in 2018 as it is the history of democratic regimes in Pakistan.

Pakistan can emerge as a strong state and nation only when the socio-cultural trends of intolerance, exclusivity, nepotism, extremist ideologies and violence that have warped the national fabric, are transformed as a nation. And the political nursery of inclusiveness, tolerance, enlightenment, and coexistence in state building should foster critical thinking skills, inclusiveness, and respect for opposing ideologies in future generations of Pakistan.

Always the game of political engineering had been organized by the establishment. Now Imran Khan was the beneficiary of this play and got the title ladla (pampered favourite). The PTI government has enjoyed unprecedented support from the establishment during its more than three and a half years in power. The PTI’s staunch supporters are also frustrated by the party’s poor performance, ambiguity and delays in government affairs. The PTI’s popularity chart fell due to an unsatisfactory government but the PDM came back to rescue it.

The Pakistani political structure is moving away from the politics of clientelism towards the politics of fundamentalism, and fundamentalism means instability. Here, inciting the youth and people against the institutions of the state, institutional heads and the centre of power of the country can have disastrous effects. This is Pakistan’s political history; the political leadership’s frequent attacks on state institutions, especially on the establishment, when they are away from the government. Opposition parties call them to rescue from the governmental brutal actions and illegal political cases.

When we look back and open the archives of history, the transition from democracy to dictatorship in Germany took place in the context of political instability and economic depression, where people saw in Adolf Hitler the charismatic figure of their messiah and saviour.

Here we are reminded of another important factor in state affairs, namely the mentality of the leadership. The mental change of the leaders is the main driving force of the party which determines the course of the state. Populism or populist leadership is a controversial concept with no clear definition. According to Robert R. Barr, some leaders take advantage of political instability through anti-establishment rhetoric. Margaret Canovan another scholar of politics argues that the central message of populism is that power rests with corrupt politicians and unrepresentative elites to the exclusion of the people.

Weberian analytical tools should be applied to study leadership and its style. In a Weberian context, a populist leader appeals to the public through his anti-establishment rhetoric, also known as “grievance politics,” where the spread of misinformation promotes quick solutions to problems, but exploits and resentments are obstacles in his way.

Max Weber focuses on charismatic leaders and their radical mentality, their narcissism, nepotism, demagoguery, and unpredictability. According to him, all these aspects of the leader strengthen the movement and however weaken its organizational effectiveness.

Populist leaders are charismatic, they make the most promises, use effective propaganda methods, and thus subvert the established political system, but most importantly, they deliver on their promises. Rarely do because their actions go against development, political and economic. Such leaders and movements not only weaken the political system of the state but also destroy other institutions of the state and the rule of law.

Bhutto’s inclination towards class politics along with his open opposition to Ayub Khan soon made him immensely popular with the masses. With an absolutist mentality he also desired absolute power; an absolutist mentality is a problem. Bhutto had become a dictator in the country with his power-hungry mind. The quest for absolute power led him to an uncompromising situation with a power-sharing crisis that directed to a war of independence in the Eastern Wing.

The PTI’s philosophy of absolute power has hurt Pakistan on the foreign policy front where our Arab allies were angered when Turkish President Recep Erdogan tried to hold an Islamic summit in Malaysia, while our close neighbor Iran was angered when Pakistan participated in a joint military exercise with Turkey in Azerbaijan. In addition, the PTI’s poor performance during his tenure, he has several excuses including the lack of a two-thirds majority. Now the PDM government which was considered most experienced has taken Pakistan at the point of devastation. Its experience, efficiency and administration have been exposed.

All the political parties are dictators in their political rooms now they have joined hands to protect themselves from the case of corruption. These political parties devoid of democracy always came to power for personal interests.

History is witness that totalitarian power not only leads to corruption but also to destruction, Adolf Hitler changed Germany from a democratic system to a dictatorship and then plunged Germany into a bloody war with disastrous results. Bhutto’s hunger for absolute power resulted in the disintegration of Pakistan. Now PTI’s turn to fundamentalist politics is based on direct confrontation with state institutions, including defamation campaigns against high officials and heads of institutions. The PTI young tigers being trained will trouble Pakistani society in the years to come. Our political leaders have a huge responsibility to build the political nursery of the state where they should nurture its political system on politics of reason instead of hatred, vandalism and fundamentalism. Radicalization of an already radicalized youth will permanently tear the fabric of our society.

Robbery on road, public washrooms, court fixes bushra bibi’s plea against iddat case for june 7, pti lost party symbol due to ecp errors, justice akhter on sic reserve seats case, govt considers ‘doing away with’ saturday weekly off, pti ready to hold talks with ‘real power’, says arif alvi.

India Lok Sabha election 2024 Phase 7: Who votes and what’s at stake?

Voters will decide the fate of 904 candidates from across 57 seats in the last phase of the Lok Sabha polls on June 1.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, center, waves towards the crowd during an election rally in Prayagraj, Uttar Pradesh

Indians will cast ballots in the last phase of the country’s staggered elections on June 1 to decide the fate of 904 candidates, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, concluding the largest electoral exercise in the world that kicked off on April 19.

Fifty-seven seats across eight states and federally-run territories (union territories) are up for grabs as voters will elect Members of Parliament (MPs) to the 18th Lok Sabha – the lower House of Parliament.

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Voters have braved soaring temperatures to cast their ballots, with the first six phases – April 19 , April 26, May 7 , May 13, May 20 and May 25 – recording turnouts of 66.1, 66.7, 61.0, 67.3, 60.5 and 63.4 percent, respectively. At least 969 million people are registered to vote.

Will voters back the opposition Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance ( INDIA ), which has centred its campaign on “saving the constitution” from what it alleges are attempts by Modi’s government to undermine fundamental tenets of Indian democracy – from freedom of the press to the rights of religious minorities – and on more equitable development in Asia’s third-largest economy?

Or will they repose faith in Modi’s leadership and the continuing rule of the governing National Democratic Alliance (NDA), at a time when the prime minister’s personal popularity remains high?

After Saturday’s vote, the wait won’t be long: All votes will be counted on June 4, when results will be declared.

INTERACTIVE_INDIA_ELECTION_7_PHASE_MAY31_2024_Alia

Who is voting in the seventh phase?

Registered voters in the following seven states and one union territory will cast their ballots for 57 seats:

Punjab : All 13 of the northwestern state’s seats

Himachal Pradesh: All four of the northern state’s seats

Jharkhand: Three of the eastern state’s 14 constituencies

Odisha: Six of the eastern state’s 21 constituencies

Uttar Pradesh: 13 of the northern state’s 80 constituencies

Bihar: Eight of the eastern state’s 40 constituencies

West Bengal: Nine of the eastern state’s 42 constituencies

Chandigarh: The union territory’s sole seat.

What are some of the key constituencies?

Varanasi, Ghazipur (Uttar Pradesh): Prime Minister Modi of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is seeking a third term from the ancient city of Varanasi in eastern Uttar Pradesh. Ajay Rai from the opposition Congress party is backed by the Samajwadi Party (SP), which is a major player in India’s most populous state. The BJP has dominated the constituency since the early 1990s, after the Hindu nationalist party started a movement to build a Ram Temple in place of the 16th-century Babri Mosque in Ayodhya city. The mosque was demolished in 1992 by a Hindu mob. Modi inaugurated the temple in January, which has featured in BJP’s election campaigning.

Another seat that has attracted media attention is Ghazipur, about 80km (48 miles) east of Varanasi, from where Afzal Ansari, the brother of don-turned-politician Mukhtar Ansari, is contesting on an SP ticket. Mukhtar Ansari died in jail in March. Paras Nath Rai of the BJP is challenging Afzal Ansari.

Patna Sahib, Pataliputra (Bihar): Senior BJP leader and former Federal Minister Ravi Shankar Prasad is seeking re-election. The Congress party, which has forged an alliance with the regional Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), has fielded Anshul Avishek Kushwaha to challenge Prasad. Former Bollywood actor Shatrughan Sinha represented the constituency in 2009 and 2014 for the BJP. He has since left the party.

Misa Bharti, the daughter of RJD founder and former Chief Minister Lalu Yadav, will try again to beat Ram Kripal Yadav of the BJP in Pataliputra. Ram Kripal, won the 2014 and 2019 elections.

Mandi, Kangra and Hamirpur (Himachal Pradesh): Outspoken Bollywood actor Kangana Ranaut of the BJP is challenging Vikramaditya Singh of the Congress party, which governs the Himalayan state, in Mandi. Ranaut is a staunch Modi supporter.

The constituency has long been a bastion of the Singh family. Vikramaditya’s late father Virbhadra Singh was a four-time chief minister of the state and represented the seat in parliament. However, in the 2014 and 2019 elections, the BJP’s Ram Swaroop Sharma won against Pratibha Singh, Vikramaditya’s mother. Pratibha won in 2021 bye-elections after Sharma’s death.

Anurag Thakur, minister for information and broadcasting in Modi’s cabinet, is seeking a fourth term from the family pocket borough of Hamirpur. His father Prem Kumar Dhumal is a former two-time chief minister of Himachal Pradesh. Satpal Raizada of the Congress party will have an uphill task to beat Thakur, who has won the past few elections by wide margins.

Khadoor Sahib, Jalandhar (Punjab): Khadoor Sahib is a stronghold of the regional Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), which has won the seat a record nine times. But the entry of Sikh separatist leader Amritpal Singh into the race has shone a national spotlight on the constituency. Singh, who is contesting from jail, leads the Waris Punjab De party and backs the Khalistan movement, which calls for a separate Sikh state carved out of Indian Punjab. His main opponents are SAD candidate Virsa Singh Valtoha and Laljit Singh Bhullar from the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which governs the state bordering Pakistan. A win for Amritpal would send alarm bells ringing in India’s security establishment, given Punjab’s history of separatist violence.

Charanjit Singh Channi, former chief minister and a senior leader of the Congress party, is contesting from Jalandhar. Sushil Kumar Rinku of the BJP and Pawan Kumar Tinu of the AAP are Channi’s main challengers. Though the seat has traditionally been a Congress stronghold, AAP’s Sushil Kumar Rinku won the 2023 by-elections after the previous sitting Congress MP died.

Diamond Harbour (West Bengal): Abhishek Banerjee, the influential nephew of the state’s Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, is contesting here from the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) party. He is widely seen as the chief minister’s political heir. BJP old-timer Abhijit Das is competing against Banerjee here.

Chandigarh (Union Territory): The Congress has fielded former minister Manish Tewari from Chandigarh. Tewari’s chances have been boosted after the backing of neighbouring Punjab state’s ruling AAP party. The BJP’s Sanjay Tandon is Tewari’s main challenger. Bollywood actor Kirron Kher, from the BJP, won the seat in 2014 and 2019 but is not contesting this time.

When does the voting start and end?

Voting will begin at 7am local time (01:30 GMT) and conclude at 6pm (12:30 GMT). Voters already in the queue by the time polls close will get to cast their ballots even if that means keeping polling stations open longer.

Which parties rule the states being polled in the seventh phase?

The BJP governs Uttar Pradesh outright and governs Bihar in an alliance
Odisha is governed by the NDA-aligned Biju Janata Dal (BJD)
Congress rules Himachal Pradesh
Punjab is governed by the INDIA alliance led by Aam Aadmi Party (AAP)
Jharkhand is governed by the INDIA alliance led by Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
The Trinamool Congress party , a member of the INDIA alliance, has been governing West Bengal since 2011.
Chandigarh is a federally-run territory.

Who won these Lok Sabha seats in 2019?

In the last Lok Sabha elections, Congress, parties now affiliated with the INDIA alliance and then-affiliated with the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA), won 21 of the 57 seats to be decided on June 1.
The BJP and NDA-allied parties won 30 of these seats.
The BJD won four of the seats in Odisha while the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) won two seats in Uttar Pradesh.

How much of India has voted so far?

The first six phases of the Lok Sabha elections have already decided the fate of 487 constituencies out of 543.

So far, voting has concluded for all seats in the states of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Meghalaya, Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Karnataka, Mizoram, Haryana, Delhi, Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh, Telangana, Nagaland, Uttarakhand, Chhattisgarh, Goa, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Sikkim, Tripura, the Andaman and Nicobar islands; and the Dadra and Nagar Haveli, Daman, Diu, Ladakh Lakshadweep and Puducherry union territories.

Votes will be counted on June 4 and results will likely be announced the same day.

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Order custom essay Political Instability in Pakistan with free plagiarism report 450+ experts on 30 subjects Starting from 3 hours delivery Get Essay Help. which is a big loss. Then Civilian rule resumed in Pakistan from 1972 to 1977 under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, until he was deposed and later sentenced to death in 1979 by General Zia-ul-Haq, who ...
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