essay about pakistan problem

What is happening in Pakistan’s continuing crisis?

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May 20, 2022

Even by the standards of Pakistan’s perpetually unstable politics, the last ten weeks in the country have been exceptionally turbulent. Pakistan has a new government as of April 11 after Imran Khan was forced out via a vote of no confidence. The weeks leading up to the vote, from the filing of the motion on March 8 to the vote on April 10, were dramatic and full of intrigue. Now, the country is in economic and political crisis. Shahbaz Sharif’s new government has been in a state of decision paralysis and is struggling to find its footing, while the ousted prime minister is leading rallies across the country attacking the government’s legitimacy and calling for fresh elections. At the same time, Pakistan is also in the grip of an acute climate emergency. It’s not only political temperatures that are spiking: an unprecedented heat wave has enveloped Pakistan for weeks.

The fall of Khan’s government

Crucial to the current crisis is understanding how Khan’s government fell. While Khan was Pakistan’s first prime minister to be ousted via a  no-confidence vote, he joined each of his predecessors as prime minister in not lasting five years — the length of parliament’s electoral term — in office. Pakistan’s major opposition parties had been clamoring for Khan’s exit since he came into office — calling him “selected” by the military as opposed to “elected” — and had formed an alliance, the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM), in the fall of 2020 for that purpose. This spring, the opposition gained traction. On the surface, the opposition blamed governance and economic failures under Khan. But the underlying reason their maneuvers were successful was that Khan had lost the support of Pakistan’s military, which helped him rise to power.

Several factors were responsible for the fracture between Khan and the military, who previously had functioned on a much-touted “same page.” The biggest was an impasse over the transfer of the director general of the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) in October 2021. Khan refused to sign off on the director general’s transfer, already approved by the military, for weeks. The then-ISI chief was a Khan loyalist, and speculation was that Khan wanted him to be around for the next election (or perhaps even to appoint him the next army chief).

Once Khan lost the military’s support — though the military said it had become neutral — space was allowed to the opposition to make their moves. Two small parties allied with Khan in the ruling coalition switched to the opposition, enough to deprive him of his razor-thin majority in the National Assembly.

Khan hatched a conspiracy theory to blame for his government’s collapse — alleging , without evidence, U.S. “regime change” for following an “independent foreign policy,” and claiming “local abettors” were responsible — claims that Pakistan’s National Security Committee has rebuffed . But Khan and his allies have also alluded to the military being responsible for his exit — sometimes in veiled language and sometimes pointing fingers more directly at the “neutrals,” as they now refer to the military. In so doing, they are testing the limits of political confrontation with the military, receding only when it pushes back on their claims.

An intense polarization

Khan has used his ejection to galvanize his supporters. Day after day, in huge rallies across the country, he calls the new government an “imported government” and the new prime minister a “crime minister.” Khan has used his rallies and interviews to command media attention, and argues that his government’s fall returned to power the corrupt politicians that are responsible for Pakistan’s problems. His supporters, many of them middle class, young, and urban, and furious at what they see as Khan’s unceremonious, orchestrated ousting, repeat his words on social media. With this narrative of grievance, Khan aims to undermine the new government’s legitimacy; his party resigned from parliament and he is calling for fresh elections. He now plans to lead a “freedom march” to Islamabad, likely later this month , to further pressure the government for elections.

By contrast, supporters of the parties that constitute the government see Khan’s exit as having occurred democratically and see his politics as dangerous. Pakistan today has echoes of the post-January 6 moment in the United States, a polarization so deep that each faction sees no validity in the other’s arguments. Khan’s supporters in particular distrust anything the new government or the military says. In recent weeks, politicians from each side have also resorted to using religion to attack the other side, dangerous in a country where the weaponization of religion can spell a death sentence.

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The new government

The new government, led by the PML-N’s Shahbaz Sharif, faces formidable challenges — and not just from Khan. Shahbaz’s brother, three-time former prime minister Nawaz Sharif, who was deposed in 2017 on corruption charges and now lives in London, still exercises outsized control over the party, and indeed the government. Shahbaz, a three-time former chief minister of Pakistan’s largest province of Punjab, has throughout his political career played second fiddle to the more charismatic Nawaz. Last week, the prime minister and key members of his cabinet made a sudden trip to London to consult with Nawaz on the direction of the new government. While they were overseas, Pakistan’s economy continued its downward spiral. The rupee continued its precipitous slide relative to the dollar; the stock market also lost value.

The government faces a key decision on whether to continue costly, unsustainable fuel subsidies that Khan’s government installed, and that the International Monetary Fund wants removed as a precondition for renewing Pakistan’s loan program. Removing subsidies would certainly be unpopular, which worries a government with limited time in office before the next election. So far the government has stalled, announcing earlier this week, against its own finance minister’s advice, that it would maintain subsidies (for now).

Shahbaz’s overall hesitancy likely reflects deference to Nawaz and his team, who may have different views, and the fact that he commands an unwieldy coalition of rival parties, who will be competing against each other in the next election. But part of the indecision has to do with the fact that the main goal of the PDM was to oust Khan; they did not actually devise an alternate governance plan or economic strategy before coming into power. That lack of a plan is now showing in the face of Pakistan’s economic crisis.

The next election

A major question contributing to the political uncertainty in Pakistan is the timing of the next election, which must be held by the summer of 2023. Khan has made clear that he wants to ride his present momentum to immediate elections. In the days preceding his downfall, he aimed to deprive the then-opposition of a runway in government by extra-constitutionally dissolving parliament, a decision Pakistan’s Supreme Court (correctly) reversed. The new government, for its part, can use its time in power to turn things in its favor, including resolving outstanding corruption cases.

There is the question of whether Nawaz can or will return to Pakistan before the next election. If he does, that could boost the PML-N’s base, but if he does not face prosecution on his return, that will bolster Khan’s argument that the Sharifs have politically manipulated the corruption cases against them. The PML-N also faces considerable hurdles, including an economic crisis that is partially shaped by exogenous factors, a tussle over power in Punjab, and a president who belongs to and is loyal to Khan’s party. The coalition government this week has said it will not go to early elections; former president Asif Ali Zardari has insisted that elections not be held before parliament can undertake electoral reform.

Whenever the next election is held, it’s far from clear what the outcome will be. What matters in Pakistan’s parliamentary system is which party can get the most “electables” — powerful politicians in local constituencies — on their side. Large urban rallies may attest to Khan’s personal popularity, but will not necessarily define how his party does in parliamentary elections. The other factor, one that has historically determined which party electable politicians align themselves with, is where the powerful military’s support is leaning.

The bottom line

That brings us to the bottom line. The fundamentals of the system in Pakistan, beneath the intense ongoing political tug of war, remain the same. What matters for political success is whether you have the support of Pakistan’s military. Political parties now directly point to the military’s interference in politics, but only when they are in opposition; when they are in government and enjoy that support, they do little to challenge it. This was true of Khan’s party when it was in power, and it is true of Sharif’s government now.

In the end, what Pakistan’s soaring political tension amounts to is an opportunistic struggle for power. It has left the country a political tinderbox. And in all of it, little regard is displayed on either side for the ongoing suffering of ordinary Pakistanis, who continue to pay the price for the country’s long history of political instability.

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The Current Situation in Pakistan

A USIP Fact Sheet

Monday, January 23, 2023

Publication Type: Fact Sheet

Pakistan continues to face multiple sources of internal and external conflict. Extremism and intolerance of diversity and dissent have grown, fuelled by a narrow vision of Pakistan’s national identity, and are threatening the country’s prospects for social cohesion and stability.   

The inability of state institutions to reliably provide peaceful ways to resolve grievances has encouraged groups to seek violence as an alternative. The country saw peaceful political transitions after the 2013 and 2018 elections. However, as the country prepares for anticipated elections in 2023, it continues to face a fragile economy along with deepening domestic polarization. Meanwhile, devastating flooding across Pakistan in 2022 has caused billions in damage, strained the country’s agriculture and health sectors, and also laid bare Pakistan’s vulnerability to climate disasters and troubling weaknesses in governance and economic stability.

Regionally, Pakistan faces a resurgence of extremist groups along its border with Afghanistan, which has raised tensions with Taliban-led Afghanistan. Despite a declared ceasefire on the Line of Control in Kashmir in 2021, relations with India remain stagnant and vulnerable to crises that pose a threat to regional and international security. The presence and influence of China, as a great power and close ally of Pakistan, has both the potential to ameliorate and exacerbate various internal and external conflicts in the region.

USIP’S Work

The U.S. Institute of Peace has conducted research and analysis and promoted dialogue in Pakistan since the 1990s, with a presence in the country since 2013. The Institute works to help reverse Pakistan’s growing intolerance of diversity and to increase social cohesion. USIP supports local organizations that develop innovative ways to build peace and promote narratives of inclusion using media, arts, technology, dialogues and education.

USIP works with state institutions in their efforts to be more responsive to citizens’ needs, which can reduce the use of violence to resolve grievances. The Institute supports work to improve police-community relations, promote greater access to justice and strengthen inclusive democratic institutions and governance. USIP also conducts and supports research in Pakistan to better understand drivers of peace and conflict and informs international policies and programs that promote peace and tolerance within Pakistan, between Pakistan and its neighbors, and between Pakistan and the United States.

USIP’s Work in Pakistan Includes:

Improving police-community relations for effective law enforcement

The Pakistani police have struggled with a poor relationship with the public, characterized by mistrust and mistreatment, which has hindered effective policing. USIP has partnered with national and provincial police departments to aid in building police-community relationships and strengthening policing in Pakistan through training, capacity building and social media engagement.

Building sustainable mechanisms for dialogue, critical thinking and peace education.

Nearly two-thirds of Pakistan’s population is under the age of 30. Youth with access to higher education carry disproportionate influence in society. However, Pakistan’s siloed education system does not allow interactions across diverse groups or campuses, leading to intolerance, and in some cases, radicalization. To tackle growing intolerance of diversity on university campuses, USIP has partnered with civil society and state institutions to support programs that establish sustainable mechanisms for dialogue, critical thinking and peace education.

Helping Pakistanis rebuild traditions of tolerance to counter extremists’ demands for violence

USIP supports local cultural leaders, civil society organizations, artists and others in reviving local traditions and discourses that encourage acceptance of diversity, promote dialogue and address social change. USIP also supports media production — including theater, documentaries and collections of short stories — which offer counter narratives to extremism and religious fundamentalism.

Support for acceptance and inclusion of religious minorities

Relations between religious communities in Pakistan have deteriorated, with some instances of intercommunal violence or other forms of exclusion. USIP supports the efforts of local peacebuilders, including religious scholars and leaders, to promote interfaith harmony, peaceful coexistence and equitable inclusion of minorities (gender, ethnic and religious) in all spheres of public life.

Supporting inclusive and democratic institutions

To help democratic institutions be more responsive to citizens, USIP supports technical assistance to state institutions and efforts to empower local governments, along with helping relevant civil society actors advocate for greater inclusion of marginalized groups. Gender has been a major theme of this effort and across USIP’s programming in Pakistan. These programs empower women in peacebuilding and democratic processes through research, advocacy and capacity building.

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An Economic Crisis in Pakistan Again: What’s Different This Time?

Photo: AAMIR QURESHI/AFP/Getty Images

Critical Questions by Daniel F. Runde and Ambassador Richard Olson

Published October 31, 2018

Pakistan’s newly-elected government is already dealing with a balance of payments crisis, which has been a consistent theme for the nation’s newly elected officials. Pakistan’s structural problems are homegrown, but what is different this time around is an added component of Chinese debt. Pakistan is the largest Belt and Road (BRI) partner adding another creditor to its already complicated economic situation.

Pakistan’s system is ill-equipped to make changes which would avoid future excessive debt. A bailout from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is probably the safest bet for the country although it is unclear whether the United States will support the program. How Pakistan decides to handle its debt crisis could provide insight into how the U.S., IMF, and China will resolve development issues in the future. Beijing is a relatively new player in the development finance world so much is to be learned from how it deals with Pakistan and how it could possibly maneuver in other developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

Q1: What is Pakistan’s current financial and economic situation?

A1: Pakistan held its most recent elections in July 2018. The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party gained over 100 seats in the parliament, and its founder Imran Khan , a famous cricket team captain, was installed as prime minister. Prime Minister Khan has inherited a balance of payments crisis , the third one in the last 10 years. By the end of June 2018, Pakistan had a current account deficit of $18 billion , nearly a 45 percent increase from an account deficit of $12.4 billion in 2017. Exorbitant imports (including those related to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)) and less-than-projected inflows (export revenues and remittances) have led to a current account deficit widening, with foreign currency reserves levels covering less than two months of imports—pushing Pakistan towards a difficult economic situation .

Part of Pakistan’s financial crisis stems from the fact that 2018 was a poor year for emerging markets. Global monetary tightening, increased oil prices, and reduced investor confidence have negatively impacted the country’s already precarious economic situation. But the country’s deep structural problems and weak macroeconomic policies have further exposed the economy to an array of debt vulnerabilities.

Pakistan has had an overvalued exchange rate, low interest rates, and subdued inflation over the last few years. This loose monetary policy has led to high domestic demand, with two-thirds of Pakistan’s economic growth stemming from domestic consumption. An overvalued exchange rate has led to a very high level of imports and low level of exports. Pakistan’s high fiscal deficit was accelerated even further in 2017 and 2018 because elections have historically caused spending to rise (both of the most recent fiscal crises followed elections). Perhaps the greatest financial issues facing Pakistan are its pervasive tax evasion and chronically low level of domestic resource mobilization. Taxes in Pakistan comprise less than 10 percent of GDP , a far cry from the 35 percent of countries that are part of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Pakistan also suffers from impediments in the energy sector through frequent and widespread power outages that hurt its competitiveness.

In Western media, Chinese investment is often cited as the main driver of Pakistan’s debt crisis. This is somewhat true as China’s BRI makes Pakistan a key partner through the shared CPEC. The CPEC is a $60 billion program of infrastructure, energy and communication projects that aims to improve connectivity in the region. CPEC infrastructure costs have certainly placed a greater debt burden on Pakistan, but the current structural problems are homegrown; the root cause of the energy shortages is now less a matter of power generation, and more of fiscal mismanagement of the power sector .

Q2: What are Pakistan’s options?

A2: Pakistan appears to be in perpetual crisis-mode, and for too long the Pakistani government has been overly reliant on U.S. bilateral assistance. While it may not be the first choice of the Pakistani government, an IMF bailout is the most likely outcome of this financial crisis because it is probably the only path for Pakistan to regain its macroeconomic stability. Any “bailout” from a bilateral donor (meaning China or Pakistan’s Gulf State friends, including Saudi Arabia which has recently provided Pakistan $3 billion for a period of one year as balance-of-payment support) will not get at the root issues that Pakistan faces—its loose macroeconomic, fiscal, and monetary policies. Pakistan needs to get its house in order and remedy many of its domestic economic issues. 18 out of Pakistan’s 21 IMF programs over the last 60 years have not been completed despite obtaining over $30 billion in financial support across those programs. Just like today’s current financial crisis, Pakistan’s last two IMF packages (in 2008 and 2013) were also negotiated by incoming governments.

Q3: Would the U.S. support a new IMF Pakistan program?

A3: The current U.S. administration and Congress would not be supportive of additional bilateral funding to Pakistan—meaning money coming directly from the United States. Since 2001, Pakistan has been the beneficiary of the U.S. Coalition Support Fund (CSF), which reimburses allies for costs incurred by war on terrorism. The CSF is used to reimburse Pakistan for U.S. military use of its network infrastructure (e.g., ports, railways, roads, airspace) so that the United States can prosecute the war in neighboring Afghanistan, as well as certain Pakistani military counter-terrorism operations. The CSF for Pakistan has been as high as $1.2 billion per year, and, in recent years, $900 million per year. With nearly $1 billion in CSF distributed every year, along with $335 million in humanitarian assistance, it will be difficult to convince Congress to appropriate more funds for a Pakistan bailout yet. However, due to inaction on the part of Pakistan to expel or arrest Taliban insurgents operating from Pakistani territory, the United States has recently cut another $300 million from the CSF, bringing the total to $850 million in U.S. assistance withheld from Pakistan this year. In fact, all security assistance to Pakistan, whether it is international military education and training, foreign military financing, or the CSF, has been suspended for this year according to one State Department official.

An IMF program for Pakistan faces resistance from some members of Congress. A group of 16 senators has already signed a letter to President Trump that outlines their opposition to bailing out Pakistan because the IMF package would, in effect, be bailing out Chinese banks.

The Trump administration has also taken a hardline stance towards assisting Pakistan with its financial crisis. Secretary of State Pompeo stated this past July that he would not support an IMF bailout that went towards paying off Chinese loans. In September, Secretary Pompeo visited Pakistan, and there were indications that the United States would not block an IMF program. If an IMF program is enacted, there is no doubt that it would have stronger conditionality and a greater insistence on full transparency of Pakistan’s debt obligations.

Q4: Would an IMF package be a bailout of the Chinese?

A4: The terms of Pakistan’s loans with China are currently unclear and multiple news outlets have reported that Pakistan has refused to share CPEC information with the IMF. However, it is not unreasonable to presume that the terms in those contracts would be more demanding than terms typically asked by the IMF. Unless the terms between Pakistan and China and its state-owned enterprises (SOEs) are disclosed and made clear to the IMF, then it is unwise for the IMF to proceed with a bailout package.

The IMF’s focus is not in projecting power and influence; rather it seeks to help struggling nations get back on their feet. The same cannot be said for China. China appears to be most interested in spreading its influence and gaining valuable assets for its military and expanding economy, while at the same time exporting its surplus capacity for infrastructure building. In its annual report to Congress, the Department of Defense reiterated this concern, “countries participating in BRI [such as Pakistan] could develop economic dependence on Chinese capital, which China could leverage to achieve its interests.”

Of Pakistan’s nearly $30 billion trade deficit, 30 percent is directly attributable to China . If China were concerned about the economic crisis in Pakistan, it would make immediate concessions which Pakistan Finance Minister Asad Umar says China is working on . To help with the crisis, China could readjust its trade surplus with Pakistan in different ways. For example, China could buy Pakistani cement and other purchases in the short term to illustrate that they are aware of and swiftly responding to the economic turmoil in Pakistan. Other nations have struggled with debt obligations to China. For instance, in July 2017, Sri Lanka signed over a 99-year lease for Hambantota Port to a Chinese SOE because of Sri Lanka’s inability to pay for BRI costs. Malaysia took a different path and decided to cancel major infrastructure projects with China in August 2018 due to worries that they would increase its debt burden .

Q5: What are the consequences if there is no IMF package?

A5: It is likely that China will provide even more assistance to broaden Pakistan’s dependency. Chinese banks and SOEs have already invested heavily into Pakistan, so much so that state bank loans have not been fully disclosed to the global community. In fact, Pakistan’s Status Report for July 2017 through June 2018 shows that Chinese commercial banks hold 53 percent of Pakistan’s outstanding commercial debt. However, that percentage may be even higher than the report depicts. While China and Pakistan have agreed to make all CPEC projects readily available to the public, the information is scattered and often left blank on essential financial reports (see July-June 2017 document ), and so it is difficult to obtain a full sense of the degree of Pakistan’s indebtedness to China. Again, much of the loan information provided by the Pakistani government, especially concerning China, is not entirely transparent.

If China chooses to follow through and become the “point person” for an assistance package, the pressure will be taken off the IMF. But, if the United States does not support an IMF package, it will forego major geopolitical potential in the region to its main competitor, China.

Pakistan represents a litmus test of all future cases in which the IMF, United States, China, and any emerging market country are all involved. Depending on how Beijing chooses to navigate Pakistan’s financial crisis, China may soon find itself responsible for rectifying the debt burdens of Zambia and many other BRI countries.

Q6: What are U.S. geopolitical “equities” in Pakistan?

A6:  The United States is invested in Pakistan because of its significant geopolitical importance.

• Pakistan is an important component of the balance of power in South Asia. Both India and Pakistan have nuclear weapons capabilities. Moreover, China, India, and Pakistan have been in dispute over the Kashmir region since 1947. Regional stability is in the interest of the United States.
• Despite its ambiguous stance on militant groups, Pakistan is ostensibly an ally of the United States because of its proximity to Afghanistan. Since the War on Terror began in 2001, Pakistan has been an active partner in the elimination of core al Qaeda within Pakistan and has facilitated aspects of the U.S. military campaign in Afghanistan.
• The United States now seeks a negotiated settlement to the conflict in Afghanistan. To accomplish this, perhaps the United States will come to Pakistan with a simple offer: “deliver the Taliban, and we will give you the IMF.”
• Whereas previous administrations may have tried to “play nice” with Pakistan, under the Trump administration, there is a chance that the U.S. government will push the IMF to adopt stricter terms for a Pakistan bailout, citing the Pakistani government’s failures of the last two programs.
• Other than strategic military importance, one of the most important national security challenges to the United States is Pakistan’s demographic trends. Currently, over 64 percent of Pakistanis are under the age of 30—the largest percentage of youth in the country’s history. Over the next 30 years, Pakistan’s population will increase by over 100 million, jumping from 190 million to 300 million by 2050 . The spike in youth population presents an opportunity for the U.S. government and private sector to increase investment in Pakistan. Pakistan’s economy must generate 1 million jobs annually for the next three decades and GDP growth rates must equal 7 percent or more per year to keep up with the population boom. Were Pakistan’s economy to collapse, the world would see the first instance of a failed state with a substantial arsenal of nuclear weapons.
• An economically healthy Pakistan could be a large market for U.S. goods and services. If the U.S.-Pakistan relationship is strained as a result of this financial crisis, it will not only harm the United States militarily but will also harm U.S. businesses and Pakistani consumers.

Q7: Should the U.S. support an IMF package to Pakistan?

A7: Given the geostrategic importance of Pakistan for the United States, we should support a package but with stronger conditionality than in 2013 along with full transparency and disclosure of its debt obligations.

Daniel F. Runde is senior vice president, director of the Project on Prosperity and Development, and holds the William A. Schreyer Chair in Global Analysis at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, D.C. Richard Olson is a non-resident senior associate at CSIS. He is the former U.S. ambassador to the United Arab Emirates and Pakistan; most recently he served as the U.S. special representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan during the Obama administration. Special thanks to CSIS Project on Prosperity and Development program coordinator Owen Murphy and intern Austin Lucas for their contributions to this analysis.

Critical Questions   is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s).

© 2018 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved.

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Pakistan’s political crisis, briefly explained

An end to Pakistan’s constitutional crisis. But a political crisis endures.

by Jonathan Guyer

Editor’s note, April 10: Sunday, Imran Khan received a vote of no confidence from the Pakistani parliament, losing his position as prime minister. A vote on a new prime minister is expected as soon as Monday.

One of Pakistan’s twin crises was resolved this week. The other one, not so much.

On Thursday, the country’s supreme court delivered a historic ruling that resolved a constitutional crisis that took shape last week. The court rebuked Prime Minister Imran Khan, a self-fashioned populist leader and former cricket star who is more celebrity than statesman. Khan, the court ruled, had acted unconstitutionally when he dissolved Pakistan’s Parliament last week in order to avoid losing power through a no-confidence vote.

It was a surprising and reassuring decision, experts in the country’s politics said, given the supreme court’s checkered record as a sometime political ally of Khan. On Thursday, the court sided with the rule of law.

But the underlying political crisis that led to the court’s landmark order endures.

Khan outlandishly blamed the opposition parties’ efforts to oust him on a US-driven foreign conspiracy. Now, the Parliament has been restored and will continue with its no-confidence vote against Khan’s premiership Saturday, likely leading to his ouster and extraordinary elections later this year. Khan, for his part, said that he would “ fight ” back.

The broader political crisis, however, can be traced to the 2018 election that brought Khan to power. Traditionally, the military is the most significant institution in Pakistan, and it has often intervened to overthrow elected leaders that got in its way. Khan’s rise is inextricable from military influence over politics , and the incumbent prime minister accused the military of a soft coup for manipulating the election in Khan’s favor.

It was a “very controversial election,” says Asfandyar Mir, a researcher at the United States Institute of Peace. “There was a major question over the legitimacy of that electoral exercise and the government that Khan formed could just never escape the shadow of the controversy surrounding that election,” Mir explained.

More recently, the relationship between the military and Khan has worsened, and that gave the political opposition an opening to act against him. Though it’s not known what role the military played in the supreme court’s ruling, experts note that the harshness of the court’s order suggests the military’s buy-in. “This is part of a larger history of instability in Pakistan in which prime ministers are ousted from power, because they lose the support of Pakistan’s military,” Madiha Afzal, foreign policy fellow at the Brookings Institution, told Vox.

But “even if the court was influenced by the military, it took the right decision,” she says.

Khan’s position weakened domestically

The political and economic situation set the stage for a challenge to Khan.

After running on a campaign that promised less corruption and more economic opportunity for the poor, Khan has failed to deliver. Inflation is climbing , unemployment is soaring , and a billion-dollar program from the International Monetary Fund has not helped stabilize matters. An international investigation into offshore money from last year, known as the Pandora Papers , showed that Khan’s inner circle had moved money abroad to avoid taxes, in contradiction with Khan’s populist rhetoric. 

Khan presided over an anti-corruption witch hunt targeting opposition parties. Indeed, the opposition parties, many of them composed of dynastic leadership and families with old money, are corrupt , and their attempt to oust Khan can be seen as a move to evade further scrutiny, Mir said.

Still, that anti-corruption effort brought the government bureaucracy to a halt. And it’s part of Khan’s broader strongman-style approach to governing that has been ineffective .

Since his start in politics, Khan has depended on the courts. Yasser Kureshi, a researcher in constitutional law at the University of Oxford, says Khan has built his political standing on backing the judiciary. “Imran Khan’s political platform has been built around an anti-corruption populism, where he charges the political class for being corrupt, and in the last 15 years the supreme court has been on a spree of jurisprudence targeting the political corruption of Pakistan's traditional parties,” he explains. “Khan has been the biggest supporter of this jurisprudence as it has validated and legitimized his politics.”

Now, the court appears to have turned against him at a time when the military has also lost faith in Khan. “With Imran Khan, I think that the problem for him is that right now, he has no institutional solutions that he can really turn to,” says Kureshi.

Khan’s relationship with the US has also cooled

Pakistan is a nuclear-armed country with a population of 220 million; it has built the sixth-largest military in the world, and has clout as a leader in the Islamic world. A longtime participant in the US war on terrorism, Pakistan has also been a conflicted partner, criticized for at times abetting the Taliban .

Khan was elected in 2018, and Mir says that, two years in, the military’s relationship to him began to cool. Khan feuded with the army chief over foreign policy issues, and the military saw Khan’s poor governance as a liability. Last year, Khan’s delays in signing off on a new intelligence chief prompted speculation of more divides between the two.

President Joe Biden did not phone Khan in his initial days in office, though he did call the leader of India , Pakistan’s chief rival. “The Biden administration’s cold shoulder to Imran Khan rubbed him the wrong way,” said Afzal. “Pakistan has just fallen off a little bit of the radar in terms of high-level engagement.”

Khan’s public messaging as a strongman has partially been responsible for agitating the relationship with the US — and by extension, his relationship with the Pakistani military, which wants to be closer to the US.

Most recently, that chill was expressed by Khan’s decision to stay neutral in Russia’s war on Ukraine; Khan visited Moscow just in advance of Russia’s invasion.

And, now, he’s turned to accusations of conspiracy: that the opposition’s stand against him is manufactured by the US. The origins of Khan’s incendiary claims appear to be a diplomatic cable that Pakistan’s ambassador to Washington sent home last month after a meeting with senior State Department official Donald Lu. Whatever criticisms Lu may have conveyed about Pakistan’s foreign policy, Khan’s interpretation of the memo has clearly been blown out of proportion. “When it comes to those allegations, there is no truth to them,” State Department spokesperson Ned Price said last week. 

It’s an open question whether his argument will resonate among a Pakistani populace who is suspicious of the United States. One group it’s likely not resonating with: Pakistan’s powerful military.

Khan is “critical of the United States to a point that makes the military uncomfortable,” said Shamila Chaudhary, an expert at the New America think tank. “The way he’s talking about the United States is preventing the US relationship with Pakistan from being repaired, and it needs to be repaired.”

Meanwhile, the Biden administration’s focus in Asia has been on great-power competition with China and two national security crises (the Afghanistan withdrawal and Russia’s Ukraine invasion). The sloppy withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan furthered the disconnect between Washington and Islamabad, according to Chaudhary, and further upset Pakistan’s government.

Robin Raphel, a former ambassador who served as a senior South Asia official in the State Department from 1993 to 1997, described Biden’s outlook to Pakistan as a “non-approach approach.”

“I’m a diplomat, and, I believe you get more with honey than vinegar,” she said. “It would have been more than worth it for the president to take five minutes to call Imran Khan.”

The US did send its top State Department official for human rights, Uzra Zeya, to the Organization of Islamic Countries summit in Pakistan last month. Zeya also met with the country’s foreign minister and senior officials, as the two countries celebrated the 75th anniversary of diplomatic relations.

But there hasn’t been more than that in terms of a positive message for the US-Pakistan relationship in light of the recent political and constitutional crises in the country. Price’s recent comments on the situation were brief: “We support Pakistan’s constitutional process and the rule of law.”

What happens next

Once the Parliament completes its no-confidence vote, which may happen as soon as today, it will dissolve the government. The country’s electoral commission will then oversee a caretaker government that will likely be headed by the leader of the opposition, Shehbaz Sharif . (Sharif is the brother of Nawaz Sharif , a former prime minister himself, who is currently living in exile in the UK as he faces accusations of corruption.) And, in that forthcoming vote, Khan will most probably lose .

But even the specifics of those elections are contentious. Khan had asked the electoral commission to set a date within the next 90 days; opposition politicians told NPR that reforms are needed before the next vote, otherwise they say the military will “rig” the next elections.

Long-term, things are even less clear. Among civil society leaders in Pakistan, there is agreement that the supreme court’s ruling is good for constitutionalism. But it may also be a vehicle for further expansion of the judiciary’s ability to intervene in politics.

Kureshi, an expert on the courts of Pakistan and how they have increasingly become the arbiter of politics in the country, says the bigger takeaways won’t be fully understood until the court releases the full text of its ruling in the next month or so. That detailed order may set other legal precedents and even cast the opposition in a bad light.

After the immediate euphoria of keeping Khan’s audacious unconstitutional maneuver in check, that judgment may say a lot about how the court sees itself, especially its supervisory role over the parliament and prime minister.

“The elected institutions are deeply constrained by the tutelage of overly empowered unelected institutions, whether it is the military, historically, or the judiciary more recently,” said Kureshi. “Judgments like this give them an opportunity to further affirm and expand that role.”

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Challenges Facing Pakistan in 2023

• February 3, 2023 |

Mary Hunter ,

• Image Credit: Unsplash

A challenging year lies ahead for Pakistan as it negotiates the aftermath of the unprecedented floods, economic turmoil, the desire among the youth to leave and the ongoing struggle against terrorism. The reader should not conclude that because this article only tackles challenges, the author has not noted recent positives and opportunities for Pakistan. To the contrary, 2022 saw Pakistan lead the international community in matters of climate justice, helping to secure the historic loss and damage deal. Depending on how much progress is made by COP28 this year, this could mark a fundamental shift in climate negotiations that works to support further countries vulnerable to climate change, like Pakistan itself.

Pakistan is also stepping out of a global year for popular culture and the arts, which will motivate the creation of further artistic outlets and help to bridge Pakistans film and music industries with others around the world. Academic events like ThinkFest held in Lahore and the Pakistan Conference hosted by Harvard University last year, marking 75 years of independence, testified to a burgeoning intellectual culture, an interest among the youth in tackling contemporary challenges and a strong international interest in Pakistan Studies. Pakistan will have to balance these positives and opportunities with very challenging circumstances, not all of the origins of which were avoidable.

Pakistan will have to balance these positives and opportunities with very challenging circumstances, not all of the origins of which were avoidable.

The Aftermath of the Floods

It has been well-documented that the floods in Pakistan last year, caused by increased monsoon rainfall, have affected over 33 million people. The ongoing consequences of much of Pakistan going underwater have made dire conditions a daily reality for many, especially children. UNICEF, whose health interventions have reached nearly 1.5 million people to date, has warned that up to 4 million children are still living near contaminated and stagnant flood waters: Frail and hungry children are fighting a losing battle against severe acute malnutrition, diarrhoea, malaria, dengue fever, typhoid, acute respiratory infections, and painful skin conditions. (sic)

Besides health concerns, UNICEF has found that 2 million additional children have been locked out of learning, on top of the estimated 22.8 million children aged 5-16 not in school after the destruction of nearly 27,000 schools. Thus, the floods have exacerbated poor health and educational outcomes for the next generation of Pakistanis, who will also have to contend with more serious and frequent extreme weather events unless the world gets serious about reducing global temperatures. Given Pakistans acute vulnerability to climate change, it will have to increasingly treat the phenomenon as a non-traditional threat and prepare accordingly in its national security estimations.

Economic Turmoil

While the human impact of floods must be the most central concern for Pakistan and the international community, the economic impact is unprecedented. The World Bank has estimated that total damages exceed 14.9 billion USD and total economic losses amount to around 15.2 billion USD, while rehabilitation and reconstruction will cost close to 16.3 billion USD. The organisation also projected that Pakistan lost around 2.2 per cent of Fiscal Year 2022 GDP as a direct result of the floods.

To make matters worse, there are concerns that Pakistan may default on its loans to the IMF. Miftah Ismail, the former finance minister, has warned that Pakistans expenses are much higher than its income and that the country could default if it fails to approach the IMF. The IMF defines defaulting in simple terms as a broken promise, or a breach of contract, such as through missed payments or data misreporting. The consequences of Pakistan defaulting on its loans include an inability to import fuels to generate electricity, resulting in blackouts, as well as increased unemployment. Pakistanis already have to cope with inflated food prices and competition for subsidised products.

The Desire Among the Youth to Leave

Pakistanis rightly emphasise how the countrys youthful population is a great source of potential, but the young are among the most likely to express a desire to leave Pakistan. This desire, as reflected in a survey published in November 2022 by the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, has translated into reality for a considerable number. Official documens allegedly show that 765,000 people left Pakistan in 2022, nearly triple the number in 2021. Given that 92,000 of these people were classed as highly educated, this flurry of departures has been presented as a continuation of the countrys brain drain. The government of Pakistan thus faces the challenge of incentivising its talented youth to remain in Pakistan and encourage those who have left to return. Based on anecdotal evidence, some Pakistanis who have left the country for higher education feel that there are not the same opportunities at home, leaving their only options to be jobs for which they are overqualified.

Ongoing Struggle Against Terrorism

Three police officers sadly lost their lives in the first terror attack in Pakistan of 2023, when heavily armed terrorists attacked a police station in Peshawar on the 14 January. This comes after the conclusion of an indefinite ceasefire between the government of Pakistan and the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) on the 23 rd of November, that was agreed upon in June. Following an absence of attacks in the capital of Islamabad for eight years, the first suicide bombing occurred at the end of December inside a taxi, leaving the driver, bomber and a police officer dead.

Outside of the capital, the inhabitants of Swat demonstrated in October against increased killings in one of the largest protests the valley has seen to voice not only the rejection of political violence but also to demand protection as a constitutional right. While the progress and sacrifices made by the Pakistani military and police forces in addressing terrorism should be noted, attacks will continue until more successful peace talks are held with the TTP. This is by no means a simple task, given the mutually opposing demands of the TTP and the government of Pakistan, especially in terms of the TTPs rejection of the constitution of Pakistan as un-Islamic.

Dealing with any of these challenges in isolation would be difficult, but their simultaneous existence will require the government of Pakistan to rehabilitate and reconstruct those communities devastated by the floods while also seeking long-term security, economic, and educational solutions that also give hope and opportunities to the youth of Pakistan. The more the youth become central to policy-making, both as stakeholders and as visionaries, the more sustainable and forward-looking Pakistan will become.

Mary Hunter

Mary Hunter is a PhD candidate at the University of St Andrews, researching the Islamisation of Pakistan. She is also a freelance writer on issues relating to Islamophobia, Pakistan and its diaspora in the UK.

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Pakistan’s political crisis: Implications and scenarios

• Thu, April 7, 2022 • 10:30 am ET

The South Asia Center’s Pakistan Initiative hosts a discussion on the dismissal of the vote of no-confidence against Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan and what it means for the future of Pakistan.

Over the past few weeks, Pakistan has experienced increasing political and economic uncertainty, including a populist cut in petroleum prices, rising tempo in terror attacks, and the planned ouster of Prime Minister Imran Khan in a parliamentary vote of no-confidence. The motion for the vote was moved in parliament about one month ago, with opposing parties assembled under the Pakistan Democratic Movement arguing that Khan had lost his parliamentary majority. This was followed by a swift response by the prime minister in amplifying populist rhetoric, with aim of maintaining eligibility as a leader for the people and pointing to opposition and western powers as orchestrating his downfall.

Between alliances breaking and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) dissidents withdrawing support for Prime Minister Khan and his party, the chances of him remaining prime minister until recently appeared slim, and many thought that the PTI would fall short of the 172 votes required to stay in power. 

On April 3, 2022, parliament convened to vote, but Khan miraculously survived after the deputy speaker of parliament dismissed the vote of no-confidence, using Khan’s claims of a foreign plot as his rationale. Khan quickly moved to dissolve parliament and called for fresh elections. Meanwhile, opposition parties have approached the Supreme Court, claiming that the deputy speaker’s decision was unconstitutional.

In light of these events, the Atlantic Council’s Pakistan Initiative (as part of the South Asia Center) holds a discussion on Thursday, April 7 at 10:30AM US ET / 7:30PM PKT about the implications of these developments and what they means for the future of Pakistan.

Shuja Nawaz Distinguished Fellow South Asia Center, Atlantic Council

Safiya Ghori-Ahmad Non-Resident Senior Fellow South Asia Center, Atlantic Council

Ammar Khan Non-Resident Senior Fellow South Asia Center, Atlantic Council

Moderated by

Uzair Younus Director, Pakistan Initiative South Asia Center, Atlantic Council

Follow the conversation on Twitter with @AtlanticCouncil and @ACSouthAsia using #PakistaniPolitics

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The South Asia Center is the hub for the Atlantic Council’s analysis of the political, social, geographical, and cultural diversity of the region. ​At the intersection of South Asia and its geopolitics, SAC cultivates dialogue to shape policy and forge ties between the region and the global community.

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Essay: Pakistan is not a failed state, but a state of failing governance

2023, Pakistan is not a failed state, but a state of failing governance

This abstract provides a comprehensive overview of the intricate relationship between governance and the pursuit of a thriving state in Pakistan. It unveils the insensitivity of Pakistan's governance to effective principles, hindering its path to success. Through a detailed exploration of governance failures – from the lack of citizen protection to economic downturns and widespread corruption – the narrative emphasizes the nation's enduring resilience. Rooted in traditions, entrepreneurial spirit, and democratic yearning, this resilience defies governance hurdles. The essay concludes by advocating for holistic governance reform, sustainable economic strategies, resource allocation for education and welfare, inclusive politics, and global engagement as transformative solutions for Pakistan to overcome challenges and emerge as a thriving state.

Related Papers

Routledge (London & New York)

Dr Ejaz Hussain, MA (Lund), PhD (Heidelberg), Postdoc (Berkeley)

This book analyses problems of governance, development and environment affecting contemporary Pakistan, issues that lie at the centre of federal and provincial policy deliberations, formulation and implementation. Perspectives on Contemporary Pakistan offers a comprehensive assessment of these policies, or their lack thereof. Authors from a variety of disciplines empirically and conceptually evaluate the latest developments, events and data regarding law and order, economic under-performance, social intolerance and climate crisis. The book offers varied perspectives on state sovereignty, civil-military relations, spousal violence, rural development, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, nuclear governance and transboundary climate risk.

Azhar Aslam

Pakistan has been in crises since its birth. Therefore, everyone knows the disparities Pakistan has in its socio-political and economic domains. In this paper, an alternate structure of governance is given for the resolution of all horizontal and vertical cleavages existing in the country for last sixty-seven years. Therefore, it is call of the day that we must contemplate for an alternate structure of governance. In this paper we are devising a strategy that may sustain our identity that is in question in the contemporary world. This paper is based on empirical analysis.

adnan sultan

Pakistan has been concerned for the improvement of its institutional and human capacity to improve the livelihoods of its citizens since its inception. This surge for improvement in the lifestyle of its citizens is assessed by the level of good governance in the country. Pakistan lags far behind in the field of governance, as the same is evident from the world reports on governance. Pakistan needs to review and revise its policies to earn effective and efficient governance practices. Law and order, energy, economy, political stability and national harmony are the key governance issues in Pakistan, which need comprehensive policy response. Pakistan has to overcome its shortcomings in the corruption control, accountability and mal-administration through legal frameworks in support, to ensure the good governance. Pakistan can achieve the good governance by introducing integrity, coordination, cooperation among individuals as well as institutions, besides the economic sustainability and proper policy process implementation.

The Pakistan Development Review

Hyder Yusafzai

Tasneem Ahmad Siddiqui is a former civil servant who has written a book that is in tune with the governance issues being faced by Pakistan on a variety of fronts. The author has had much experience of the grassroots level and provides the reader a view of the changes at that level for a dynamic societal change. There is clear evidence of the faith that he seems to have in the resourcefulness of the people of Pakistan. The hallmark of the book is its concise and easy reading with not just criticisms but workable solutions that are offered by the author. At the outset, the crisis being faced by Pakistan is highlighted. The author delves into the historical antecedents of this crisis, apportioning blame to the Harvard Advisory Group, as it was their flawed development strategy with a pro-industry bias that ignored agriculture. They believed in jump-start modernisation without giving serious consideration to the fact that Pakistan has a strong agricultural base. The stated wisdom of suc...

Aquarius Ruler

The purpose of this research report is to demonstrate and illustrate the good governance scenario in Pakistan also highlight the current problems and their proposed solution. This idea of governance is not developed from outside human’s experience throughout the ages. This is primarily laid on the lessons from historical backgrounds which recorded both the collapse of different nations that was resulted from the bad governance and also lessons on how distinct nations raised to greater heights as a result of good governance. The government of the state requires to make sure the provision of fundamental social services involving infrastructure poverty reduction programmes, provision of fundamental education to its masses, easy access to health care, protection of environment from pollution and dangerous chemicals as well as security of its public masses. The government is not supposed to ensure the provision of all these services by itself.

Vivekananda Nemana

Pakistan, a nation of 185.5 million people and a neighbor to Afghanistan, India and China -- in other words, a country of paramount strategic importance -- is in danger. Unlike other failed states, both a democratic government and a semblance of civilian infrastructure remain intact, and yet the nation is ranked #10 on the 2010 Foreign Policy and Fund for Peace's Failed States Index. Out of the 12 axioms that govern the index, Pakistan scores especially poorly on 'Security Apparatus,' 'Factionalized Elites,' 'Group Grievances,' and 'External Intervention.' A truly failed Pakistani state has grave implications for the international community. In addition to posing terrible physical, economic and humane costs to Pakistani society and citizenry, which constitutes the sixth-most populous nation in the world, a full-blown failure will surely lead to an explosion in militancy that places destabilizing pressures on sensitive neighboring countries. In this paper, I present a reform strategy to overhaul the country's political and economic stability and ensure security, while building on the country's robust elements. Some priorities of this approach are: i) the immediate provision of necessary services and security to disenfranchised groups such as women, minorities and rural peoples, ii) better enforcement of property rights to promote economic development, iii) increased transparency and accountability while reducing bureaucracy, iv) reformation of rules currently governing the security arms of government, v) improving communication between various branches of the state and iv) expanding access low-cost technological developments such as mobile phones in ways that can both empower the Pakistani people and reinforce the pursuit of institutional reform. The rules of the state must change to better reflect the nature of Pakistani society. I first express the policy goals of this strategy and briefly explain the ideology behind the strategy. I then provide a brief history of the nation, survey relevant statistics and identify key players. I will elaborate in detail the challenges facing Pakistan, and the questions we must consider when dealing with these challenges. I finally deliver my proposals to achieve each one of these policy goals, as well as my plans for their funding and implementation. I conclude with an overview of the anticipated effects of a fully-implemented strategy, and some finishing thoughts.

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/237557751

Adlakhan Ahmad

In this paper, governance is defined as the manner in which power is exercised in the management of a country’s economic and social resources for development. “Good Governance” is then synonymous with sound development practices. Vital reforms for public expenditure may flounder if accounting systems are so weak that budgetary policies cannot be implemented or even monitored; if poor procurement systems encourage corruption and distort public investment priorities. This only illustrates a broader point; good governance is central to creating and sustaining an environment which fosters strong and equitable development. Governments play a key role in the provision of public goods. They establish the rules that make markets work efficiently, and they correct for market failure. In order to play this role, they need revenues, and ‘agents’ to collect these revenues. This in turn requires systems of accountability, adequate and reliable information, and further, efficiency in resource management and delivery of public services.

Akmal Hussain

parvez hasan

Pakistan has been facing a deep-seated economic and financial crisis and seemingly intractable governance issues for the last few years. Factors such as international sanctions and global economic slowdown, which have worsened Pakistan’s economic difficulties, were beyond Pakistan’s control. But by and large, the country’s economic and financial difficulties are the result of economic mismanagement in key areas over long periods. Bad governance, as reflected in widespread corruption and poor delivery of public services, and especially poor law and order have given birth to a crisis of confidence in the state. It is argued here that despite this scenario, a long and arduous process of building institutions, setting the policies right, and enforcing a rule-based governance stressing both merit and accountability can put Pakistan back on the road to shared prosperity. Resolving financial problems, accelerating demographic transition, exploiting tremendous agricultural potential, improv...

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• PMC10548490

Pakistan’s Healthcare System: A Review of Major Challenges and the First Comprehensive Universal Health Coverage Initiative

Salman j khan.

1 Hematology and Oncology, Mayo Clinic, Jacksonville, USA

2 Public Health, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, USA

Muhammad Asif

3 Internal Medicine, Avera McKennan Hospital and University Health Center, Sioux Falls, USA

Sadia Aslam

Wahab j khan.

4 Internal Medicine, University of South Dakota Sanford School of Medicine, Sioux Falls, USA

Syed A Hamza

5 Cardiology, Punjab Institute of Cardiology, Lahore, PAK

Each country's healthcare system has a different structure and functioning designed to meet the needs of its people utilizing the available resources. Due to ever-growing population needs and constantly emerging public health problems, it is vital for any healthcare system to be ready to adapt, recognize its limitations, and improve its flaws by learning from other healthcare models across the globe. In this article, we analyzed the significant challenges faced by Pakistan's healthcare system (PHS) and the first comprehensive initiative taken for universal health coverage in Pakistan. Inequitable distribution of resources, inadequate healthcare spending, non-adherence to preventative healthcare and brain drain are the major problems in the PHS. On the other hand, the recently introduced universal health coverage initiative, the Sehat Sahulat Program (SSP), can be considered one of the biggest achievements of the country’s healthcare system.

Introduction

No healthcare system can be labeled as perfect because of the growing needs of people, constantly emerging new public health challenges, and the diversity of population demographics around the globe. Every system needs continuous pruning to fulfill the needs of its people through analysis of its shortcomings and strengths. Pakistan's healthcare system (PHS) is not an exception to this principle. PHS comprises private and public sectors, catering to a huge population of more than 220 million [ 1 ]. There are many challenges faced by PHS including inadequate funding, infrastructural limitations, brain drain of health professionals, limited focus on preventive healthcare (PHC), and inequitable resource allocation. Among these issues, Pakistan's first comprehensive universal health coverage (UHC) initiative, Sehat Sahulat Program (SSP), can be considered the most outstanding achievement of the PHS.

PHS faces many challenges that hinder its ability to provide adequate and efficient healthcare services to its citizens. One of the significant challenges is insufficient funding. Pakistan spends around 38 US Dollars (USD) per capita on healthcare, which is much lower than other developing countries [ 2 ]. As compared to Pakistan, India, the Philippines, and Ghana spend 57, 165, and 85 USD per capita on healthcare, respectively [ 2 ]. Pakistan spent 1.2% of its gross domestic product (GDP) on the public health sector in 2020-2021 as compared to 1.1 in 2019-2020, which is not a significant increase when viewed in terms of GDP percentage [ 3 ]. The lack of sufficient investment in the PHS has led to another challenge which is a shortage of health infrastructure, medicines, medical equipment, and qualified healthcare professionals. Although there is an increase in human resources from 2014 to 2021, this growth is not enough to cater to the needs of the population growing at 2% per annum (Table ​ (Table1) 1 ) [ 3 ]. Around 32,879 physicians graduate every year in Pakistan and 40% of them go abroad for better opportunities citing low income, long hours of job, and inequality as the main reasons [ 4 ]. According to a study conducted at two different medical colleges, 33% of medical students plan to leave the country to practice healthcare abroad. This brain drain puts undue pressure on the PHS resulting in inadequate provision of health facilities to people.

Open access source: Pakistan Economic Survey 2021-22 [ 3 ]

Limited focus on PHC is another significant issue PHS faces. PHC includes measures to prevent diseases and promote health, such as immunizations, screenings, and health education. Pakistan's government has taken several steps over the years to promote PHC which include the Lady Health Workers (LHW) programme, the expanded programme on immunization (EPI), the Polio Eradication Initiative (PEI) Programme, the Malaria Control Programme (MCP), Tuberculosis (TB), Control Programme, and establishment of basic health units (BHUs) and rural health units and rural health units (RHUs). In 2021, there were 1,276 hospitals, 5,558 BHUs, 736 RHCs, 5,802 Dispensaries, 780 Maternity and Child Health Centers, and 416 TB centers in Pakistan [ 3 ]. However, all these initiatives have not been able to drastically improve the health indicators of Pakistan, which are much worse than its peers (Table ​ (Table2). 2 ). These initiatives are not enough for a population of more than 220 million [ 1 ]. There is still a scarcity of resources in the PHC realm and the people do not have access to these services because of less developed PHC centers or even the absence of these centers nearby. Even with access to these facilities, the population does not get involved in preventive health because of a lack of awareness and education regarding its importance to their own health. Many people in Pakistan lack basic health literacy, which means they do not have the knowledge and skills to access and use healthcare services effectively.

Open access source: Economic Survey of Pakistan [ 3 ]

The inequitable distribution of healthcare resources is a serious threat to the PHS. The healthcare resources, including hospitals, clinics, and healthcare professionals, are concentrated in the urban areas, leaving rural areas with inadequate healthcare facilities. It leads to a significant disparity in healthcare access and outcomes between urban and rural populations [ 5 ]. The Community Health Index (CHI) reflects the unequal distribution of healthcare resources. CHI measures the disparities between different regions based on health and well-being. Pakistan scored an inequality ratio of 16.59 CHI, which means that the upper-tier districts are 16.59 times healthier than the lower-tier districts. The disparity ratio differs by approximately 10 points between the urban and rural areas (7.78 and 17.54, respectively) showing a huge disparity in resources. This data reveals the inequitable distribution of resources in the healthcare domain in Pakistan [ 5 ]. Consequently, the rural healthcare system lacks basic medical equipment, diagnostic facilities, and medications, leading to a lack of proper patient diagnosis and treatment. All these shortages increase the burden on the infrastructure in cities and, in turn, lead to inadequate provision of health facilities, physician shortages, and dissatisfaction among patients.

Sehat Sahulat Program: UHC Initiative

UHC is a concept coined by the WHO that aims to ensure essential health services to everyone without any financial hardship. UHC is a part of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) adopted by the United Nations (UN) in 2015. Pakistan is a signatory of the SDGs. The goal of UHC is expressed in the UN 2030 agenda as part of the SDGs in Goal 3, which focuses on health (target 3.8). UHC is the primary step toward providing health as a fundamental right of citizens [ 2 ]. The biggest achievement of the PHS is the UHC initiative in the form of the SSP.

SSP is a public sector-funded health insurance initiative of the federal and provincial governments working to provide financial health protection to all citizens against extraordinary healthcare expenditure. SSP is a landmark healthcare initiative that is considered an important step toward UHC. SSP was implemented first by the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) provincial government in 2015 to provide free health insurance coverage to the poor and vulnerable populations only. Then, the federal government of Pakistan in cooperation with the provincial governments rolled out the SSP in other provinces in 2019. The program is funded by the government of Pakistan and is managed by the Ministry of National Health Services, Regulations, and Coordination. The program has two main components: (i) free health insurance coverage for eligible households and (ii) a network of participating hospitals and clinics where eligible households can access healthcare services. The SSP initially provided social insurance only to families living below the poverty line but is now gradually moving toward every citizen. As of 2022, the SSP has been implemented in 36 districts of Punjab, 35 districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 10 districts of Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK), 10 districts of Gilgit Baltistan (GB), Islamabad Capital Territory (ICT) and Hardaker district of Sindh, reaching approximately 44.6 million households. The Public Sector Development Program (PSDP) is responsible for contributing premiums from ICT, AJK, GB, Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), and Thar Parker districts. However, Punjab and KP fund 100% premium contributions from various sources [ 3 ].

Under the SSP, households receive health insurance cards, which can be used to access healthcare services up to one million rupees per year at participating hospitals and clinics. The program covers a wide range of inpatient services, including cardiac procedures, cancer management, burn management, dialysis, complications of diabetes mellitus, trauma management, neurosurgical procedures, abdominal surgeries, fracture management, and other medical and surgical interventions [ 3 ]. The program has a tiered benefit structure with higher benefits for households with more vulnerable members, such as women, children, and older people. The SSP has a vast network of more than 1030 paneled hospitals across Pakistan. Beneficiaries from any district can get treatment from any of these paneled hospitals. The program has also positively impacted the financial protection of marginalized communities. Transgender people and persons with disabilities registered with the National Database Regulatory Authority (NADRA) were also enrolled in this program. They have given access to UHC, a giant leap in the inclusion of the ignored community [ 3 ]. In Pakistan, out-of-pocket (OOP) expenditures on health are more than 60% of the total health expenditure [ 3 ]. The SSP has shared this cost at every level of healthcare. Moreover, it serves 154 million people in Pakistan, which is the first-ever health insurance initiative in the history of Pakistan [ 3 ]. Till March 8, 2022, over 3.2 million hospital visits have been recorded under the SSP's health cards [ 1 ]. The shared health expenditure has also facilitated people's access to medical services which they used to avoid in the past due to high healthcare costs, thus promoting health and wellness.

There are a few limitations to this program. Many families have complained about the incompatibility between the cost of treatment in private-sector hospitals and the limits set by the program. Patients are expected to pay the difference. In some instances, patients were turned away without any medical services due to the inability to pay [ 1 ]. Another issue is the interrupted continuity of the SSP due to recent political and economic instability in Pakistan. It is still functional in some parts of the country while being suspended in others.

As Pakistan is a developing country, its healthcare system must make many improvements to meet the needs of its population. The challenges faced by Pakistan's healthcare system include insufficient funding, inadequate healthcare workforce and infrastructure, less focus on preventive health, and inequitable distribution of resources. These challenges need comprehensive policy formulation focused on increases in healthcare funding and allocation of equity-based resources. The most significant achievement of PHS is the initiative toward UHC through the SSP. This initiative has decreased the burden of healthcare expenses and increased access to healthcare services for people, including marginalized communities.

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Corruption In Pakistan Essay | 500 Words & 800 Words

by Pakiology | May 21, 2024 | Essay , English | 2 comments

Page Contents

1) 500 Words Essay On Corruption In Pakistan

2) 800 words essay on corruption in pakistan, understanding corruption in pakistan, the causes of corruption in pakistan, the consequences of corruption in pakistan, the way forward: tackling corruption in pakistan.

Corruption is a pervasive problem in Pakistan that has negatively impacted the country’s economy and political stability. It is the abuse of public office for private gain, and it is a major obstacle to Pakistan’s development.

There are many causes of corruption in Pakistan, including a lack of transparency in government institutions, weak law enforcement, and a lack of accountability. In addition, corruption is often seen as a way for people to get ahead in a society that is plagued by inequality and a lack of opportunities.

One of the most prominent forms of corruption in Pakistan is corruption in the public sector. Government officials often demand bribes from citizens in order to provide them with services that they are entitled to, such as issuing licenses or permits. This not only undermines the rule of law but also discourages investment and stifles economic growth.

Another major problem in Pakistan is corruption in the private sector. Companies often bribe government officials in order to secure contracts or other favors, which can lead to inefficient and wasteful use of public resources. This not only harms the economy but also undermines public trust in the government and private institutions.

There are several factors that contribute to the high levels of corruption in Pakistan. One of the main reasons is the lack of accountability and transparency in the country’s political and economic systems. This allows corrupt individuals to operate with impunity, as they are able to conceal their activities and avoid being held accountable for their actions.

Another contributing factor is the widespread poverty in Pakistan. Many people are willing to engage in corrupt activities in order to make ends meet, as they see it as a means of surviving in a difficult economic environment.

Furthermore, corruption is often perpetuated by a lack of strong institutions and effective laws to prevent and punish it. In many cases, the government and law enforcement agencies are themselves involved in corrupt activities, which makes it difficult to address the problem.

The consequences of corruption in Pakistan are severe. It undermines the rule of law and weakens public trust in the government, leading to social and political instability. It also hinders economic development and stifles entrepreneurship, as it creates an uneven playing field for businesses and discourages investment.

In order to combat corruption in Pakistan, it is essential for the government to implement strong legal frameworks and institutional mechanisms to promote accountability and transparency. This could include measures such as stricter laws against corruption, better oversight of public officials and institutions, and improved access to information for the general public.

Additionally, there needs to be a cultural shift in the country towards greater integrity and honesty. This can be achieved through education and awareness-raising campaigns, as well as by encouraging a sense of social responsibility among the people of Pakistan.

In conclusion, corruption is a major challenge in Pakistan that needs to be addressed in order to promote economic development and political stability. By implementing effective legal frameworks and promoting a culture of integrity, it is possible to combat corruption and build a more just and prosperous society.

Pakistan, a country known for its rich cultural heritage, is facing numerous challenges in its journey toward becoming a developed nation. One of the most persistent and widespread issues that the country has been grappling with is corruption. Corruption in Pakistan has reached a level where it is not only hampering the economic growth of the country but also undermining the social and political fabric.

Corruption can be defined as the abuse of power or position for personal gain. It takes many forms, from bribery and embezzlement to nepotism and fraud. In Pakistan, corruption has permeated all levels of society, from the lowest echelons to the highest. It has become so widespread that it is now considered a norm in the country.

There are several factors that have contributed to the high levels of corruption in Pakistan. Some of the major causes include:

Lack of effective government institutions:

The government institutions in Pakistan are not strong enough to prevent corruption. There is a lack of accountability and transparency in the workings of these institutions, making it easier for corrupt officials to carry out their activities without fear of consequences.

Political instability:

Political instability has been a constant in Pakistan’s history, which has contributed to widespread corruption in the country. When political leaders are more focused on retaining power and advancing their own interests, they are less likely to prioritize the fight against corruption.

Poverty and income inequality:

Poverty and income inequality are also contributing factors to corruption in Pakistan. When people are struggling to make ends meet, they may be more likely to engage in corrupt activities to earn extra income.

Weak rule of law:

The weak rule of law in Pakistan has also contributed to the high levels of corruption in the country. When laws are not enforced and the justice system is unable to hold corrupt officials accountable, it is easier for corruption to thrive.

The consequences of corruption in Pakistan are far-reaching and damaging. Some of the major consequences include:

Hampering economic growth:

Corruption has a significant impact on the economy of the country. It undermines investment and creates an environment that is hostile to business. This leads to lower economic growth, less job creation, and decreased prosperity for the people of Pakistan.

Undermining social and political fabric:

Corruption not only undermines the economy but also the social and political fabric of the country. When people lose faith in the government and its institutions, it creates a void that can be filled by extremist and extremist ideologies.

Impeding development:

Corruption also impedes development by diverting resources away from areas that need them most. When public funds are misused or stolen, it means that schools, hospitals, and other public services are not receiving the support they need to provide quality services to the people.

Discouraging foreign investment:

Corruption can also discourage foreign investment, as investors are less likely to invest in a country where they perceive a high risk of corruption. This means that the country misses out on the benefits of foreign investment, such as job creation and economic growth.

Tackling corruption in Pakistan will require a multi-faceted approach that involves the government, civil society, and the private sector. Some of the measures that could be taken include:

Strengthening government institutions:

The government must take steps to strengthen its institutions and make them more accountable and transparent. This can be done by implementing effective anti-corruption measures, such as setting up independent watchdog agencies and increasing transparency in the workings of government institutions.

Improving the rule of law:

The government must also work to improve the rule of law in the country, by enforcing laws and regulations that prevent corruption, and by ensuring that corrupt officials are held accountable.

Encouraging civil society engagement:

Civil society can play an important role in tackling corruption in Pakistan, by raising awareness about the issue, advocating for reforms, and monitoring government activities.

Promoting ethics and integrity:

The private sector can also play a role by promoting ethics and integrity in their own operations, and by supporting anti-corruption initiatives.

Increasing transparency and accountability:

The government must also take steps to increase transparency and accountability in its operations, by making its activities more open and accessible to the public.

Providing education and training:

The government can provide education and training to its citizens, particularly the youth, on the dangers and consequences of corruption, and on the importance of integrity and ethical behavior.

In conclusion, corruption in Pakistan is a major barrier to development, and it is essential that the government, civil society, and private sector work together to tackle this issue. While there is no easy solution to corruption, the steps outlined above, if implemented effectively, can help to reduce corruption and create a more prosperous and just society in Pakistan.

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Protests in Pakistan-ruled Kashmir expose grievances

Violent protests in Pakistan-administered Kashmir over high inflation have left at least four people dead. Simmering below the surface is discontent over Islamabad interfering in the region's semi-autonomy.

Activists in Pakistan-administered Kashmir say the recent protests over soaring food and energy costs reflect larger problems involving the semi-autonomous region's local government and the central government in Islamabad.

On Monday evening, four people, including one police officer, were killed after paramilitary forces, called rangers, responded to protests in the regional capital of Pakistan-administered Kashmir, Muzaffarabad. An estimated 100 people were injured.

Authorities also shut off internet services and closed schools in response to the unrest. 

Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif approved $82 million (€75 million) worth of subsidies on Tuesday in a bid to defuse the situation by partly meeting the protesters' demands.

The head of the semi-autonomous administration, Chaudhry Anwar ul Haq, said that the funds would be used to substantially lower the price of flour and electricity.

Akhter Ali, a fruit vendor from Muzaffarabad, told DW that this week's uprising in the region had been "unprecedented."

"The soaring inflation was unbearable, so this huge people's protest was required," he said.

India-Pakistan conflict: A ticking time bomb

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Shaukat Nawaz Mir, chairman of the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC), a civil society group that organized a protest march, told DW that the local government was "incompetent" and had "miserably failed to serve the people."

He added that after the intervention of the federal government, the JAAC wanted also to see the Muzaffarabad government  "invest in its people."

Long history of tension in Kashmir

Many tensions in Pakistan-administered Kashmir center on the territory's legal status as semi-autonomous. The region has a strong sense of tradition and identity separate from Pakistan.

Since the partition of India after the end of British colonial rule in 1947, life in the Kashmir valley has been shaped by ongoing  conflict between India and Pakistan . The region is claimed in full by both countries, but ruled in part by each. This status as a conflict zone has severely hampered investment in the economy.

Indian-administered Kashmir had semi-autonomous status until 2019, when New Delhi scraped guarantees enshrined in "Article 370" of India's constitution and took direct control over the territory.

Pakistan-administered Kashmir, locally known as "Azad Jammu Kashmir," is run by a semi-autonomous government. The territory of 4 million people has its own parliament and prime minister.

However, many people believe this semi-autonomy only exists on paper, and consider the local government as a "puppet" of Islamabad.

This sentiment has grown more intense recently, with activists blaming the machinations of government in Islamabad for the economic crisis.

"These protests are continuation of a year-long movement for the restoration of basic rights and an end to the exploitation of resources by Islamabad and its puppets in the occupied region," Toqeer Gilani, president of Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), an activist group, told DW. 

But the level of violence seen this week is rare.

Dissatisfaction with Islamabad

The unrest began on Friday evening after a group of traders started a strike in Muzaffarabad that ended up in clashes with police forces.

It came after at least a year of activists demanding more action from the regional government to address skyrocketing food and energy prices.

One demand is the reduction of electricity costs, considering it is generated by the hydroelectric Mangla Dam which is located in the region.

Activists said it was long-running dissatisfaction that allowed the protests to quickly gain traction and gather tremendous support from all sections of society, especially from those who find themselves more and more unable to afford food and energy.

"Unbearable and illegal taxation, with growing prices of food, electricity, end of subsidies on flour and the misuse of public funds by the political and bureaucratic elite have triggered this large-scale movement for rights," said activist leader Gilani.

Call for a change in behavior

The economic woes faced in Pakistan-administered Kashmir are also reflected in Pakistan proper, as the country deals with an ongoing financial crisis. Activists blame mismanagement and interference from Islamabad for exacerbating economic problems in Kashmir.

Gilani said that locals were beginning to "understand" that "actually it is Islamabad who is responsible for all their miseries," and added that the recent protests had triggered a larger movement calling for change in the behavior of Pakistan's [military] establishment.

"Everyone in Azad Kashmir is frustrated due the looting of resources by Pakistan establishment, bad governance, poor infrastructure and Islamabad's dubious role in a 77- year-long inhumane occupation of the region by India and Pakistan," he said.

Pakistan's prime minister has dubbed the protests "worrisome," saying some people want to destabilize the region.

"Certainly, among those driving this movement were individuals who, with their legitimate demands, were fulfilling their duty in a democratic manner. However, it cannot be denied that there were some malicious elements whose sole purpose was to cause destruction, loss of human lives and create chaos in Azad Jammu and Kashmir," he said on Thursday during a visit to the region.

Maleeha Lodhi, a former Pakistan representative to the United Nations told DW that the protests and economic crisis were part of a larger problem for the federal government.  

"The cost-of-living crisis is affecting people everywhere in the region. Public anger is then directed at the government in Islamabad, which is expected to alleviate people's economic plight," Lodhi said.

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Edited by: Wesley Rahn

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Essay Outline: Economic Crisis in Pakistan: Challenges and Prospects

Table of Contents

CSS Essay Outline: Economic Crisis in Pakistan: Challenges and Prospects

By: mureed hussain jasra (csp), introduction.

1. Global economic crisis 2. Economy of Pakistan at a crossroads 3. Causes of economic decay In Pakistan

Challenges of Economic Crisis in Pakistan

1. Dwindling foreign exchange reserves 2. Current account deficit increasing exponentially 3. Stagnant Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) 4. Reduced Foreign Direct Investment (FDIs) 5. Shameful picture on human development index 6. Social fabric of Pakistan torn by a never ending war on terror 7. Myopic financial policies leading to fiscal quandary of Pakistan: Relying on IMF 8. Regressive taxation exempting the wealthy and squeezing the poor of Pakistan 9. Clienteles politics directly conflicting progressive reforms in fiscal policy 10. Rampant corruption and money laundering further festering the economic crisis of Pakistan 11. Mass illiteracy: biggest hurdle in the way of producing a well-trained workforce concentration of wealth in a few hands

Prospects of Economic Crisis in Pakistan

1. Increasing political awareness translating into positive political will necessary for economic progress in Pakistan 2. Investment by foreign countries and individual 3. Peaceful environment due to curtailment of terrorism: conducive environment for economic stability in Pakistan 4. Burgeoning middle class auguring well for economic prognosis of Pakistan 5. Policy initiative keeping public opinion at the center: a sure way for a stable economy 6. China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) as a harbinger of economic stability 7. Advances in science and technology 8. Continuation of democracy laying a frame work of stable Pakistan 9. A robust foreign policy centered on regional cooperation to achieve trade viability 10. Restoration of relation with neighboring countries

About the author

Mureed Hussain Jasra (CSP)

Mr. Mureed Hussain Jasra boasts of a diverse professional background. Being a Civil Servant, he has served at important positions in the Federal Secretariat and autonomous bodies dealing with the important policy level matters. Prior to joining Civil Service of Pakistan, he served as a lecturer of English in the Federal Government of Pakistan and won accolades in academic circles and intelligentsia for his professional commitment and devotion to work. Mureed Hussain Jasra's current fame among the CSS aspirants owes to his stellar success as being the most towering CSS coaching teacher and mentor. Under his careful mentorship, many young men and women have won distinctions in the CSS/PMS competitive examinations and are now serving the nation in different capacities. He regards teaching as the singular driving passion of his life and has founded Civil Services Preparatory School for the young aspirants. Mr. Jasra is an avid reader of books and loves debate on history, culture, literature and governance. He is Masters in English Literature.

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Essay on Pakistan: A Brief History and Overview

“There is no power on earth that can undo Pakistan.” (Quaid e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah)

Introduction

Pakistan got its independence on 14 th August 1947. The country’s main purpose was to live life freely as Muslims. Pakistan is located in the south of Asia. It is in the south of the Arabian Sea. It has 4 neighboring countries. Pakistan is in 33 rd rank among other countries based on area.

It is also known to be the third largest country in Asia based on land area. Pakistan’s border in the east is with India, which has a border of 3,323 kilometers; Pakistan’s border with Afghanistan is in the northwest it has a border of 2,640 kilometers; Pakistan’s border with Iran is in the west it has a border of 909 kilometers whereas Pakistan border with China is 523 kilometers long and is located in the northeast.

Pakistan Army is ranked as the 6 th strongest army among the 145 countries. Pakistan has the world’s second-highest mountain K2, with the third highest, Tirch Mir, and the three highest mountain ranges, i.e., Hindukush, Karakoram & Himalayas. Pakistan also has the world’s deepest sea port in Gwadar. Pakistan’s Edhi Foundation is the world’s largest ambulance service provider.

Sialkot (a city in Pakistan) produces half of the world’s balls, which resulted in Pakistan becoming the world’s largest hand-sewed football; these footballs are also used in FIFA World Cups. Tarbela Dam is the world’s largest earth-filled dam. Pakistan is the only Muslim country that has nuclear power. 

The world’s fourth-largest irrigation system is also in Pakistan. Out of 100% population, 96.2 percent of Muslims in Pakistan, 1.6% Hindus, Christians 1.59%, etc. Cholistan, Thar, and Thal are some of the famous desserts in Pakistan. 

Before writing essay on Pakistan , lets disucss its history first. Muslims of the subcontinent were not given the proper rights and were harassed for living according to the Islamic way. Pakistan was a dream for Allama Muhammad Iqbal that came true after many sacrifices and struggles of many Muslims.

The major effort and struggle was of Quid e Azam M.A. Jinnah. This effort to get a separate country started when Muslims started facing persecution. The idea of two nation theory was presented that Muslims and Hindus are different nations that can’t live together peacefully.

Quaid e Azam succeeded on 14 Aug 1947 when a new country known as Pakistan was formed. Initially, Bangladesh was a part of Pakistan, but due to the 1971 civil war and political problems, East Pakistan (Bangladesh) proclaimed its independence.

When Pakistan got its independence, it faced several problems, such as unfair boundary distribution, economic problems, the Kashmir dispute, electricity problems, division of financial assets, etc. Karachi was chosen as the capital of Pakistan Quaid e Azam was the first governor-general, and Liaquat Ali Khan was the prime minister. 

Pakistan is one of the lucky countries. It has all four seasons due to the location. Winter is from December to February, spring is from March to May, Summer is from June to September, and retiring monsoon or autumn is from October to November. This season and their time can differ according to the location, as Pakistan has all plains, plateaus, mountains, or hilly areas.

Pakistan has several rivers; the longest is Indus; other rivers are Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, Sutlej, and Kabul. The amazing thing is that the coastal areas are normally dry and hot, whereas the lowland plains are cooler than coastal areas, and the uplands or Himalayas are much cooler than the plain; this means at the same time, all seasons can be seen in Pakistan. 

Region & Demography

Pakistan has a total area of 796,095 square kilometers. Pakistan has a total population of 207.68 million. The capital of Pakistan is Islamabad. Pakistan has 4 provinces, i.e., Punjab, Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Sindh. Punjab was given to this province because of Punj (five) and Aab (Water), i.e., land of river. The population of Punjab is 110 million, Balochistan is 12.34 million, Sindh is 47.89 million, and KPK is 35.53 million.

The area of Punjab is a total of 50,362 square kilometers. The area of Balochistan is 347,190 square kilometers. The area of Sindh is 140,914 square kilometers. The area of KPK is 101,741 square kilometers. There are 170 districts in Pakistan. These districts are further divided into tehsil and union councils.

These districts include all the districts in provinces, Azad Kashmir, the capital territory, and Gilgit Baltistan. Pakistan is considered a young nation as the average age is 23.4, and the 104 million population is the age bracket of 25 to 30. 

Language & Culture

The national language of Pakistan is Urdu. More than 60 languages are spoken in different areas of Pakistan. The common language in Punjab is Punjabi, whereas in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the language spoken is Pashto, and in Sindh and Balochistan, Sindhi and Balochi, respectively. Hindko, Saraiki, Kashmiri, Gujarati, and other languages are spoken in Pakistan.

The culture of Pakistan is based on Islam, and the main reason for having Pakistan as a separate country is to establish the culture of Islam freely. Several festivals and events are important in Pakistan, such as Eid ul Fitr, Eid ul Adha, Ramadan, etc.

Other minorities can also easily celebrate their festivals, such as Christmas, Easter, Holi, Diwali, etc. Let’s talk about different people in provinces.

Punjab : People in Punjab are mostly warm-hearted and loving. Several tribes, clans, or castes have different cultures and traditions. Their culture and dresses are very bright and mix of colors.  

Balochistan : This province is considered to be barren lands and deserts and mountains, but this culture has a culture that is full of traditions, art, and craft, as well as embroidery females mostly do these things. These people are known for their festivals and tribes.  

Sindh : These people mostly have agricultural lifestyles. These people practice farming and fishing. These people are dominated by Sufis music. 

KPK : The people of KPK are mostly Pathans; they are the most hardworking people and always like to know more about their race; they are obsessed with the race. 

Economy is one of the important thing to discuss in this essay on Pakistan. The major sources of livelihood are agriculture, forestry as well as fishing. Pakistan is ranked in 43 of the major economies. Inflation will be approximately 19.87% in 2022. Around one-half of the laborers are doing these activities.

Several crops are the basis of a good economy, such as cotton, tobacco, pulses, chickpeas, sugarcane, wheat, rice, etc. Pakistan doesn’t have many minerals and energy resources. One-eighth of the labor is engaged in the manufacturing of products. The main imports of the nation are petroleum products, machinery, chemicals, fertilizers, etc., whereas the major exports are cotton, ready-made garments, dried fish, rice, leather goods, etc. 

Pakistan is one of the countries with great potential for providing education. Education is one of the most important factors in Pakistan. Although education is not up to the mark, many improvements are still being made, and many schools, colleges, and universities are being established.

HEC (Higher Education Commission) is the biggest institute in Pakistan responsible for overseeing, regulating, and accrediting the higher education efforts in Pakistan. The level of education depends on the financial resources and the commitment level of the government; in Pakistan, the resources are limited, and that’s why there are fewer teachers and education-providing facilities. There are a total of 218 universities in Pakistan. 

National Symbols 

The national symbols of Pakistan are

• Markhor (National Animal)
• Chukar (National Bird) 
• Deodar (National Tree)
• Jasmine (National Flower) 
• Allama Muhammad Iqbal (National Poet)
• Quaid e Azam (National Hero) 
• Shalwar Qameez (National Dress)
• Hockey (National Sports) 
• Indus River (National River)
• Okra (National Vegetable)
• Dolphin (National Aquatic Animal)
• Mango (National Fruit)

To conclude essay on Pakistan I would say that Pakistan has faced several challenges since its independence. But on the other hand, Pakistan is rich in culture and has a young population. This population can help Pakistan to become more economically stable and help Pakistan to prosper. This country had been faced several challenges, such as poverty, terrorism, and political instability, and done major improvements in many scenarios.

Pakistan’s strength is its location and size; this country also benefits from foreign aid and receives donations from IMF, World Bank, and the USA, which means that Pakistan has some good international relations. The major weakness of Pakistan is that people lack knowledge in different fields to become a more modernized society. Pakistan also lacks an efficient education system.

There is improper governance, a lack of an efficient education system, and health care problems that can lead to future difficulties for Pakistan . As Pakistan has faced many challenges in history, it can also face any other challenge with faith and strength. 

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) 

• How many times has martial law been applied in Pakistan? 

In total 4 martial laws have been applied 

First: 7th October 1958 (Iskandar Mirza)

Second: 25th March 1969 (Yahya Khan)

Third: 25th July 1997 (Zia ul Haq)

Fourth: 12th October 1999 (Pervaiz Musharraf) 

• Who was the first president of Pakistan?

The first president was Major General Iskandar Mirza; he was elected on 5th March 1956. 

• Who was the first Chief of Army Staff in Pakistan?

The first COAS of Pakistan was Lt. General Tikka Khan, appointed on 20th March 1972. 

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• The Problem of Pakistani Identity and Writers

Read our complete notes on the essay The Problem of Pakistani Identity and Writers by Intizar Hussain. Our notes cover this essay’s summary and analysis.

The Problem of Pakistani Identity and Writers by Intizar Hussain Summary

(lines 1-7).

Intizar Hussain, in the very first paragraph of his essay, states that he is getting jealous. He then explains that Pakistan and India, both, got independence almost simultaneously. But the problem of identity is only for the Pakistani writers while Indian writers have no such crises. He adds, they might have some other issues but the problem of identity is not within them. He admits that now almost fifty years of independence are to be completed but the problem of identity for Pakistani writers cannot be eliminated

(Lines 8-18)

He asks the readers to allow him so that he can address this problem of Identity which has turned into a controversy. He says those were the early days of Partition when Urdu writers were writing about the human miseries caused by the partition. He says that the writers did not support the partition. He further says that some of the writers in Pakistan, too, were writing against partition and it was disappointing. Writers like Dr Taseer, Mohammad Hassan Askari and Mumtaz Shrin turned against this attitude of the writers and laid the foundations of “Pakistani Adab” which was to be different from Indian literature.

(Lines 19-31)

But this idea was rejected by some of the writers and one of the poets Ahmad Riaz Said;

“Kaun Karsakta hai taqseem adab ki jagir,”

This conflict gave way to another controversy as how to define Pakistani Literature different from that of India. This controversy turned into the dilemma of Identity as what was Pakistani Identity. Intizar Hussain then quotes Faiz Ahmad Faiz, when he said that we celebrate Pakistan because we think that we have different identity based on our distinctive culture that’s why Pakistan was our only solution. But he says that we should have asked, which we now ask ourselves, what actually our different culture is.

(Lines 32-40)

He then states this has the secret of national identity. He then asks a series of questions;

Whether we, as nation are born on 14th August 1947 or we are on old nation? If we are an old nation then how old, exactly. Whether we should trace back our history to Muhammad Bin Qasim when he entered this land or to the old times of Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa. Does our culture originate from Islam or from our land? If it is land based than why we are trying to own the Muslim relics of India.

(Lines 41-52)

Intizar Hussain says apart from this controversy, it became a fashion that people started calling it a new born nation. However, they were not aware about the implications involved in calling a new born nation. Even, Muhammad Hassan Askari warns them about the dangers of this. He warns them that by calling a new born nation, it would get difficult to hold East and West Pakistani together, but people were charmed by it. Faiz Ahamd Faiz asserts as well that with the partition a new nation and new country has been born.

(Lines 53-72)

He then gives four different aspects of cultural identity;

This aspect states that culture is a land rooted phenomenon so each region in Pakistan holds its own peculiar culture and there is no integrating force that binds them on a higher level of national culture. On the hand there are people who say that concept of national culture is superior and this regional based culture is not a good idea. The third aspect says in front of pure Islamic culture and negates all other views. While the last aspect is that they trace the cultural identity to Muslim History in sub-continent. Jamil Jalibi calls it Indo-Muslim culture. He says that regions are important aspects of culture but they should contribute to solitary national culture.

(Lines 73-79)

According to Professor Gillani Kamran, during Muslim reign in India, a new culture emerged which we call Indo-Islamic culture which gave awareness to the Muslims of sub-continent in developing their Muslim Identity. This Identity developed because of a common history, a common culture consciousness, and a common heritage.

(Lines 80-84)

But Salim Ahmad raise an objection to the statement. He says how this identity can be emerged due to a common history, a common culture consciousness, and a common heritage because we are told that we have nothing in common with Hindus.

(Lines 85-104)

Intizar Hussain asks another series of question. He asks this identity which became the base for Pakistan why did it become controversial after the birth of Pakistan. He asks another question that why is the case with Quaid e Azam who asserts that with the partition born a new nation whose identity is rooted in common culture. Intizar Hussain then answer as well, he says if say that the experts are misled in stating about the identity developed out of common culture, so, that would not be very correct. Because, we lived with Hindus for centuries in a love-hate relationship. We hate them but are attracted towards their rituals. We call them Kafir yet we live with them in relationships. So in such a situation we felt for them but at the same time we developed our identity for the creation of Pakistan.

(Lines 105-121)

Intizar Hussain says that for this separate identity, we are in debt to Hindus. He says that our identity is based in common culture. After the partition and the elimination of Hindus, we lost the culture balance and our identity grew blur. And because of this, regional identity concepts also came to the surface.

(Lines 122-132)

Faiz objects to this idea and stated that our religion is the base for our culture.

In the last paragraph:

Intizar Hussain quotes Elliot who expresses his apprehension that if Christianity goes, the whole of our culture goes.

The Problem of Pakistani Identity and Writers Analysis

• The essay is of immense importance as it talks about a very grave issue of Identity.
• The author has tried to connect the views f different authors to have a series of statement about the identity of Pakistani writers.
• The issue with Intizar Hussain is that he jumbles up the ideas of different writers and in the end, he is unable to find any logical connection.
• The dilemma with Intizar seems, too, that he himself is in a dilemma of Identity quest because he is unable to find out what our actual identity is.
• Intizar Hussain has quoted a number of writers who talk about the issue of identity and have tried to address the issue of Identity in order to find out the roots of our identity.
• What Intizar Hussain misses is that our identity lies deep in Islam-our religion.
• He does not discuss this point and this is what lacks in the essay.
• Intizar Hussain misses Iqbal as well, who has talked more than enough about our identity. As he says;

Youn To Saayed Bhu, Mirza Bhi Ho, Afghan Bhi ho,

Tum Sabhi Kuch ho Btao To Musalman Bhi Ho…

More From Intizar Hussain

Current and Future Population Problems in Pakistan Cause and Effect Essay

Introduction, current population problems in pakistan, causes of population problems, solutions to the population problems in pakistan, future population problems in pakistan, strategies to avoid future population problems, works cited.

Economic analysts and their political counterparts are yet to concur on the truth of the allegations by the Population Association of Pakistan that effective population control measures have been put in place to reduce the population problems in Pakistan.

Despite the slight decline in the total fertility of Pakistan since the start of this decade, the country still remains one of the most fertile countries in the whole world. Some demographers have associated this decline with the increasing use of methods of contraception in limiting fertility but there still exists a considerable controversy regarding the effectiveness and contribution of contraception in the relatively lower fertility rates seen in Pakistan as this decade ends.

Despite the aforementioned decline in the fertility rate of Pakistan, the country still experiences insurmountable population related-problems and stakeholders have been struggling to find an amicable solution to the problem. The future of Pakistan population therefore depends on the measures that the government and other stakeholders will take to curb the problem. Otherwise, the predictions of future population in Pakistan based on trends in the past and the present are shocking.

If nothing much is done from now on, Pakistan is expected to be one of the three most populated countries in the whole world. This paper investigates the population problem in Pakistan by suggesting the possible reasons for the current population trends, the effects they have on the country, possible solutions to the prevailing population problems and future predictions of population in Pakistan and its implications.

Pakistan’s total population was more than 180 million in the year 2009 with a total fertility rate of 4.0 in the same year (Sathar 7). This can be considered to be exponential population growth if compared to the 1947 figure for total population of 33 million. Currently, more than three million children are born each year adding more people to the already unsustainable population.

Pakistan is currently the second largest contributor to global population after India. The country is estimated to currently have a population of more than 170, 000 and the current population growth rate is believed to be currently standing at a figure above 1.5% (Sathar 8). In addition to the large population that Pakistan has, it is characterized with the fastest rate of urbanization with more than 35% of its total population living in urban areas (Sathar 3).

The above mentioned population problems coupled with problems brought about by urbanization have made Pakistan to be among the countries that are most affected by population growth. This is because, large population and rapid population growth has brought problems in virtually all realms of life in this country. Examples of such problems include poverty, unemployment, political instability, illiteracy, terrorism and religious extremism etc.

Poverty is believed to have increased by 10% in the past decade hitting a total of 40% of total population (Sathar 3). This means that 40% of Pakistan residents live below the poverty line (Sathar 3). It is also estimated that virtually a half of the population in Pakistan is illiterate. This implies that in the future, poverty and child labor are expected to increase since education is the only tool that can be used to predict a better future for these people.

Additionally, those in the elite class have only acquired minimal education and they are unable to bring innovative ideas to the country. The country is thus painfully slow in its adoption of new technologies and ideas. This has led to economic degeneration and the country is, seemingly, unable to come up with measures to counteract the effects that large population size has had on its economy. The country as also suffered significant corruption and political instability due to its system of using establishments in organizations.

The country has also experienced an establishment of criminal and terrorist networks that have made it fail to qualify for investments and tourism. This is mainly due to the religious fanatics that make the most of Pakistan population. This is very unfortunate for Pakistan especially considering the fact that other countries like China are getting billions of dollars in form of foreign investment while other small countries like Philippines have a substantial amount of tourism activity and foreign investments.

Given the repercussions that these problems have had on the population of Pakistan, there is need to look into the causes of population growth and the cause of such problems in order to form effective policies that will help to end these problems. The discussion below investigates the root cause of the problems that Pakistan if facing and suggests a number of solutions that can be implemented to reduce the effects these problems have had on the people of Pakistan.

The main reason why Pakistan is facing the above mentioned problems is due to the inability of the government and the population of Pakistan to effectively reduce their population growth rate.

Therefore, the main causes of the problem are the causes of inefficiency in combating population growth. The stated inability of the government and the Pakistan population to reduce their rate of population growth is due to their lack of effectiveness in implementing family planning programmes which were started in this country in the 1950’s (Hagen 1).

The stated planning programmes failed in Pakistan because of a weakness in the administrative structure these programmes were subjected to. It can be deduced from the failure of these programmes that the government did not adequately educate the public about the crucial importance of family planning and the grave repercussions of ignorance of the same.

The government therefore needs to engage itself in public awareness campaigns aimed at educating the public about the importance of small families. The government also needs to be vigilant to identify populist politicians and deal with them accordingly before they derail efforts to educate the public and eventually reduce the population growth rates.

Despite the fact that Pakistan started fighting its population growth in the 1950’s with the implementation of population control programmes, nothing much has been achieved since then.

In comparison with other countries like Bangladesh and Iran, where family planning programmes like the use of contraceptives had a dramatic effect, Pakistan has not been serious with their family planning programmes. This is because Iran started its family programme in the 1980’s while Bangladesh started their in the 1970’s and both countries realized exponential declines their fertility rates unlike Pakistan (Hagen 1).

The people of Pakistan also have a role to play in the fight against population growth. They should listen to the government and ensure that they follow the instructions they are given in order to reduce their fertility rates. This is because one of the main reasons why family planning has been ineffective in this country is the fact that the citizens of this country cling to the religious and cultural values such that they forget to mind about their welfare.

For instance, it is a religious belief in Pakistan that engaging in family planning practices is going against the will of God (Hagen 1). The ineffectiveness of family planning programmes caused by these beliefs has been the reason why population in Pakistan is always growing and bringing the myriad of problems stated in the discussion above.

In order to effectively combat the population problem in Pakistan, there is need for a coherent approach aimed at removing the socio-cultural and religious stigma attached to the fight against population growth. This will help to prepare the people in Pakistan for a change to their normal life in order to achieve a productive change in the growth rate of their population.

There is also the need for implementation of a service delivery plan bound to achieve effective results throughout the entire country. The service delivery plan should be structured such that every Pakistan citizen who needs to plan his/her family will be able to access the necessary services. This is because it will be pointless to run advertisements on the television if there are no effective networks of workers on the ground to provide effective information and if there are no outreach activities (Sathar 4).

Up to today, the main reason for the failure of family planning programmes is the lack of political commitment to the issue and the lack of continuity of efforts after political transitions. If the prevailing lack of commitment to this important issue remains, change will always be evasive and Pakistan will continue to suffer the problems it currently suffers.

The government can also launch a programme to mitigate the effects that high population growth rates have had on the country by diverting some resources to alleviation of poverty, investing in agricultural activities to feed its citizens by increasing food security and coming up with policies to avoid formation of poor urban areas that increase poverty and crime.

To achieve this objective, the government needs to be objective since it has limited resources. For instance, to increase food security, the government may invest negligible resources in environmental conservation campaigns that will automatically lead to more agricultural activities. On the other hand, the government could alleviate poverty by subsidizing activities that lead to provision of food and educating the public on viable methods of investment.

If the prevailing population growth rate in Pakistan, 2.1 percent per year, persists, Pakistan is expected to have a population of between 220 million and 250 million between the years 2020 and 2025 (Hagen 1). This will inevitably be coupled with indicators of poor human development which include low rates of economic growth, high rates of infant mortality and an amazing decline in the levels of literacy in the country.

All these poor human development indicators will be partly or fully brought by the uncontrolled population growth. It is thus deducible that a the predicted population will be very effective in undermining poverty alleviation efforts and the efforts being taken in the country to improve the standard under which the country’s population live by provision of basic necessities like water, electricity and the like.

During the same five-year period, the total fertility rate, the infant mortality rate, the crude death rate and the crude birth rate are expected to reduce to figures close to 2.7, 42.2, 5.6, and 21.4 respectively (Sathar 7). The population growth rate is also expected to reduce to 1.52 while the life expectancy of the population will be close to 72 years (Sathar 9).

The discussion above implies that there will be no pronounced effect of the drop in the population growth rate since the life expectancy has increased and the negligible increase in population growth rate will be neutralized by the aging population to keep population problems virtually constant.

This stresses the highly needed commitment to contraceptive methods and other population control methods in order to reduce the population growth rate substantially. It is only when a major reduction in the rate of population growth will be realized that we can be hopeful that population problems in Pakistan will reduce in the future.

Due to the above stated concern, the government of Pakistan has come up with population reduction policies aimed at gradually reducing the population growth rate. The government priority among its policies is the attainment of ensuring that, ten years from now, it will reach the replacement fertility level.

The above paragraph describes the intention of the government of Pakistan to reach a replacement fertility level in the year 2020 (Hagen 1). This is just a statement of what the government desires to do and without proper planning and commitment to the programmes concerned, the gravely desired decrease in the population of Pakistan will forever remain evasive.

The government of Pakistan therefore needs to integrate awareness programs with proper service delivery programs in a bid to be assured of improving the population situation in their country substantially.

The awareness programs should be aimed at ensuring that every Pakistan citizen understands that smaller families are better than larger families and helping every Pakistan citizen break cultural and social chains tying them to high fertility. The programme should be implemented to touch every part of the country and it should run for as long as the government will be assured that a family planning program will achieve substantial results.

The government should thus dedicate the minimal resources it has in this program and ensure the effectiveness of a family planning programme (Sathar 3). On the other hand, the family planning programme should be such that there is an efficient network of service delivery centers throughout the country to ensure that every part of the country participates in the efforts to reduce the population of the country.

There is also the need for the Pakistan government and public to begin realizing the importance of literacy to the alleviation of population related problem. It can, in fact, be argued that high fertility problems and problems encountered in implementing family planning programmes are due to the high level of illiteracy in the country.

If the government and its people prioritize improvement of education institutions, there can be a guarantee that the population problem and some of its resultant effects will reduce in the future. It is therefore of essence that, as it implements other solutions, the government considers revolutionizing the education system of the country since this will have positive effects on the problems the country is currently facing.

The Pakistan government and population have encountered insurmountable problems related to their high population growth rates since the fifties. Currently, forty per cent of the people in Pakistan are below the poverty line and illiteracy and low standards of living have engulfed the country’s population for decades.

The Pakistan government and population can no longer be ignorant of the fact that the situation can be improved sacrificing their religious and cultural beliefs to have small families. For instance, if the Pakistan people abandon their belief that family planning amounts to going against the will of God, better results can be seen from family planning efforts and this will substantially reduce the population growth rate.

The government and the population need to realize that small families are needed in order to realize personal and national health. The government therefore needs to develop strategic programmes aimed at creating extensive public awareness that will make the population in Pakistan realize the importance of family planning.

This should be followed by family planning programmes which will definitely have an impact on the population growth rate since the Pakistan population will have gained an understanding of the grave importance of low birth rates. Otherwise, the existing problems of poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, etc will worsen and with time the country will fall under the weight of its sheer population size.

Hagen, Catherine. “ Pakistan Population .” Web.

Sathar, Zeba. “Fertility in Pakistan: Past, Present and Future.” 2001. Web.

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Educational Problems and issues in Pakistan essay

The education system in pakistan - issues and problems, 1. lack of schools and colleges, 3. nonavailability proper infrastructure in schools, 4. shortage of teaching staff, 5. defective examination system, 6. involvement of students in politics, 7. lack of co-curricular activities, 8. lack of technical education, no comments:.

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Wiley's 'fake science' scandal is just the latest chapter in a broader crisis of trust universities must address

Analysis Wiley's 'fake science' scandal is just the latest chapter in a broader crisis of trust universities must address

John Wiley & Sons Inc is a publisher of academic journals. The company, better known as Wiley, is listed on the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) and each year churns out more than 1,400 scientific and other publications across the world. Last year, it turned over more than US$2 billion ($3 billion).

Wiley is a silverback in the strange, circular marketplace of scientific publishing.

The researchers who write for these journals, and the academics who edit them, do this work largely unpaid. They are subsidised by the same universities that also pay healthy sums to then buy the journals in question.

This industry, estimated to be worth $45 billion, is underpinned by giant licks of taxpayer money — including from Australia, which spends $2 billion a year on medical research alone.

Last year, a strange thing happened at Wiley.

In March, it revealed to the NYSE a $US9 million ($13.5 million) plunge in research revenue after being forced to "pause" the publication of so-called "special issue" journals by its Hindawi imprint, which it had acquired  in 2021 for US$298 million ($450 million).

Its statement noted the Hindawi program, which comprised some 250 journals, had been "suspended temporarily due to the presence in certain special issues of compromised articles".

Many of these suspect papers purported to be serious medical studies, including examinations of drug resistance in newborns with pneumonia and the value of MRI scans in the diagnosis of early liver disease . The journals involved included Disease Markers, BioMed Research International and Computational Intelligence and Neuroscience.

As the months ticked by, the number of papers being withdrawn mounted by the hundreds.

By November, Wiley had retracted as many as 8,000 papers, telling Science it had "identified hundreds of bad actors present in our portfolio".

A month later, in exquisite corporatese, the company announced : "Wiley to sunset the Hindawi brand."

A window into a thriving, lucrative black market

The Wall Street Journal reported last week that Wiley has now pulled more than 11,300 papers and shuttered 19 journals. In the midst of it all, Wiley's chief executive Brian Napack was moved on.

The Hindawi scandal offers a window into a thriving black market worth tens of millions of dollars which trades in fake science, corrupted research and bogus authorship.

It also illustrates what is just another front in a much broader crisis of trust confronting universities and scientific institutions worldwide.

For decades now, teaching standards and academic integrity have been under siege at universities which, bereft of public funding, have turned to the very lucrative business of selling degrees to international students.

Grappling with pupils whose English is inadequate, tertiary institutions have become accustomed to routine cheating and plagiarism scandals. Another fraud perfected by the internet age.

Businesses openly advertise the sale of essays to desperate students, whose efforts are freighted with the expectations of far-away, often impoverished parents; their websites even have a toggle to select the grade you're willing to pay for.

Over an open chat, I asked a top-ranked essay provider on Google what I would have to pay for a masters-level, 3,000 word essay examining Homer's Iliad which would be guaranteed to score a high distinction. The answer took less than 60 seconds: $238.55. I was assured the paper would not trigger anti-plagiarism software.

This infection — the commodification of scholarship, the industrialisation of cheating — has now spread to the heart of scientific, higher research.

With careers defined by the lustre of their peer-reviewed titles, researchers the world over are under enormous pressure to publish. This is true in Australia, but it is especially true in poorer economies. An impressive number of publications in impressive-sounding journals can open the door to job opportunities and promotions. Citations have become a currency, and few institutions devote the time or resources to check the papers in question.

What is Australia doing about the problem?

Into this integrity gap has poured sharp practice. Shadowy online paper mills are selling authorship credits to those researchers willing to pay for them.

In remarks provided to investigative website Retraction Watch, the UK Research Integrity Office recently described the problem as vast: "These are organised crime rings that are committing large-scale fraud."

The mills, principally operating from China, India, Iran, Russia and other post-Soviet states, have even been planting stooges in editors' chairs at certain journals and paying bribes to others to ensure fake papers are published.

A recent Retraction Watch investigation allegedly identified more than 30 such editors, and kickbacks of as much as US$20,000. Academic publisher Elsevier has confirmed its editors are offered cash to accept manuscripts every single week. The British regulator said in January that one unnamed publisher "had to sack 300 editors for manipulative behaviour".

So, what is Australia doing about the problem?

In 2019, the federal parliament introduced new offences criminalising the advertisement of a commercial academic cheating service, with a penalty of up to two years in jail. The Tertiary Education Quality and Standards Agency polices these provisions, and also has the power to block websites promoting essay mills. In 2022, it blocked access from Australia to 40 websites which had been attracting hundreds of thousands of visits.

These measures do not, of course, address research fraud itself.

More than a decade ago, the government claimed it had this particular problem in-hand, when the Commonwealth's peak research bodies — the Australian Research Council and the National Health and Medical Research Council — established a new quango to oversee the Australian Code for the Responsible Conduct of Research.

This Australian Research Integrity Committee (ARIC) declares that it works towards "ensuring high levels of community confidence in the integrity of Australian research" so that "the Australian public can have faith in research outcomes".

Calls for sweeping reform

In fact, ARIC has no role whatsoever in the investigation of academic misconduct.

In news which will surprise no one, governments have seen fit to leave that job to academics themselves: universities and research institutions are responsible for inquiring into allegations of research fraud in what is amicably described as "self-regulation".

ARIC's jurisdiction is smaller than the eye of a needle. It investigates only the process by which universities have conducted their investigations. Not their findings. And certainly not whether the allegations amount to a breach of the code.

The committee explicitly tells Commonwealth employees not to give it any evidence of wrongdoing where it is contained in Commonwealth documents, and warns whistleblowers it has no power to protect them from reprisals.

Australia's former chief scientist Ian Chubb, now with the Australian Academy of Science, is among many who are unimpressed with ARIC's role, and who have called for sweeping reform.

The academy says the current arrangements create "deficiencies in several areas such as coverage, accountability and transparency". Late last year, it called for the establishment of a "national oversight mechanism" to ensure the proper rooting out and deterrence of research fraud. That way, taxpayers "can be reassured that their money is invested in individuals and organisations committed to the highest standards of research conduct".

But the academy failed to grasp the nettle, and shied from the conflict of interest at the heart of the problem, proposing that universities still be allowed to run the misconduct inquiries themselves.

The problem is only becoming more urgent

Bruce Lander, the inaugural head of South Australia's anti-corruption commission, is among those who believe much more radical surgery is needed.

Lander points out the obvious (and somewhat universal) flaws of the self-regulatory regime. Reporters of misconduct, usually lower down the pecking order, fear their careers will be railroaded by having blown the whistle.

Universities suffer "a real disincentive" to carry out proper investigations, he says, not least because "it is not necessarily in the institution's best interests for it to become known that someone within the institution has engaged in research misconduct". They also have no powers to compel the production of evidence or even the cooperation of the accused, meaning "the opportunity to obtain evidence of that misconduct … is significantly reduced".

Lander says whatever financial drain such an investigatory body entails would be outweighed by the resulting "enhancement of the reputation for integrity" in the university and research sector.

The universities present a formidable lobby in Canberra, however, and have vociferously fought other attempts at regulation, including on questions of tertiary education standards and even the safety of their students on campus.

They have adopted a Wall Street-style approach to their missions, paying exorbitant salaries to their leaders and gunning for eye-watering surpluses . They are interested principally in the protection of their global rankings, to which they tie their prospects of attracting future fee-payers.

The problem is only becoming more urgent. The recent explosion of artificial intelligence raises the stakes even further. A researcher at University College London recently found more than 1 per cent of all scientific articles published last year, some 60,000 papers, were likely written by a computer.

In some sectors, it's worse. Almost one out of every five computer science papers published in the past four years may not have been written by humans.

Education was Australia's fourth-largest export industry last year. Even if realpolitik requires the putting to one side of noble, irritating questions of integrity and trust, shouldn't more be done to protect its value?

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Health Effects of Vaping

At a glance.

Learn more about the health effects of vaping.

• No tobacco products, including e-cigarettes, are safe.
• Most e-cigarettes contain nicotine, which is highly addictive and is a health danger for pregnant people, developing fetuses, and youth. 1
• Aerosol from e-cigarettes can also contain harmful and potentially harmful substances. These include cancer-causing chemicals and tiny particles that can be inhaled deep into lungs. 1
• E-cigarettes should not be used by youth, young adults, or people who are pregnant. E-cigarettes may have the potential to benefit adults who smoke and are not pregnant if used as a complete substitute for all smoked tobacco products. 2 3 4
• Scientists still have a lot to learn about the short- and long-term health effects of using e-cigarettes.

Most e-cigarettes, or vapes, contain nicotine, which has known adverse health effects. 1

• Nicotine is highly addictive. 1
• Nicotine is toxic to developing fetuses and is a health danger for pregnant people. 1
• Acute nicotine exposure can be toxic. Children and adults have been poisoned by swallowing, breathing, or absorbing vaping liquid through their skin or eyes. More than 80% of calls to U.S. poison control centers for e-cigarettes are for children less than 5 years old. 5

Nicotine poses unique dangers to youth because their brains are still developing.

• Nicotine can harm brain development which continues until about age 25. 1
• Youth can start showing signs of nicotine addiction quickly, sometimes before the start of regular or daily use. 1
• Using nicotine during adolescence can harm the parts of the brain that control attention, learning, mood, and impulse control. 1
• Adolescents who use nicotine may be at increased risk for future addiction to other drugs. 1 6
• Youth who vape may also be more likely to smoke cigarettes in the future. 7 8 9 10 11 12

Other potential harms of e-cigarettes

E-cigarette aerosol can contain substances that can be harmful or potentially harmful to the body. These include: 1

• Nicotine, a highly addictive chemical that can harm adolescent brain development
• Cancer-causing chemicals
• Heavy metals such as nickel, tin, and lead
• Tiny particles that can be inhaled deep into the lungs
• Volatile organic compounds
• Flavorings such as diacetyl, a chemical linked to a serious lung disease. Some flavorings used in e-cigarettes may be safe to eat but not to inhale because the lungs process substances differently than the gut.

E-cigarette aerosol generally contains fewer harmful chemicals than the deadly mix of 7,000 chemicals in smoke from cigarettes. 7 13 14 However, this does not make e-cigarettes safe. Scientists are still learning about the immediate and long-term health effects of using e-cigarettes.

Dual use refers to the use of both e-cigarettes and regular cigarettes. Dual use is not an effective way to safeguard health. It may result in greater exposure to toxins and worse respiratory health outcomes than using either product alone. 2 3 4 15

Some people who use e-cigarettes have experienced seizures. Most reports to the Food and Drug Administration (FDA ) have involved youth or young adults. 16 17

E-cigarettes can cause unintended injuries. Defective e-cigarette batteries have caused fires and explosions, some of which have resulted in serious injuries. Most explosions happened when the batteries were being charged.

Anyone can report health or safety issues with tobacco products, including e-cigarettes, through the FDA Safety Reporting Portal .

Health effects of vaping for pregnant people

The use of any tobacco product, including e-cigarettes, is not safe during pregnancy. 1 14 Scientists are still learning about the health effects of vaping on pregnancy and pregnancy outcomes. Here's what we know now:

• Most e-cigarettes, or vapes, contain nicotine—the addictive substance in cigarettes, cigars, and other tobacco products. 18
• Nicotine is a health danger for pregnant people and is toxic to developing fetuses. 1 14
• Nicotine can damage a fetus's developing brain and lungs. 13
• E-cigarette use during pregnancy has been associated with low birth weight and pre-term birth. 19 20

Nicotine addiction and withdrawal

Nicotine is the main addictive substance in tobacco products, including e-cigarettes. With repeated use, a person's brain gets used to having nicotine. This can make them think they need nicotine just to feel okay. This is part of nicotine addiction.

Signs of nicotine addiction include craving nicotine, being unable to stop using it, and developing a tolerance (needing to use more to feel the same). Nicotine addiction can also affect relationships with family and friends and performance in school, at work, or other activities.

When someone addicted to nicotine stops using it, their body and brain have to adjust. This can result in temporary symptoms of nicotine withdrawal which may include:

• Feeling irritable, jumpy, restless, or anxious
• Feeling sad or down
• Having trouble sleeping
• Having a hard time concentrating
• Feeling hungry
• Craving nicotine

Withdrawal symptoms fade over time as the brain gets used to not having nicotine.

Nicotine addiction and mental health

Nicotine addiction can harm mental health and be a source of stress. 21 22 23 24 More research is needed to understand the connection between vaping and mental health, but studies show people who quit smoking cigarettes experience: 25

• Lower levels of anxiety, depression, and stress
• Improved positive mood and quality of life

Mental health is a growing concern among youth. 26 27 Youth vaping and cigarette use are associated with mental health symptoms such as depression. 22 28

The most common reason middle and high school students give for currently using e-cigarettes is, "I am feeling anxious, stressed, or depressed." 29 Nicotine addiction or withdrawal can contribute to these feelings or make them worse. Youth may use tobacco products to relieve their symptoms, which can lead to a cycle of nicotine addiction.

• U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. E-Cigarette Use Among Youth and Young Adults: A Report of the Surgeon General . Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; 2016. Accessed Feb 14, 2024.
• Goniewicz ML, Smith DM, Edwards KC, et al. Comparison of nicotine and toxicant exposure in users of electronic cigarettes and combustible cigarettes . JAMA Netw Open. 2018;1(8):e185937.
• Reddy KP, Schwamm E, Kalkhoran S, et al. Respiratory symptom incidence among people using electronic cigarettes, combustible tobacco, or both . Am J Respir Crit Care Med. 2021;204(2):231–234.
• Smith DM, Christensen C, van Bemmel D, et al. Exposure to nicotine and toxicants among dual users of tobacco cigarettes and e-cigarettes: Population Assessment of Tobacco and Health (PATH) Study, 2013-2014 . Nicotine Tob Res. 2021;23(5):790–797.
• Tashakkori NA, Rostron BL, Christensen CH, Cullen KA. Notes from the field: e-cigarette–associated cases reported to poison centers — United States, April 1, 2022–March 31, 2023 . MMWR Morb Mortal Wkly Rep. 2023;72:694–695.
• Yuan M, Cross SJ, Loughlin SE, Leslie FM. Nicotine and the adolescent brain . J Physiol. 2015;593(16):3397–3412.
• National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine. Public Health Consequences of E-Cigarettes . The National Academies Press; 2018.
• Barrington-Trimis JL, Kong G, Leventhal AM, et al. E-cigarette use and subsequent smoking frequency among adolescents . Pediatrics. 2018;142(6):e20180486.
• Barrington-Trimis JL, Urman R, Berhane K, et al. E-cigarettes and future cigarette use . Pediatrics. 2016;138(1):e20160379.
• Bunnell RE, Agaku IT, Arrazola RA, et al. Intentions to smoke cigarettes among never-smoking US middle and high school electronic cigarette users: National Youth Tobacco Survey, 2011-2013 . Nicotine Tob Res. 2015;17(2):228–235.
• Soneji S, Barrington-Trimis JL, Wills TA, et al. Association between initial use of e-cigarettes and subsequent cigarette smoking among adolescents and young adults: a systematic review and meta-analysis . JAMA Pediatr. 2017;171(8):788–797.
• Sun R, Méndez D, Warner KE. Association of electronic cigarette use by U.S. adolescents with subsequent persistent cigarette smoking . JAMA Netw Open. 2023;6(3):e234885.
• U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. How Tobacco Smoke Causes Disease: The Biology and Behavioral Basis for Smoking-Attributable Disease . Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; 2010. Accessed Feb 13, 2024.
• U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. The Health Consequences of Smoking: 50 Years of Progress. A Report of the Surgeon General . Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; 2014. Accessed Feb 12, 2024.
• Mukerjee R, Hirschtick JL, LZ Arciniega, et al. ENDS, cigarettes, and respiratory illness: longitudinal associations among U.S. youth . AJPM. Published online Dec 2023.
• Faulcon LM, Rudy S, Limpert J, Wang B, Murphy I. Adverse experience reports of seizures in youth and young adult electronic nicotine delivery systems users . J Adolesc Health . 2020;66(1):15–17.
• U.S. Food and Drug Administration. E-cigarette: Safety Communication - Related to Seizures Reported Following E-cigarette Use, Particularly in Youth and Young Adults . U.S. Department of Health and Human Services; 2019. Accessed Feb 14, 2024.
• Marynak KL, Gammon DG, Rogers T, et al. Sales of nicotine-containing electronic cigarette products: United States, 2015 . Am J Public Health . 2017;107(5):702-705.
• Regan AK, Bombard JM, O'Hegarty MM, Smith RA, Tong VT. Adverse birth outcomes associated with prepregnancy and prenatal electronic cigarette use . Obstet Gynecol. 2021;138(1):85–94.
• Regan AK, Pereira G. Patterns of combustible and electronic cigarette use during pregnancy and associated pregnancy outcomes . Sci Rep. 2021;11(1):13508.
• Kutlu MG, Parikh V, Gould TJ. Nicotine addiction and psychiatric disorders . Int Rev Neurobiol. 2015;124:171–208.
• Obisesan OH, Mirbolouk M, Osei AD, et al. Association between e-cigarette use and depression in the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System, 2016-2017 . JAMA Netw Open. 2019;2(12):e1916800.
• Prochaska JJ, Das S, Young-Wolff KC. Smoking, mental illness, and public health . Annu Rev Public Health. 2017;38:165–185.
• Wootton RE, Richmond RC, Stuijfzand BG, et al. Evidence for causal effects of lifetime smoking on risk for depression and schizophrenia: a Mendelian randomisation study . Psychol Med. 2020;50(14):2435–2443.
• Taylor G, McNeill A, Girling A, Farley A, Lindson-Hawley N, Aveyard P. Change in mental health after smoking cessation: systematic review and meta-analysis . BMJ. 2014;348:g1151.
• Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.   Youth Risk Behavior Survey Data Summary & Trends Report: 2011–2021 . U.S. Department of Health and Human Services; 2023. Accessed Dec 15, 2023.
• U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Protecting Youth Mental Health: The U.S. Surgeon General's Advisory . Office of the Surgeon General; 2021. Accessed Jan 5, 2024.
• Lechner WV, Janssen T, Kahler CW, Audrain-McGovern J, Leventhal AM. Bi-directional associations of electronic and combustible cigarette use onset patterns with depressive symptoms in adolescents . Prev Med. 2017;96:73–78.
• Gentzke AS, Wang TW, Cornelius M, et al. Tobacco product use and associated factors among middle and high school students—National Youth Tobacco Survey, United States, 2021 . MMWR Surveill Summ. 2022;71(No. SS-5):1–29.

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Jessica Grose

Loneliness is a problem that a.i. won’t solve.

By Jessica Grose

Opinion Writer

When I was reporting my ed tech series , I stumbled on one of the most disturbing things I’ve read in years about how technology might interfere with human connection: an article on the website of the venture capital firm Andreessen Horowitz cheerfully headlined “ It’s Not a Computer, It’s a Companion! ”

It opens with this quote from someone who has apparently fully embraced the idea of having a chatbot for a significant other: “The great thing about A.I. is that it is constantly evolving. One day it will be better than a real [girlfriend]. One day, the real one will be the inferior choice.” The article goes on to breathlessly outline use cases for “A.I. companions,” suggesting that some future iteration of chatbots could stand in for mental health professionals, relationship coaches or chatty co-workers.

This week, OpenAI released an update to its ChatGPT chatbot, an indication that the inhuman future foretold by the Andreessen Horowitz story is fast approaching. According to The Washington Post, “The new model, called GPT-4o (“o” stands for “omni”), can interpret user instructions delivered via text, audio and image — and respond in all three modes as well.” GPT-4o is meant to encourage people to speak to it rather than type into it, The Post reports , as “the updated voice can mimic a wider range of human emotions, and allows the user to interrupt. It chatted with users with fewer delays, and identified an OpenAI executive’s emotion based on a video chat where he was grinning.”

There have been lots of comparisons between GPT-4o and the 2013 movie “Her,” in which a man falls in love with his A.I. assistant, voiced by Scarlett Johansson. While some observers, including the Times Opinion contributing writer Julia Angwin, who called ChatGPT’s recent update “ rather routine ,” weren’t particularly impressed, there’s been plenty of hype about the potential for humanlike chatbots to ameliorate emotional challenges, particularly loneliness and social isolation.

For example, in January, a co-founder of one A.I. company argued that the technology could improve quality of life for isolated older people, writing , “Companionship can be provided in the form of virtual assistants or chatbots, and these companions can engage in conversations, play games or provide information, helping to alleviate feelings of loneliness and boredom.”

Certainly, there are valuable and beneficial uses for A.I. chatbots — they can be life-changing for people who are visually impaired , for example. But the notion that bots will one day be an adequate substitute for human contact misunderstands what loneliness really is and doesn’t account for the necessity of human touch.

There are disagreements among academics about the precise meaning of “loneliness,” but to come at it as a social problem, it’s worth trying to sharpen our definitions. Eric Klinenberg , a sociologist at New York University and the author of several books about social connectedness, including “Going Solo” and “Palaces for the People,” described the complexity of loneliness to me this way: “I think of loneliness as our bodies’ signal to us that we need better, more satisfying connections with other people.” And, he said, “the major issue I have with loneliness metrics is they often fail to distinguish between the ordinary healthy loneliness, which gets us off our couch and into the social world when we need it, and the chronic dangerous loneliness, which prevents us from getting off our couch and spirals and leads us to spiral into depression and withdrawal.”

Why I worry about chatting with bots as a potential solution to loneliness is that it could be an approach that blunts the feeling just enough that it discourages or even prevents people from taking that step off the couch toward making connections with others. And some research indicates that a lack of human touch can exacerbate feelings of isolation. One 2023 paper by researchers at the University of Stirling expresses this more holistic view of loneliness quite eloquently, describing the emotion as “an embodied and contextualized sensory experience.”

Nick Gray, a co-author of that paper — which is about the effect of simulated versus real touch on feelings of loneliness — told me that he hasn’t seen any research yet on how realistic A.I. chatbots affect loneliness, noting that it is, obviously, a very new technology. But based on previous research in the field, including his own, he says “a realistic A.I. chatbot could give a temporary reprieve of the feelings of loneliness,” but “it’s a stretch to say it will reduce or get rid of loneliness.”

Klinenberg pointed out that we just had a natural experiment in forced isolation with the Covid-19 pandemic, and the results were quite clear: People, particularly people who lived alone, longed for human interaction. “If I told you that it’s a new pandemic that will hit this summer and we’ll all spend the next year alone or at home with our family, with everything in the public realm shut down, I don’t think the fact of A.I. would make us feel relieved,” he said, adding, “I think the prospect of a world without face-to-face interaction and human touch is terrifying.” He also noted that some of the companies that are pouring money into developing A.I. are among those that put ( unpopular ) return-to-office mandates into effect, so they certainly believe in the value of human interaction on some level.

I was struck by this passage in a story titled “Could A.I.-Powered Robot ‘Companions’ Combat Human Loneliness?” about work that researchers at Auckland, Duke and Cornell Universities are conducting with robots used as a means to try to help alleviate loneliness in older people:

“Right now, all the evidence points to having a real friend as the best solution,” said Murali Doraiswamy, M.B.B.S., F.R.C.P., professor of psychiatry and geriatrics at Duke University and member of the Duke Institute for Brain Sciences. “But until society prioritizes social connectedness and elder care, robots are a solution for the millions of isolated people who have no other solutions.”

What if even a tiny portion of the billions being spent developing A.I. chatbots could be spent on human and physical things we already know help loneliness? As Klinenberg put it, to help lonely and isolated people, we should be investing in things like collaborative housing, parks, libraries and other kinds of accessible social infrastructures that can help people of all ages build connectedness.

“The real social challenge and policy challenge and human challenge is for us to find ways to recognize these people and to attend to them, to care for them,” Klinenberg said. “But I also know that’s very hard work, and collectively we have failed to rise to that challenge.” We don’t want to spend the money or the time to support the most vulnerable among us. “In a way,” he added, “it’s our social failure that has created this opportunity for A.I. and technology to fill in the void.”

Jessica Grose is an Opinion writer for The Times, covering family, religion, education, culture and the way we live now.