essay on democracy in pakistan in urdu

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Essay on Democracy in Pakistan in Urdu

Welcome to our blog on essay on democracy in Pakistan in Urdu! As a nation, Pakistan has a rich and complex history, and its political system is no exception. In this essay, we will delve into the concept of democracy in Pakistan, examining its origins, its current state, and its future prospects.

We will also explore the role of Islam in Pakistani democracy and the challenges that the country has faced in establishing and maintaining a fair and representative government. Whether you are a student of politics, a citizen of Pakistan, or simply interested in learning more about this fascinating topic, we hope that this essay will provide you with valuable insights and a greater understanding of democracy in Pakistan. So let’s get started!

The Basics of Democracy | جمہوریت کی بنیادی باتیں

Democracy is a system of government in which all the citizens have the right to vote and have the right to elect their leaders. It also means that the people have the right to participate in political affairs and make decisions on their own.

جمہوریت ایک ایسا نظام حکومت ہے جس میں تمام شہریوں کو ووٹ دینے کا حق حاصل ہے اور اپنے لیڈروں کو منتخب کرنے کا حق حاصل ہے۔ اس کا مطلب یہ بھی ہے کہ عوام کو سیاسی معاملات میں حصہ لینے اور خود فیصلے کرنے کا حق ہے۔

Democracy in Pakistan | پاکستان میں جمہوریت

The main aim of democracy is to ensure that every citizen has equal rights and opportunities. Democracy in Pakistan is a form of government whereby the nation is governed by elected representatives. The elected leaders are expected to represent the interests of all the citizens. In Pakistan, it is a fundamental principle of Islam that the ultimate authority in governing rests with Allah, who is the sole master of all affairs.

جمہوریت کا بنیادی مقصد یہ یقینی بنانا ہے کہ ہر شہری کو مساوی حقوق اور مواقع میسر ہوں۔ پاکستان میں جمہوریت حکومت کی ایک شکل ہے جس کے تحت ملک پر منتخب نمائندے حکومت کرتے ہیں۔ منتخب قائدین سے توقع کی جاتی ہے کہ وہ تمام شہریوں کے مفادات کی نمائندگی کریں۔ پاکستان میں یہ اسلام کا ایک بنیادی اصول ہے کہ حکومت کرنے کا حتمی اختیار اللہ کے پاس ہے جو تمام امور کا واحد مالک ہے۔

The concept of democracy in Pakistan was born during the struggle for independence from British rule during the 1940s. A group called Indian National Congress was formed to fight for Indian independence, and to propagate its views among other communities who were struggling for freedom from colonial rule. After World War II, when India gained its freedom from British rule and became independent as a nation, then-Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Jinnah invited the Indian National Congress to form an interim government for India’s newly-formed state of Pakistan.

پاکستان میں جمہوریت کا تصور 1940 کی دہائی میں برطانوی راج سے آزادی کی جدوجہد کے دوران پیدا ہوا۔ انڈین نیشنل کانگریس کے نام سے ایک گروپ ہندوستان کی آزادی کے لیے لڑنے اور نوآبادیاتی حکمرانی سے آزادی کے لیے جدوجہد کرنے والی دیگر برادریوں کے درمیان اپنے خیالات کو پھیلانے کے لیے تشکیل دیا گیا تھا۔ دوسری جنگ عظیم کے بعد، جب ہندوستان نے برطانوی راج سے آزادی حاصل کی اور بحیثیت قوم آزاد ہوا، تو اس وقت کے وزیر اعظم محمد علی جناح نے انڈین نیشنل کانگریس کو ہندوستان کی نو تشکیل شدہ ریاست پاکستان کے لیے عبوری حکومت بنانے کی دعوت دی۔

The Origins of Pakistani Democracy | پاکستانی جمہوریت کی اصل

This was done so that Pakistani people could gain their independence from British rule at a time when Britain itself was struggling for its own freedom from Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan. Thus, after Pakistan gained its independence from British rule, then-Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Jinnah invited leaders from several parties across India to form a coalition government in order to fight against British rule in Pakistan.

ایسا اس لیے کیا گیا تاکہ پاکستانی عوام ایک ایسے وقت میں برطانوی راج سے اپنی آزادی حاصل کر سکیں جب برطانیہ خود نازی جرمنی اور امپیریل جاپان سے اپنی آزادی کے لیے جدوجہد کر رہا تھا۔ اس طرح، پاکستان کو برطانوی راج سے آزادی حاصل کرنے کے بعد، اس وقت کے وزیر اعظم محمد علی جناح نے ہندوستان بھر میں کئی جماعتوں کے رہنماؤں کو پاکستان میں برطانوی راج کے خلاف لڑنے کے لیے مخلوط حکومت بنانے کی دعوت دی۔

The Interim Government of Pakistan | پاکستان کی عبوری حکومت

This coalition government was called ” National Government ” or ”Interim Government”, because it only served to be an interim government until true sovereignty was achieved after the creation of a new constitution for Pakistan. Therefore, this interim government was not expected to last very long, as it was created with little time to prepare.

اس مخلوط حکومت کو “قومی حکومت” یا “عبوری حکومت” کہا جاتا تھا، کیونکہ یہ صرف ایک عبوری حکومت کے طور پر کام کرتی تھی جب تک کہ پاکستان کے لیے نئے آئین کی تشکیل کے بعد حقیقی خودمختاری حاصل نہ ہو جائے۔ اس لیے اس عبوری حکومت کے زیادہ دیر تک چلنے کی توقع نہیں تھی، کیونکہ اسے تیاری کے لیے بہت کم وقت کے ساتھ بنایا گیا تھا۔

The Lasting Impact of Pakistani Democracy | پاکستانی جمہوریت کے دیرپا اثرات

However, this interim government lasted beyond its expected lifespan because it was formed with a very solid foundation of support from all sides, including all political parties (such as Muslim League) as well as nationalist groups across India who were fighting for independence themselves

تاہم، یہ عبوری حکومت اپنی متوقع عمر سے زیادہ قائم رہی کیونکہ یہ تمام سیاسی جماعتوں (جیسے مسلم لیگ) کے ساتھ ساتھ ہندوستان بھر کے قوم پرست گروہوں سمیت تمام فریقوں کی حمایت کی ایک بہت ہی مضبوط بنیاد کے ساتھ قائم ہوئی تھی جو خود آزادی کے لیے لڑ رہے تھے۔

Democracy is a form of government that gives all citizens the right to participate in the political process and make decisions for themselves. In Pakistan, democracy is based on Islamic principles, with the ultimate authority resting with Allah.

The concept of democracy in Pakistan was born during the struggle for independence from British rule, and a coalition government was formed to fight against this colonial power. This interim government was eventually replaced by a new constitution, but it was able to last longer than expected due to strong support from all sides. Overall, Pakistani democracy ensures religious freedom and works towards the common good of all citizens

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Democracy in Pakistan Essay with Quotations

by Pakiology | May 24, 2024 | Essay | 1 comment

Explore the evolution, challenges, and progress of democracy in Pakistan in this in-depth essay . Gain insights into the nation’s rich history, the influence of the military, the pervasive issue of corruption, and the role of civil society in shaping Pakistan’s democratic landscape.

Title: The Evolution of Democracy in Pakistan: Challenges, Progress, and Prospects for the Future

Introduction.

Pakistan, a country characterized by its rich and diverse history, has embarked on a tumultuous journey in pursuit of democracy. Overcoming numerous obstacles, its citizens have tenaciously defended their democratic rights and worked diligently to forge a more equitable society. In this comprehensive essay, we delve into the current state of democracy in Pakistan, recognizing its historical context, addressing the persistent challenges it confronts, highlighting the progress made, and considering the prospects for the future.

The Historical Landscape

Democracy, at its core, is a system of government grounded in the principle of representation, allowing citizens to actively participate in decision-making processes that impact their lives. Regrettably, the implementation of democracy in Pakistan has been marred by a series of military coups and periods of martial law, intermittently disrupting its democratic trajectory. Despite these adversities, Pakistan now operates as a federal parliamentary republic with a president and prime minister at the helm.

The Military’s Influence: A Persistent Challenge

A major impediment to democracy in Pakistan has been the enduring influence of the military on the political landscape. Pakistan’s history is replete with instances of military interventions in civilian governance, including several coups and martial law declarations. This persistent interference not only undermines democratic principles but also erodes public trust in the democratic system. Additionally, intelligence agencies have faced accusations of wielding substantial influence in the political sphere, further eroding democratic institutions and processes.

Corruption as a Hindrance: A Deep-Seated Issue

Another significant challenge is the pervasiveness of corruption within Pakistan. Corruption has become deeply ingrained in the country, with numerous politicians and government officials implicated in embezzlement and bribery. This deeply rooted issue corrodes the legitimacy of the democratic process and erodes public trust in the government. The adverse effects of corruption are most acutely felt by marginalized communities, who suffer from a lack of essential public services and resources.

The Resilience of Democratic Aspirations: Signs of Progress

Despite these formidable challenges, the citizens of Pakistan persistently strive to defend their democratic rights and fortify democratic institutions. In recent years, the country has seen a notable rise in the number of civil society organizations dedicated to advocating for transparency, accountability, and the promotion of awareness regarding democratic rights and freedoms. Additionally, the media has played a pivotal role in promoting democratic values and holding the government accountable for its actions.

The Role of Civil Society

Civil society organizations have emerged as vital agents of change in Pakistan’s democratic landscape. They tirelessly work to bridge the gap between the government and the governed, acting as watchdogs for accountability and transparency. Through advocacy, awareness campaigns, and public mobilization, these organizations have managed to shine a spotlight on the pressing issues of democracy and governance in Pakistan. Their activities range from monitoring elections to exposing corruption and advocating for the rule of law.

Media as the Fourth Estate

The media in Pakistan has undergone a transformational journey, evolving into a vibrant fourth estate that plays a crucial role in promoting democratic values. While media outlets often grapple with challenges such as censorship and intimidation, they continue to serve as a check on government power and a forum for diverse voices. Investigative journalism has uncovered corruption scandals, challenged authoritarianism, and provided a platform for citizens to engage in political discourse.

In conclusion, democracy in Pakistan remains an imperfect yet indispensable system, despite the numerous setbacks and challenges it has encountered. The people of Pakistan ardently safeguard their democratic rights, and the fortification of democratic institutions and processes is pivotal for the nation’s future. The enduring challenges posed by military influence, corruption, and public mistrust can only be surmounted through persistent efforts and sustained citizen engagement in the democratic process. As Pakistan continues its journey towards a more robust democracy, the world watches with hope and anticipation, recognizing the nation’s potential to overcome its challenges and achieve democratic excellence. The path may be long and arduous, but the resilience and determination of Pakistan’s people offer a promising outlook for the future of democracy in the country.

Quotes Related to Democracy

Here are a few quotes related to democracy and its challenges in Pakistan:

“A society that puts equality before freedom will get neither. A society that puts freedom before equality will get a high degree of both.” – Milton Friedman, Economist

“The greatest threat to democracy is not the enemies from without, but the enemies from within.” – Thomas Jefferson, Third President of the United States

“I believe that the real solution to the problems facing Pakistan lies in true democracy and the rule of law.” – Imran Khan, Former Prime Minister of Pakistan

“The price of freedom is eternal vigilance.” – John Philpot Curran, Irish Orator and Statesman.

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Sir you have used a lot of bitter words in this essay which are enough to awake a nation.😭😭😭😭 But It’s reality I think inshallah one day we will achieve that original democracy which will prevent our basic rights and our motherland…..

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Democracy Of Pakistan Essay

Here we will discuss the Democracy Of Pakistan Essay. The progress of democracy in Pakistan has been irregular and unsatisfactory for several different reasons that we will discuss in this article. At the start, it may be clearly emphasized that according to the objective resolution passed by the Constituent Assembly in 1949 that Pakistan was a completely democratic system of government within an Islamic framework. Firstly, the successful working of democracy anywhere is possible when the people, as a whole are educated and well-informed. It is the ugliest fact of our social life that more than 80 percent of our people are either thoroughly illiterate or only some of them know how to write their names or how to write the basic ABC. Secondly, in Pakistan the existence of the formidable feudal system allowed the big landlords to control and direct the lives of millions of farm laborers. As we know the general elections of Pakistan 2013 will be held in the month of May. Now the question is that what is the Democracy Of Pakistan Essay? In this informative article, we will discuss the importance of and Democracy Of Pakistan Essay. The word democracy means people’s rights and representation. On the other hand, dictatorship means absolute power as well as totalitarianism. If we analyze the main difference between democracy and dictatorship then we should say that there is huge difference between these two terms.

Table of Contents

We would like to mention that in Pakistan democracy needs time in order to spread its roots. Moreover, the democratic system in Pakistan has gone through a maximum period of evolution. The most important reason that Pakistan has a weak democratic system is the lack of political leadership in Pakistan. Pakistan has so many politicians and few statesmen. Pakistan desperately needs great leaders like Churchill and Lincoln. But unfortunately, Pakistan got people such as Ayub, Iskandar Mirza, and Zia. Pakistan needs a man who looks at the past and strives in order to secure the future of Pakistan. Moreover, Pakistan needs leaders who are willing to sacrifice their wealth, lives, and health for Pakistan. Furthermore, the role of ISI plays a major and negative obstruction in the Democracy Of Pakistan Essay. We would like to mention that Pakistan Premier Spy Agency has funded parties, had different rigged elections, and created so many problems in the past few years. If we talk about an outside situation then they show a very strong look but on the other hand when we look inside then the picture is not very impressive. When any politician enters into the corridors of power then the most important thing in his mind is corruption.

On the whole, after discussing the above-mentioned Democracy Of Pakistan Essay it is easy to conclude that it’s the need of the great hour that Pakistan needs a strong democratic system. It is only possible if honest politician takes responsibility for Pakistan. In short, the success of Pakistan’s democracy holds great importance and significance.

Failure of Democracy in Pakistan

Pakistan is a semi-democratic country. Pakistan does not have a fully established democracy because it is facing many challenges in achieving a stable and effective democratic system. Jinnah’s death in 1948 soon after the independence of Pakistan (1947) created a leadership vacuum that contributed to the failure of democracy in Pakistan.

This was largely due to the lack of strong political leadership following his death and the absence of a single individual who could effectively bring together all of the disparate factions of the Pakistani political landscape. The other major challenges that have led to failed democracy in Pakistan are mentioned below;

Students who are getting an education in different grades like Matric, Inter, and Graduation and others who do CSS or PMS are now looking for material about this topic. So, all material is mentioned because this is one of the major topics.

Military Intervention in Political Affairs of Pakistan

The military has been a powerful force in Pakistan since the country’s founding in 1947. The military has been accused to suppress democracy by overthrowing elected governments, imposing martial law, and suppressing civil liberties. The military’s influence in Pakistan has been detrimental to democracy.

The military has been accused of using its power to suppress democracy, manipulate elections, and restrict freedom of expression. This has led to a lack of transparency and accountability, as well as a lack of trust in the government. As a result, democratic institutions have been weakened, economic growth has been limited, and social change has been hindered.

The solution to this problem is for the military to move away from politics and focus on its core mission of defending the nation. The military should build better relationships with the civilian government and work with them to strengthen democratic institutions and foster a culture of respect for civilian rule.

• Hyper Nationalism & Democratization Failure

Hypernationalism in Pakistan has been a major source of instability since the country’s inception in 1947. This form of extreme nationalism has been exploited by successive governments in the pursuit of political power and to distract attention away from other social issues. As a result, democratic institutions and processes have been undermined, leading to a lack of genuine representation and participation in the political system.

• Stroking Religious Tensions

The government has also used hyper-nationalism to stoke religious tensions, leading to a polarization of society and a decline in social cohesion or solidarity. This has been particularly evident in the form of state-sponsored Islamist movements, which have undermined the rule of law and encouraged an atmosphere of intolerance and violence.

• Mistreatment of Minorities

Hypernationalism has been used to justify violations of human rights by the extremists, such as the mistreatment of minorities and the suppression of dissent. This has led to a lack of trust in the government, resulting in a breakdown in the rule of law and a decline in the quality of democracy.

• Violent and Corrupt Political Culture of Pakistan

Pakistan has a long history of political violence and a culture of corruption that has long held back the development of its democracy. The lack of an effective political system has led to powerful individuals and groups being able to influence political decisions.

This has resulted in a lack of accountability and transparency in government which leaves citizens feeling powerless and frustrated. In addition, the country has struggled to create an environment of political pluralism, with different types of political parties having difficulty competing for power.

To address these problems, such as hyper-nationalism and violent, corrupt political culture, the government must focus on creating an environment of tolerance, respect, and accountability. This includes strengthening the rule of law and ensuring that all citizens have access to justice and equal rights and the government must ensure that all political parties are free to compete for power and that the political process is open and transparent. Only then can the country move forward and its democracy can truly flourish.

• Terrorism & Democratization Failure

Terrorism has posed a major challenge to the country’s democratic efforts. It caused a great deal of violence, fear, and instability throughout the country and hampered the ability of the government to effectively govern the country. Terrorists have targeted civilians, politicians, security forces, and other important figures in the country. This has caused widespread distrust of the government and a lack of confidence in its ability to protect its citizens.

Furthermore, the presence of terrorist organizations has made it difficult for political parties to reach out to the people and carry out their campaigns. Terrorism has also caused a great deal of economic hardship in the country. The threat of terrorism has caused many foreign investors to pull out of the country which has had a devastating effect on the economy.

In order to address this issue, the Pakistani government must take steps to combat terrorism. Which includes strengthening the security apparatus, pursuing a more effective counter-terrorism strategy, and investing in counter-radicalization programs.

• Lack of Institutional Counterbalance

The lack of institutional counterbalance in Pakistan has been a major contributing factor that has made it difficult for the country’s democracy to thrive. Without the ability to check and balance the power of the executive, the government is free to ignore the laws and manipulate the electoral process to ensure its own power.

This has resulted in a lack of accountability, corruption, and political instability. The lack of strong civil society organizations and labor unions has prevented citizens from exercising their rights and holding the government accountable for its policies and actions. All of these factors have contributed to the failure of democracy in Pakistan.

The solution to this problem is to strengthen the institutions of democracy in Pakistan. This includes strengthening the independence of the judiciary, providing greater autonomy to the provincial governments, encouraging participatory decision-making, and increasing accountability and transparency. Additionally, it is important to ensure that resources are equitably distributed so that all citizens have access to basic services and economic opportunities.

• Economic Instability in Pakistan

The instability of the economy has had a major impact on democracy in Pakistan. Since its inception in 1947, Pakistan has gone through multiple economic downturns, including a period of slow growth, high inflation, and rising unemployment. This has caused a decline in public confidence in the government, leading to increased levels of distrust and dissatisfaction among the citizens.

Moreover, the lack of economic opportunities has also led to political unrest and a rise in extremism. This has resulted in a weakened political system and has significantly hindered the development of a functioning democratic state.

In order to address this issue, the Pakistani government must focus on implementing comprehensive economic reforms, such as reducing public debt, reforming the tax system, and improving the country’s business environment, etc… Additionally, the government must prioritize job creation and promote entrepreneurship, focus on strengthening the financial sector, providing access to credit, and increasing access to financial services.

Digital Democracy in Pakistan

Rapid digitization is transforming almost every aspect of life on the globe, from the economy to governance to the interaction of the citizens. The Internet is the largest and most powerful connecting link ever invented by man. It has a huge impact on everyone’s life. Whether elections, governance, communication, knowledge exchange, shopping, entertainment, or even cultural interactions. Further, Digital Democracy in Pakistan is described below.

In a digitally-driven society, the emergence of technology has given birth to digital democracy.  From e-voting, online discussion, e-commerce, and decision-making to online tax payment and obtaining a driver’s license everything in a digital democracy revolve around technology.

any advanced countries have chosen the digital democracy system and have made significant progress. The main strength of a digitally well-equipped state is that it adapts digital democratic practices to provide transparency, accountability, performativity, and mass engagement in socio-political and economic practices or processes.

Digital Landscape of Pakistan

In Pakistan, digital technology has changed the way people live and work. With a population of over 200 million people, Pakistan’s digital landscape has expanded. Over 165 million mobile phone customers, 70 million active internet users, and 60 million Smartphone users live in the country.

Digital Media`s Role in Democracy

The role of social media in changing regimes, toppling governments, and bringing social change to society is important and it is the supporting wheel in a digital democracy. In Pakistan, social media encourages young people to participate in politics. The majority of young people are using it to engage in political involvement which helps to enhance the democratic process. Citizen’s democratic engagement is being facilitated by social media which is promoting democratic dialogue.

Social Media & Pakistan Democracy

In this digital age, social media is widely regarded as a powerful tool for political communication around the globe. It has also transformed the way people talk about politics in Pakistan. Political figures have used social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube to address political problems with their followers. Social media is the most effective tool for improving democracy.

Furthermore, in recent years it has made political leaders in democratic regimes more accountable. For Pakistan’s youth, social media is now providing a greater grasp of the country’s political structure. Users particularly youth are active on social media. Both male and female teenagers are using social media for political purposes. Furthermore, youngsters are using social media to raise political awareness about the voting process, political leaders, and political parties which is strengthening Pakistan’s democracy.

Challenges of Implementing Digital Democracy in Pakistan

As Pakistan is a developing country with limited technology infrastructure, it has numerous hurdles in implementing digital democracy across the country. Pakistan has a scarcity of wide-ranging technology networks or availability, and the country also has a low degree of digital literacy.

• There are still certain locations in Pakistan that do not have access to the Internet. Balochistan, Gilgit Baltistan, Kashmir, and the frontier Regions are notable examples in this regard.
• As a result, these areas lose their ability to exercise democratic rights such as access to the internet and participation in political processes.
• Due to security concerns, internet services have been stopped in some areas across Pakistan.  Digital democracy in Pakistan cannot work properly in such an ad hoc environment.

How can we overcome the challenges?

Choosing or practicing true digital democracy in Pakistan requires sincere efforts. If Pakistan intends to adopt true digital democracy policies for digital democracy must be developed and implemented across the country. There should be equal access to the internet connection and a  network of technology infrastructure across the country.

In this context, the provision of digital skills and training services would be transformative in the digitization process. But, first and foremost a digital and technological chain or network across the country is required for digital democracy.

To combat Internet-related crimes and challenges a cyber security cell, similar to a cyber-troops mechanism should be established. Overall, if a country is serious about taking timely actions, the web of technology counts the most in this process and practice to support the flourishing of democratic culture.

I am professional education consultant and Teacher, my primary goal is to support students in accessing educational services through Pakistan's rapidly expanding educational website. I strive to provide valuable guidance and assistance to help students make informed decisions about their academic paths and future careers.

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can i get a literature review on current issues of Pakistan or some notes please?send me on my e mail if you have.i shall be highly thankful

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What is Democracy? (Urdu)

Education for all (urdu), what are the key features of a democracy (urdu).

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Democracy is a political system featuring the principle of the ‘rule by the people.’ Instead of having one person making all the decisions in a country, democracy brings together the views and interests of all people so that the future of the country can be decided based on all these views.

A joint Urdu dubbing project of  Mashal Books  and the  Eqbal Ahmad Centre for Public Education  with generous support from Nasser Ahmad / The i-Care Foundation .

Also watch  What are the Key Features of a Democracy?

Special thanks to  Civics Academy SA .

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Essay on “Democracy in Pakistan” for CSS, and PMS

• January 24, 2022
• Essay for CSS PMS and Judiciary Exam

This is an Essay on “Democracy in Pakistan” for CSS, PMS, and Judiciary Examinations. Democracy is a form of government in which the people have the authority to deliberate and decide legislation, or to choose governing officials to do so.” Democracy is a system of government in which power is vested in the people and exercised by them directly or through freely elected representatives. As Democracy is a very popular topic so, here is a complete Essay on “Democracy in Pakistan” for CSS, PMS, and judiciary examinations.

What is democracy? Essentials of democracy Democracy in Pakistan

A brief history

• The early period from 1947-58
• Period of General Ayub and General Zia
• Political turmoil and General Pervaiz Musharraf

Causes of failure of democracy in Pakistan

• Delayed Framing of the Constitution
• Leadership Crisis
• Lack of education
• No independence of the judiciary
• Weak political parties and their infighting
• Delayed elections and rigging
• Corruption and nepotism
• Quasi-Federalism and Conflict between Eastern and Western Wings
• Terrorism and extremism

Pakistani Democracy Vs. Western Democracy

Suggestions

• Effective accountability of the politicians
•  Reforming judiciary
• Abolish feudalism
• Eliminate corruption
• Two parties system on the pattern of the USA, UK
• Amendment in the constitution
• Fair and free election
• Increase the education budget to educate people
• Uninterrupted democratic process
• Strengthening the institutions

Essay on “Democracy in Pakistan” for CSS, PMS, and Judiciary Examinations

“You have to stand guard over the development and maintenance of Islamic democracy, Islamic social justice, and the equality of manhood in your own native soil.” -Muhammad Ali Jinnah,

To acquire immunity to eloquence is of the utmost importance to the citizens of a democracy. – Bertrand Russell

Democracy is a form of government in which all citizens have an equal say in the decisions that affect their lives. Ideally, this includes equal (and more or less direct) participation in the proposal, development, and passage of legislation into law. It can also encompass social, economic, and cultural conditions that enable the free and equal practice of political self-determination. While there is no specific, universally accepted definition of ‘democracy’, equality and freedom have both been identified as important characteristics of democracy since ancient times. These principles are reflected in all citizens being equal before the law and having equal access to legislative processes.

For example, in a representative democracy, every vote has equal weight, no unreasonable restrictions can apply to anyone seeking to become a representative, and the freedom of its citizens is secured by legitimized rights and liberties which are generally protected by a constitution.

Many people use the term “democracy” as shorthand for liberal democracy, which may include elements such as political pluralism; equality before the Jaw; the right to petition elected officials for redress of grievances; due process; civil liberties; human rights ; and elements of civil society outside the government. In the United States, separation of powers is often cited as a central attribute, but in other countries, such as the United Kingdom, the dominant principle is that of parliamentary sovereignty (though in practice judicial independence is generally maintained).

In other cases, “democracy” is used to mean direct democracy. Though the term “democracy” is typically used in the context of a political state, the principles are applicable to private organizations and other groups as well.

Democracy in Pakistan

Democracy in its true spirit has never been allowed to take root in Pakistan. Since its independence in 1947, a military-bureaucratic establishment has always governed the country. Army generals usurp power at their own convenience and quit only when they are forced to quit by mass political movements or by sudden unexpected death. When forced by external or internal pressures, democracy is given a chance but in reality, a group of army generals keeps controlling the decision-making.

This direct or indirect military influence is the greatest impediment to the evolution of a stable governing system in Pakistan. Besides, the army is not solely responsible for this mass but it is our inefficient politicians who provide an opportunity for to army to take over.

A brief history of Democracy in Pakistan

Recalling the last 62 years of Pakistan, democracy is found only as an interval before the next military general comes to the scene. The future of democracy was doomed from the start when Liaquat Ali Khan, the first elected Prime Minister, was shot at a public gathering. Nobody knows to this day who did it and why. From now on, the balance of power was to shift in the favor of the military. A comparison tells us how this shift came up. From 1951-57 India had one Prime Minister and several army chiefs while during the same period Pakistan had one army chief and several Prime ministers.

The same army chief, the Sandhurst-trained general, Ayub Khan was to announce the first martial law in the country in 1958 and then a series of military rules were to follow.

General Ayub Khan could not withstand a popular national movement against him and transferred power to General Yahya Khan in March 1969. Under him, Pakistan lost its half which is now Bangladesh. Power was then transferred to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as the first civilian martial law administrator. Bhutto pursued an independent policy, which was against what generals and the US wanted, and he had to pay with his life.

Charged for compliance in murder, Bhutto was hanged by the next martial law administrator, General Zia ul Haq. The hanging of an elected Prime Minister was shocking news to the world and Pakistan was to have the effects years later. The general died in a mysterious plane crash.

Then came a ten years gap of experimentation with democracy and every two years each elected government was ousted by the special discretionary powers of the president . An end to this ten-year spell came with a new general coming to power ousting the incumbent elected government of Mian Nawaz Sharif. This time the Prime Minister was charged with conspiring against the state and was ousted from the country.

The immediate and foremost requirement of the Constituent Assembly was to frame a democratic constitution for the country. The constitution had to lay down the form of government, and the role of the judiciary, military, and bureaucracy. It had to decide the basic issues about provincial autonomy, religion and the state, the joint or separate electorate, representation of minorities and women in assemblies, fundamental rights, and civil liberties.

The debate over the representation of eastern and western wings of the country and religion versus secularism were the two main hindrances in the way of framing the constitution. As against India, which was able to frame the constitution of the country within two years of independence in 1949, Pakistan took nine years to finalize the constitution in 1956, which did not work for more than two years and was abrogated.

The second constitution was framed by a military ruler General Ayub in 1962 which could last as long as he was in power. Finally, it was after the separation of East Pakistan and a lapse of more than a quarter of a century (1947-1973) that the elected representatives of the people under the leadership of Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto framed a consensus constitution envisaging a  federal, democratic structure for the country and a parliamentary form of government.

This constitution has survived in spite of the breakdown of democracy twice in 1978 and 1999 and hopefully has come to stay. But the delay in framing the constitution harmed the growth of political democracy, as it allowed the authoritarian rule of the Governor-General to continue for seven long years (1947-56), which set this inglorious tradition in the country.

The second obstacle in the way of democracy is the culture of feudalism. Democracy cannot develop in the suffocating atmosphere of feudalism. The history of feudalism in the subcontinent is not very old. It owes its origin to the war of independence in 1857 when different people were awarded large swathes of land by the British government because of their treacherous cooperation with the latter. Those feudal families joined Muslim League when they saw that Pakistan was going to be a reality and inherited power after the death of the founding father. Feudalism has now become a severe migraine for the nation. Democracy and feudalism are incompatible.

Change of faces at the wheel has not served any purpose. Even these feudal lords occupy more than 70 % of our land leaving the people to lead a miserable life. They are senators, ministers, MPAs, MNAs, and also the owners of major industries in Pakistan. There is a crying need to bring some structural changes in order to strengthen the political system. Industrialization has also played a significant role in the strengthening of democracy across the world. Great Britain is considered the mother of democracies on this planet.

Some analysts are of the view that democracy has its origin in the Magna Carta, Bill of Rights and Habeas Corpus, etc. But even after these developments very mighty rulers have ruled Great Britain. In fact, the invention of the steam engine led to the industrial revolution which eradicated the roots of feudalism and the evil of absolute monarchy. All this resulted in the development of democracy. In Pakistan, there is everything from adult franchises to the separation of powers between the three organs of government but no plan for that kind of industrial revolution.

Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the father of the nation and the first Governor-General, died just one year after the establishment of Pakistan on September 11, 1948, and his right-hand lieutenant Liaquat Ali Khan, who was the first Prime Minister, was assassinated on October 16, 1951. About the capability of other leaders of the Pakistan Muslim League (PML), the party which had successfully piloted the movement for Pakistan, Jinnah had ruefully remarked that “he had false coins in his pocket”.

Consequently, several ministers appointed initially were not politicians and did not have a seat in the Assembly. Similarly, in 1954, there were several members of the Prime Minister’s cabinet without a seat in Parliament. “The cabinet and other high political appointments reflected a paucity of talent among the politicians.”

It is indeed a sad commentary on the elected members of the first Legislature and Constituent Assembly of Pakistan that they could not find a suitable head of state from among their own ranks. Most of them came from the civil bureaucracy or the military. The civil-military bureaucracy did not have a favorable opinion about the competence of political leaders and often took decisions without consulting them. This adversely affected their political training, development, and growth.

The inability to control the Anti-Ahmadiya Movement in Punjab in 1953 was blamed on inept political leadership. This religious movement was spearheaded by the religious Ahrar Party which had opposed the establishment of Pakistan and now wanted again to come into the limelight. They were supported by other religious parties, i.e., Jamaat-i-Islami, JamiatuiUlema-i-Pakistan, and JamiatulUlerna-i-Islam. The movement was exploited by politicians in their own political interests.

But the civil-military bureaucracy was against the religious parties dominating the power structure either in the provinces or the center. To rescue the city of Lahore where Ahmadis were in a “virtual state of siege” and their properties were being “burned or looted”, General Azam Khan, the Area Commander, was ordered by the Defense Secretary, to impose martial law in Lahore. It was met with the general approval of the people.

It was demonstrated that the civil-military bureaucracy “would not let politicians or religious ideologues lead the country to anarchy”. This also laid down the foundations of the supremacy of the military and orchestrated the initial rehearsal for the recurring imposition of Martial Law in the country and its acceptance by the people.

Lack of education has remained an important impediment to the democratization of countries. This is not just a problem for Pakistan but of the whole Third world. Laski, a famous political thinker said that education is the backbone of democracy. Democracy is a system of governance in which the people choose their representatives through elections. Their strength lies in the ballot box. If people are not vigilant and educated enough to make a better choice, democracy will not flourish in that country.

This is the main reason that even in the countries apparently practicing democracy but the majority of uneducated people are among the under-developed nations. Masses in Pakistan have not found ways of compelling their rulers to be mindful of their duty. Their failures in this regard result from insufficiency of experience and training in operating modem democratic politics. Democracy puts the highest premium on constitutionalism, which is possible only with the predominant majority of people. Pakistan’s democracy can neither improve nor become viable as long as the majority of the population remains uneducated.

Judiciary is one of the most important pillars of a state and in a country where the judiciary is not imparting justice , democracy cannot develop. During the Second World War, someone asked British Prime Minister Winston Churchill whether the British would win the war. The Prime Minister laughed and replied that if the British courts were dispensing justice, no one would trounce the United Kingdom. In Pakistan since 1954 judiciary has remained docile to the wishes of the executive. As Shelley says, “If the winter comes; can spring be far behind”.

In fact, since its birth, Pakistan has been governed by bureaucratic, military, and political elites. The bureaucratic elite generally became more assertive, steadily increasing their power at the expense of the political elite. Ayub’s term of office (1958-69) was the golden era for the bureaucracy, which exercised its powers, unbridled by any political interference. The weakness of political elites can be demonstrated by the fact that during seven years from 1951 to 1958, as many as seven Prime Ministers had been changed.

From 1988 to 1999, four democratically elected governments were replaced on charges of corruption, inefficiency, security risk, etc. The civil-military bureaucracy has dominated governance owing to the inherent weakness of the political parties and their incompetent leadership, resulting in the derailment of democracy thrice in the history of Pakistan, i.e., in 1958, 1977, and 1999.

Pakistan was not created as a theocracy but as a place where an economically marginalized minority could operate a democracy independently. It was to save the people from religious discrimination and domination by an overwhelming religious majority. Moreover, it emerged as a territorial state in the Muslim majority areas of the subcontinent. But the religious and secular groups soon started making conflicting demands while formulating the constitution of Pakistan.

The speech of Mr. Jinnah on August 11, 1947, addressed to the first legislative and constituent assembly of Pakistan, advocated political pluralism and declared that the “religion or caste or creed has nothing to do with the business of the State”. This has not adhered to the Objectives Resolution passed by the Constituent Assembly in 1949, which pacified the demands of Muslim religious parties and elements but was not supported by religious minorities.

The compromise solution attempted to balance the values and the spirit of Islam with the requirements of secularism. Due to a lack of competent and visionary political leadership , and the fact that Muslims constituted 98 percent of the population, the conservative religious leaders, partly due to their conviction and partly owing to their parochial interests, advocated and preached the establishment of a religiopolitical system based on Al-Quran and Sunnah.

They were skeptical of the politico-social development of modem times and western political institutions and forms of government. Their dogmatic theology clashed with the democratic culture envisioned by the founding fathers. Another adverse impact of the adoption of religion as a guiding principle in the constitution, was the promotion of religious sectarianism, especially between the two major sects inhabiting Pakistan, i.e., Sunnis and Shi’as. Some sections of these sects, instead of peaceful negotiations to overcome their differences, often resort to violence, which is against the spirit of both Islam and democracy. These rivalries fostered reliance on the security forces for the maintenance of law and order, which eroded the hold of democratic institutions in governance.

For any healthy constitutional and political system to function smoothly, strong and well-entrenched political parties are essential. Unfortunately, political parties in Pakistan have failed to develop into strong vehicles of national political will. The main responsibility for safeguarding democracy in a country falls on political parties. Pakistan, since its inception, was lacking well-organized and well-established political parties that could carry the representative system of governance forward.

The All-India Muslim League, which had piloted the movement of Pakistan from 1940 to 47, was not a well-organized political party, but it was primarily a movement. Leading a movement and organizing a political party are two different things. Most of its leaders belonged to areas that became part of the Indian Union and their majority did not come to Pakistan. Those who were in Pakistan, barring a few exceptions, belonged to feudal and landowning classes that in their nature were in conflict with the democratic dispensation. In fact “the leadership of the Pakistan movement had few roots in the land that became Pakistan.”

Their incompetence and constant wrangling for power in the initial nine years (1947-1956) were also responsible for the delay in constitution-making. Instead of cooperation and mutual accommodation, there was ceaseless infighting. For instance, as early as 1953, a clash between the leadership of Punjab and the central government led to intense communal riots and the imposition of Martial Law in Lahore, the provincial capital. Even as late as the decade 1988-99 of civil supremacy, the fight between the PML and the PPP led to the repeated dissolution of national and provincial assemblies and the dismissal of prime ministers and their cabinets. Finally, it ended with the military takeover in 1999.

The representative character of the civilian parliamentary government during the first decade of Pakistan’s existence was eroded because the country was governed under the Government of India Act of 1935. The purpose of the Act was “to make the appointed governor-general exert dominance over the elected prime minister.” The Act introduced a representative and centralized system of bureaucratic governance, which was an imperative requirement of the colonial government but not of democratic governance. The first general elections in the country should have been held in 1951, i.e., five years after the previous elections in 1946, but this could not happen till 1970.

The reasons for the delay were that the ruling elite, i.e., civil bureaucrats, migrant political leadership, and weak political parties, had few roots in the masses. As a consequence, general elections could not be held for 23 years (1947-1970) of the country’s initial history. On the expiry of the five years term of Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1972-1977), the second general elections on the basis of the adult franchise were held on March 7, 1977, which the PPP won with a vast majority.

The opposition parties alleged that the elections had been “rigged on a massive scale”. It has been commented: Elections in Pakistan had been rigged before, notably the presidential election in 1965 and the Provincial Assembly,y elections in the early 1950s, but rigging in these instances did not arouse the mass uprising as it did in 1977. The people of Pakistan were evidently not of the same mind now as they were in those earlier periods.

Corruption in bureaucracy and among political leaders poses a grave threat to good democratic governance. Quaid-i-Azam had termed corruption as “poison” and asked to put that down with an “iron hand”. Now that the international Reconciliation Ordinance, .vnich had withdrawn from prosecution any person “falsely involved for political reasons or through political victimization” between 1986 and 1999, has lapsed on November 28, 2009, the concerned individuals should get themselves cleared in a court of law in a transparent manner. The tribal nature of society in Pakistan is susceptible to nepotism. As an antidote, accountability and transparency are necessary. It is a challenge to the people to reject those leaders and political parties which indulge in corruption and nepotism.

One of the main bottlenecks in constitutional development in Pakistan was that its two wings were separated by about 1000 miles of hostile territory. The eastern wing consisted of one province but was more populous’ than the western wing which was much larger in the area and had as many as four provinces.

The western wing was not prepared to concede majority representation to the eastern wing in the parliament. After a confrontation of nine years between the two wings, the solution was evolved in the l956 constitution in the shape of parity of representation in a quasi-federal structure, neutralizing the majority of the eastern wing and paving the way for the manipulated domination of the western wing.

The domination of the western wing in governance led to an insurgency in the eastern wing which culminated in the separation and independence of Bangladesh in 1971. In post-1971 Pakistan, it came to be realized that ideological moorings alone could not easily overcome ethnic and economic differences. Yet the anti-ethnic attitude and anti-modem thinking prevalent in certain segments of society lean toward a unitary or quasi-federal state as against a true federation.

The latest threat is emanating from extremism and terrorism, especially in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) and the Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA). This is the spillover effect of the conflict in Afghanistan and is spreading to Pakistan. It is likely to continue as long as there is no peace and stability in that country. However, the military enjoying the support of the nation is successfully combating the extremists and terrorists under the supremacy of the civilian democratic government. It is hoped that the process would continue to its logical conclusion.

Due to the migration of literate Hindus and Sikhs to India, the literacy rate in Pakistan sharply declined. There was about 95 percent illiteracy in Pakistan in 1947, which acted as a hindrance to the growth of civil and democratic society. Feudalism and economic constraint did not permit any Pakistani government to launch a “crash course to expand literacy and grow higher standards.

The national economy has gone bankrupt and the national budget has become all foreign aid-dependent. Islam was the ideology that gave life to the Pakistan movement and later Pakistan itself but is now infested with sectarianism. Military policies gifted the country with cross-border terrorism and three million internally displaced people. Despite having the largest chunk of the national budget and being the seventh-largest army in the world, the Pakistan army is now in a mess of its own creation with little of its hard-earned prestige left to its credit.

The distorted face of the national system as a whole and the failure of the judiciary to guard the constitution of Pakistan are the major factors contributing to the change in the national mindset. The events of the last two years have clearly shown the preference of the people of Pakistan. The masses want democracy as a political and governing system for the country and a judiciary that guard the rights of the people. The military would be respected more if it stays in the barracks or guarded the national borders. The murder of Benazir Bhutto has taught new lessons.

If one compares Pakistani democracy with Western democracy it is said that for over 50 years, Pakistan remains occupied by three major interest groups in the time, opportunities, and resources of the besieged nation. The army, civil service, and the neo-colonial appointed landlords. If there was any rational tolerance scale, the Pakistani nation would certainly secure high marks on its standard of tolerance and survival under most unfavorable circumstances.

One of the pivotal factors supporting the notion of Western liberal democracies is that it provides opportunities for participation to ordinary citizens, right or wrong to culminate a sense of legitimacy for the election exercise and chose people of their interest to manage public affairs for a specified term. But the principles and standards for evil and good vary between the West and the Islamic world . Strange as is, in Pakistan, those who come to occupy the political offices never intend to quit the political power on their own except implication of military force through a coup.

Comparatively, on occasions, western democracies do” encourage educated and competent citizens to strive for their high ideas and ideals and come to the front stage and demonstrate their intentions and will power to seek the goal of ideal public service agendas. E.H. Carr defines the teaching-learning role of history and its value must not be ignored but preserved. Recall the Pakistani military dictators for the last forty-plus years, they each consumed a decade or more to relinquish power, that was not theirs in any systematic and logical context. Ayub Khan was ousted by Yahya Khan.

General Yahya with the complacency of Z.A. Bhutto surrendered East Pakistan to India (now Bangladesh) to share power with Bhutto but was put under house arrest as Bhutto assumed the power that did not belong to him based on the verdict of the people. Rightfully, it was Sheikh MujiburRehman, leader of the East Pakistan Awami League who should have been sworn in as the new leader of united Pakistan but it was treacherously undone by Yahya and Bhutto.

Both should have been tried as traitors in a court of law and punished. Not so, they were rewarded and Bhutto became the first civilian martial law administrator and self-made president of defeated Pakistan in December 1971. Dr.Ishtiaq Qureshi, editor of the Urdu Digest recorded for the history (“Sukoot-e-Dacca seyPurdhautha Hay”- Facts are revealed after the Dacca Surrender) that “in the quest for its survival Pakistan lost its destiny. Yahya and Mujib stabbed the body of Pakistan with one dagger and Bhutto will stab Pakistan with another dagger.”

Suggestions for Democracy in Pakistan

Fo1lowing are the suggestions for improving democracy in Pakistan:

An impartial system of accountability enhances public trust in the political system. It provides enormous strength to the democratic process. Moreover, it compels thousand who are charged with governance, to transparently discharge their official responsibilities. It ensures good governance and strengthens the political setup. In spite of facing innumerable challenges and showing unsatisfactory performance, Pakistanis have the capability to emerge as a democratic and progressive nation. Pakistan can road to democracy with the dedication, determination, commitment, courage, and patriotism of its political leaders.

Reforming the judiciary and incorporating Islamic laws can also soothe the deprived and poor masses who have been manipulated by the extremists due to the sheer negligence of the elected governments and ruling elite. This natura11y causes bitterness toward the present form of political setup.

Moving on, corruption and selfish attitudes are eating away at the institutional structure of our country and such practices never allow democracy to flourish. There is also a need for mature political leadership, which can think above its own gains. All this can only emerge after the formulation and implementation of strict accountability.

On the contrary, weak public institutions can be made strong and productive if the power and authority seep down. The example of many European countries is in front of us, where institutions are powerful and not politicians. Democracy in actuality can only be achieved through such measures.

Our constitution has been a source of constant controversy. Be it the realization of Islamic laws or the concentration of power in the head of the state, the constitution has served as a tool for the legitimization of alien changes and policies. Keeping the constitution intact has been long overdue. No one in power should be allowed to change it for prolongation of rule or appeasing any particular section. The Pakistani movement envisaged a democratic country with a federal structure.

In all Constitutions of Pakistan (1956, 1962, and 1973) the objectives of governance, in the words of Dr. Ainslie T. Embree, Professor Emeritus of Columbia University, are democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance, and social justice as enunciated by Islam, giving Muslims freedom to live their lives in accordance with the teachings of Islam, but with minorities having full freedom to profess their own religions.

Islam lays emphasis on the concept of Shura, i.e., consultation among people, which is the essence of democratic culture. Quaid-i-Azam, the founder of Pakistan had stated:

“We leamed democracy 1300 years ago. Democracy is i11 our blood. It is ill our marrows. Dilly centuries of adverse circumstances have made the circulation of that blood cold. It has got frozen, and our arteries are not functioning. But thank God, the blood is circulating again, thanks to the Muslim League’s efforts. It will be a People’s government. Culturally, ill the region of Pakistan, there is a concept of Jirga or Panchayat, i.e., an assembly of elders, to settle issues and disputes involving two or more two persons. This system has, been prevalent for ages, much before the advent of Islam. Thus, both religion and age-old tradition advocate the concept of consultation in decision-making through all assembly of people, which is the essence of democracy.”

During the period of British supremacy in the subcontinent, the practice of elections to assemblies (local, provincial and central) was introduced through various enactments. Finally, it was the Government of India Act 1935 under which the dominions of India and Pakistan functioned after independence till they framed their own constitutions. These enactments provided the groundwork for democratic governance. It may be of interest to note that even when the democratic rule was suspended by the armed forces, the military rulers always came with the promise to restore democratic governance .

For instance, in 1970, General Yahya Khan is credited with organizing the first-ever general elections in the country, which led to the establishment of democratic governments both in Bangladesh and Pakistan. Besides holding general elections in 2002 and 2007, General Musharraf’s introduction of a local government system introduced in 2001 is considered a “laudable model of governance” because of its principle that whatever can be done at the local level should not be done at a higher tier of governance.

The country is on the path to achieving full literacy and progress towards a higher standard of education in important disciplines. This is strengthening the civil society in ensuring the prevalence of democratic culture at the lower and higher level of governance. Secondly, the print and electronic media in Pakistan are vibrant and independent. A responsible media educates the masses, raises political consciousness, and thus promotes democratic values, norms, and culture. In addition, a number of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are playing an active role in the field of education and contributing to the growth of a vibrant civil society and good governance.

The essential step seems to stop interruption in the democratic process so that we may see more than promos. To judge something, it has to be allowed a chance to survive and act. The elected government must be allowed to complete its tenure in any case. The military has to play a positive role here and not interfere in the smooth democratic process.

As mentioned before, a part of the population wants greater Islamic character in the Govt. and laws. If we analyze this demand, it will be apparent that the enforcement of Sharia is more related to lawmaking. Therefore, what is immediately required is a change in the judicial setup, which has been unable to gain the trust of people until recently. Encouraging steps have already started in this case, but much more needs to be done.

Sadly, the same corrupted pool of thought keeps appearing with new faces and the deceived masses blindly follow them. This is due to the absence of any kind of accountability. Political compromises enhance this trend. Such practices are against moral, democratic as well as Islamic principles and should end immediately.

Next, the all-powerful bureaucracy and feudal politicians should be stripped of their unwarranted authority. It has been a slow evil that has weakened the country like nothing else. They are elected for serving people not to control them. The criteria of merit; the right to freedom and equal progress for common people have become a joke due to such an autocratic setup.

The people of Pakistan in general lack political psyche and consciousness. This is largely due to poor literacy and a never-ending feudalistic rule over 60% of the country. Therefore, it is necessary to educate the masses and make them aware of their political rights. This can begin with greater political socialization by political parties and media.

In a democratic state, media has rightly been called the fourth pillar of the state. It can play a most important role in the present age for creating awareness. Our media has risen from the ashes like a phoenix. It, however, needs to play a positive constructive role and not become another compromised institution as well.

Finally, the strategic position and now the war against terror call forth unwanted attention from the international community sometimes. In the past, military rule has been covertly or openly supported by many countries to gain their own benefits in this region. The international powers must stop interfering in the democratic process and for that to happen, our own government, people and media need to be equally strong.

Politicians may have learned lessons from their past mistakes and are more mature politically. Consensus politics seem to be emerging in the country. In the past, the constant infighting amongst political parties had often led to interference and take-over by the armed forces.

Now a culture of reconciliation, accommodation, and dialogue is emerging. The ideological polarization is diminishing. After the general elections of February 2008, four major political parties, i.e., Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), PML – Nawaz (PML-N), Awami National Party (ANP), Jamiat-ulUlema-i-Islam – Fazalur Rahman (JUI-Fl and MuttahidaQaumi Movement (MQM) have joined hands to govern the country and re-establish the supremacy of the Parliament in accordance with the Constitution of 1973.

Our youth constitute 30% of the society they are representative of a new generation. Their participation may ensure structural improvements in the national paradigm. It has been witnessed that during the Pakistan movement youth played a vital role in opinion formation and mass awareness and so is the time now. There is a need to guide our youth to take responsibility for our tomorrow.

To sum up, it is the political leadership that can ensure the permanence of democratic governance. The prospects are, however, not as dismal as sometimes portrayed. Already, the literacy rate in Pakistan has increased to more than fifty-five percent. Efforts are afoot to improve the standard of higher education. Economic growth and industrialization have given birth to a vocal urban society and middle class, which is growing. and gradually lessening the influence of the feudal class.

The vibrant electronic and print media is playing an effective role in constructive criticism of the government and in educating the masses. Elections are being held regularly, representative political leadership and political parties are getting stronger and a peaceful mode of transfer of power is becoming the norm. The bureaucracy (both civil and military), though still powerful, may retreat gradually and submit to the people’s power and will and concede to democratic governance. The democratic process is progressing and, hopefully, will be obstructed and derailed, as in the past.

Expected question about this Essay:

• Why has democracy failed in Pakistan?
• What practical measures do you suggest for strengthening democracy in Pakistan?

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Democracy in Pakistan Essay with Quotations

Democracy in pakistan essay with quotations for fsc, class 10, class 12 and graduation.

This post contains an Essay on Democracy in Pakistan with Quotations for FSC, Class 10, Class 12 and Graduation. However, students of 2nd year can especially prepare this Democracy in Pakistan Essay. Some quotes are also available at the appropriate places in it. This is a sample essay taken from local notes. If you are a student in Pakistan, you can write this essay simply under the title essay on democracy, democracy essay, democracy in Pakistan essay and essay on Democracy in Pakistan. You will find more essays in Essays in English .

Essay on Democracy in Pakistan with Quotes for 2nd Year, B.A and BSC Students

“Democracy is the government of the people, for the people and by the people.” (Abraham Lincoln)

Representative democracy involves the sele3ction of government officials by the people being represented. The most common systems involve the election of the candidates with a majority vote.

Pakistan is a democratic and Islamic country, but democracy in Pakistan has been the most irregular and unsatisfactory. The principles of democracy are equality, freedom and social justice which are, unfortunately, not being fully enjoyed by the people of Pakistan. The reason is that the dictators never allow the principles of democracy to flourish in our country.

“When people fear the government, there is tyranny; when the government fears the people, there is liberty”

The existence of feudal system controls the lives of millions of villagers and farmers. They are in the majority in the country, but they do not enjoy even the rights of the minority. The uneducated people will continue the vote for their lords and they will always remain illiterate, backward and down-trodden. The members of our elected national and provincial assemblies are big guns. Their own benefits keep the country backwards. The big industrialists also jump into politics to share the political and commercial benefits with their “jagirdaar” brothers. These “jagirdaars” and industrialists have always joined hands with the military dictators. The result is that Pakistan has a history of martial-laws and dictatorial democracies.

Our top political leaders, ministers, chief ministers, prime ministers and presidents have been coming from upper classes. They do not understand layman’s problems because they do not have the required ability and vision.  They are responsible for martial-laws. Democracy cannot flourish in the country in the absence of suitable leaders. Selfish leaders destroy the process of democracy and keep the country poor and backward.

“Be not overcome by evil but overcome evil by good.” (Romans)

The rise in terrorism, the growth of provincialism and sectarianism, population explosion and bad economic policies have also damaged democracy. For the last sixty years, there have been dictatorial governments in Pakistan which have led the country to irreparable losses. Every ruler promised to redress the grievances and miseries of the common people of Pakistan but always proved to be oppressor, tyrant, and destroyer of the country. The opposing forces are still working hard to sabotage the democratic process. We need another Quaid-e-Azam to free us from the mental slavery and put the country back on the track of true democracy, progress and prosperity.

In a democracy, the poor will have more power than the rich, because there are more of them, and the will of the majority is supreme.”  (Aristotle)

Democracy did not fail in Pakistan because of illiteracy or caste or ethnic differences or any of the other reasons put forward. The real reason is the ideology; Pakistan is wedded to. Sadly this is true of any Islamic country. The current argument can be finished on these words of “ Democracy is a device that ensures we shall be governed no better than we deserve” . (G.B.Shaw)

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Zafar Ahmed Gondal

Free and fair elections are not mere formalities; they are the lifeblood of any vibrant democracy. In Pakistan, where the quest for a stable and prosperous nation continues, ensuring free and fair elections is not just an aspiration, but an urgent necessity. Let’s delve deeper into why these elections are crucial for democracy, rule of law, functional governance, and ultimately, economic stability.

Democracy’s Bedrock:

At the heart of any democracy lies the principle of popular sovereignty, where the people hold the ultimate power to choose their representatives. Free and fair elections, devoid of manipulation or coercion, are the mechanisms through which this power is exercised. They ensure that the government reflects the will of the people, fostering legitimacy and public trust. Without them, democracy becomes a hollow shell, vulnerable to manipulation and instability.

Rule of Law’s Foundation:

Free and fair elections uphold the rule of law by ensuring that all citizens have an equal opportunity to participate in the political process. This includes the right to vote, stand for office, and campaign freely. It also entails the impartial application of electoral laws and regulations, safeguarding against discrimination and ensuring that everyone’s vote counts equally. When these principles are compromised, the rule of law crumbles, paving the way for corruption and injustice.

Functional Governance’s Engine:

Through free and fair elections, citizens elect representatives who are accountable to them. This accountability motivates elected officials to formulate policies and make decisions that serve the best interests of the people, not their own personal agendas. It fosters transparency and responsiveness, leading to more effective and efficient governance. Conversely, elections marred by fraud or manipulation produce a government that lacks legitimacy and public trust, hindering its ability to address critical issues and hindering progress.

Political Stability’s Catalyst:

Free and fair elections act as a safety valve for political tensions, allowing for peaceful transitions of power and settling political disputes through the ballot box. They provide a platform for diverse voices to be heard and represented, fostering inclusivity and reducing the risk of political extremism. Conversely, elections tainted by rigging or manipulation fuel frustration and discontent, leading to political instability, social unrest, and even violence. This instability deters investment, hinders economic growth, and ultimately harms the well-being of all citizens.

Economic Stability’s Precondition:

Free and fair elections are vital for economic stability by creating an environment conducive to investment and growth. A government elected through a credible process is more likely to be seen as trustworthy and capable of managing the economy effectively. This attracts foreign investment, encourages domestic entrepreneurship, and fosters a climate of predictability and stability that is essential for long-term economic prosperity. Conversely, a government tainted by electoral fraud or manipulation discourages investment, fuels corruption, and hinders economic development, ultimately harming the very people it is supposed to serve.

Recommendations for Ensuring Free and Fair Elections:

To ensure free and fair elections in Pakistan, a multi-pronged approach is crucial:

• Strengthening the Election Commission:  The ECP must be truly independent and impartial, with adequate resources and safeguards against political interference.
• Transparent and Inclusive Process:  Electoral laws and procedures should be clear, transparent, and accessible to all citizens. Voter education campaigns should be conducted to ensure informed participation.
• Robust Security Measures:  Strong security measures are needed to prevent violence, intimidation, and manipulation on election day.
• Independent Media and Civil Society:  A vibrant and independent media, along with an active civil society, can play a crucial role in monitoring elections, exposing irregularities, and holding authorities accountable.
• Active Citizen Participation:  Ultimately, the responsibility for ensuring free and fair elections lies with the people of Pakistan. Increased voter turnout, critical engagement with political discourse, and a willingness to hold elected officials accountable are essential for building a strong and thriving democracy.

The judiciary in Pakistan plays a crucial role in ensuring the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) conducts free and fair elections. This role can be broadly categorized into three key areas:

1. Pre-election Oversight:

• Constitutionality of Electoral Laws:  The judiciary can act as a safeguard against potentially flawed electoral laws passed by the legislature. Through judicial review, the Supreme Court can strike down or amend laws deemed unconstitutional, ensuring a level playing field and adherence to established democratic principles.
• Dispute Resolution in Candidate Nominations:  Candidates who are unfairly disqualified or denied nomination can seek redress through the courts. The judiciary can review ECP decisions and adjudicate disputes, ensuring no arbitrary exclusions and upholding the right to contest elections.
• Election Campaign Monitoring:  Courts can play a role in monitoring campaign financing and ensuring compliance with electoral regulations. This can include investigating allegations of bribery, voter intimidation, and misuse of state resources.

2. Election Day Supervision:

• Grievance Redressal:  Individuals and parties can approach courts if they encounter irregularities or violations during the voting process. The courts can issue orders to address these issues and ensure polling stations operate fairly and transparently.
• Monitoring Complaints and Challenges:  The judiciary can oversee the ECP’s handling of complaints filed against election officials or misconduct during voting. This ensures timely and impartial investigation of such matters.
• Adjudicating Post-Poll Disputes:  After the election results are announced, losing candidates can challenge them in court if they suspect fraud or irregularities. The courts can examine evidence, order recounts, or even nullify results and call for re-elections in extreme cases.

3. Post-election Scrutiny:

• Reviewing and Upholding Electoral Code of Conduct:  The judiciary can act as a guardian of the electoral code of conduct, holding politicians and parties accountable for violations committed during campaigns. This can include imposing sanctions and disqualifications for non-compliance.
• Deciding Election Petitions:  Petitions challenging the election results of specific candidates or parties are heard by the courts. Through meticulous examination of evidence and adherence to due process, the courts ensure the right result is ultimately declared.
• Setting Precedents and Guiding Future Elections:  By adjudicating election-related cases, the judiciary sets legal precedents and interprets electoral laws. These precedents guide future elections and contribute to evolving best practices for conducting free and fair polls.

Challenges and Concerns:

Despite its crucial role, the judiciary’s involvement in elections also faces challenges:

• Potential for Judicial Overreach:  Overreliance on the judiciary to resolve electoral disputes can undermine the ECP’s independence and authority. Balancing judicial oversight with ECP autonomy is crucial.
• Politicization and Bias:  Concerns about potential political bias within the judiciary can erode public trust in its decisions. Maintaining judicial independence and upholding the highest standards of impartiality are essential.
• Lengthy Litigation Processes:  The lengthy nature of court proceedings can delay finalization of election results, creating uncertainty and potentially hampering governance. Streamlining judicial procedures for election-related cases is crucial.

The judiciary in Pakistan plays a vital role in ensuring the ECP conducts free and fair elections. By providing pre-election oversight, election day supervision, and post-election scrutiny, the judiciary upholds the integrity of the electoral process and safeguards the democratic rights of Pakistani citizens. However, navigating the challenges of potential overreach, bias, and lengthy litigation is crucial for the judiciary to maintain its vital role as a guardian of free and fair elections in Pakistan.

Free and fair elections are not a luxury; they are the bedrock of a just, prosperous, and stable Pakistan. By prioritizing electoral integrity, Pakistan can unlock its full potential and build a future where every citizen has a voice, a chance to participate, and a stake in the nation’s success. The journey towards this ideal will require sustained commitment, collective action, and a unwavering belief in the power of the people to shape their own destiny.

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Changing regional dynamics and pakistan, aurat azadi march: they should fight for equity not equality, why pakistan can’t recognize israel, has pakistan shifted its foreign policy from geo-politics to geo-economics, democracy in pakistan: hopes and hurdles.

Successive events and activities have taken place that make it crystal clear that there are hopes as well as hurdles in the way of democracy in Pakistan. One the one hand, the imposition of martial law by the military has become a distant dream now. Democratic leaders have turned mature. The democratic governments have not only shown distinguish performance, but also smoothly transferred power to another government as per election results for the first time in the history of Pakistan. The ECP has also improved its performance and the citizens have become aware of their rights to rule. These all events have created hopes for the democracy in Pakistan. One the other hand, indirect military interference in the democratic governments, feudal lord system, corruption of democratic leaders, poor literacy rate and ailing economy of the country, these all events act as hurdles in the way of democracy in Pakistan. Thus, it is established that the democracy in Pakistan encounters both hopes and hurdles.

Since the creation of Pakistan in 1947, democracy in the country has been witnessing both hopes and hurdles. The founder of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was keen to introduce democratic system in Pakistan. However, his sudden death impeded its proper imposition. Liaquat Ali Khan, afterward, carried the vision of Jinnah, but he also failed to give it a practical shape. Imposition of martial law by dictator Ayub khan closed all the door of democracy. Zulifqar ali Bhuttto appeared on the political screen and injected a new blood of hope for democracy in Pakistan. He pressurized General Yahya to hold elections. Consequently, he won the elections with a great margin in the West Pakistan and took an oath as the first democratic leader of the country. However, the hope could not sustained for a long time as General Zia imposed martial law and blocked the road of democratic progress. After Zia, democracy was seen, but it remained fragile and weak and gave green signal to another dictator General Pervez Musharraf, who ruled till 2008. After Musharraf, the democracy in Pakistan has been witnessing good days because it continues till today without any hurdle. Hence, Democracy in Pakistan witnessed both hopes and hurdles in Past.

A major hope for democracy in Pakistan lies in the fact the military will not come forward to impose its direct rule by dismantling the democratic system, as it did in past, because of two major reasons:  Firstly, the military government is not recognized by the international community and is subject to various economic sanctions. Pakistan, is currently in the process of development because of the initiation of CPEC, cannot afford sanctions at this critical stage. Our sensible and well-trained army knows this fact very well. Secondly, martial law is often imposed under the patronage of a super power. At present, Pakistan’s relations with the USA remain abysmal. Therefore, the army will avoid taking rein of the government directly. As such, martial law is now obsolete and the democratic government will continue to rule Pakistan.

Another hope for democracy in Pakistan is created in the form of maturity among the democratic leaders. In past, one Democratic Party conspired against another ruling party and stalled democratic progress.  For example, Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) staged protest against Zulifqar Ali Bhutto after 1977 general elections claiming the elections being rigged. The issue could have been resolved through political settlement, but they demanded the removal of Bhutto and imposition of Islamic rule. Consequently, the military got an opportunity to impose martial law under Zia in 1977 and obstructed the path of democracy. Besides, Nawaz Sharif, while Chief Minister of Punjab, created problems for Benazir Bhutto and tried hard to remove her government. Similarly, Benazir Bhutto played a role to remove Nawaz Sharif in 1993. The both democratic leader celebrated ouster of each other from the government and distributed sweets among their supporters. At present, the democratic leaders avoid taking such actions that could impede the democratic progress. For example, during 2008 PPP government, Nawaz Sharif was engaged in verbal war with Zardari, but did not stage protest to remove him. On the other hand, Zardari got an opportunity to remove Nawaz government during Imran Khan continuous protest in Islamabad. However, he realized that it would play in the hand of anti-democratic elements. Thus, the democratic leaders have now turned mature and avoiding taking any step that could harm the civilian rule.

The good performance of successive democratic governments has also contributed towards the well being of the democracy in Pakistan. The democratic governments are heading towards betterment. For instance, the existing government is better than previous government and the upcoming will have undergone even more improvement. The democratic government of Pakistan Peoples Party, from 2008 to 2013, faced numerous challenges of extremism and terrorism. However, the next democratic government under Nawaz Sharif successfully resolved those challenges and brought peace. The existing government under PTI is facing daunting economic challenges but is taking stringent measures to overcome them. Thus, the better performance of the governments has proved that fact that civilian can also run the country effectively and has left no room for the army to interfere in the administration directly.

The smooth transfer of power by two democratic parties to another one has enhanced the chances of democracy to flourish in the country too. For the first time in the history of Pakistan, two democratic parties have completed and transferred their power to the third one. It has created a proper line for power transfer in the future, which is fundamental pre-requisite for the glory of democracy in any country. Before, it was witnessed that the transfer was not smooth and created room for the anti-democratic elements. For instance, as mentioned above, had the democratic leader, after the elections of 1977, not created problems for power transfer, the military would have not imposed martial law. It was because of non-agreement on the transfer of power in past, democracy could not survive for a long time. Thus, the smooth transfer of power, now, will ensure the continuation of democracy in Pakistan.

The reform in the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) and its improved performance is another ingredient that creates a hope for democracy in Pakistan. At present, the prime minister with the consultation of leader of opposition appoints the chief election commissioner. The ruling government cannot appoint its own commissioner to get the election rigged. Besides, a proper mechanism for the appointment of the members has also been devised to ensure the transparent elections. It can be proved from the recent appointment of the two members of the ECP. In 2019, the two vacant seats of the members of the ECP could not been filled since eight months despite the constitutional provision for filling the seats in 45 days. It was because the federal government under Imran Khan and opposition could not reach a consensus on the names. In a surprise move, the government appointed the members without consultation, but the chief election commissioner refused to administer the oath of office to these appointees and claimed that the appointment was not based in accordance with the provision of constitution. Thus, it is reached that the reforms in the ECP is playing a vital role in promoting the democracy by conducting smooth and transparent elections.

The citizen of Pakistan have, now, turned aware about their rights to rule the country and it is a good sign for the development of democracy. Before, many citizens welcomed the dictator because the democratic leaders failed to improve their lifestyle. However, the people in uniform could not satisfy their needs as well. As a result, they have turned against dictators too. At present, almost all the citizens speak against the martial law and blame the military for their present poor conditions. Now, instead of welcoming their rule, they will stand against them in the same way the people of turkey blocked the prospects of military rule by lying before the tanks. Thus, the local citizen, now, loathes martial law and it is a good for the prosperity of democracy in the country.

A major hurdle, of course, is the indirect interference of the military in the democratic government. The military not only frame foreign policy of Pakistan, but also implement it. The civilian has no say in the policies towards India, Afghanistan and the US. Besides, the head of Intelligence bureau or other sensitive institutions like defense is always retired military officer. It means that the civilians are not trusted with the sensitive policies. Currently, many retired military officers are occupying some important posts. For instance, the federal Interior minister is Ijaz Ahmed Shah. He is a former head of Intelligence bureau and a retired army officer. Besides, Lieutenant General Asim Saleem Bajwa is serving as the Special Assistant to the Prime Minister on Information and Broadcasting. He is retired Pakistani three-star general. Thus, the indirect rule of the military does not bode well for the democracy in Pakistan.

The feudal lord system is acting as the stumbling rock in the way of democracy in Pakistan. Democracy relies on the votes of the local citizens. However, in Pakistan, some feudal lords enjoy full control over the authority and decisions of people in their respective areas. Normally, these feudal lords own thousands of acres agriculture lands and almost all the people living in the villages act as their farmers. These people rely on them economically. It is, therefore, during elections, they vote only a candidate told by their feudal lords. They do not act on their own interest, but over the command of their superiors. In many cases, these feudal lords contest elections themselves. Consequently, they win the elections no matter how corrupt they are and from which political party they contest. Thus, the system of feudal lord is the basic hurdle in the way of democracy in Pakistan.

The fact that, almost all the democratic leaders are corrupt, also contributes to the fragility of the democracy in Pakistan. They mostly work for the wider self-interest rather than the interest of the country and its citizens after being elected. They also favor the non-transparent appointment of the government servants to fill the institutions with their own people. Besides, they use the public funds for their personal expenditure and deem it below their dignity to not make piles of illegal money. They use the same money to win the elections. It was proved by the recent accountability campaign of PM Imran Khan. Under his drive, the main leaders of the two main democratic parties were arrested on the account of corruptions. The panama leaks also revealed some names of the democratic leaders including farmer PM Nawaz Sharif. Because of their corruption, the local people dislike democracy and some time talk in the favor of the authoritarian rule. Hence, the corruption of the democratic leaders is blocking the route of democracy in the country.

The poor literacy rate of Pakistan is negatively affecting the performance of the democratic governments very badly. It is known fact that the democratic system is successful in the countries where the literacy rate is good. It is because; a person with good education background, knows the importance of his vote and uses it properly for the betterment of the country. As a result, efficient democratic leaders are elected that grab the rein of the country. Because of this reason, democracies are bearing fruitful results in the developed countries like the US and is completely collapsing in those countries where the literacy rate is poor. In Pakistan, with around 50 per cent illiterate people, democracy has failed to improve the lifestyle of the people and solve the existing crisis faced by the country. Thus, it is not wrong to say that inadequate literacy rate is causing damage to democracy in Pakistan.

The cripple economy of Pakistan also hampers the democratic progress. The better economic position of any country is directly proportional to the prosperity of democracy. The democratic system evolved from Greece because the export of the wine improved its economic position and thus a demand was raised for the civilian rule. The system remained successful. However, democracy has performed poorly in the countries facing the economic crisis. Take a classical example of Pakistan. The biggest hurdle faced by the PM Imran Khan is the major economic challenges faced by the country. These crises have not only made it difficult for his democratic government to focus on the other issues, but also created bad feelings among the citizen regarding the system. As such, the poor economy of Pakistan is acting as a biggest hurdle in the way of democracy.

An association of democratic nations must be formed to protect young democracies around the world including Pakistan from the threat of the dictators. The strong democratic nations like the US and European countries should extend their support to the civilian rules during crisis. Democracy needs support and the best support for democracy can come from other democracies. Had there been an association of democratic nations, it would have been difficult for the dictators like Zia and Musharraf to impose martial law in Pakistan. Alarmingly, in Pakistan, the military rule received generous financial support from the US, while the civilians were sidelined every time. Thus, the only way to sustain democracy in Pakistan is to form an association of democratic nations at the global level.

It is imperative for the indigenous democratic leaders to improve their performance and work hard for the betterment of the civilian to win their support. Democracy needs the cooperation of the local citizens to flourish in any country. However, the most of the democratic leaders are corrupt in Pakistan and has failed to show distinguish performance. As a result, democracy has become infamous in the country. Had they worked with faithfulness and honesty to improve the lifestyle of the people, it would have been nearly impossible for the dictators to impose direct rule. It was because of the inefficient of the democratic leaders that the citizens never resisted the military. Otherwise, they would have lay before the tanks the same way the citizens did in Turkey when a dictator tried to impose martial law there. Thus, the democratic leaders need to improve their performance to block all the route of anti democratic elements.

As such, it is reached that there is hopes as well as hurdles in the way of democracy in Pakistan. Some events like inability of the military to impose direct rule under current circumstances, mature leadership as compared to past, better performance of successive democratic governments, smooth transfer of powers by the democratic parties, improvement in the performance of the ECP and awareness among the people regarding the civilian rule, have created hope for democracy in Pakistan. In the contrast, some other events like, indirect interference of the military in the democratic governments, feudal lords system, corruption of democratic leaders, alarming literacy rate and poor economy of the country, have caused hurdles in the way of democracy in Pakistan. Keeping in view this situation, an association of democratic nations must be formed to save democracy from the anti-democratic elements. Besides, it is imperative for the democratic leaders to strive for improving the lifestyle of the local citizens to win their cooperation. Thus, democracy in Pakistan faces both hopes and hurdles and it is important to remove impediments to further flourish the civilian rule.

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Women empowerment is key to development of a country, economic position, not military, determines the strength of any country, can digitalization of an economy help overcoming the existing economic crisis of pakistan, 19 comments.

Thanks dear for sharing such valuable essay.

Nice one bro Try to share material on save water and secure pakistanfuture And also tourism and Pakistan please

Valuable information

Very informative,

informative.. thanks for sharing sir..

Splendidly , emphasised sir , we need more like this for our better understanding . Thanks

Well-written and well-updated essay, more power to you. However, an important part is missing- transitory paragraph. You have directly jumped from hopes to hurdles without giving any pause for recap and promo.

Amazing! I was not in the mood to read such long essays, but, the presentation skills of the author compelled me to read it completely.

Not a scientific one

Very informative and well organized essay👍👍

well informative and good explained thankx sir

Well written

It’s informative Sir

Every point is organised in a well manner . amazing .

sir can we write this essay in 2023 pms exam?

Wow:U brilliantly expressed ideas about democracy. What a expressions!

Such a fine art of words … Clapping from my side sir ….

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Events, news & press, authoritarianism in pakistan.

The historical roots of dysfunctional politics

P ractically from the moment of its creation in 1947 , Pakistan has been plagued by ethnic tensions, mismanagement, and corruption. The profound incompetence of its civilian rulers in the first decade of independence created a political vacuum filled by the generals, who have ruled or dominated Pakistan, directly or indirectly, for much of its history. The country’s dismal political record and lackluster socioeconomic development are all the more remarkable when contrasted with the relative success of its gigantic neighbor to the east. To be sure, India has also encountered ethno-religious conflicts, widespread poverty, and many other challenges, but it has remained a functioning democracy with an increasingly promising economic future. Why has Pakistan failed where India succeeded? Why has it become an authoritarian state? Why have its armed forces been able to dominate its political life?

To place Pakistan’s predicament in the proper perspective, we should consider the roots of its sovereign statehood — the colonial past, the circumstances of its founding, and the early years of its independence — and trace the evolution of its principal political player, the military. Three points are key. First, the political legacies of British colonialism impacted India and Pakistan differently. Second, the circumstances of British India’s 1947  partition and the events of the immediate post-partition period suggest several reasons for the different political trajectories of its two successor states. Finally, within the first decade of its independence, the authoritarian mold of Pakistan’s political system was cast, and since then we have witnessed different permutations of that early prototype. Thus, the Pakistani experience supports the argument that the fate of political transitions is frequently determined in the first few years after the fall of the ancien régime.

The British legacy

F ew imperial powers succeeded in leaving behind such a durable imprint on their subject peoples as the British did in South Asia. And after more than six decades of independence, no other Pakistani or Indian institution retains as much of its British origins as the armed forces, owing to their members’ extensive training by and exposure to their British counterparts during the colonial era, the continued education of their elites at British institutions and, no doubt, to the military’s relative separation from the rest of society. Four distinct legacies of the British India Army ( bia ) are particularly relevant here. Three of these — professionalism, ethnocentric recruitment, and the army’s aid to civil authorities — have had a similar effect on the armies of both successor states. The fourth — the British insistence on clear separation between the political and military domains — had a strong impact on India but eluded Pakistan. Let us take a closer look at all of them.

Professionalism . The British provided rigorous and modern military training and an attractive career option to qualified native Indians. The cream of the crop received officer education at Sandhurst in England, but training was ongoing in the garrisons and bases throughout British India. Until 1939 the officer corps was relatively small and tight-knit, but the need for a much larger force in World War II required its quick expansion, which resulted in the changing ratio of British to Indian officers from 10:1 to 4.1:1 . 1  Most importantly, the British instilled a military ethos that put high value on professional competence, and the officer corps of both independent Pakistan and India has kept these traditions alive.

Ethnic preference in recruitment . A more controversial legacy is the discriminatory view of the warlike qualities of various ethnic groups. One of the pillars of the bia ’s success was its careful staffing policy. Recruiters generally avoided enlisting Bengalis and drew from regions in the west, especially the Punjab, which had mostly remained loyal to the British at the time of the anti-colonial Mutiny of 1857 . The British firmly believed in “martial races” — that people originating from the northwest corner (Punjab) of India, Sikhs, the Gurkhas of Nepal, and members of the ksatriya (warrior) castes were better suited for military service than others (such as Bengalis or Sindhis). Promotion was based solely on ability and merit, and the bia  developed a distinctive and powerful esprit de corps. The obedience of the vast majority of rank-and-file soldiers was the result of attracting politically reliable and pliable individuals.

After more than six decades of independence, the remnants of the “martial races” idea are still present in India and continue to dominate Pakistani recruitment policy. Although the Indian government abolished ethnic, religious, and caste identity as the organizing principle of military units decades ago (the air force and the navy have long been completely integrated), in the army this process has not been completed. A few single-group regiments of the army have survived; they are the repositories of tradition and history — some originated in the 18th century — and are characterized by high morale and pride in service.

In Pakistan’s army, however, ethnic imbalances are far more conspicuous. Bengalis, long considered unsuited for military life, suffered harsh discrimination and constituted only a small percentage of military personnel. Even though they were Pakistan’s majority population in the 1960 s they made up only 7 percent of the army — their proportion in the bureaucracy was 24 percent. 2 Not surprisingly, these inequities fueled their drive for independence, which bore fruit in 1971 with the breakup of Pakistan and the creation of Bangladesh. Since the loss of East Pakistan, the discrimination against those from Baluchistani and Sindhi backgrounds has grown even sharper. On the other hand, the high regard for the martial virtues of Punjabis and, to a lesser extent, Pashtuns, has continued. Roughly three-quarters of all soldiers come from three districts of Punjab and two districts of the Northwest Frontier Provinces that contain only one-tenth of Pakistan’s population. Nevertheless, Punjabis and Pashtuns (who share ethnic identity with about 50  percent of Afghans) are divided on a number of issues, especially on their views of the Taliban. Most Pashtun pilots, for instance, refuse to shoot at or bomb the Taliban.

Aid to the civil power . The British developed a system, called “aid to the civil power,” for contingencies when local disturbances could not be contained by law enforcement personnel. In such situations military units augmented the police in putting down communal rioting. In exceptional cases, martial law was imposed and authority was passed from the civil administrator to the local military commander for the duration of the conflict. After independence, the Indian Army’s involvement in containing civilian — mostly ethno-religious — conflicts has become more frequent and pervasive, occurring dozens (and sometimes hundreds) of times annually. This practice is indicative of the state’s growing reliance on the military for internal security duties and constitutes the most troubling aspect of Indian civil-military relations. The army’s “aid to the civil” has concentrated in Kashmir and the tribally unstable northeast and, during the 1980 s, in the Punjab.

The Pakistani army’s conviction of civilian incompetence was reinforced from early on by similar and frequent “aid-to-civil” missions when the civil administration called out the troops to quell sectarian unrest. Because the local authorities have meager resources to work with, and because they lack confidence in the conflict-resolution capacity of the police and other internal security providers, they constantly ask for the help of the regular armed forces in subduing disturbances. In this respect, then, the British heritage equally affected both successor states.

Separating the army from politics . Although in the early years some of the proconsuls who governed British India were military officers, the bia  soon settled into a position that remained outside and above politics. The principle of the army’s political subordination was unambiguous and the division between the civil and military spheres was unassailable: The army was responsible for recruitment, training, discipline, and strategic advice. Beyond that, civilians made the decisions, including when and in the service of what objective the army should be deployed.

This most important of British legacies has been preserved only in India. There the separation of the military establishment from politics has been so comprehensive and uncompromised that the problem actually is that politicians rarely seek the advice of, or benefit from the expertise of, top military specialists when formulating defense and security policy. In stark contrast, the pervasive civilian ineptitude in Pakistan created not just the opportunity but, from the perspective of concerned army officers, the need  to enter politics and make things right after only a few short years of independence.

Generally speaking, the British have left a deeper impact in India than in Pakistan for a very simple reason. Some regions of Pakistan, especially in the west and northwest, were colonized only in the late 19 th century, whereas much of what became India was under British rule from the 1770 s. Notwithstanding the many adverse effects of British reign, it established a number of institutions indispensable to democratic governance: an independent judiciary, effective and relatively upright civil service, political parties, apolitical police and armed forces. Moreover, the British — planning for the long haul — also made huge investments in infrastructural improvements and developed, famously, the railway network that India still relies on for mass public transportation. Consequently, Pakistan, with its much more limited exposure to these institutions, was at a serious disadvantage when independence came.

Partition and its impact

T he partition of British India into an independent India and Pakistan in 1947 remains the formative moment in the subcontinent’s political path and explains some of the profound differences between the two states. More specifically, it helps us understand not so much why India became a democracy but, far more so, why Pakistan did not.

The Muslim movement in British India was distrustful of democracy due to its firm belief that in an independent India the large Hindu majority would marginalize Muslims. The All India Muslim League, their main political organization, announced its support for a separate state to be named Pakistan as early as 1940 . The League’s longtime leader, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, wanted a homeland for Muslims but not  an Islamic state; nonetheless, the campaign for Pakistan acquired powerful religious overtones in its final stages. The most ardent support for an independent Pakistan originated principally from British India’s minority Muslim provinces, provinces which were to remain with India; in fact, most of Pakistan’s leaders came from there. In the provinces where Muslims were in a majority they expected to retain political control and, therefore, saw no need for a separate Muslim state.

On Independence Day (August 14, 1947 ) Jinnah, originally from Bombay, became governor-general of Pakistan and his close associate, Liaquat Ali Khan, who spent most of his life in north India, became prime minister. Resentment built quickly against these “foreigners” in the new state because they monopolized leadership positions and designated their mother tongue, Urdu, as the country’s official language even though Urdu language and tradition were alien to much of Pakistan — and to all of Bengali-speaking East Pakistan. Many Muslims who felt that their interests lay with India or were unable to emigrate stayed there: They now comprise the world’s biggest, and increasingly marginalized, religious minority.

The British ruling on the boundaries of the two states was based in part on the result of the 1945–46 elections for the Constituent Assembly and various other legislative bodies, and on the Radcliffe Award, which was named after its author, Cyril Radcliffe, who had never set foot in India and worked from outdated maps and census information. Pakistan was carved out of five provinces of British India — including two partitioned provinces, Punjab and Bengal — and some princely states. The arrangement required the relocation of as many as 10 million people — some 6 million Muslims from India to Pakistan and 4  million Hindus and Sikhs to India — and its announcement was followed by extensive riots in several regions, particularly in the Punjab. The ethno-religious bloodletting that took place after independence was a series of massacres and counter-massacres, looting, and arson, and it claimed the lives of at least half a million people. The British failure to make the necessary preparations to help accommodate the population exchange exacerbated the situation. The matter of the princely states’ accession on the eve of independence heightened the animosity between Muslims and Hindus and ultimately brought the military into the conflict. Although parts of the armed forces became embroiled in the violence and could not be relied upon to reestablish order, most of the army units involved — British, Indian, and Pakistani — tried to contain the killing and prevent even more destruction.

The eastern part of Bengal (which became East Pakistan and, after the 1971 civil war, the independent state of Bangladesh) was slightly more populous than West Pakistan and comprised of about 85 percent Muslims with a 15 percent Hindu minority. All in all, the population of Pakistan was about one-fourth that of India. Many disagreements can be traced back to the hastily prepared partition and the pro-India sympathies of Lord Mountbatten — the last viceroy of the British Empire and independent India’s first governor-general ( 1947–48 ). The feud regarding the state of Jammu and Kashmir could not be resolved and eventually led to war in October 1947 , ending with a United Nations-brokered ceasefire the following January. This issue has not yet been settled and has been the source of numerous serious conflicts, some armed, between the two states.

Muslim suspicions about Hindu intentions were only reinforced by India’s handling of the division of British India’s assets. Delhi refused to release large amounts of funds that were Pakistan’s due and cut off the flow of water of the Indus River, despite a water sharing agreement, because it did not want to aid Pakistan while they were embroiled in an armed conflict in Kashmir. In protest of what he deemed unjust Indian policies, Mahatma Gandhi started a well-publicized fast in January 1948 which he declined to break until the government adopted an “honorable” course regarding the release of Pakistan’s property. 3 India’s disreputable treatment extended to the bia ’s military equipment, which was to be divided between the two successor states. The Delhi government failed to honor its pledge to deliver Pakistan its share: For instance, only 3 percent of the Pakistani portion of 165,000 tons of ordnance stores was delivered by April 1948 and none of its allocation of 249 tanks was ever transferred. 4

In terms of military personnel, Pakistan’s inheritance was a paper army of roughly 150,000 officers and men in 508 units — 40 percent of them still on Indian soil on Independence Day. In fact, the staff of the new Pakistani General Headquarters in Rawalpindi arrived only in October 1947 , but without many key documents because Indian officials refused to release them. 5 The officers of the bia  were told to choose between the Indian or the Pakistani armed forces. For Muslim officers who lived in India, and for the far fewer Hindu and Sikh officers living in Pakistan, partition meant having to leave their homes, uproot their families, and lose their property. After partition nearly all Muslim officers went to Pakistan and virtually all Hindu officers moved to or remained in India proper. Nevertheless, during the politically tense years leading up to partition a remarkable amity prevailed among most Hindu, Muslim, and Sikh officers.

In spite of their different post-independence developments, at the time of partition the two armies were not that different from one another. They came from the British India Army, shared a single ethos and institutional culture, and played no role in the political movement that led to independence. Owing to the shortage of high-ranking officers, both the Pakistani and the Indian armed forces employed British personnel for more than a decade after independence. Pakistan’s army should have had 4,000 officers but there were only 2,500 ; to fill this deficiency the government retained 500 British officers and accelerated the promotion of native officers to fill higher ranks. 6  The real difference lay in the political culture in which the two armies were to function. The very nature of the creation of Pakistan goes far in explaining their different evolution.

Six effects of partition on Pakistan

T here are many reasons why Pakistan has failed to sustain democratic governance and why its armed forces have assumed a dominant political role. Six of these are rooted in the partition itself.

The geographic and social separation between East and West Pakistan . The geographic division between East and West Pakistan was produced by partition and it facilitated the isolation of the politically less influential but numerically superior Bengali population. The Pakistani political establishment was itself responsible for shortsighted and divisive policies — e.g., Bengali, the mother tongue of the majority of Pakistanis, did not become an official language; Bengal’s economic development was impeded by pro-West Pakistan (and especially Punjab-centric) economic policies — that all but ensured losing the eastern part of the country. During the 24 -year union of East and West Pakistan ( 1947–71 ) tensions between the two were constant because of Islamabad’s patronizing, discriminatory, and heavy-handed policies toward its citizens in the east.

The social consequences of partition . The partition had two major long-lasting effects on Pakistani society. First, the movement of millions of migrants to the new state created instability and social upheaval. 7  Second, the superimposition of the Urdu-speaking political and intellectual elite that was alien to the extant population of Pakistan (comprised of numerous distinct ethnic groups) generated widespread and long-term resentment and mistrust and made governance more difficult.

Low-level social development, incompetent and corrupt civilians . The state structures the British developed stayed in India. In terms of political and administrative infrastructure, Pakistan started with little more than nothing. It is worth looking at the photographs of a 1948 issue of Life magazine depicting the seat of the new Pakistani government as a row of tents. 8 Contrasting this image with the palatial government buildings of India housing a small army of experienced and capable administrators makes the quandary of the young Pakistani state easier to appreciate. In 1947  Pakistan was essentially a feudal country with land concentrated in the hands of a few families, virtually no middle class, and a minuscule intelligentsia. Pakistan started out with extremely weak political institutions; its bureaucracy was small, disorganized, and incompetent. In fact, the only functioning state institution Pakistan inherited was the armed forces. Therefore, the inability of civilians to control the educated, disciplined, and ambitious officer corps is hardly surprising. The disparity with India, with its relatively cohesive institutions and a strong political leadership bent on subduing the military, could hardly be sharper.

Bad luck with founding fathers . Sheer misfortune also contributed to Pakistan’s woes. Within a year of independence its founder, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, died of tuberculosis, and the country’s first prime minister, Liaquat Khan, was assassinated at a political rally in 1951  — one of the first in a long line of Pakistani politicians to be murdered. The contrast with India is, again, striking. While India benefited from brilliant and practiced leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru and others who represented stability and continuity in the country’s formative years, Pakistan became rudderless soon after independence, at a time when political direction, constancy, and steadfastness were most needed. This pattern has continued to play out since then: India has been led by legitimate and by and large effective civilian leaders while Pakistan has not been so fortunate.

The insecurity syndrome . From the beginning, Pakistani elites believed that India was an adversary, out to harm their country, and therefore that turning Pakistan into a fortress against India was essential. Pakistan’s obsession with security was bolstered by and partly rooted in India’s failure to adhere to the terms of partition, viewed by Islamabad as an act of supreme betrayal. 9  Being the smaller, less populous state with what has been viewed an untrustworthy larger neighbor has continuously reinforced Pakistan’s need to maintain a strong military machine. Most important, Pakistan’s security deficit justified the disproportionate share of the state budget to be devoted to defense, thus increasing the armed forces’ influence and diverting scarce resources from social and economic projects. The Pakistani Army, then, came to have a vested interest in continued hostility — thus rationalizing its claim on public resources. In fact, the Kashmir conflict was a ready-made cauldron that the army had a stake in keeping at a boil.

The military as a state builder . In traditional societies the armed forces often fulfill three functions: maintain the established order, provide a channel for upward mobility, and spearhead modernization. 10 Over time, the Pakistani army fulfilled all three of these missions. They were more disciplined, deeply patriotic, and, especially early on, better educated than civilian elites. The primary motivation in the Pakistani generals’ drive for political power was not self-enrichment but guarding the national interest. Although they were not responsible for achieving Pakistani independence, they did play a crucial role in keeping the country together. Circumstances practically forced them to abandon the “military-stays-out-of-politics” dictum of the bia and become the essential state-building institution.

A few months after Pakistan’s founding, its army was deployed against its former brothers-in-arms in the October 1947  Kashmir war. The military acquitted itself well, despite its restrained all-British high command, and made an important contribution to the stabilization of the post-partition regime. Given the yawning political vacuum and the feebleness of public institutions, it was only a matter of time until the army was to take charge of Pakistan’s political administration. From the perspective of democratic development, this was a most ominous position for the armed forces to be in. In stark contrast, the Indian military’s political masters succeeded in ensuring its continued apolitical stance. The hold Pakistani generals have managed to develop over their country’s domestic politics originates from and is a direct result of the internal and external political conditions they encountered during the first few years of statehood. The earliest experiences of Pakistan forced its leaders to recognize the need for strong state institutions to protect the country’s basic interests. But who were the individuals who comprised the state as a collection of institutions? Young, mostly inexperienced bureaucrats on the one hand and army officers with superior discipline, education, and a record of personal sacrifice on the other.

The early political role of the Pakistani generals was, in spite of repeatedly revised constitutions and quasi-democratic interludes, a prologue to several decades of military rule. To be sure, as coup-makers in many other contexts, the top brass usually enjoyed significant support from a population fed up with dishonest and inept politicians and were quick to justify their political interventions on the basis of the inability and dishonesty of civilian rulers.

A praetorian state

T he disparities between India and Pakistan suggest that the political interventions of Pakistani generals should have been anticipated. Instead of the general elections that followed India’s independence, in Pakistan only indirect elections were held through provincial assemblies. Elections, starting with those held in the Punjab and the Northwest Frontier Province in 1951 , were soon tainted by allegations of foul play. After the assassination of Liaquat Khan, the swiftly deteriorating conditions of Pakistani domestic politics were signaled by the rapid turnover of prime ministers and other top officeholders. Two important clues of the erosion of democratic practices were offered by Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad: In 1953  he dissolved Prime Minister Khawaja Nazimuddin’s cabinet and, a year later, he disbanded the legislature when it attempted to place checks on executive authority.

The traumatic experience of partition, the Kashmir war, and a number of subsequent war scares increased the Pakistani officer corps’s distress about military weaknesses and soon convinced them that the exigencies of state-building overrode the old British insistence on the separation of politics and the armed forces. In 1951 , army officers in Rawalpindi, dissatisfied with the government’s moral and material support of the military in Kashmir, conspired to assassinate General Douglas Gracey, the army’s British commander-in-chief, and some top officials. The plot that came to be known as the Rawalpindi Conspiracy was easily foiled, but it hinted at the army’s future political involvement. In fact, it was the beginning of the army’s turn toward political power, fully realized when General Mohammad Ayub Khan, who succeeded Gracey as commander-in-chief in the same year, mounted a bloodless coup in 1958 .

Considering Pakistan’s strategic environment after independence, it was perfectly commonsensical for its government to grant the armed forces priority treatment. Already in 1948 Liaquat Khan announced that “the defense of the state is our foremost consideration; it dominates all other governmental activities.” 11 Appointing General Mohammad Ayub Khan as defense minister in 1954 , however, was unnecessary and, in fact, was tantamount to relinquishing civilian supremacy over the military establishment. Matters deteriorated further when, in October 1958 , President Iskander Mirza — himself a Sandhurst-educated former general and defense minister — responded to the protracted political instability by abrogating the two-year-old constitution, abolishing political parties, removing the civilian government, and appointing Ayub Khan as chief martial law administrator. Three weeks later Ayub Khan deposed Mirza in the first of four Pakistani coups to date, thus starting a troubling history of military rule ( 1958–71 , 1977–88 , 1999–08 ).

The first four years of Ayub’s rule were a moderate martial law regime in which the military’s chain of command was preserved and major decisions were reached at its General Headquarters in Rawalpindi. Relying on elected and unelected representatives with a local administration “acting as the eyes, ears, and stick for the central government,” this was a form of “guided democracy” not unlike Sukarno’s experiment in Indonesia after 1957 . To stabilize the political situation, Ayub Khan created an equal relationship between the army and the civilian bureaucracy and ended up running the country more efficiently than his civilian predecessors. Through the coercion of some politicians and the co-opting of others, the military established a reasonably successful political regime that accommodated its own corporate interests. At the same time, Ayub’s policies did not alter the economic position of ruling elites and actually widened the already deep inequities between East and West Pakistan and between rural and urban areas. In 1960 , having retired from the army, Ayub became a civilian president and began to involve influential civilian politicians in governance.

In 1969 , amid growing political unrest and agitation, the ill and increasingly isolated Ayub Khan handed power over to General Yahya Khan, the chief of army staff, who declared a new martial law regime. This second bloodless coup was exceptional because the new leader had no plans to reform the state or to “straighten out” Pakistan’s political order. 12 Furthermore, the transition was unconstitutional since in a case of presidential resignation power should have been transferred to the speaker of the assembly. Even though Ayub Khan strengthened civilian institutions in the second half of his reign, the top brass were reluctant to give up power. The transition from Ayub to Yahya merely underscored the armed forces’ supra-constitutional authority.

During his short-lived regime ( 1969–1971 ) Yahya Khan extended the military’s role as the guardian of the country’s “ideological frontier,” a notion that has prevailed ever since. 13 His rule is most remembered by the December 1970 general elections, the country’s first, and the war that followed and eventually resulted in Pakistan’s dismemberment. The Awami League won 160 of the 162 seats reserved for East Pakistan in the 300 -seat National Assembly; the runner-up Pakistan People’s Party ( ppp ) took only 81 of the 138  seats reserved for West Pakistan. The two parties’ support came exclusively from the eastern and the western parts of the country, respectively. Post-election talks between the two sides went nowhere because West Pakistani elites were unwilling to be ruled by the despised easterners.

In particular, ppp founder Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was loath to be deprived of the prime ministership and urged Yahya not to recognize the election results. The latter indefinitely postponed the pending National Assembly session, precipitating massive civil disobedience in East Pakistan. In March 1971 , despite a military crackdown, the Awami League leader, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, proclaimed East Pakistan’s independence as Bangladesh. As fighting escalated between the Pakistani military and the Bengali freedom fighters, about ten million Bengalis, mainly Hindus, sought refuge in India. In early December, India intervened on the Bangladeshi side and within two weeks the outmatched Pakistani forces surrendered. Yahya Khan handed over power of the much-diminished country to Bhutto.

Although Bhutto took political, administrative, and legal steps to disengage the military from politics, some of his closest advisers were generals; he shared the army’s hawkish views on national security matters; and he embarked on an ambitious weapons acquisition and modernization program. Furthermore, when the new chief of army staff, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, changed the armed forces’ credo to Iman, Taqwa, Jihad fi Sabil Allah (Faith, piety, and jihad for the sake of God), Bhutto did not object. Zia’s coup in 1977 , the third in Pakistan’s brief history, signaled the return of military rule. He managed to stay in power for more than a decade in part because he maintained his control over and enhanced the role of the armed forces as the quintessential political institution of the state. Zia’s 1988 death, in a plane crash, was followed by a military-controlled transition to civilian rule and a decade-long experiment with democracy, featuring four elections and four civilian governments (two each headed by Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif), none of which completed their scheduled tenure. Even during this brief quasi-democratic interlude there was merely an appearance of civilian supremacy over the armed forces. In Pakistan, only a thin line separates military and political power, and once generals decide that their institutional and corporate interests are not sufficiently safeguarded, they are likely to take over the reins of government. So did, in October 1999 , General Pervez Musharraf who stayed in power for nine years before very reluctantly allowing the return of a civilian administration.

Failed praetorians

S oon after independence , a political system began to take shape in Pakistan in which army generals hold the ultimate levers of power. Whatever authority they grant to civilian politicians and for how long is entirely up to them. There are different ways to explain this outcome but, as I argued above, historical circumstances — namely, the colonial heritage, the partition and its aftermath, and the formative years following independence — played an exceedingly important role.

Military rule is a terrible alternative to functioning democratic governance. At the same time, one must not be blind to the fact that not all praetorian systems are equally oppressive or incompetent, and some are actually preferable to other kinds of authoritarian rule. Military regimes in South Korea ( 1961–87 ), Brazil ( 1964–85 ), and Chile ( 1973–90 ), for instance, had all compiled respectable records of socioeconomic development, even if they were resolute in suppressing their political opposition. The point is that, unlike some of their colleagues elsewhere, Pakistani generals — and, to be fair, their occasional civilian counterparts — excelled in no substantive area of social or economic policy or administration.

Contemporary Pakistan has become the  key to the satisfactory conclusion of the war against the Taliban in Afghanistan, who have gone further than establishing a mere foothold in Pakistan: They managed to become the de facto authority in an expanding swath of Pakistani territory. Although not yet a “failed state” by the exacting definition of social scientists, Pakistan has been wrecked by chronic instability compounded by its inability to control its own territory. Its military rulers have been incapable, particularly in the past two decades, of containing Islamic extremism and terrorist organizations that have threatened their own state and democracies near and far. The country is on course to become an Islamist state, not just an Islamic one. Pakistan’s military governments have left it in the shaky position it now inhabits.

Zoltan Barany is the Frank C. Erwin Jr. Professor of Government at the University of Texas, the Susan Louise Dyer Peace Fellow at the Hoover Institution, and the coeditor of Is Democracy Exportable? (Cambridge University Press, 2009). The author thanks Robert L. Hardgrave Jr. for his valuable comments.

1 Stephen P. Cohen, The Indian Army (Oxford University, 2001 ), 145 .

2 Hussein Haqqani, Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2005 ), 61 .

3 H.V. Hodson, The Great Divide: Britain, India, Pakistan (Hutchinson, 1969 ), 504–507 .

4 Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema, The Armed Forces of Pakistan (New York University, 2001 ), 18 .

5 Shuja Nawaz, Crossed Swords: Pakistan: Its Army and the Wars Within (Oxford University, 2008 ), 32–33 .

6 Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema, Pakistan’s Defense Policy, 1947–1958 (Macmillan, 1990 ), 80 .

7 Even today, these Urdu-speaking migrants, termed Muhajirs , constitute a distinct ethnic group in Pakistan.

8 See “Pakistan Struggles for Survival,” Life (January 15, 1948 ).

9 Stephen P. Cohen, The Idea of Pakistan (Brookings Institution, 2004 ), 47 .

10 A.F.K. Organski, The Stages of Political Development (Knopf, 1965 ), 49–51 .

11 Cited in Hasan-Askari Rizvi, The Military and Politics in Pakistan, 1947–1997 (Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2000 ), 42 .

12 Cohen, The Idea of Pakistan , 125 .

13 Haqqani, Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military , 51 .

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Essay on discipline in urdu, essay on city life in urdu, essay on good citizen in urdu, essay on doctor profession in urdu, essay on co-education in urdu, essay on zindagi in urdu, essay on juma in urdu, essay on first aid in urdu, essay on doctor in urdu, mera yadgar safar essay in urdu, essay on fashion in urdu, essay on water pollution in urdu, essay on my family in urdu, essay on women’s rights in urdu, essay on vegetables in urdu, essay on democracy in urdu, essay on uswa hasana in urdu, essay on father in urdu, essay on four seasons in urdu, dehati zindagi essay in urdu, تغیر کے موضوع پر ایک مضمون, اولمپک کھیل پر مختصر نوٹ, “چوری ایک بری عادت ہے” مضمون, عورتوں کی حالت پر ایک مختصر مضمون, benefits of knowledge urdu | تعلیم کے فوائد پر ایک مضمون, عمل سے زندگی بنتی ہے جنت بھی جہنم بھی مضمون, ہمت مرداں مدد خدا مضمون, علم روشنی ہے مضمون, sohanjana plant benefits in urdu | سوہانجنا کے فوائد, essay on sword in urdu | تلوار پر مضمون, essay on badshahi mosque in urdu, essay on anti corruption in urdu, essay on fateh makkah in urdu, essay on ramzan in urdu, essay on police in urdu, meri pasandeeda kitab mazmoon , essay on subah ki sair in urdu, essay on seerat-e-nabvi in urdu, essay on childhood in urdu, essay on tree plantation in urdu, how to become a successful person essay in urdu, essay on bijli in urdu, essay on cleanliness in urdu, essay on bulb in urdu, essay on indian army in urdu, essay on beauty of j&k in urdu, essay on qur’an in urdu, essay on patriotism in urdu, essay on parents in urdu, essay on drugs in urdu, essay on badminton in urdu, meri maa essay in urdu, my father my hero essay in urdu, essay on eidain in urdu, essay on election in urdu, essay on eid milad un nabi in urdu, essay on agriculture in pakistan in urdu, essay on electricity in urdu, essay on hajj in urdu, essay on alodgi in urdu, essay on qutub minar in urdu, essay on quran in urdu, aab e zam zam essay in urdu, my hobby essay in urdu, kitab insan ki behtreen dost hai essay, lalach buri bala hai essay in urdu, mobile phone essay in urdu, dehshat gardi essay in urdu, urdu essay allah ki naimat, ajaib ghar essay in urdu, tandrusti hazar naimat hai | تندرستی ہزار نعمت ہے, minar e pakistan essay in urdu | مینار پاکستان پر مضمون, national river of pakistan in urdu | پاکستان کا قومی دریا, qaumi parchan mazmoon | پاکستان کا قومی پرچم, جوانی زندگی کا بہترین وقت مضمون, essay on shahadat in urdu, waqia karbala in urdu, essay on shaheed in urdu, pollution essay in urdu, qaumi ittehad essay in urdu, hubul watni mazmoon in urdu, benefits of banana in urdu, great wall of china history in urdu, essay on ramzan ki barkatain in urdu, role of media essay in urdu, role of media in pakistan in urdu, taleem essay in urdu, benefits of strawberry in urdu, benefits of pomegranate in urdu, essay on lahore in urdu, essay on karachi in urdu, barsat ka mausam essay in urdu, adab e zindagi essay in urdu, superstition essay in urdu, short essay on population problem in india, berozgari essay in urdu, media ki azadi essay in urdu, how to achieve world peace essay, masla e kashmir essay in urdu, mera school essay in urdu, essay on jahez in urdu, essay on school uniform in urdu, essay on forest in urdu, what is global warming in urdu, causes of global warming in urdu, کامیابی کے اصول, ٹک ٹاک ایپلیکیشن کی حقیقت, khush ikhlaqi essay in urdu, essay on insaaf in urdu, essay on respect of teacher in urdu, essay on insaniyat in urdu, essay on zil hajj in urdu, akhbar bini essay in urdu, language of jammu and kashmir, essay on dengue in urdu, ilm e deen ki ahmiyat essay, غزوۂ بدر پر مضمون, اگر میں وزیر تعلیم ہوتا, میری پسندیدہ شخصیت حضرت محمد ﷺ, اسلام زندہ ہوتا ہے ہر کربلا کے بعد مضمون, عزم کامرانی کی کنجی ہے, انسداد گداگری مضمون, کرونا وائرس اور ہماری ذمہ داریاں, ماں پر مضمون.

Essay On Democracy In Pakistan...

Published by admin on 27th September 2022

Essay On Democracy In Pakistan

Democracy is the basis on which Pakistan came into being in 1947. Pakistan is considered as the World largest among Islamic democracies in the Muslim world. The most special thing about democracy is people choose their leader and have active involvement in the government decision. The fluctuation in Pakistan’s democracy has been observed from the start, whether it is military or civilian government due to the instability of Pakistan. There are many countries all over the world that follows democracy but Pakistan follows its own different ways.

The reason behind this is the less knowledge of Pakistani people regarding how actual democracy works. Also, this is the same cause that can affect Pakistan’s future badly. Moreover, flawed political culture and legal pluralism is another thing that is another unsafe picture of the future.

There are different sects of Pakistan which follows their own set of rules and these different ideologies have open door to political revolution. Knowledge can make ways towards the betterment when awareness is the key to solve any country matters. Pakistan has survived through democracy system. The fact can’t be denied that Pakistan democratic organizations have been crushed many times. The political parties themselves are found to break the rules and ride the cycle of corruption, money laundering, and other false tricks.

People of Pakistan are strong enough in facing various calamities that occur their way. The influence of the military is not less even after being transformed as a democratic Country. Here in Pakistan if we see deeply derived meaning of democracy is the steps of parliamentarian’s steps for their own well-being. From years the political parties are working on their own betterment rather than the country establishment. When a Democratic Party transfers its power to another is what until now understood as a democracy in this country. Surprisingly, 2018 elections show success as the longest period of democracy without the involvement of a military coup.

Democratic countries are making a good change in the world but this change is also caused when people know much and the literacy rate is high. When the government thinks about its people and people regard its government decisions. Many believed that the future of Pakistan is nowhere seeing the political condition and less informed democratic rules. The current government has given the biggest hopes to Pakistanis but the current economic situation doesn’t show a good sign for at least coming five years.

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Democracy in Pakistan: Challenges and Prospects

• Quratulain Babar
• February 11, 2024
• CSS , CSS Essays , CSS Solved Essays

Democracy in Pakistan: Challenges and Prospects | CSS & PMS Solved Essays

Quratulain Babar , a Sir Syed Kazim Ali student, has attempted the CSS essay “ Democracy in Pakistan: Challenges and Prospects ” on the given pattern, which Sir  Syed Kazim Ali  teaches his students. Sir Syed Kazim Ali has been Pakistan’s top English writing and CSS, PMS essay and precis coach with the highest success rate of his students. The essay is uploaded to help other competitive aspirants learn and practice essay writing techniques and patterns to qualify for the essay paper.

1-Introduction

Although Pakistan’s democracy is still in its early stages, facing challenges, such as public unawareness, a distorted political culture, and a widening gap between political parties and the electorate, democracy holds a crucial role in the country’s society, emphasizing the necessity of immediate free and fair elections and improved governance as essential steps to overcome the current political turmoil.

2-Understanding Democracy and its prerequisites?

3-State of Democracy in Pakistan

4-Challenges to Democracy in Pakistan

• Case in point:  According to Barbara Crossett, a New York Times reporter, in Pakistan, the baradari system plays a crucial role in the party’s choice of candidates
• Case in point:  The average voter turnout for the past nine general elections is just over 45 per cent.
• Case in point:  Major political parties like PPP and PML (N) hold no internal elections for party offices, which are filled through nominations and appointments.
• Case in point:  According to the Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index, Pakistan is ranked at 140th position among 180 countries.
• Case in point:  The inability of the civilian governments to complete their five-year tenure.

5-Prospects of Democracy in Pakistan

• Case in point:  It was stated at a Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency’s roundtable discussion on the International Day of Democracy that 63 per cent of Pakistanis believe that a civilian government can govern the country.
• Case in point:  The study conducted by the University of Karachi on a sample of students shows that political awareness among the youth is due to mass media.
• Case in point:  Many Chief Justices have considered missing persons, and a particular cell has been made to deal with the cases.
• Case in point:  The lawyers’ movement of 2007-08
• Case in point:  The punishment of paramilitary personnel who recklessly shot a criminal suspect in Karachi, which followed an expose of the brutal shooting by a television channel .

6-How to Counter the Challenges to Democracy?

• ✓By restructuring the political parties
• ✓By promoting a culture of cooperation among political parties
• ✓By holding free and fair elections 

7-Conclusion 

Democracy, in its present form, has taken a long time to emerge, bolstered by many developments – from 1215, the English Magna Carta, to the French and the American Revolutions in the eighteenth century, to the adult franchise spread in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in North America and Europe. But since the latter half of the twentieth century, democracy has been established as a form of government to which every nation is entitled – whether in Europe, America, Asia, or Africa. The flowering and reach of democratic practice are, however, a continuing process. Likewise, democracy in Pakistan, still in its juvenile stage, is undergoing the same evolution as it is yet to solve many problems that threaten its democracy. For instance, unawareness among the masses about the nature of democracy, distorted political culture, deteriorating political crisis, and, among others, the widening political gap between the political parties and the electorate are significant hurdles in democracy. Despite these challenges, it is irrefutable that democracy has attained a special place in Pakistan, and if it continues to flourish, its prospects can be multiple. To illustrate, the wide acceptance of democracy, the emergence of an assertive judiciary, and a more vibrant civil society are the rays of light in the darkness, indicating that there is no viable political solution other than democracy for Pakistan’s political turmoil. Thus, the political elite should pull Pakistan out of this dilemma by holding immediate free and fair elections and improving governance to fill the void between the government and the masses.

Democracy is a system of government in which laws, policies, leadership, and significant initiatives of a state or other political entity are determined directly or indirectly by the “People’. Historically, this group was often a minority, such as all male adults in ancient Athens or all sufficiently propertied male adults in 19th-century Britain. However, the concept has evolved to encompass all or nearly all adult citizens in the modern era. Like any other form of government, democracy has its fundamentals, without which it cannot flourish in any state. For instance, free and fair elections are the prerequisites of democracy. Moreover, free media, newspapers, and television cannot be ignored in the contemporary era because they are essential to creating political awareness among the general public. Another vital precondition of democracy is education, which generates a well-informed electorate. In addition, freedom of speech and expression, particularly on societal and political issues, is the critical essence of democracy. All these elements and a fair and impartial judiciary form the main pillars of democracy.

Currently, Pakistan is experiencing a complete breakdown of democracy with a powerless interim setup at the centre provinces serving beyond their constitutional mandate, a divided judiciary that is being openly defied, and an increasingly censored media. Moreover, the post-2018 period has seen democratic reversals and regression as the hybrid arrangement entailed the military establishment, giving it an expansive role in politics, governance, and even the economy.  According to the Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency, the phase that ended with the Parliament’s dissolution in August this year is the period of democratic decline rather than democratic consolidation.  Further, this has been accompanied by primarily politically motivated corruption cases against opposition leaders, the jailing of political leaders and activists, the defiance of the rule of law, and the marginalization of the Parliament.

There are many culprits behind the sorry state of democracy in the country. First, one of the significant challenges to informed choices is Pakistan’s flawed political culture. Political culture refers to peoples’ attitudes toward the political system and its various parts and attitudes towards the self in the system. In the case of Pakistan, the political structure is greatly influenced by caste and the radar system. In this system, people are divided into social hierarchical communities, and each community has its place in the social hierarchy, remaining constant generation after generation. Moreover, individual opinions have no value; these are bound by the decisions of the biradari, who make decisions on every political and social aspect.  According to Barbar Crossette, a New York Times reporter, the biradari system in Pakistan plays a vital role in the party’s choice of candidates . Further, the backward rural areas of the country have feudalism-like political structures regulated by feudal lords. As a result, the leading political parties maximize their vote by harnessing landlords and factory owners. Thus, in such a political culture, informed choices become a dream for individuals whose opinions do not stand a chance before the biradari or landlord.

Another factor that poses a challenge to democratic stability is what might be called the political gap between the existing political parties and the electoral system, and several factors have transformed the national landscape. To illustrate, recent years have seen a wave of urbanization – a shift in the centre of economic power from rural areas to cities, the expansion of modern communication technologies, and greater public awareness brought about by broadcast and social media. However, representative or electoral politics have lagged and failed to reflect these changes. This has created a growing disconnect between traditional politics and new social dynamics. A telling symptom of the gap between electoral politics and changing public aspirations is the falling voter turnout.  For instance, the average voter turnout for the past nine general elections is just a little over 45 per cent, which means that more than half of the voters do not even participate in electing their new governments at the federal and provincial levels . Thus, the archaic nature of Pakistani politics puts it at odds with the changing society and its needs, making it difficult for democracy to evolve. 

Moreover, the weak institution of political parties also hampers the development of democracy.  For example, major political parties like PPP and PML(N) hold no internal elections for party offices, which are filled through nominations and appointments.  As a result, party officials are not representatives of the workers who feel frustrated about this imposition from the top. These party officials tend to come from the ruling classes and care little about the workers and the need to remain in touch with the problems of ordinary citizens. They turn into sycophants for the leader at the top and end up insulating and isolating him from political realities, thus creating a void between the party and its voters and allowing non-political actors to come into play.

Further, bad governance is another major hurdle in democracy, as the country is performing poorly at all governance indicators: transparency, accountability, service delivery, and the rule of law. It is manifested in governance based on clientelist politics geared to rewarding networks of supporters rather than the needs of citizens. This encourages rent-seeking behaviour and corruption.  According to the Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index, Pakistan is ranked at 140th position among 180 countries.  Regarding other governance indicators, the government cannot provide public goods to its citizens and uphold the rule of law. For example, according to a report released by the Pakistan Medical Association (PMA), the government cannot provide even safe drinking water to its citizens, let alone other necessities of the masses. Thus, the inability of the government to govern and cater to the needs of the masses does not allow democracy to flourish in the country.

Further, political instability is one of the significant challenges to democracy.  This is manifested in the inability of civilian governments to complete their tenure.  It happens due to the lack of cooperation and tolerance between the ruling party and the opposition. This results in the apolitical forces to come into play, leading to political instability. Thus, the clashes and conflicts between the political parties are the major impediments to the development of actual democratic norms.

Nonetheless, no matter how significant these challenges are, they cannot obstruct the dawn of democracy in the country. As is evident from changing socio-political dynamics, only the future of democracy in Pakistan is feasible. In this regard, significant trends favouring the consolidation of democracy are discussed below.

First, political actors – political parties and other stakeholders and participants in the democratic process – now have a shared stake in the continuance of democracy. However, this was not always so in the past when one or another political party looked to the army to resolve their political disputes. But now, there is wide acceptance and public consensus that military intervention is not the answer or the option.  In this consideration, it was stated at a Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency’s roundtable discussion on the International Day of Democracy that 63 per cent of Pakistanis believe that a civilian government can govern the country.  The military even supports this consensus, which is moving toward accepting the principle of civilian democracy. This has added to the delegitimization of military rule in the country. Thus, the broad consensus on the democratic form of government indicates the prospects for democracy in the country.

Moreover, the growth and expansion of media – broadcast and social, has made it a powerful political force, paving the way for democracy. It is exercising this power to hold rulers to account, expose corruption and injustice, and become a platform for sustained demands for accountable governance. Undoubtedly, the media in Pakistan has become more open, direct, and proactive, highlighting societal wrongdoings. As a result, it has become an effective tool that creates political awareness among the masses, enabling them to participate in the political process effectively.  For instance, the study conducted by the University of Karachi on a sample of students shows that political awareness among the youth is due to mass media.  Consequently, political awareness has led the youth to have political discussions and political participation in different forums. Thus, the rise of media as a robust political force indicates the bright future of democracy in the country. 

Like the media, another emerging force is the assertive judiciary that is contributing to the consolidation of democracy. To illustrate, it is seeking to operationalize democratic checks and balances, limit the excess of executive power and focus government attention on pressing issues, for example, the breakdown of law and order in Karachi, increasing corruption, and the cases of missing persons. Among many cases going on at present in the Supreme Court is an investigation of missing persons allegedly picked by the country’s security forces.  In this regard, many Chief Justices have considered missing persons, and a particular cell has been made to deal with the cases.  In this way, the judiciary tries to ensure that ill practices are subject to the law and that Pakistan’s democracy is anchored in the rule of law and does not degenerate into elected autocracy or kleptocracy.

In addition, the rise of a large, more assertive urban middle class also has an essential bearing on democratic consolidation.  It has unleashed new political dynamics as it wants a more prominent political voice, expressing itself first in the lawyers’ movement of 2007-08.  This saw months of street action by lawyers and members of civil society in support of judges ousted by President Pervaiz Musharaf and in defense of the rule of law. Two waves of protests led to the restoration of the Chief Justice and his colleagues. Although the campaign had a single-point agenda, it reflected broader liberal-democratic aspirations and was spearheaded by middle-class professionals, with politicians following, not leading. Thus, the urban middle class wanting to play a role in the country’s politics affords opportunities to align Pakistan’s governance with the forces of demographic change and the modernizing impulses of a social class whose universe is quite different from the stagnant, patrimonial world of traditional politics. 

Similarly, the well-informed civil society is another countervailing force, increasing the odds of democracy in the country. In this regard, unjust practices at national and international levels are now challenged more frequently and confidently. Examples abound of citizens taking their cases to the media, the media mounting pressure, and the judiciary taking action in a mutually reinforcing manner.  This is exemplified by the punishment of paramilitary personnel who recklessly shot a criminal suspect in Karachi, which followed an expose of the brutal shooting by a television channel.  This and other cases illustrate a new form of citizen-driven accountability.

So, to ensure the country’s democratic evolution, specific measures are suggested to avert the challenges to democracy. For example, the restructuring of political parties is of utmost significance. This institution needs to be strong by involving all members in decision-making. In addition, all the parties must carry out regular elections within their respective parties so new leaders can emerge. Local governments are the ideal nurturing grounds for political leadership as the people serving in the union councils are aware of the ground realities and needs of the people and, thus, are more deserving of coming up in the political hierarchy of their concerned political parties. This would ultimately lead to a strong leadership with a well-defined political ideology, leading the country on a democratic path.

Furthermore, there is a dire need for a cooperation-based system where all political stakeholders collaborate for the greater national good regardless of their diverse ideologies. This can be done by enacting a charter of democracy, as in the past, so that an environment of tolerance can prevail. This is necessary for the smooth functioning of the government as it would prevent the exploitative elements from taking advantage of the differences between the ruling elite and the opposition.

No less importantly, in the contemporary scenario, the most widely advocated solution to the challenges to democracy is the prompt conduct of free and fair elections. As a result of the ousting of the previous government, most citizens feel betrayed as they do not believe in the legitimacy of the current interim setup. Thus, fair general elections would lead to political stability, ultimately opening up the avenues for democratic stability of the country.  

In summary, democracy in Pakistan has specific challenges like weak political parties, bad governance, the gap between the masses and the government, and political instability. Still, the future of democracy in Pakistan is feasible due to the emergence of new acts changing the country’s political dynamics. For instance, the government is witnessing an interplay between a recently empowered judiciary, vigorous media, and citizen activism. These are excellent signs to argue that democracy has a future in Pakistan. Thus, to overcome the impediments of democracy, there is a need to restructure the political parties, hold free and fair elections, and improve governance.

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PTI-SIC vs ECP: The battle for reserved seats

At the heart of our democracy lies the basic tenet that the will of the people be reflected in the national and provincial assemblies. The composition of these assemblies relies in part on the quantum of reserved seats allotted to each party, which is currently being contested in the Supreme Court .

The question before us is thus: will the government and its allies be able to secure reserved seats in a manner disproportionate to their general seats? If that does happen, the ruling alliance will be handed the requisite numbers to amend the Constitution.

The preamble of the Constitution reads: “We, the people of Pakistan … do hereby, through our representatives in the National Assembly, adopt, enact and give to ourselves, this Constitution.” Unlike the 1962 one-man document, the 1973 Constitution was adopted by the people. If it is to be altered, the people have said it can only be done by a clear and overwhelming mandate: a two-thirds majority of both Houses.

In recent weeks, the incumbent government has indicated that it is considering various constitutional amendments. What is, therefore, at stake before the apex court is not just the matter of reserved seats, but the current dispensations’s ability to tinker with the Constitution.

The rationale for reserved seats is to give underrepresented groups such as women and religious minorities representation in the assemblies. The Constitution dictates that a political party should get reserved seats through a system of proportional representation based on the total number of general seats it was able to secure in the general elections. In principle, it would appear to be undemocratic for political parties to get reserved seats in excess of (or less than) their proportional strength of general seats. This is precisely the matter before the apex court.

But how did we get here?

ECP’s disastrous actions

Article 218 of the Constitution binds the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) to ensure elections are conducted honestly, justly, and fairly. But the electoral watchdog’s actions, over the past one year at least, have cast a shadow of doubt over its impartiality.

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Last year, when the apex court, led by former chief justice of Pakistan Umar Ata Bandial, ordered provincial polls in Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, every excuse under the sun was adopted to delay elections — lack of funds, security situation, simultaneous provincial and national elections. When the SC ordered elections anyway, the court was brazenly defied. As a result, two provinces were governed by caretaker governments for over a year — which was well over their mandate.

In the case of announcing the date for general elections, the ECP incorrectly claimed authority to announce it and refused to meet former president Dr Arif Alvi. This resulted in further unnecessary litigation, and ultimately, a court intervention was required to settle the election date.

In December 2023, the PTI filed a petition claiming its candidates were being “arrested, harassed and their nomination papers are being snatched from them which is a blatant abuse of a fair and free electoral process”. The top court ordered the ECP to resolve the grievances on an urgent basis and ensure the electoral process remained transparent.

However, weeks before the 2024 elections, the ECP deprived the PTI of its election symbol over failure to hold intra-party polls. The watchdog’s decision was upheld by the SC. Consequently, the ECP acted as if the PTI had ceased to exist as a political party.

The Constitution and law are clear: the loss of a symbol does not mean the dissolution of a political party. And yet, the ECP effectively proceeded on the basis that the PTI no longer existed as a political party.

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When the caretaker government suspended cellular services on Feb 8, ECP representatives vehemently defended the shutdown, instead of independently questioning the need for disrupting communications on the day of general elections.

The ECP’s conduct speaks for itself. In the suo moto case regarding the letter by the six Islamabad High Court judges, and the request for live streaming the NAB amendments case — voices from within the Supreme Court are now observing that courts cannot bury their heads in the sand and ignore substantive realities. Doing so risks undermining public confidence in the judicial system.

Bat symbol ruling

During the hearings in the reserved seats case, significant time was spent discussing the bat symbol judgment and its impact. The crux of this judgment was that the PTI failed to hold intra-party elections, rendering itself ineligible to obtain an election symbol.

The decision disenfranchised millions of ordinary voters — particularly in a nation where election symbols remain critical for identifying a political party. Effectively, intra-party elections were prioritised over general elections.

The most curious part of this judgment was that the ECP accepted that the PTI conducted intra-party elections. It found, however, that there were discrepancies in the way the internal polls were conducted but the very occurrence itself was not disputed.

The three-member bench led by CJP Qazi Faez Isa went even further than the ECP and found that the PTI had never conducted intra-party elections at all. In any case, the only express penalty for failing to hold intra-party elections is a fine, according to Section 208(5) of the Elections Act 2017 .

Regardless, the bat symbol judgment remains final and binding unless overturned in review.

The reserved seats matter is inextricably linked with the bat symbol judgment. It is the SC ruling that paved the way for the ECP to declare that PTI candidates were ineligible to contest the general elections as party candidates. It is this judgment that formed the foundation of the ECP’s decision to deny PTI candidates the right to contest as a member of their party and effectively required them to contest as independents.

PTI-backed independents contested the election with individual symbols — ranging from vegetables to kitchen and household items. To claim reserved seats, PTI-backed independents joined the Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC) — a registered political party with an electoral symbol.

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After accepting that PTI-backed independents could join the SIC, the election commission held that since the SIC did not contest elections, it was not entitled to reserved seats. Instead, these reserved seats were distributed among other political parties including the PML-N, PPP, and MQM.

The ECP’s denial of reserved seats to the SIC and grant of such reserved seats to other political parties was upheld by the Peshawar High Court (PHC). The appeal is now before the SC.

‘A series of errors’

As the controversy played out, various positions were taken during the litigation, and at the heart of them lies the interpretation of Article 51 of the Constitution.

The ECP claims reserved seats can only be allocated to a political party that has contested the elections. The PHC accepted this position and found that “reserved seats belong to a party which has contested the election”. Essentially, the reasoning is that since the SIC did not contest elections, it cannot claim reserved seats.

The next aspect of ECP’s position is that for entitlement to reserved seats, a political party must have secured a general seat — excluding independents that may join it. The PHC accepted this position and held, “any party, which does not have any general seat in the National Assembly; prior to being joined by independent candidates, cannot lay claim to a share in the reserved seats”.

The ECP asserts that since the SIC did not hold any general seats before the PTI-backed independents joined it, no reserved seats can be claimed.

On the distribution of such seats to other political parties, the court again accepted the electoral watchdog’s position and held that “it was never contemplated by the framers of the Constitution on account of the eventuality, as before us, any seat of the National Assembly or the Provincial Assemblies shall be vacant”.

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The ECP’s position is that while the SIC was not entitled to reserved seats, the same could not be left empty. Hence, they were distributed to other political parties.

On the interpretation of Article 51, as Justice Munib Akhtar observed during the hearings, there are two elements: positive and negative. The “positive” element commands that a political party must get reserved seats based on its proportional strength of general seats. The “negative” is that no political party can obtain reserved seats above its proportional strength of general seats.

The democratic foundation of this is that the distribution of reserved seats corresponds to the proportion of general seats secured by a political party. Nothing more, nothing less.

Those supporting the SIC’s claim refer to the proviso to Article 51(6) which expressly states that for purposes of calculating the quota of reserved seats, “the total number of general seats won by a political party shall include the independent returned candidate or candidates who may duly join such political party.” Per the proviso, independent candidates that join a political party are to be included to determine entitlement to reserved seats.

The reason Article 51 uses the phrase “political party” instead of “parliamentary party” is that at this stage, a parliamentary party has not come into existence. A parliamentary party can only come into existence at a future time, which is after members take oath in the assemblies. A political party that has not won a single general seat in the elections can evolve into a “parliamentary party” if winning independents subsequently join it.

Moreover, those leaning towards the SIC’s position cite that the Election Act 2017 does not expressly provide any penalty for non-submission of party lists for reserved seats. In its wisdom, the legislature has not included any penalty for delay in the submission of party lists. Delay in submission of party lists cannot be used as a ground to deny reserved seats.

In fact, Section 104(4) of the Election Act 2017 states, “where a party list for reserved seats is exhausted, a political party may submit a new name”. This reinforces that reserved seats are non-transferable. If a party’s list is exhausted, it is that very political party which is entitled to submit a new list. The relevant right or entitlement rests with the political party.

A final novel proposition that has been canvassed is that the SC should declare that the ECP wrongly required PTI candidates to contest as independents. PTI-backed independents (who have joined SIC) should be allowed to join a new party (i.e. the PTI), and reserved seats should be allocated to the PTI. After all, it is the PTI that effectively stands behind the SIC.

This course of action will necessitate a series of “undoings” by the apex court. The “series of errors” from Jan 13 onwards would have to be undone. Justice Akhtar observed during the hearing: whether reserved seats can be denied to those who have now taken “shelter” behind the SIC due to the cascading series of errors of law by the ECP.

This case is not about the strategy PTI should have adopted. This case is about the rights of political parties and ultimately about the rights of voters to ensure that the National Assembly reflects the will of the people as contemplated by the Constitution. There can be different views on what the PTI should have done strategically.

But can the electorate be punished by imposing on them an unrepresentative legislature as a consequence?

Article 17 of the Constitution

Article 17(2) of the Constitution states, “Every citizen, not being in the service of Pakistan, shall have the right to form or be a member of a political party, subject to any reasonable restrictions imposed by law …”

Courts have interpreted Article 17 in the widest possible manner — the right to form a political party includes the right to function as a political party.

In Benazir Bhutto vs. Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1988 SC 416), during the martial law regime of Gen Ziaul Haq, various amendments were made to the Political Parties Act 1962. Among other requirements, as per Section 3-B, political parties were required to register with the election commission. If registration requirements were not complied with, a political party would be ineligible to contest elections.

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In the case of Benazir Bhutto, a military dictator imposed arbitrary and strict restrictions on political parties to try and bring certain political parties down. But Benazir challenged these amendments.

Eventually, the SC declared Section 3-B void and held, “Article 17(2) of the Constitution not only guarantees the right to form or be a member of a political party but also to operate as a political party. Again, the forming of a political party necessarily implies the carrying on of all its activities as otherwise the formation itself would be of no consequence. In other words, the functioning is implicit in the formation of the party.”

It is the function and right of a political party to obtain its share of reserved seats and participate in elections.

It was democracy that led to the creation of Pakistan. The preamble of our Constitution recognises, “faithful to the declaration made by the Founder … that Pakistan would be a democratic state … dedicated to the preservation of democracy achieved by the unremitting struggle of the people against oppression and tyranny”.

At all times, the assemblies should manifest the people’s voice. How that “voice” is determined is set out in the Constitution. Reserved seats for women and minorities is a system of positive discrimination contemplated by the Constitution to ensure representation of these underrepresented groups. The intent appears to be to provide for such representation while maintaining the balance that has been determined by the electorate through the exercise of their right to vote.

Disturbing that balance would upset the election results through a subsequent exercise in which the electorate has no say.

In the fight for reserved seats, as the Supreme Court is weighing arguments presented by ECP and the ruling alliance on one side, and the SIC/PTI on the other side — constitutional interpretation, fundamental rights, and basic democratic principles are all at play.

The writer is a barrister. She tweets @RidaHosain

Saga of reserved seats

‘Independents’ be allowed to pick party afresh, SC judge Mansoor Ali Shah suggests

Experts debate ecp decision to divvy up reserved seats.

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Unconventional Sex Let Anglerfish Conquer the Deep Ocean

During a chaotic period some 50 million years ago, the strange deep-sea creatures left the ocean bottom and thrived by clamping onto their mates.

A female anglerfish, with a bioluminescent lure, in waters off Hawaii. Credit... Doug Perrine/Alamy

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By William J. Broad

• May 30, 2024

How did the ghoulish creatures known as anglerfish pull off the evolutionary feat that let them essentially take over the ocean’s sunless depths?

It took peculiar sex — extremely peculiar sex.

Scientists at Yale University have discovered that a burst of anglerfish diversification began some 50 million years ago as the ancestral line developed a bizarre strategy to ensure successful reproduction in the dark wilderness.

To mate, tiny males would clamp with sharp teeth onto the bellies of much larger females. Some males would let go after mating while others would permanently fuse into the females. The males that stayed attached became permanent organs for sperm production.

“We found that a cascade of traits, including those required for sexual parasitism, allowed anglerfishes to invade the deep sea,” Chase D. Brownstein , a graduate student in the ecology and evolutionary biology department at Yale who was the study’s lead author, said in a news release.

Today, there are more than 300 species of anglerfish, which makes them the most varied family of vertebrates in the ocean’s lightless zone. The region starts about 1,000 feet down — just beneath the photic zone, which gets enough sunlight to support photosynthesis and most of the sea’s plants — and descends for miles. The team’s study was published last week in the journal Current Biology.

Finding a mate in the deep sea can be extremely difficult because of the environment’s incomprehensibly vast size. By some estimates, the dark zone amounts to more than 97 percent of the planetary space inhabited by living things, mainly because the ocean plunges to a maximum depth of nearly seven miles. In contrast, land habitats make up less than 1 percent of the planet’s biosphere because the band of life is so narrow, making its volume quite small.

The anglerfish’s bizarre mating routine is seen as counteracting the otherwise slim chances of finding a mate in the world’s largest ecosystem. It is the only known vertebrate that employs sexual parasitism, and that gave it an evolutionary edge.

Over time, the male can physically fuse with the female, connecting to her skin and bloodstream. Eventually, he loses his eyes and all internal organs except for his testes. A female can carry several males on her body.

The Yale team documented how immune systems that attack foreign threats changed over time so the female hosts would not reject the parasitic males.

Anglerfish get their name from how females use rodlike appendages with glowing tips to lure prey into their needlelike teeth. They’re fish that fish . Their mouths are so large and their bodies so flexible that they can swallow prey up to twice their size.

The Yale team used fossils and genetic data from more than 100 living anglerfish species to determine that the burst of diversification came during a major global heat spike between 50 million and 35 million years ago. The world’s oceans were thrown into turmoil, and the bottom-walking ancestors of the anglerfish began to explore the wider oceanic world.

“It happened in the blink of an evolutionary eye about 50 million years ago,” Mr. Brownstein said in an interview. “It was like whales going back into the ocean. It was amazing.”

The team found that, simultaneously, the fish developed their unusual reproductive skills. It was unable to determine which came first — temporary or permanent attachment.

Some female anglerfish can grow quite large, reaching more than three feet in length, but most are smaller. The free-swimming males typically are a few inches long.

How do they find the females in the perpetual darkness of the deep sea?

Mr. Brownstein said the males have enlarged nasal organs that are thought to let them follow faint trails of female pheromones through the darkness in order to find their partner.

“You sniff out your mate, literally,” he said.

William J. Broad has reported on science at The Times since 1983. He is based in New York. More about William J. Broad

Explore the Animal Kingdom

A selection of quirky, intriguing and surprising discoveries about animal life..

How did the ghoulish creatures known as anglerfish pull off the evolutionary feat that let them essentially take over the ocean’s sunless depths? It took extremely peculiar sex .

The Lord Howe Island stick insect vanished from its home, but an effort at zoos in San Diego and Melbourne highlights the possibilities and challenges  of conserving invertebrate animals.

A genetic analysis of the German cockroach explained its rise in southern Asia millenniums ago, and how it eventually turned up in your kitchen .

Scientists say they have found an “alphabet” in the songs of sperm whales , raising the possibility that the animals are communicating in a complex language.

Indigenous rangers in Australia’s Western Desert got a rare close-up with the northern marsupial mole , which is tiny, light-colored and blind, and almost never comes to the surface.

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Our queerest century: Looking back, and forward, at the LGBTQ+ community’s contributions

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Good morning. It’s Thursday, June 6 . I am Defne Karabatur, a fellow at The Times. Here’s what you need to know to start your day.

• The last hundred years have been our queerest century yet, but there’s more work to do.
• Earth breaks heat and CO2 records once again .
• The best West Coast travel spots , according to readers.
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The queerest century ever

A Chicago postal worker named Henry Gerber founded the nation’s first known gay rights organization, Society for Human Rights , a hundred years ago.

Before it could celebrate its first anniversary, Gerber and his associates were arrested on trumped-up charges and subjected to expensive litigation. Gerber escaped a prison sentence but lost everything, including his post office job and life savings.

The backlash Gerber and the Society for Human Rights received echoes today through the ongoing efforts to ban queer books and drag performances and limit conversations surrounding LGBTQ+ issues in public schools .

But the seed they planted helped usher in what has become our country’s queerest century yet. Since 1924, LGBTQ+ people nationwide have carved out queer spaces and communities, contributing tremendously to arts, entertainment, film, law, democracy and more.

Their efforts have shifted American public opinion on LGBTQ+ issues dramatically.

In a 1985 poll conducted by The Times, 72% of American adults said sexual relations between same-sex adults are always or almost always wrong. That percentage dropped to 28% in a new poll conducted on behalf of The Times this year.

“Queer people should not just be accepted but celebrated,” my colleague Kevin Rector wrote in a Times project that explores the queer history of the last hundred years and the exceptional role LGBTQ+ people have played in helping American society progress.

Bobbi Campbell’s leadership in the fight against AIDS , Hollywood representation, Ernestine Eckstein and countless other queer people of color’s activism complete the picture of American history. Today’s queer youth , who cherish their identities unabashedly, represent a future that looks more queer than ever.

But public opinion toward transgender and nonbinary people hasn’t improved at the same rate — even in California , home to the largest queer population in the U.S.

The groundbreaking poll reveals how adults throughout the country feel about LGBTQ+ issues, especially those related to transgender and nonbinary people, today.

In the poll, 67% of respondents said they either somewhat or strongly approve of transgender and nonbinary people living as they wish. But that percentage rose to 80% when asked about gay and lesbian people.

The poll also found that Americans are more likely to support queer people if they know a queer person.

While 72% of respondents said they have had a gay or lesbian relative, friend or co-worker come out to them, far fewer — 27% — said the same about a transgender or nonbinary relative, friend or co-worker.

“Ignorance of LGBTQ+ people remains a major threat,” especially for queer youth, who “constantly hear negative things about being LGBTQ+ and have no access to the queer books” or familial support, Kevin wrote.

More than half of poll respondents said they favor laws to prevent transgender children younger than 18 from receiving gender-affirming care such as surgery or puberty blockers. And approximately 1 in 4 poll respondents said they would be very upset if their child was transgender or nonbinary.

The reality is, the next generation of LGBTQ+ leaders and thinkers “are no longer willing to segment themselves into socially acceptable pieces,” my colleague Jaclyn Cosgrove wrote . Instead, they’re going out and loving the world, the “queerest thing, proudest thing we can do.”

How have your LGBTQ+ friends, family, co-workers and heroes had a positive impact on your life? We want to hear from you. Fill out our survey to let us know.

• Poll: Americans approve of LGBTQ+ people living as they wish, but their support drops for trans people
• Poll : The U.S. has caught up to California on views of LGBTQ+ rights
• Essay: We must remember the heroes of the AIDS epidemic, not just the trauma
• Essay: ‘I don’t have to be caged for your happiness’: Why I find hope in today’s queer youth
• Our Queerest Century

Today’s top stories

Climate and environment

• Earth breaks heat and CO2 records once again: ‘Our planet is trying to tell us something.’
• Faster alerts for California megaquakes: Early-warning system gets major upgrade .
• How is climate change affecting heat waves in California and the West ?
• Extreme heat forecast for Western U.S. may kick off sweltering summer. Here’s the outlook .
• A woman in her 70s was stabbed to death in a South Pasadena home; no arrests have been made.
• Thieves are stealing L.A. County fire hydrants by the hundreds . Utility is now trying to outsmart them.
• Lego thefts across Southern California leave police trying to piece together clues.
• Why California lawmakers are giving up a bid to repeal a nearly 75-year-old anti-public housing measure.
• ‘Who’s going to live here?’ What happens when a warehouse project takes out your neighborhood .
• In Skid Row, a 19-story residential tower for homeless people will offer a gym, a cafe, and an art studio.

More big stories

• Stanford says it will suspend students after officer injured , ‘extensive damage’ done in protest occupation.
• An inmate hung a noose. Jailers were too busy watching ‘explicit video’ to intervene , inspectors say.
• Luxury grocer Erewhon announces its next SoCal store location .
• Positive test not needed for long COVID diagnosis , experts conclude.
• Six inmates and two jailers were hospitalized after ‘toxic substance’ exposure at women’s jail in Lynwood.
• After the trauma of sexual assault comes the healing of ‘Fire and Blue Sky’ at L.A. Opera .
• Ruff gig: L.A. mail carriers lead the nation in dog bites .
• L.A. County offers free beaches and museums for a day as part of reparations efforts.
• Tired and confused, first migrants reach California border after Biden’s asylum order.
• With deadline nearing, Newsom and lawmakers disagree over solutions to California budget crisis .
• The reason L.A. County delayed giving away 200 free food carts? Blame it on tacos.
• California ‘overdue’ for whooping cough outbreak as cases spike across U.S.

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Commentary and opinions

• Editorial: It’s a shame California voters won’t be able to dump this racist anti-housing policy in November.
• George Skelton: Trump’s pity party maligns America’s real darkest days .
• Jackie Calmes: Which is it? Biden the mastermind or Biden the bungler?
• Anita Chabria: Democrats don’t like the label ‘felon,’ unless it’s for Trump .

Today’s great reads

Who are America’s first drag laureates? Californians ready to fight the war on drag . It’s June and Pride Month is in full swing as LGBTQ+ communities around the world celebrate together as well as commemorate the Stonewall Uprising in New York City in 1969. Two prominent voices — the drag laureates of West Hollywood and San Francisco — are booked and busy. There are wigs to coif, dresses to steam and parties to attend.

Other great reads

• Jesus Trejo goes behind the laugh on new PBS series ‘Roots of Comedy.’
• That time Meryl Streep reached out and said she wanted to work with me .

How can we make this newsletter more useful? Send comments to [email protected] .

For your downtime

• 🏞️ The best West Coast travel spots , according to readers.
• 🎸 The Sotheby’s of classic rock is in Glendale: Inside rock history auction house Analogr.
• 🍽️ Legendary Clifton’s is reopening in a struggling downtown L.A. Its owner hopes crowds return.
• 🎥 In ‘Bad Boys: Ride or Die,’ the action party rolls on, vigorously and untroubled.
• 🧑‍🍳 Here’s a recipe for charred cabbage with hazelnuts & chile butter.
• ✏️ Get our free daily crossword puzzle, sudoku, word search and arcade games .

And finally ... from our archives

On June 6, 1998 , “Sex and the City” began airing on HBO, becoming one of the most popular and influential television series of the late 1990s and early 2000s.

One day before the series premiered, The Times’ Howard Rosenberg wrote about the show’s sophisticated approaches to sex .

Have a great day, from the Essential California team

Defne Karabatur, fellow Kevinisha Walker, multiplatform editor and Saturday reporter Christian Orozco, assistant editor Karim Doumar, head of newsletters

Check our top stories , topics and the latest articles on latimes.com .

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Defne Karabatur is the 2023-24 audience engagement fellow at the Los Angeles Times. She recently graduated from UC Berkeley, where she studied applied mathematics, English and political economy.

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