Hunger & Food Security: Conclusion

Food insecurity and hunger have been constants throughout history. During times such as the Great Depression, the government has stepped up in an effort to help those suffering.

Today, there are still many in similar situations, although the problem of hunger has become invisible. The government is still making efforts to aid those in need, and thanks to research and media coverage, the issue of food insecurity is becoming more transparent. Communities and colleges are also battling social stigmas and lending a hand to those suffering from hunger.

National Academies Press: OpenBook

Food Insecurity and Hunger in the United States: An Assessment of the Measure (2006)

Chapter: executive summary, executive summary.

T he United States is viewed by the world as a country with plenty of food, yet not all households in America are food secure, meaning access at all times to enough food for an active, healthy life. A proportion of the population experiences food insecurity at some time in a given year because of food deprivation and lack of access to food due to economic resource constraints. Still, food insecurity in the United States is not of the same intensity as in some developing countries.

Since 1995 the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) has annually published statistics on the extent of food insecurity and food insecurity with hunger in U.S. households. These estimates are based on a survey measure developed by the U.S. Food Security Measurement Project, an ongoing collaboration among federal agencies, academic researchers, and private organizations. It is an experiential measure based on reported behaviors, experiences, and conditions in response to questions in a household survey. The measure was developed over the course of several years in response to the National Nutrition Monitoring and Related Research Act of 1990 (NNMRR). The legislation specifically called for development of a standardized mechanism and instrument(s) for defining and obtaining data on the prevalence of food insecurity in the United States and methodologies that can be used across the NNMRR programs and at the state and local levels.

The USDA estimates of food insecurity are based on data collected annually in the Food Security Supplement (FSS) to the Current Population Survey (CPS). On the basis of the number of food-insecure conditions reported, households are classified into one of three categories for purposes

of monitoring and statistical analysis of the food security of the U.S. population: (1) food secure , (2) food insecure without hunger , and (3) food insecure with hunger.

The USDA estimates, published in a series of annual reports, are widely used by government agencies, the media, and advocacy groups to report the extent of food insecurity and hunger in the United States, to monitor progress toward national objectives, to evaluate the impact of particular public policies and programs, as a standard by which the performance of USDA programs is measured, and as a basis for a diverse body of research relating to food assistance programs.

In addition, USDA has a program of research for improving the measurement and understanding of food security. Despite these efforts, some major questions continue to be raised regarding the underlying concepts, the estimation methods, and the design and clarity of the questions used to construct the food insecurity scale.

PANEL CHARGE

USDA requested the Committee on National Statistics of the National Academies to convene a panel of experts to undertake a two-year study in two phases to review at this 10-year mark the concepts and methodology for measuring food insecurity and hunger and the uses of the measures. The specific tasks to be addressed in Phase 1 of the study were:

the appropriateness of a household survey as a vehicle for monitoring on a regular basis the prevalence of food insecurity among the general population and within broad population subgroups, including measuring frequency and duration;

the appropriateness of identifying hunger as a severe range of food insecurity in such a survey-based measurement method;

the appropriateness, in principle and in application, of item response theory and the Rasch model as a statistical basis for measuring food insecurity;

the appropriateness of the threshold scores that demarcate food insecurity categories—particularly the categories “food insecure with hunger” and “food insecure with hunger among children”—and the labeling and interpretation of each category;

the applicability of the current measure of the prevalence of food insecurity with hunger for assessing the effectiveness of USDA food assistance programs, in connection with the Government Performance and Results Act performance goals for the Food and Nutrition Service; and

future directions to consider for strengthening measures of hunger prevalence for monitoring, evaluation, and related research purposes.

In Phase 2 of the study the panel was to consider in more depth the issues raised in Phase 1 relating to the concepts and methods used to measure food security and make recommendations as appropriate. In addition, the panel was asked to address and make recommendations on:

the content of the 18 items and the set of food security scales based on them currently used by USDA to measure food insecurity;

how best to incorporate and represent information about food security of both adults and children at the household level;

how best to incorporate information on food insecurity in prevalence measures;

needs and priorities for developing separate, tailored food security scales for population subgroups, for example, households versus individuals, all individuals versus children, and the general population versus homeless persons; and

future directions to consider for strengthening measures of food insecurity prevalence for monitoring, evaluation, and related research purposes throughout the national nutrition monitoring system.

The Committee on National Statistics appointed a panel of 10 experts to examine the above issues. In order to provide timely guidance to USDA, the panel issued an interim Phase 1 report, Measuring Food Insecurity and Hunger: Phase 1 Report . That report presented the panel’s preliminary assessments of the food security concepts and definitions; the appropriateness of identifying hunger as a severe range of food insecurity in such a survey-based measurement method; questions for measuring these concepts; and the appropriateness of a household survey for regularly monitoring food security in the U.S. population. It provided interim guidance for the continued production of the food security estimates. This final report primarily focuses on the Phase 2 charge. The major findings and conclusions based on the panel’s review and deliberations are summarized below, followed by the text of all of the recommendations.

FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS

Concepts and definitions.

The broad conceptual definitions of food security and insecurity developed by the expert panel convened in 1989 by the Life Sciences Research Office (LSRO) of the Federation of American Societies for Experimental

Biology have served as the basis for the standardized operational definitions used for estimating food security in the United States. Food security according to the LSRO definition means access at all times to enough food for an active, healthy life. Food insecurity exists whenever the availability of nutritionally adequate and safe foods or the ability to acquire acceptable foods in socially acceptable ways is limited or uncertain. Food insecurity as measured in the United States refers to the social and economic problem of lack of food due to resource or other constraints, not voluntary fasting or dieting or because of illness or for other reasons. Although lack of economic resources is the most common constraint, food insecurity can also be experienced when food is available and accessible but cannot be used because of physical or other constraints, such as limited physical functioning by elderly people or those with disabilities.

Food insecurity is measured as a household-level concept that refers to uncertain, insufficient, or unacceptable availability, access, or utilization of food. It is therefore households that are classified as food secure or food insecure. It means that one can measure and report the number of people who are in food-insecure households (even though not everyone in the household need be food insecure themselves). When a household contains one or more food-insecure persons, the household is considered food insecure.

A full understanding of food insecurity requires the incorporation of its frequency and duration because more frequent or longer duration of periods of food insecurity indicate a more serious problem. Frequency and duration are therefore important elements for USDA to consider in the concept, operational definition, and measurement of household food insecurity and individual hunger.

The LSRO conceptual definition of hunger adopted by the interagency group on food security measurement is: “The uneasy or painful sensation caused by a lack of food, the recurrent and involuntary lack of access to food. Hunger may produce malnutrition over time…. Hunger … is a potential, although not necessary, consequence of food insecurity” (Anderson, 1990, pp. 1575, 1576). This language does not provide a clear conceptual basis for what hunger should mean as part of the measurement of food insecurity. The first phrase “the uneasy or painful sensation caused by a lack of food” refers to a possible consequence of food insecurity. The second phrase “the recurrent and involuntary lack of access to food” refers to the whole problem of food insecurity, the social and economic problem of lack of food as defined above.

Unlike food insecurity, which is a household-level concept, hunger is an individual-level concept. The Household Food Security Survey Module (HFSSM) in the Food Security Supplement to the CPS measures food insecurity at the household level; it does not measure the condition of hunger at

the individual level. The HFSSM does include items that are related to being hungry. Some or all of these items are probably appropriate in the food insecurity scale, but they contribute to the measurement of food insecurity and not the measurement of hunger.

The panel therefore concludes that hunger is a concept distinct from food insecurity, which is an indicator of and possible consequence of food insecurity, that can be useful in characterizing severity of food insecurity. Hunger itself is an important concept that should be measured at the individual level distinct from, but in the context of, food insecurity.

The broad conceptual definition of household food insecurity includes more elements than are included in the current USDA measure of food insecurity. Not all elements of the consensus conceptual definition of food insecurity have been incorporated into the USDA measurement of food insecurity in the United States. It was a decision of the Food Security Measurement Project to limit the operational definition and measurement approach to only those aspects of food insecurity that can be captured in a household-level survey. The other conceptually separable aspects of food insecurity are potentially distinct empirical dimensions. For example, the measurement does not include the supply of food or its safety or nutritional quality; these additional aspects would require developing measures and fielding separate surveys to measure them. Moreover, the food supply in the United States is generally regarded as safe, and nutritional adequacy is already assessed by other elements of the nutrition monitoring system, in particular the continuing National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey. The panel therefore concludes that it is neither required nor necessarily appropriate for USDA to attempt to measure all the elements of the broad conceptual definition of food insecurity as part of the HFSSM.

The labeling used to categorize food insecurity is at the heart of the criticism of the current measurement system. In particular, the category “food insecure with hunger” has come under scrutiny because of disagreement over whether hunger is actually measured. The rationale for including hunger in the label for the classification is understandable. Hunger is a politically sensitive and evocative concept that conjures images of severe deprivation, and the HFSSM does include some items that are specifically related to hunger. However, the measurement of food insecurity rather than hunger is the primary focus of the HFSSM. As an indication of the severity of food insecurity, the HFSSM asks the household respondent if in the past 12 months she or he has experienced being hungry because of lack of food due to resource constraints. This is not the same as evaluating individual members of the household in a survey as to whether or not they have experienced hunger . The panel urges USDA to consider alternate labels to convey the severity of food insecurity without the problems inherent in the current labels.

Survey Measurement of Food Insecurity and Hunger

The panel reviewed the current questions used to measure food insecurity and hunger, considered the relationship among the three major aspects of food insecurity and hunger embodied in the questions (whether the household experienced uncertainty, the perception of insufficiency in quality of diet, and reduced food intake or the feeling of hunger), and identified several design issues in the HFSSM that should be addressed.

USDA’s food security scale measures the severity of food insecurity in surveyed households and classifies their food security status during the previous year. The frequency of food insecurity and the duration of spells of insecurity are not assessed directly in the HFSSM questions that are used to classify households by food security status. Although some of the response options do offer the choice of “often, sometimes, or never,” these response options are not sufficient measures of frequency, and they are not included in the construction of the scale. In addition to the items in the HFSSM, the full supplement includes questions that focus on duration. However, these questions are not part of the 18-item HFSSM, although they have been used in research to estimate the percentage of the population that is food insecure on a given day in a given month. A recent study undertaken by USDA researchers examined the extent to which food insecurity and hunger are occasional, recurring, or frequent in the U.S. households that experience them. The panel recommends further research on the frequency and duration of food insecurity.

The panel reviewed the 18 items that constitute the food insecurity scales as well as the entire questionnaire module in which these are embedded and found many issues of questionnaire design. Consistent terminology, clustering questions so as to focus on a specific reference person or reference group (e.g., the respondent, all adults in the household, all children in the household) and on a specific reference period (e.g., 12 months versus 30 days), and developing response options that most closely map to the respondent’s representation of the behavior or attitude are all means by which questions can be designed to reduce cognitive burden and thereby improve the validity and reliability of the measures. Inevitably, questionnaire design requires balancing multiple intents and principles, and there is no perfect questionnaire design. Nevertheless, the panel concludes that the questions in the HFSSM in particular and the FSS in general can be improved by attending to these design principles to the extent possible.

Item Response Theory

USDA uses the Rasch model, a specific type of item response theory (IRT) model, to estimate the food insecurity of households. Several issues

have been raised about the use of IRT models in the measurement of food insecurity and, in particular, the use of the Rasch model.

The panel reviewed IRT and related statistical models and discussed their use and applicability to the development of such classifications as food insecurity. The panel recommends modifications of the current IRT methodology used by USDA to increase the amount of information that is used and to make the methodology more appropriate to the types of data that are currently collected using the Food Security Supplement to the Current Population Survey.

The panel reviewed how the latent variable models are estimated and issues of identifiability of these models and how IRT models are used by USDA in the measurement of food insecurity. On the basis of this review, the panel suggests how the models might be used in better ways to accomplish this measurement and recommends a simple way to modify the existing models currently used by USDA to take into account the polytomous nature of the data collected.

Survey Vehicles to Measure Food Insecurity and Hunger

USDA bases its annual report and estimates of the prevalence of food insecurity on data collected from the Food Security Supplement to the Current Population Survey. The Household Food Security Survey Module, or a modification of it, is or has been used in several surveys. One of the main objectives of the annual food insecurity measure is to monitor the estimated prevalence of food insecurity, as well as changes in its prevalence over time, at the national and state levels to assess both program policies and the possible need for program development.

After reviewing the key features of selected national surveys—the Current Population Survey, the National Health Interview Survey, the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey, and the Survey of Income and Program Participation—the panel compared the relative merits of each, for either carrying the Food Security Supplement or conducting research to supplement the information obtained from it. The panel recommends research and testing to understand better the strengths and weaknesses of each survey in relation to the Current Population Survey, leading to the selection of a specific survey vehicle for the Food Security Supplement, or for supplementing that information for research purposes.

Food Insecurity Estimates as a Measure of Program Performance Assessment

Currently, the Food and Nutrition Service in USDA uses trends in the prevalence of food insecurity with hunger based on the HFSSM as a mea-

sure of its annual performance to implement the Government Performance and Results Act of 1993 (GPRA). That law requires government agencies to account for progress toward intended results of their activities. It requires that specific performance goals be established and that annual measurement of these output goals be undertaken to determine the success or failure of the program. The panel was asked to comment on the applicability of these data for this purpose.

The panel concludes that an overall national estimate of food insecurity is not appropriate as a measure for meeting the requirements of the GPRA. Even an appropriate measure of food insecurity or hunger using appropriate samples would not be a useful performance indicator of food assistance programs, because their performance is only one of many factors that result in food insecurity or hunger. Consequently, changes in food insecurity and hunger could be due to many factors other than the performance of the food safety net.

The panel concludes that relying exclusively on trends in prevalence estimates of food insecurity as an indicator of program results is inappropriate. To assess program results, a better understanding is needed of the transitions into and out of poverty made by low-income households and the kind of unexpected changes that frequently bring about alterations—for good or bad—in households participating in food assistance programs.

The panel is impressed with the extensive research thus far undertaken, and with the continuing research carried out by USDA. The panel urges that the research program be continued and makes several recommendations for its direction in the future.

The panel concludes that the measurement both of food insecurity and of hunger is important. The recommendations in the report are intended to improve these measurements, so that policy makers and the public can be better informed. Toward this end, the panel has recommended research efforts that should lead to improved concepts, definitions, and measurement of food insecurity and hunger. The panel has provided a detailed discussion of the analytical methods used by USDA and made recommendations for further research to improve the accuracy of the food insecurity scale and on survey alternatives. The panel recognizes that such research will take time.

RECOMMENDATIONS

On the basis of its findings and conclusions, the panel presents recommendations in five areas: concepts and definitions, labeling of food insecu-

rity data outcomes, survey measurement, item response theory and food insecurity, and survey vehicles to measure food insecurity and hunger. The text of the recommendations, grouped according to these areas, follows, keyed to the chapter in which they appear in the body of the report.

This page intentionally left blank.

The United States is viewed by the world as a country with plenty of food, yet not all households in America are food secure, meaning access at all times to enough food for an active, healthy life. A proportion of the population experiences food insecurity at some time in a given year because of food deprivation and lack of access to food due to economic resource constraints. Still, food insecurity in the United States is not of the same intensity as in some developing countries. Since 1995 the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) has annually published statistics on the extent of food insecurity and food insecurity with hunger in U.S. households. These estimates are based on a survey measure developed by the U.S. Food Security Measurement Project, an ongoing collaboration among federal agencies, academic researchers, and private organizations.

USDA requested the Committee on National Statistics of the National Academies to convene a panel of experts to undertake a two-year study in two phases to review at this 10-year mark the concepts and methodology for measuring food insecurity and hunger and the uses of the measure. In Phase 2 of the study the panel was to consider in more depth the issues raised in Phase 1 relating to the concepts and methods used to measure food security and make recommendations as appropriate.

The Committee on National Statistics appointed a panel of 10 experts to examine the above issues. In order to provide timely guidance to USDA, the panel issued an interim Phase 1 report, Measuring Food Insecurity and Hunger: Phase 1 Report. That report presented the panel's preliminary assessments of the food security concepts and definitions; the appropriateness of identifying hunger as a severe range of food insecurity in such a survey-based measurement method; questions for measuring these concepts; and the appropriateness of a household survey for regularly monitoring food security in the U.S. population. It provided interim guidance for the continued production of the food security estimates. This final report primarily focuses on the Phase 2 charge. The major findings and conclusions based on the panel's review and deliberations are summarized.

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The Color of Hunger: The Complexities of Food Insecurity

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food insecurity essay conclusion

Food Insecurity

Economic Stability

About This Literature Summary

This summary of the literature on Food Insecurity as a social determinant of health is a narrowly defined examination that is not intended to be exhaustive and may not address all dimensions of the issue. Please note: The terminology used in each summary is consistent with the respective references. For additional information on cross-cutting topics, please see the Access to Foods that Support Healthy Dietary Patterns literature summary.

Related Objectives (4)

Here's a snapshot of the objectives related to topics covered in this literature summary. Browse all objectives .

  • Reduce household food insecurity and hunger  — NWS‑01
  • Eliminate very low food security in children — NWS‑02
  • Increase fruit consumption by people aged 2 years and over — NWS‑06
  • Increase vegetable consumption by people aged 2 years and older — NWS‑07

Related Evidence-Based Resources (1)

Here's a snapshot of the evidence-based resources related to topics covered in this literature summary. Browse all evidence-based resources .

  • The Role of Law and Policy in Achieving the Healthy People 2020 Nutrition and Weight Status Goals of Increased Fruit and Vegetable Intake in the United States

Literature Summary

Food insecurity is defined as a household-level economic and social condition of limited or uncertain access to adequate food. 1  In 2020, 13.8 million households were food insecure at some time during the year. 2 Food insecurity does not necessarily cause hunger, i but hunger is a possible outcome of food insecurity. 3

The United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) divides food insecurity into the following 2 categories: 1

  • Low food security : “Reports of reduced quality, variety, or desirability of diet. Little or no indication of reduced food intake.”
  • Very low food security : “Reports of multiple indications of disrupted eating patterns and reduced food intake.”

Food insecurity may be long term or temporary. 4 , 5 , 6  It may be influenced by a number of factors, including income, employment, race/ethnicity, and disability. The risk for food insecurity increases when money to buy food is limited or not available. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11  In 2020, 28.6 percent of low-income households were food insecure, compared to the national average of 10.5 percent. 2  Unemployment can also negatively affect a household’s food security status. 10  High unemployment rates among low-income populations make it more difficult to meet basic household food needs. 10  In addition, children with unemployed parents have higher rates of food insecurity than children with employed parents. 12  Disabled adults may be at a higher risk for food insecurity due to limited employment opportunities and health care-related expenses that reduce the income available to buy food. 13 , 14  Racial and ethnic disparities exist related to food insecurity. In 2020, Black non-Hispanic households were over 2 times more likely to be food insecure than the national average (21.7 percent versus 10.5 percent, respectively). Among Hispanic households, the prevalence of food insecurity was 17.2 percent compared to the national average of 10.5 percent. 2 Potential factors influencing these disparities may include neighborhood conditions, physical access to food, and lack of transportation.

Neighborhood conditions may affect physical access to food. 15  For example, people living in some urban areas, rural areas, and low-income neighborhoods may have limited access to full-service supermarkets or grocery stores. 16  Predominantly Black and Hispanic neighborhoods may have fewer full-service supermarkets than predominantly White and non-Hispanic neighborhoods. 17  Convenience stores may have higher food prices, lower-quality foods, and less variety of foods than supermarkets or grocery stores. 16 , 18  Access to healthy foods is also affected by lack of transportation and long distances between residences and supermarkets or grocery stores. 16

Residents are at risk for food insecurity in neighborhoods where transportation options are limited, the travel distance to stores is greater, and there are fewer supermarkets. 16  Lack of access to public transportation or a personal vehicle limits access to food. 16  Groups who may lack transportation to healthy food sources include those with chronic diseases or disabilities, residents of rural areas, and some racial/ethnicity groups. 15 , 16 , 19  A study in Detroit found that people living in low-income, predominantly Black neighborhoods travel an average of 1.1 miles farther to the closest supermarket than people living in low-income predominantly White neighborhoods. 20

Adults who are food insecure may be at an increased risk for a variety of negative health outcomes and health disparities. For example, a study found that food-insecure adults may be at an increased risk for obesity. 21  Another study found higher rates of chronic disease in low-income, food-insecure adults between the ages of 18 years and 65 years. 22  Food-insecure children may also be at an increased risk for a variety of negative health outcomes, including obesity. 23 , 24 , 25 They also face a higher risk of developmental problems compared with food-secure children. 12 , 25 , 26  In addition, reduced frequency, quality, variety, and quantity of consumed foods may have a negative effect on children’s mental health. 27

Food assistance programs, such as the National School Lunch Program (NSLP); the Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) program; and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), address barriers to accessing healthy food. 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 Studies show these programs may reduce food insecurity. 29 , 30 , 31  More research is needed to understand food insecurity and its influence on health outcomes and disparities. Future studies should consider characteristics of communities and households that influence food insecurity. 32  This additional evidence will facilitate public health efforts to address food insecurity as a social determinant of health.

i  The term hunger refers to a potential consequence of food insecurity. Hunger is discomfort, illness, weakness, or pain caused by prolonged, involuntary lack of food.

U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service. (n.d.). Definitions of food security . Retrieved March 10, 2022, from https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/food-nutrition-assistance/food-security-in-the-u-s/definitions-of-food-security/

U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service. (n.d.). Key statistics & graphics. Retrieved March 10, 2022, from https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/food-nutrition-assistance/food-security-in-the-us/key-statistics-graphics.aspx

Carlson, S. J., Andrews, M. S., & Bickel, G. W. (1999). Measuring food insecurity and hunger in the United States: Development of a national benchmark measure and prevalence estimates. Journal of Nutrition, 129 (2S Suppl), 510S–516S. doi:  10.1093/jn/129.2.510S

Jones, A. D., Ngure, F. M., Pelto, G., & Young, S. L. (2013). What are we assessing when we measure food security? A compendium and review of current metrics. Advances in Nutrition, 4(5), 481–505.

Food and Agriculture Organization. (2008). An introduction to the basic concepts of food security . Food Security Information for Action Practical Guides. EC–FAO Food Security Programme.

Nord, M., Andrews, M., & Winicki, J. (2002). Frequency and duration of food insecurity and hunger in U.S. households. Journal of Nutrition Education and Behavior, 34 (4), 194–201.

Sharkey, J. R., Johnson, C. M., & Dean, W. R. (2011). Relationship of household food insecurity to health-related quality of life in a large sample of rural and urban women. Women & Health, 51 (5), 442–460.

Seefeldt, K. S., & Castelli, T. (2009). Low-income women’s experiences with food programs, food spending, and food-related hardships (no. 57) . USDA Economic Research Service. https://www.ers.usda.gov/publications/pub-details/?pubid=84306

Nord, M., Andrews, M., & Carlson, S. (2007). Measuring food security in the United States: household food security in the United States, 2001. Economic Research Report (29).

Nord, M. (2007). Characteristics of low-income households with very low food security: An analysis of the USDA GPRA food security indicator. USDA-ERS Economic Information Bulletin (25).

Klesges, L. M., Pahor, M., Shorr, R. I., Wan, J. Y., Williamson, J. D., & Guralnik, J. M. (2001). Financial difficulty in acquiring food among elderly disabled women: Results from the Women’s Health and Aging Study. American Journal of Public Health, 91 (1), 68.

Nord, M. (2009). Food insecurity in households with children: Prevalence, severity, and household characteristics. USDA-ERS Economic Information Bulletin (56).

Coleman-Jensen, A., & Nord, M. (2013). Food insecurity among households with working-age adults with disabilities. USDA-ERS Economic Research Report (144).

Huang, J., Guo, B., & Kim, Y. (2010). Food insecurity and disability: Do economic resources matter? Social Science Research, 39 (1), 111–124.

Zenk, S. N., Schulz, A. J., Israel, B. A., James, S. A., Bao, S., & Wilson, M. L. (2005). Neighborhood racial composition, neighborhood poverty, and the spatial accessibility of supermarkets in metropolitan Detroit. American Journal of Public Health, 95 (4), 660–667.

Ploeg, M. V., Breneman, V., Farrigan, T., Hamrick, K., Hopkins, D., Kaufman, P., Lin, B.-H., Nord, M., Smith, T. A., Williams, R., Kinnison, K., Olander, C., Singh, A., & Tuckermanty, E. (n.d.). Access to affordable and nutritious food-measuring and understanding food deserts and their consequences: Report to congress. Retrieved March 10, 2022, from http://www.ers.usda.gov/publications/pub-details/?pubid=42729

Powell, L. M., Slater, S., Mirtcheva, D., Bao, Y., & Chaloupka, F. J. (2007). Food store availability and neighborhood characteristics in the United States. Preventive Medicine, 44 (3), 189–195.

Crockett, E. G., Clancy, K. L., & Bowering, J. (1992). Comparing the cost of a thrifty food plan market basket in three areas of New York State. Journal of Nutrition Education, 24 (1), 71S–78S.

Seligman, H. K., Laraia, B. A., & Kushel, M. B. (2010). Food insecurity is associated with chronic disease among low-income NHANES participants. Journal of Nutrition, 140 (2), 304–310.

Zenk, S. N., Schulz, A. J., Israel, B. A., James, S. A., Bao, S., & Wilson, M. L. (2005). Neighborhood racial composition, neighborhood poverty, and the spatial accessibility of supermarkets in metropolitan Detroit. American Journal of Public Health , 95(4), 660–667.

Hernandez, D. C., Reesor, L. M., & Murillo, R. (2017). Food insecurity and adult overweight/obesity: Gender and race/ethnic disparities. Appetite, 117, 373–378.

Gregory, C. A., & Coleman-Jensen, A. (n.d.). Food insecurity, chronic disease, and health among working-age adults . Retrieved March 10, 2022, from http://www.ers.usda.gov/publications/pub-details/?pubid=84466

Gundersen, C., & Kreider, B. (2009). Bounding the effects of food insecurity on children’s health outcomes. Journal of Health Economics , 28 (5), 971–983.

Metallinos-Katsaras, E., Must, A., & Gorman, K. (2012). A longitudinal study of food insecurity on obesity in preschool children. Journal of the Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics, 112 (12), 1949–1958.

Cook, J. T., & Frank, D. A. (2008). Food security, poverty, and human development in the United States. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1136 (1), 193–209.

Cook, J. T. (2013, April). Impacts of child food insecurity and hunger on health and development in children: Implications of measurement approach. In Paper commissioned for the Workshop on Research Gaps and Opportunities on the Causes and Consequences of Child Hunger.

Burke, M. P., Martini, L. H., Çayır, E., Hartline-Grafton, H. L., & Meade, R. L. (2016). Severity of household food insecurity is positively associated with mental disorders among children and adolescents in the United States. Journal of Nutrition , 146(10), 2019–2026.

Bhattarai, G. R., Duffy, P. A., & Raymond, J. (2005). Use of food pantries and food stamps in low‐income households in the United States. Journal of Consumer Affairs , 39(2), 276–298.

Huang, J., & Barnidge, E. (2016). Low-income children's participation in the National School Lunch Program and household food insufficiency. Social Science & Medicine, 150 , 8–14.

Kreider, B., Pepper, J. V., & Roy, M. (2016). Identifying the effects of WIC on food insecurity among infants and children. Southern Economic Journal, 82 (4), 1106–1122.

Ratcliffe, C., McKernan, S. M., & Zhang, S. (2011). How much does the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program reduce food insecurity? American Journal of Agricultural Economics, 93 (4), 1082–1098.

Larson, N. I., & Story, M. T. (2011). Food insecurity and weight status among U.S. children and families: A review of the literature. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 40 (2), 166–173.

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Food Insecurity Essays

Ending world hunger, tackling food insecurity in the modern world, addressing food insecurity, homelessness and public health, assessing the interactions between food pantries, natural disasters, and food insecurity in alabama: a geospatial analysis, historical origins and ongoing impact of food deserts, response to the documentary “hungry to learn”, addressing food insecurity among college students, research on hunger and its impacts in west brazil, covid-19 and food insecurity in trinidad and tobago, food insecurity in nigeria, covid-19 and food insecurity in the us, popular essay topics.

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Food Insecurity Among Students Essay

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Problem Statement

Proposed policy goal, intended impacts.

Campus students deal with a lot more distress over interpersonal issues and classes. High food prices across campus constitute a significant challenge that many students experience. The challenge does not only affect students; it is a global challenge. In the year before the ongoing covid-19 pandemic, roughly 35 million Americans were food insecure (Raifman et al., 2021). The number has doubled significantly since March 2020 after the pandemic due to its ramifications (Raifman et al., 2021). A study has shown that a staggering 30% of all campus students experience food insecurity at some point in their college life (Owens et al., 2020). Due to high prices and cost related to textbook and transportation, campus students have very little money to use for their basic needs, especially food.

To counter this challenge of high prices, students are often forced to go hungry or at very low-quality food. Low-quality food is most affordable but contains little nutrition needed by the students. Nutrition is essential for campus students who require energy to fulfill the hard work that the college necessitates. Food is a basic need; without it being affordable for students on campus and insufficient funds for tuition and books, students cannot always feed themselves and stay afloat. It is essential to find a solution to the hunger of the campus students.

NY State Senate Bill S1151C relates to establishing a hunger-free campus act. The policy will address food insecurity among students in private and public higher education institutions. Commissioner will establish hunger free campus grant program to be awarded to campuses. The bill will send $10 million in state dollars to colleges and universities across the state to help tackle student food insecurity (Ny State Senate, 2022). The fund provided will address hunger and leverage a more sustainable solution for basic food needs on campus (Ny State Senate, 2022). The grant will also be essential to help raise awareness of current on-campus services that address food needs. The campus can use the funding to create SNAP enrollment opportunities, establish meal-swipe sharing programs, fund campus pantries and raise awareness about existing on-campus resources. Finally, the policy aims to continue building a strategic partnership at the state, local and national levels to address food insecurity among students.

Resources and systems must be in place at campuses to ensure no students go hungry. The policy funding may enhance the campus food distribution system available to students. The designated staff educates students on SNAP and other public services to reduce students’ food insecurity. Information on eligibility criteria and how to apply for benefits will be made available to students in need. Coordination in the institution will be enhanced, facilitating more enrollment to SNAP programs by the students. This will ensure the students do not have to choose between their education needs over food necessities.

Hunger results in a low immune system, making individuals susceptible to illnesses. Countering hunger issues on campus will ensure that the students are active, healthy, and not affected by stress-related mental challenges. Food resources for the student will benefit the community as a whole as the individuals can engage in activities to promote it. Healthy students make a healthier community with fewer cases of illnesses. Food security for the students will emphasize reciprocal interactions between people and their environments.

Ny State senate Bill S1151C . (2022). Web.

Owens, M. R., Brito-Silva, F., Kirkland, T., Moore, C. E., Davis, K. E., Patterson, M. A., Miketinas, D. C., & Tucker, W. J. (2020). Prevalence and social determinants of food insecurity among college students during the COVID-19 pandemic . Nutrients , 12 (9), 2515. Web.

Raifman, J., Bor, J., & Venkataramani, A. (2021). Association between receipt of unemployment insurance and food insecurity among people who lost employment during the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States . JAMA Network Open , 4 (1), e2035884-e2035884. Web.

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LI's affordability crisis has families at different income levels struggling to put food on the table

SNAP helps low-income families supplement their budgets so they can...

SNAP helps low-income families supplement their budgets so they can buy groceries, snacks, and non-alcoholic beverages.  Credit: AP/Allison Dinner

This guest essay reflects the views of Rachel Sabella, director of No Kid Hungry New York.

When we talk about the affordability crisis on Long Island, much of the attention is on rent and mortgage payments. Housing is the biggest bill we pay each month.

But affordability is about more than the roof over our heads. It’s about what it costs to live. And for a majority of Long Islanders, the cost of buying food is making life increasingly unaffordable.

Every year since the pandemic, No Kid Hungry New York has polled families across the state about hunger, food assistance programs, and what’s happening at their kitchen tables. This year's poll surveyed 1,673 families statewide, including nearly 300 on Long Island. And when the results came back, a major trend stood out.

Nearly nine in 10 Long Islanders reported that the cost of food was rising faster than their income. 

While it might not be surprising that families living on minimum-wage salaries are feeling enormous pressure, families making more than $100,000 — definitively middle-class households on Long Island — said their buying power also is eroding at the grocery store.

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And the choices families are forced to make because of this pressure are painful.

More than half of households we surveyed on Long Island told us they were buying less — or no — meat, fish, eggs, or other protein. Nearly as many reported buying less or no fresh produce. They’re buying cheaper “filler” foods instead, like rice and pasta.

Parents are taking out of their shopping carts the healthiest foods because they can’t afford them.

When we asked a young mom from Suffolk County what it would mean to have $40 more in her budget each month for groceries, she responded, “My infant would never run out of formula and I wouldn’t worry how to get more until a paycheck comes in.”

That’s what food insecurity looks like on Long Island today.

During the pandemic, many families struggling now could count on additional help through programs like the expanded Child Tax Credit and more dollars on Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program cards.

That help isn’t here today though the need remains, and is growing.

However, there is hope on the horizon. In the state budget adopted last month, New York unlocked more than $200 million in federal funding for a SNAP-related program called Summer EBT.

And it will be a lifeline when families most need it.

In my work, we often say that summer is the hungriest time of year. Hundreds of thousands of families on Long Island count on the two healthy no-cost or reduced-priced meals served in our schools every day.

When summer break starts and schools close, their grocery bills shoot up. The new Summer EBT program will give families an extra $120 per child to pay for groceries this summer. If you already qualify for Medicaid, SNAP, or free or reduced-price school meals, you’ll qualify for Summer EBT, too.

We have to get this rollout right.

Many families don’t know about this benefit. We need the state to rapidly launch a promotion campaign, help families understand who qualifies, and nail down the mechanics of putting extra funds on cards before schools let out. And we need school districts, community organizations, and other supporters to amplify the message.

Despite the pain families face now, this could make a big difference for thousands of parents who won’t have to pull healthy foods out of their shopping carts.

We can’t control grocery store prices. But we can make sure families have the help they need to give their kids three healthy meals a day.

This guest essay reflects the views of Rachel Sabella, director of No Kid Hungry New York.

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Understanding the Dynamics of the Food Web: Deciphering Nature’s Pyramid

This essay about the intricate dynamics of the food web explores how organisms, from primary producers to apex predators, interact in a complex ecosystem. It highlights the essential roles each organism plays in maintaining ecological balance and emphasizes the importance of preserving biodiversity. Additionally, it addresses the threats posed by human activities and underscores the need for urgent action to protect the delicate harmony of nature.

How it works

In the vast expanse of natural wonders, the food web emerges as a mesmerizing mosaic of interwoven relationships, a captivating dance of energy flow and ecological connections. It is a living masterpiece where organisms, ranging from microscopic marvels to majestic predators, intricately intertwine in a complex network of existence. Exploring the depths of this intricate tapestry unveils nature’s symphony, a symphony orchestrated by biodiversity and sustained by the delicate harmony of predator-prey dynamics.

At the foundation of this symphony lies the primary producers, the ingenious architects of life, harnessing the boundless energy of the sun to craft organic matter through the alchemy of photosynthesis.

From towering forests to microscopic phytoplankton, they form the bedrock of the food web, transmuting sunlight into the essential currency of life. Their tireless efforts underpin the entire ecosystem, underscoring their irreplaceable role in nurturing life on our planet.

Ascending through the layers of the symphony, we encounter the primary consumers, the herbivores, who feast upon the bounty bestowed by the primary producers. From graceful grazers to voracious browsers, they serve as the vital conduit between plants and higher trophic levels, channeling energy upwards through the intricate web of life. Their ceaseless grazing shapes the distribution and abundance of plant species, sculpting the landscape in their gentle footsteps.

Continuing the melodic ascent, we encounter the secondary consumers, the carnivores and omnivores, who prey upon the herbivores with precision and prowess. From stealthy predators to cunning scavengers, they embody nature’s eternal cycle of birth and demise, orchestrating the population dynamics of their prey and shaping the evolutionary trajectories of entire ecosystems. Their presence reverberates through the symphony, exerting top-down control and preserving ecological balance.

At the crescendo of the symphony stand the apex predators, the unrivaled monarchs of their realms, whose mere existence sends ripples echoing through the food web. From apex predators like eagles and sharks to apex scavengers such as condors and jackals, they command reverence and admiration for their pivotal roles in sculpting ecosystem dynamics. Through their predatory prowess, they maintain the equilibrium of herbivore populations, preventing unchecked proliferation and safeguarding biodiversity.

Yet, the melody of the food web extends far beyond predation, encompassing a myriad of interactions from competition to symbiosis. Competition for resources drives species to adapt and diversify, carving out niches within the intricate tapestry of the ecosystem. Symbiotic partnerships, forged through mutualism and cooperation, bolster the resilience of ecosystems, nurturing alliances that endure the test of time.

However, the harmony of the symphony faces formidable threats from human activities, casting a shadow over the delicate balance of nature. Habitat destruction, overexploitation, pollution, and climate change loom large, imperiling the intricate web of life, jeopardizing countless species, and compromising the resilience of entire ecosystems. Urgent action is imperative to confront these challenges and safeguard the integrity of the symphony for future generations.

In conclusion, unraveling the nuances of the food web is indispensable for deciphering the complexities of ecological systems and decoding nature’s opus. From primary producers to apex predators, each organism contributes a vital note to the symphony, shaping the structure and function of ecosystems. By embracing the interconnectedness of all living beings and embracing sustainable practices, we can harmonize with the melody of life and orchestrate a future of harmony and equilibrium in the grand symphony of nature.

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Read an Excerpt From Ann Leary's Book That Made Husband Denis Leary Laugh 'So F---ing Loud' (Exclusive)

The bestselling author's new essay collection, 'I've Tried Being Nice' spans family, fame, recovery and learning not to be a people-pleaser

Angela Weiss/WireImage; Marysue Rucci Books

Lots of husbands would be embarrassed to read a book their wife had written that covers — among other things — that time they almost got divorced, disastrous ballroom dancing lessons and their social snafus as they learned to navigate fame, family and all that comes with it.

But Denis Leary isn't that kind of husband.

His wife Ann Leary is brutally honest in her newest book, I've Tried Being Nice , out June 4 — but not at anyone's expense.

"Anything that I write about my family, they get to see before it's published anywhere, because if they don't like it, I don't wanna publish it," the author, 61, tells PEOPLE in a joint interview with Denis, 66. "Writing essays, you have to be so careful about people's feelings, like your husband's and your children's and your parents'. You have to tell your truth, but I like to be mindful of the privacy of people in my life."

The book spans a range of topics from serious to borderline-slapstick, mostly centered around the author's family, marriage, their life together and trying to be less of a people-pleaser.

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"I do touch on my childhood a little bit in one of the early essays, but most of it is about our family, being married to Dennis, having our great children and trying not to embarrass them too much by describing our lives," the author adds.

Running like an undercurrent to the laughs, as happens in so many of Ann's books, comes a sneaky dose of wisdom.

"I kind of explored the difference between being nice, which is actually a very good trait, and being a people-pleaser, which is more of like being insecure," she explains. "And it doesn't really come from a place of of altruism or kindness, or a higher level of emotion. It comes from selfish angst and fear."

Her husband, who Ann calls "my kindest critic ... and my biggest cheerleader-fan," says that it's "always exciting when I get to read whatever draft I'm allowed to read of something." He got an early look at these essays before publication, in pretty much the same form the reader will see them.

"I'm proud of her, but it's not the kind of writing I can really do, so a lot of times I'm just sort of in awe of how she could take something and turn it into something so funny or beautiful," Denis says. "I was laughing so f---ing loud at so many things, especially in the newer essays that I didn't know. But, man, this book! It really made me laugh."

The couple, who share children Jack, 34, and daughter Devin, 32, have always liked to laugh — together and, occasionally, in good-natured fun at each other.

"You have to laugh," Ann says, of what gets her through the tough stuff. "I'm actually annoyed when people don't have a sense of humor, I actually find it personally offensive."

Below, in an exclusive excerpt shared with PEOPLE, read a case of mistaken identity with endearing results.

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Marysue Rucci Books

Years ago, at a dinner party, I was seated next to a very sweet, nebbishy-looking guy who seemed a little out of his element. Ali Wentworth and George Stephanopoulos were also at our table. They had been dating for less than two weeks. Now their daughters are in college, but how can that be? This party seems like it was yesterday. The thing about humiliating situations is that they always seem so fresh. Memories of my finer moments such as … well … none come to mind right now, but they all seem to fade. Shameful moments have a way of crystallizing in my memory, perfectly intact, forever.

My shy dinner companion at that party was concerned that there wouldn’t be anything for him to eat, as he was vegan. He was so quiet and unassuming. He didn’t seem to know anybody, and I assumed that he was somebody’s plus-one. A famous actor’s cousin, maybe visiting from out of town. 

I realized he was overwhelmed by the dazzling luminaries in the room, so I decided to take him under my wing. I asked one of the waitstaff to prepare him a salad, and then I explained to him who all the important people were. On his other side was a very famous actress. I told him that he shouldn’t be shy—he should introduce himself to her. He told me he already had.

At one point I asked him what he did for work. He told me that he was a musician. 

“Wow, that’s really cool,” I said, imagining him in an orchestra pit, his upper lip quivering above a flute, or perhaps on a subway platform strumming on a mandolin. 

When we left the party, Denis and I shared a ride with Jon Stewart and his wife, Tracey . 

“What was Moby like?” Tracey asked me when we were all in the back of the car. Denis and Jon leaned in toward me with expectant smiles. 

“Moby was there?” I asked. “I love Moby!” 

I’d been listening to a Moby playlist all summer; it was pretty much all I listened to that summer. I guess I’d never seen his photograph, because — yes, Moby had been my sweet, shy dinner companion. 

I began confessing to the others, in a voice rising hysterically, that I had just schooled Moby on the ins and outs of fame. I had just promised Moby that if he had a sample CD of one of his songs, I would personally make sure my husband Denis listened to it. 

“Denis Leary,” I’d said to him, with a humble little laugh. I don’t like name-dropping. 

Then I said, and my face is flaming now just typing these words: “I can’t promise anything, but if he likes one of your songs — who knows, maybe he’ll use it on his show.” I think I even offered some wisdom about how, in show business, it’s not what you know, it’s who you know. 

God bless Moby. He didn’t laugh in my face and tell me he’d never heard of Denis Leary or his damn TV show. He thanked me for my thoughtfulness. He asked me about myself. 

This reminds me of something else I’ve learned on the sidelines of fame. Famous people have an undeservedly bad reputation as a group. They’re always accused of being entitled, stupid, selfish and narcissistic. Many are.

But the most entitled jerks at the Emmys or the Golden Globes or even celebrity-filled dinner parties tend to be actors who people besides me don’t recognize, along with lawyers, agents and certain publicists. These jerks will snatch a seat away from an elderly woman with a walker because she doesn’t belong in the VIP area. They push and shove their way to the front of the press line where nobody wants to take their picture. 

The most talented celebrities, in my experience, tend to be the most generous and kind. I’m talking about Michael J. Fox and Tracy Pollan , now. I’m talking about Morgan Freeman , Meryl Streep , Robert DeNiro — and all the other gentle giants of the celebrity kingdom. They’re thoughtful and kind, they wait their turn in line. They offer their seat to the pregnant or elderly. They turn away from the famous actress at a dinner party to say to the awkward, bumbling actor’s wife — the nobody seated next to them —“Tell me about yourself.” 

Excerpted from I’VE TRIED BEING NICE: Essays by Ann Leary. Copyright © 2024 by Ann Leary. Reprinted by permission of Marysue Rucci Books, a Division of Simon & Schuster, LLC.

I've Tried Being Nice: Essays by Ann Leary is out June 4 from Marysue Rucci Books, and is available for preorder now, wherever books are sold.

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Mexico’s Women Are Speaking. Will a Female President Listen?

A woman climbs down a boulder in Mexico.

By Cristina Rivera Garza

Ms. Rivera Garza’s book “Liliana’s Invincible Summer: A Sister’s Search for Justice” is about one of the many women killed by femicide in Mexico.

My mother was born in 1943 in a country where she was not allowed to vote. The Mexican government did not grant women the right to vote in national elections — or the right to hold public office on a national level — until Oct. 17, 1953. Now, almost 71 years later, for the first time two women are leading the race to be Mexico’s next president: Claudia Sheinbaum, who is the front-runner, and Xóchitl Gálvez. It is no small feat for a country with a longstanding and complex relationship with machismo , and where every day some 10 women or girls are killed on average.

And yet this accomplishment has often felt like an afterthought during this historic election. Ms. Sheinbaum, a scientist running on the ticket of the ruling Morena party, and Ms. Gálvez, a businesswoman representing a mix of parties from the political establishment, have nodded at the achievements of feminism and its influence on Mexico’s public life. But they have been cautious about lingering too long on women’s issues in their campaigns, conspicuously tiptoeing around abortion and reproductive rights, seemingly out of deference to conservative voters. Neither candidate has put forth a strong agenda to serve the women who put them where they are today.

For as Mexico descended into its nightmare of generalized violence, from the U.S.-backed war on drugs to the government of Felipe Calderón and the administration of outgoing President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, it has been women — their tireless work, infinite rage and deepening sorrow — who have provided a moral compass to this nation. Women’s mobilizations have grown stronger and louder in the face of government indifference and repression, mounting the only serious opposition against the status quo and making women’s issues and gender justice central to any discussion of our shared future.

To be fair, male candidates have not historically been required to present their agenda for women either. They are seldom even asked about it. But women constitute a little over half of the Mexican electorate; it is imperative that Ms. Sheinbaum and Ms. Gálvez discuss their views and positions on issues that will affect women’s bodies, security and everyday life — not because they are women, but because they are presidential candidates, striving to represent all of us in the highest political office in the country.

On June 2, a woman will almost certainly be given a mandate to govern all of us. She will preside over an electorate that is deeply concerned about insecurity and corruption. The security policy of the current administration — known as “Hugs Not Bullets” — has failed to meaningfully de-escalate the violence unleashed by America’s failed drug policy, a fact painfully brought home by the ever-growing number of disappearances and high rates of gender-related violence. A staggering number of victims’ collectives, made up mostly of the mothers, wives, sisters and daughters of the disappeared, travel the nation with little to no funding or institutional support, sometimes unearthing the remains of their loved ones.

The women in my family tell more than the story of suffrage in Mexico. We are also among the countless families seeking justice for their murdered daughters in a country where impunity and corruption regularly obstruct them, particularly in cases of femicide. One among the many pending cases in Mexico today is that of Liliana Rivera Garza , my younger sister, who was killed on July 16, 1990. The man who is presumed to have killed her has never been arrested, despite a warrant.

But this is only part of the picture. The next president of Mexico will also run a country that is home to a vocal and energized women’s movement. In Mexico, femicide is a distinct crime; a specialized prosecutor’s office for the crime of femicide was created in Mexico City in 2019, when Ms. Sheinbaum was mayor. While the United States Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, Mexico’s Supreme Court decriminalized abortion in 2023. There is much work to be done — for economic justice, equal access to education, and labor rights, and against racism and homo- and transphobia. But this young generation of Mexican women has made genuine progress, helping find language that is precise, compassionate and forceful enough to dismantle the narratives that have forcibly silenced them and normalized gender violence for too long.

Their success is part of something bigger. Across Latin America, women have been at the forefront of the fight against military dictatorships in Chile (the arpillera movement, for example) and Argentina (the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo). Today, they are holding states responsible for violence and reclaiming public space to remind us that they — that all of us — have the right to live and thrive in safety. On Nov. 25, 2019, during a celebration of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, the Chilean feminist collective Las Tesis performed the protest song “Un violador en tu camino” (“A rapist in Your Path”), rallying thousands of us to chant against our governments. The next president of Mexico should be aware that the energy unleashed by these actions, which reverberate in Latin America and beyond, is here to stay.

It is these struggles and demands that have shaped the political arena in which Ms. Sheinbaum and Ms. Gálvez now stand. Will the first female president of Mexico be willing and able to honor such history, acknowledging that women’s equality and gender justice are not peripheral issues but crucial to the country’s future? Will she be ready to face the immense challenge of organized crime, both within and outside the government, to secure a violence-free life for all? Will she preserve and defend the safety of the journalists and activists who risk their lives as they hurl hard questions at power? Unlike former presidents, will she listen?

I believe women are complex human beings “with the full range of saintly and demonic behaviors this entails, including criminal ones,” as Margaret Atwood once wrote. And many female leaders — Margaret Thatcher and Corazón Aquino, to mention just two — demonstrated that a woman running the country does not necessarily translate into support for women. Like all presidents in the past, and in the future, the next leader of Mexico will be judged not by her gender but for the decisions and actions of her government.

My mother’s story is part of one Mexico — the one where women have worked together to lift two female candidates to this moment. My sister Liliana’s story warns of another Mexico, one where violence ends things before they get started. Two years before her death, Liliana exercised her right to vote, on July 6, 1988, and enthusiastically joined the crowds that congregated at the main square in Mexico City afterward. She was ready to defend our emerging democracy and oppose the pervasive electoral fraud that kept the Institutional Revolutionary Party in office at the time.

She, like the countless other victims of violence against women in Mexico, cannot vote this week. We can cast our vote only if we are alive.

Cristina Rivera Garza is the author of “Liliana’s Invincible Summer: A Sister’s Search for Justice,” which won a Pulitzer Prize this year.

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

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  27. Mexico's Women Are Speaking. Will a Female President Listen?

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