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The Current Situation in Pakistan

A USIP Fact Sheet

Monday, January 23, 2023

Publication Type: Fact Sheet

Pakistan continues to face multiple sources of internal and external conflict. Extremism and intolerance of diversity and dissent have grown, fuelled by a narrow vision of Pakistan’s national identity, and are threatening the country’s prospects for social cohesion and stability.   

The inability of state institutions to reliably provide peaceful ways to resolve grievances has encouraged groups to seek violence as an alternative. The country saw peaceful political transitions after the 2013 and 2018 elections. However, as the country prepares for anticipated elections in 2023, it continues to face a fragile economy along with deepening domestic polarization. Meanwhile, devastating flooding across Pakistan in 2022 has caused billions in damage, strained the country’s agriculture and health sectors, and also laid bare Pakistan’s vulnerability to climate disasters and troubling weaknesses in governance and economic stability.

Regionally, Pakistan faces a resurgence of extremist groups along its border with Afghanistan, which has raised tensions with Taliban-led Afghanistan. Despite a declared ceasefire on the Line of Control in Kashmir in 2021, relations with India remain stagnant and vulnerable to crises that pose a threat to regional and international security. The presence and influence of China, as a great power and close ally of Pakistan, has both the potential to ameliorate and exacerbate various internal and external conflicts in the region.

USIP’S Work

The U.S. Institute of Peace has conducted research and analysis and promoted dialogue in Pakistan since the 1990s, with a presence in the country since 2013. The Institute works to help reverse Pakistan’s growing intolerance of diversity and to increase social cohesion. USIP supports local organizations that develop innovative ways to build peace and promote narratives of inclusion using media, arts, technology, dialogues and education.

USIP works with state institutions in their efforts to be more responsive to citizens’ needs, which can reduce the use of violence to resolve grievances. The Institute supports work to improve police-community relations, promote greater access to justice and strengthen inclusive democratic institutions and governance. USIP also conducts and supports research in Pakistan to better understand drivers of peace and conflict and informs international policies and programs that promote peace and tolerance within Pakistan, between Pakistan and its neighbors, and between Pakistan and the United States.

USIP’s Work in Pakistan Includes:

Improving police-community relations for effective law enforcement

The Pakistani police have struggled with a poor relationship with the public, characterized by mistrust and mistreatment, which has hindered effective policing. USIP has partnered with national and provincial police departments to aid in building police-community relationships and strengthening policing in Pakistan through training, capacity building and social media engagement.

Building sustainable mechanisms for dialogue, critical thinking and peace education.

Nearly two-thirds of Pakistan’s population is under the age of 30. Youth with access to higher education carry disproportionate influence in society. However, Pakistan’s siloed education system does not allow interactions across diverse groups or campuses, leading to intolerance, and in some cases, radicalization. To tackle growing intolerance of diversity on university campuses, USIP has partnered with civil society and state institutions to support programs that establish sustainable mechanisms for dialogue, critical thinking and peace education.

Helping Pakistanis rebuild traditions of tolerance to counter extremists’ demands for violence

USIP supports local cultural leaders, civil society organizations, artists and others in reviving local traditions and discourses that encourage acceptance of diversity, promote dialogue and address social change. USIP also supports media production — including theater, documentaries and collections of short stories — which offer counter narratives to extremism and religious fundamentalism.

Support for acceptance and inclusion of religious minorities

Relations between religious communities in Pakistan have deteriorated, with some instances of intercommunal violence or other forms of exclusion. USIP supports the efforts of local peacebuilders, including religious scholars and leaders, to promote interfaith harmony, peaceful coexistence and equitable inclusion of minorities (gender, ethnic and religious) in all spheres of public life.

Supporting inclusive and democratic institutions

To help democratic institutions be more responsive to citizens, USIP supports technical assistance to state institutions and efforts to empower local governments, along with helping relevant civil society actors advocate for greater inclusion of marginalized groups. Gender has been a major theme of this effort and across USIP’s programming in Pakistan. These programs empower women in peacebuilding and democratic processes through research, advocacy and capacity building.

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Pakistan’s Economic Crisis: What Went Wrong?

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The country is currently running on foreign loans taken on high rates of interest. It will have to repay $80 billion in the coming three years.

Farmers clear out debris in an apple orchard damaged by floods ahead of the harvesting season in Quetta, Balochistan, April 10, 2023.

In March-April, the Pakistan government set up distribution sites across the country to provide s asta aur muft aata (low-cost and free flour) to people to ease their burden amid spiraling prices and the ongoing economic crisis in the country. But instead of doing good, the initiative caused trouble in several places where stampedes broke out, killing and injuring people.

Pakistanis are putting their lives at risk to collect something as basic as a sack of flour. It illustrates how the rising cost of food and other necessities is driving desperation and impacting the masses.

With inflation running at over 30 percent – a 50-year high – putting food on the table for the poorest, who comprise one-third of Pakistan’s population, has become harder than ever before.

When the recent stampedes over food flooded social media, so did the deeper questions: How did the country end up here? What does this economic crisis mean for the majority of the Pakistani people and for Pakistan’s international projects, especially those with China under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which Pakistan considers vital for its future economic growth?

Pakistan’s current GDP, per capita income, and GDP growth are the lowest in its neighborhood ; only war-torn Afghanistan’s economy is weaker.  Likewise, its unemployment and inflation rates are one of the highest in the region. The Human Development Inde x, which measures a country’s achievements through three basic dimensions – health, knowledge, and standards of living – placed Pakistan in the 161st position out of 185 countries in 2022. In other words, Pakistan is among the 25 countries with the lowest human development in the world.

The country’s current situation has multiple causes, including overall poor economic management, corruption, and excessive spending on defense and the armed forces. In a country where half the population is under the age of 22 , investing in the education and technical skills of youth can generate opportunities for a more sustainable economy.

Many also associate the current economic crisis, especially the rise in food staples, with last year’s floods, which caused extensive damage to agricultural land, livestock, thousands of kilometers of road, and other infrastructure. This is partially right, as inflation touched a record high after the floods in August last year. But the war in Ukraine also halted grain supply to a number of countries, including Pakistan, resulting in a sharp increase in prices of foodgrains.

But the situation was not stable even prior to these crises. According to a World Bank report on inflation and development in Pakistan, food-related shortages and transportation challenges caused by the floods and the war in Ukraine that impacted essential grain imports significantly contributed to the inflation, but so did a hike in fuel and oil subsidies. Pakistan heavily relies on imported oil. A constant decline in the value of the country’s currency has resulted in much higher tariffs with every import of oil.

The unceasing decline in the value of Pakistan’s currency over the months has been triggered by the country’s inability to repay its foreign debt . Pakistan is essentially running on foreign loans, an economic model that only leads to borrowing more, which eventually results in bankruptcy. Between February 2023 and June 2026, Pakistan will have to repay around $80 billion in foreign debt.

As of December 2022, Pakistan held $126.3 billion in external debt and liabilities, of which 30 percent is owed to China. As much as the Chinese government has supported Pakistan’s infrastructure development through CPEC, which Pakistan is determined to benefit economically from in the future, for now, the federal government is having to repeatedly turn to the Chinese for refinancing and a rollover of debts .

Although the Chinese government and commercial banks have helped Pakistan by deferring debt repayment or rolling over debts in the past, it is hard to predict if China will continue to do so.

So far, of the numerous projects agreed upon under CPEC, only a few have been completed. Chinese frustration over endless delays in project completion, halting of projects, and security threats to its nationals working in Pakistan has resulted in hesitation to invest in new projects. Yet Pakistan remains one of the biggest beneficiaries of Chinese loans.

Many blame China for the high interest it charges on loans that have burdened many developing countries including Pakistan. Instead of the promised economic growth through CPEC, China’s loans may have worsened Pakistan’s economic crisis. But it is still too early to conclude whether CPEC debts will drain the Pakistani economy or open up opportunities for growth in the future.

For now, transparency over government spending is the need of the hour, along with restructuring the country’s economy from one that overspends on defense institutions and excessively relies on foreign debt with high interest to a model that is sustainable.

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Pakistan’s political crisis, briefly explained

An end to Pakistan’s constitutional crisis. But a political crisis endures.

by Jonathan Guyer

Editor’s note, April 10: Sunday, Imran Khan received a vote of no confidence from the Pakistani parliament, losing his position as prime minister. A vote on a new prime minister is expected as soon as Monday.

One of Pakistan’s twin crises was resolved this week. The other one, not so much.

On Thursday, the country’s supreme court delivered a historic ruling that resolved a constitutional crisis that took shape last week. The court rebuked Prime Minister Imran Khan, a self-fashioned populist leader and former cricket star who is more celebrity than statesman. Khan, the court ruled, had acted unconstitutionally when he dissolved Pakistan’s Parliament last week in order to avoid losing power through a no-confidence vote.

It was a surprising and reassuring decision, experts in the country’s politics said, given the supreme court’s checkered record as a sometime political ally of Khan. On Thursday, the court sided with the rule of law.

But the underlying political crisis that led to the court’s landmark order endures.

Khan outlandishly blamed the opposition parties’ efforts to oust him on a US-driven foreign conspiracy. Now, the Parliament has been restored and will continue with its no-confidence vote against Khan’s premiership Saturday, likely leading to his ouster and extraordinary elections later this year. Khan, for his part, said that he would “ fight ” back.

The broader political crisis, however, can be traced to the 2018 election that brought Khan to power. Traditionally, the military is the most significant institution in Pakistan, and it has often intervened to overthrow elected leaders that got in its way. Khan’s rise is inextricable from military influence over politics , and the incumbent prime minister accused the military of a soft coup for manipulating the election in Khan’s favor.

It was a “very controversial election,” says Asfandyar Mir, a researcher at the United States Institute of Peace. “There was a major question over the legitimacy of that electoral exercise and the government that Khan formed could just never escape the shadow of the controversy surrounding that election,” Mir explained.

More recently, the relationship between the military and Khan has worsened, and that gave the political opposition an opening to act against him. Though it’s not known what role the military played in the supreme court’s ruling, experts note that the harshness of the court’s order suggests the military’s buy-in. “This is part of a larger history of instability in Pakistan in which prime ministers are ousted from power, because they lose the support of Pakistan’s military,” Madiha Afzal, foreign policy fellow at the Brookings Institution, told Vox.

But “even if the court was influenced by the military, it took the right decision,” she says.

Khan’s position weakened domestically

The political and economic situation set the stage for a challenge to Khan.

After running on a campaign that promised less corruption and more economic opportunity for the poor, Khan has failed to deliver. Inflation is climbing , unemployment is soaring , and a billion-dollar program from the International Monetary Fund has not helped stabilize matters. An international investigation into offshore money from last year, known as the Pandora Papers , showed that Khan’s inner circle had moved money abroad to avoid taxes, in contradiction with Khan’s populist rhetoric.

Khan presided over an anti-corruption witch hunt targeting opposition parties. Indeed, the opposition parties, many of them composed of dynastic leadership and families with old money, are corrupt , and their attempt to oust Khan can be seen as a move to evade further scrutiny, Mir said.

Still, that anti-corruption effort brought the government bureaucracy to a halt. And it’s part of Khan’s broader strongman-style approach to governing that has been ineffective .

Since his start in politics, Khan has depended on the courts. Yasser Kureshi, a researcher in constitutional law at the University of Oxford, says Khan has built his political standing on backing the judiciary. “Imran Khan’s political platform has been built around an anti-corruption populism, where he charges the political class for being corrupt, and in the last 15 years the supreme court has been on a spree of jurisprudence targeting the political corruption of Pakistan’s traditional parties,” he explains. “Khan has been the biggest supporter of this jurisprudence as it has validated and legitimized his politics.”

Now, the court appears to have turned against him at a time when the military has also lost faith in Khan. “With Imran Khan, I think that the problem for him is that right now, he has no institutional solutions that he can really turn to,” says Kureshi.

Khan’s relationship with the US has also cooled

Pakistan is a nuclear-armed country with a population of 220 million; it has built the sixth-largest military in the world, and has clout as a leader in the Islamic world. A longtime participant in the US war on terrorism, Pakistan has also been a conflicted partner, criticized for at times abetting the Taliban .

Khan was elected in 2018, and Mir says that, two years in, the military’s relationship to him began to cool. Khan feuded with the army chief over foreign policy issues, and the military saw Khan’s poor governance as a liability. Last year, Khan’s delays in signing off on a new intelligence chief prompted speculation of more divides between the two.

President Joe Biden did not phone Khan in his initial days in office, though he did call the leader of India , Pakistan’s chief rival. “The Biden administration’s cold shoulder to Imran Khan rubbed him the wrong way,” said Afzal. “Pakistan has just fallen off a little bit of the radar in terms of high-level engagement.”

Khan’s public messaging as a strongman has partially been responsible for agitating the relationship with the US — and by extension, his relationship with the Pakistani military, which wants to be closer to the US.

Most recently, that chill was expressed by Khan’s decision to stay neutral in Russia’s war on Ukraine; Khan visited Moscow just in advance of Russia’s invasion.

And, now, he’s turned to accusations of conspiracy: that the opposition’s stand against him is manufactured by the US. The origins of Khan’s incendiary claims appear to be a diplomatic cable that Pakistan’s ambassador to Washington sent home last month after a meeting with senior State Department official Donald Lu. Whatever criticisms Lu may have conveyed about Pakistan’s foreign policy, Khan’s interpretation of the memo has clearly been blown out of proportion. “When it comes to those allegations, there is no truth to them,” State Department spokesperson Ned Price said last week.

It’s an open question whether his argument will resonate among a Pakistani populace who is suspicious of the United States. One group it’s likely not resonating with: Pakistan’s powerful military.

Khan is “critical of the United States to a point that makes the military uncomfortable,” said Shamila Chaudhary, an expert at the New America think tank. “The way he’s talking about the United States is preventing the US relationship with Pakistan from being repaired, and it needs to be repaired.”

Meanwhile, the Biden administration’s focus in Asia has been on great-power competition with China and two national security crises (the Afghanistan withdrawal and Russia’s Ukraine invasion). The sloppy withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan furthered the disconnect between Washington and Islamabad, according to Chaudhary, and further upset Pakistan’s government.

Robin Raphel, a former ambassador who served as a senior South Asia official in the State Department from 1993 to 1997, described Biden’s outlook to Pakistan as a “non-approach approach.”

“I’m a diplomat, and, I believe you get more with honey than vinegar,” she said. “It would have been more than worth it for the president to take five minutes to call Imran Khan.”

The US did send its top State Department official for human rights, Uzra Zeya, to the Organization of Islamic Countries summit in Pakistan last month. Zeya also met with the country’s foreign minister and senior officials, as the two countries celebrated the 75th anniversary of diplomatic relations.

But there hasn’t been more than that in terms of a positive message for the US-Pakistan relationship in light of the recent political and constitutional crises in the country. Price’s recent comments on the situation were brief: “We support Pakistan’s constitutional process and the rule of law.”

What happens next

Once the Parliament completes its no-confidence vote, which may happen as soon as today, it will dissolve the government. The country’s electoral commission will then oversee a caretaker government that will likely be headed by the leader of the opposition, Shehbaz Sharif . (Sharif is the brother of Nawaz Sharif , a former prime minister himself, who is currently living in exile in the UK as he faces accusations of corruption.) And, in that forthcoming vote, Khan will most probably lose .

But even the specifics of those elections are contentious. Khan had asked the electoral commission to set a date within the next 90 days; opposition politicians told NPR that reforms are needed before the next vote, otherwise they say the military will “rig” the next elections.

Long-term, things are even less clear. Among civil society leaders in Pakistan, there is agreement that the supreme court’s ruling is good for constitutionalism. But it may also be a vehicle for further expansion of the judiciary’s ability to intervene in politics.

Kureshi, an expert on the courts of Pakistan and how they have increasingly become the arbiter of politics in the country, says the bigger takeaways won’t be fully understood until the court releases the full text of its ruling in the next month or so. That detailed order may set other legal precedents and even cast the opposition in a bad light.

After the immediate euphoria of keeping Khan’s audacious unconstitutional maneuver in check, that judgment may say a lot about how the court sees itself, especially its supervisory role over the parliament and prime minister.

“The elected institutions are deeply constrained by the tutelage of overly empowered unelected institutions, whether it is the military, historically, or the judiciary more recently,” said Kureshi. “Judgments like this give them an opportunity to further affirm and expand that role.”

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An Economic Crisis in Pakistan Again: What’s Different This Time?

Photo: AAMIR QURESHI/AFP/Getty Images

Critical Questions by Daniel F. Runde and Ambassador Richard Olson

Published October 31, 2018

Pakistan’s newly-elected government is already dealing with a balance of payments crisis, which has been a consistent theme for the nation’s newly elected officials. Pakistan’s structural problems are homegrown, but what is different this time around is an added component of Chinese debt. Pakistan is the largest Belt and Road (BRI) partner adding another creditor to its already complicated economic situation.

Pakistan’s system is ill-equipped to make changes which would avoid future excessive debt. A bailout from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is probably the safest bet for the country although it is unclear whether the United States will support the program. How Pakistan decides to handle its debt crisis could provide insight into how the U.S., IMF, and China will resolve development issues in the future. Beijing is a relatively new player in the development finance world so much is to be learned from how it deals with Pakistan and how it could possibly maneuver in other developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

Q1: What is Pakistan’s current financial and economic situation?

A1: Pakistan held its most recent elections in July 2018. The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party gained over 100 seats in the parliament, and its founder Imran Khan , a famous cricket team captain, was installed as prime minister. Prime Minister Khan has inherited a balance of payments crisis , the third one in the last 10 years. By the end of June 2018, Pakistan had a current account deficit of $18 billion , nearly a 45 percent increase from an account deficit of $12.4 billion in 2017. Exorbitant imports (including those related to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)) and less-than-projected inflows (export revenues and remittances) have led to a current account deficit widening, with foreign currency reserves levels covering less than two months of imports—pushing Pakistan towards a difficult economic situation .

Part of Pakistan’s financial crisis stems from the fact that 2018 was a poor year for emerging markets. Global monetary tightening, increased oil prices, and reduced investor confidence have negatively impacted the country’s already precarious economic situation. But the country’s deep structural problems and weak macroeconomic policies have further exposed the economy to an array of debt vulnerabilities.

Pakistan has had an overvalued exchange rate, low interest rates, and subdued inflation over the last few years. This loose monetary policy has led to high domestic demand, with two-thirds of Pakistan’s economic growth stemming from domestic consumption. An overvalued exchange rate has led to a very high level of imports and low level of exports. Pakistan’s high fiscal deficit was accelerated even further in 2017 and 2018 because elections have historically caused spending to rise (both of the most recent fiscal crises followed elections). Perhaps the greatest financial issues facing Pakistan are its pervasive tax evasion and chronically low level of domestic resource mobilization. Taxes in Pakistan comprise less than 10 percent of GDP , a far cry from the 35 percent of countries that are part of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Pakistan also suffers from impediments in the energy sector through frequent and widespread power outages that hurt its competitiveness.

In Western media, Chinese investment is often cited as the main driver of Pakistan’s debt crisis. This is somewhat true as China’s BRI makes Pakistan a key partner through the shared CPEC. The CPEC is a $60 billion program of infrastructure, energy and communication projects that aims to improve connectivity in the region. CPEC infrastructure costs have certainly placed a greater debt burden on Pakistan, but the current structural problems are homegrown; the root cause of the energy shortages is now less a matter of power generation, and more of fiscal mismanagement of the power sector .

Q2: What are Pakistan’s options?

A2: Pakistan appears to be in perpetual crisis-mode, and for too long the Pakistani government has been overly reliant on U.S. bilateral assistance. While it may not be the first choice of the Pakistani government, an IMF bailout is the most likely outcome of this financial crisis because it is probably the only path for Pakistan to regain its macroeconomic stability. Any “bailout” from a bilateral donor (meaning China or Pakistan’s Gulf State friends, including Saudi Arabia which has recently provided Pakistan $3 billion for a period of one year as balance-of-payment support) will not get at the root issues that Pakistan faces—its loose macroeconomic, fiscal, and monetary policies. Pakistan needs to get its house in order and remedy many of its domestic economic issues. 18 out of Pakistan’s 21 IMF programs over the last 60 years have not been completed despite obtaining over $30 billion in financial support across those programs. Just like today’s current financial crisis, Pakistan’s last two IMF packages (in 2008 and 2013) were also negotiated by incoming governments.

Q3: Would the U.S. support a new IMF Pakistan program?

A3: The current U.S. administration and Congress would not be supportive of additional bilateral funding to Pakistan—meaning money coming directly from the United States. Since 2001, Pakistan has been the beneficiary of the U.S. Coalition Support Fund (CSF), which reimburses allies for costs incurred by war on terrorism. The CSF is used to reimburse Pakistan for U.S. military use of its network infrastructure (e.g., ports, railways, roads, airspace) so that the United States can prosecute the war in neighboring Afghanistan, as well as certain Pakistani military counter-terrorism operations. The CSF for Pakistan has been as high as $1.2 billion per year, and, in recent years, $900 million per year. With nearly $1 billion in CSF distributed every year, along with $335 million in humanitarian assistance, it will be difficult to convince Congress to appropriate more funds for a Pakistan bailout yet. However, due to inaction on the part of Pakistan to expel or arrest Taliban insurgents operating from Pakistani territory, the United States has recently cut another $300 million from the CSF, bringing the total to $850 million in U.S. assistance withheld from Pakistan this year. In fact, all security assistance to Pakistan, whether it is international military education and training, foreign military financing, or the CSF, has been suspended for this year according to one State Department official.

An IMF program for Pakistan faces resistance from some members of Congress. A group of 16 senators has already signed a letter to President Trump that outlines their opposition to bailing out Pakistan because the IMF package would, in effect, be bailing out Chinese banks.

The Trump administration has also taken a hardline stance towards assisting Pakistan with its financial crisis. Secretary of State Pompeo stated this past July that he would not support an IMF bailout that went towards paying off Chinese loans. In September, Secretary Pompeo visited Pakistan, and there were indications that the United States would not block an IMF program. If an IMF program is enacted, there is no doubt that it would have stronger conditionality and a greater insistence on full transparency of Pakistan’s debt obligations.

Q4: Would an IMF package be a bailout of the Chinese?

A4: The terms of Pakistan’s loans with China are currently unclear and multiple news outlets have reported that Pakistan has refused to share CPEC information with the IMF. However, it is not unreasonable to presume that the terms in those contracts would be more demanding than terms typically asked by the IMF. Unless the terms between Pakistan and China and its state-owned enterprises (SOEs) are disclosed and made clear to the IMF, then it is unwise for the IMF to proceed with a bailout package.

The IMF’s focus is not in projecting power and influence; rather it seeks to help struggling nations get back on their feet. The same cannot be said for China. China appears to be most interested in spreading its influence and gaining valuable assets for its military and expanding economy, while at the same time exporting its surplus capacity for infrastructure building. In its annual report to Congress, the Department of Defense reiterated this concern, “countries participating in BRI [such as Pakistan] could develop economic dependence on Chinese capital, which China could leverage to achieve its interests.”

Of Pakistan’s nearly $30 billion trade deficit, 30 percent is directly attributable to China . If China were concerned about the economic crisis in Pakistan, it would make immediate concessions which Pakistan Finance Minister Asad Umar says China is working on . To help with the crisis, China could readjust its trade surplus with Pakistan in different ways. For example, China could buy Pakistani cement and other purchases in the short term to illustrate that they are aware of and swiftly responding to the economic turmoil in Pakistan. Other nations have struggled with debt obligations to China. For instance, in July 2017, Sri Lanka signed over a 99-year lease for Hambantota Port to a Chinese SOE because of Sri Lanka’s inability to pay for BRI costs. Malaysia took a different path and decided to cancel major infrastructure projects with China in August 2018 due to worries that they would increase its debt burden .

Q5: What are the consequences if there is no IMF package?

A5: It is likely that China will provide even more assistance to broaden Pakistan’s dependency. Chinese banks and SOEs have already invested heavily into Pakistan, so much so that state bank loans have not been fully disclosed to the global community. In fact, Pakistan’s Status Report for July 2017 through June 2018 shows that Chinese commercial banks hold 53 percent of Pakistan’s outstanding commercial debt. However, that percentage may be even higher than the report depicts. While China and Pakistan have agreed to make all CPEC projects readily available to the public, the information is scattered and often left blank on essential financial reports (see July-June 2017 document ), and so it is difficult to obtain a full sense of the degree of Pakistan’s indebtedness to China. Again, much of the loan information provided by the Pakistani government, especially concerning China, is not entirely transparent.

If China chooses to follow through and become the “point person” for an assistance package, the pressure will be taken off the IMF. But, if the United States does not support an IMF package, it will forego major geopolitical potential in the region to its main competitor, China.

Pakistan represents a litmus test of all future cases in which the IMF, United States, China, and any emerging market country are all involved. Depending on how Beijing chooses to navigate Pakistan’s financial crisis, China may soon find itself responsible for rectifying the debt burdens of Zambia and many other BRI countries.

Q6: What are U.S. geopolitical “equities” in Pakistan?

A6:  The United States is invested in Pakistan because of its significant geopolitical importance.

• Pakistan is an important component of the balance of power in South Asia. Both India and Pakistan have nuclear weapons capabilities. Moreover, China, India, and Pakistan have been in dispute over the Kashmir region since 1947. Regional stability is in the interest of the United States.
• Despite its ambiguous stance on militant groups, Pakistan is ostensibly an ally of the United States because of its proximity to Afghanistan. Since the War on Terror began in 2001, Pakistan has been an active partner in the elimination of core al Qaeda within Pakistan and has facilitated aspects of the U.S. military campaign in Afghanistan.
• The United States now seeks a negotiated settlement to the conflict in Afghanistan. To accomplish this, perhaps the United States will come to Pakistan with a simple offer: “deliver the Taliban, and we will give you the IMF.”
• Whereas previous administrations may have tried to “play nice” with Pakistan, under the Trump administration, there is a chance that the U.S. government will push the IMF to adopt stricter terms for a Pakistan bailout, citing the Pakistani government’s failures of the last two programs.
• Other than strategic military importance, one of the most important national security challenges to the United States is Pakistan’s demographic trends. Currently, over 64 percent of Pakistanis are under the age of 30—the largest percentage of youth in the country’s history. Over the next 30 years, Pakistan’s population will increase by over 100 million, jumping from 190 million to 300 million by 2050 . The spike in youth population presents an opportunity for the U.S. government and private sector to increase investment in Pakistan. Pakistan’s economy must generate 1 million jobs annually for the next three decades and GDP growth rates must equal 7 percent or more per year to keep up with the population boom. Were Pakistan’s economy to collapse, the world would see the first instance of a failed state with a substantial arsenal of nuclear weapons.
• An economically healthy Pakistan could be a large market for U.S. goods and services. If the U.S.-Pakistan relationship is strained as a result of this financial crisis, it will not only harm the United States militarily but will also harm U.S. businesses and Pakistani consumers.

Q7: Should the U.S. support an IMF package to Pakistan?

A7: Given the geostrategic importance of Pakistan for the United States, we should support a package but with stronger conditionality than in 2013 along with full transparency and disclosure of its debt obligations.

Daniel F. Runde is senior vice president, director of the Project on Prosperity and Development, and holds the William A. Schreyer Chair in Global Analysis at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, D.C. Richard Olson is a non-resident senior associate at CSIS. He is the former U.S. ambassador to the United Arab Emirates and Pakistan; most recently he served as the U.S. special representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan during the Obama administration. Special thanks to CSIS Project on Prosperity and Development program coordinator Owen Murphy and intern Austin Lucas for their contributions to this analysis.

Critical Questions   is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s).

© 2018 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved.

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Essay On Problems Of Pakistan (200 & 500 Words)

Essay on problems of pakistan (200 words).

Pakistan, a developing South Asian country, faces numerous challenges on its journey toward progress and prosperity. The most pressing problems are terrorism, economic instability, the energy crisis, and poor education and healthcare systems.

Terrorism remains a significant threat in Pakistan, with extremist factions destabilizing the peace and security of the country. The government must strengthen its counter-terrorism strategies while addressing the root causes of extremism, such as poverty, illiteracy, and political instability.

Economic instability is another critical issue impacting millions of Pakistanis’ lives. High inflation, unemployment, and widespread corruption hinder the country’s growth. The government should prioritize investing in infrastructure and supporting small and medium-sized enterprises to improve economic stability. Additionally, anti-corruption measures must be enforced to ensure transparency and accountability in public affairs.

The energy crisis in Pakistan disrupts daily life and hampers industrial development. To tackle this problem, the government should invest in sustainable energy sources like solar and wind power, which can help to reduce dependency on fossil fuels and alleviate the energy shortage.

Lastly, Pakistan’s poor education and healthcare systems are significant barriers to social development. Improving access to quality education is essential to empower future generations and reduce poverty. Meanwhile, investment in healthcare infrastructure and capacity building will improve the population’s overall well-being.

In conclusion, addressing these pressing problems is crucial for Pakistan to progress toward a brighter future. Through effective counter-terrorism strategies, economic stabilization, investments in sustainable energy sources, and improving education and healthcare systems, Pakistan can overcome these challenges and achieve sustainable development.

Essay On Problems Of Pakistan (500 words)

Title: The Multifaceted Problems of Pakistan

Pakistan, a nation with a rich cultural heritage and diverse traditions, has faced various challenges since its inception in 1947. This essay aims to shed light on the fundamental problems that have hindered the growth and progress of the country. These issues include political instability, terrorism, and economic, social, and environmental concerns. It is vital to address these problems to pave the way for Pakistan’s prosperous and stable future.

Political Instability: The foremost issue that plagues Pakistan is political instability, which has persisted throughout its history. Frequent military interventions, weak democratic institutions, and rampant corruption have all contributed to the precarious political landscape. This lack of stability has directly impacted the country’s economic and social development. To foster progress, Pakistan must strengthen its democratic institutions and foster a culture of transparency and accountability.

Terrorism: Pakistan has been grappling with the menace of terrorism for decades, which has claimed thousands of innocent lives and severely affected the nation’s social fabric. The country’s strategic position, along with its porous borders, has made it vulnerable to infiltration by extremist groups. To counter this threat, Pakistan must continue strengthening its counter-terrorism measures, promote interfaith harmony, and address the root causes of extremism, such as poverty and illiteracy.

Economic Woes: Pakistan’s economy is plagued by many issues, including low GDP growth, high inflation, and a ballooning fiscal deficit. Many people live below the poverty line, and unemployment remains a pressing concern. To address these economic challenges, Pakistan must focus on boosting its industrial sector, investing in human capital, and pursuing economic reforms to encourage foreign investment.

Social Issues: The nation also grapples with various social issues hamper its progress. Illiteracy, gender inequality, and lack of access to basic healthcare are among the most pressing concerns. To tackle these issues, the government must prioritize education, particularly for girls, and invest in healthcare infrastructure. Additionally, efforts should be made to raise awareness about the importance of gender equality and women’s empowerment.

Environmental Concerns: Pakistan is increasingly vulnerable to climate change and environmental degradation. Deforestation, water scarcity, and air pollution are just a few environmental challenges the country faces. To combat these issues, Pakistan must develop and implement sustainable environmental policies, promote afforestation, and invest in renewable energy sources.

In conclusion, the problems of Pakistan are multifaceted, ranging from political instability and terrorism to economic woes and social issues. While these challenges may seem impossible, the nation must unite and work towards a better future. By strengthening democratic institutions, combating terrorism, pursuing economic reforms, addressing social concerns, and investing in environmental sustainability, Pakistan can overcome these hurdles and chart a path toward prosperity and stability.

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Sana Mursleen is a student studying English Literature at Lahore Garrison University (LGU). With her love for writing and humor, she writes essays for Top Study World. Sana is an avid reader and has a passion for history, politics, and social issues.

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Pakistan’s Economic Crisis: Unveiling the Causes, Impacts, and Remedies

Dr. ali sajjad, 30 october, 2023.

Pakistan has been grappling with an economic crisis in recent years, which is marked by high rates of inflation, a declining currency, and an increasing debt load. The country’s population has been significantly impacted by this crisis, with many people finding it challenging to meet their financial obligations. This blog will cover the reasons behind the current economic crisis, its effects on the nation, and potential solutions to the problem.

Causes of Crises

1 – external debt.

Pakistan’s current economic crisis is primarily caused by its external debt, which amounts to $126.3 billion. The country owes this debt to a wide range of creditors, including multilateral organizations, Paris Club nations, private and commercial lenders, and China. The growth of this debt load can be attributed to several factors such as excessive borrowing, slow growth, weak exports, and currency depreciation. Pakistan’s foreign exchange reserves are currently around $4 billion, which is insufficient to pay for even one month’s worth of imports.  As a result, there is a significant chance that the nation will not be able to pay its debts in full

2 – Inflation

Pakistan is currently facing a decline in the purchasing power of its populace and an increase in poverty due to a record-breaking inflation rate of over 25%. The rising costs of food, fuel, electricity, and imported goods are the primary causes of this inflation.  The government’s expansionary fiscal and monetary policies, which were implemented to boost the economy in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, have further exacerbated the inflationary pressure.

3 – Energy Crises

Pakistan is currently dealing with a persistent energy crisis that has seriously hampered its ability to produce goods and expand its economy. The country relies heavily on imported petrol and oil, which are expensive and prone to price volatility. Unfortunately, poor management, corruption, and a lack of investment in renewable energy sources have resulted in insufficient and inefficient domestic energy production. As a result, Pakistan frequently experiences load shedding and power outages, which negatively affect millions of homes and businesses. The country’s GDP has decreased by up to 4% recently as a result of energy shortages.

4 – Political Instability

Pakistan’s financial instability is significantly impacted by its political instability. Frequent changes in government, governance, and political unrest have weakened foreign and domestic investor confidence. This has led to a decrease in foreign direct investment (FDI), causing capital flight and lowering the likelihood of economic growth. Exchange rate volatility, caused by political unrest, harms businesses that depend on stable exchange rates for international trade. Inconsistent economic policies and budgetary constraints lead to budget deficits and increased borrowing, elevating the risk of sovereign debt crises. Insecurity issues related to political instability, including terrorism and civil unrest, disrupt economic activities, deter foreign investment, and damage infrastructure, collectively contributing to economic and financial instability in Pakistan. The political uncertainty has undermined the confidence of investors, creditors, and the public in the government’s ability to address the economic challenges.

Consequences of Crises

1 – social unrest.

Due to the economic hardships the Pakistani people have experienced, there is a great deal of unhappiness and frustration, which has taken many different forms, including protests, strikes, riots, and violence. The social fabric and confidence in the government have been damaged by the rising cost of living, unemployment, inequality, and insecurity. The nation’s stability and unity are in danger as a result of the economic crisis’s escalation of ethnic, sectarian, and regional tensions.

2 – Security challenges

Pakistan’s current economic crisis has significantly weakened its capacity to address both internal and external security challenges. The country is currently grappling with a resurgence of terrorism perpetrated by various militant groups. These groups have exploited the economic crisis to further their nefarious activities, posing a significant threat to Pakistan’s stability and security.

3 – Regional implications

Significant effects of Pakistan’s economic crisis on regional stability and growth. Pakistan, a nuclear-armed nation with a population of more than 200 million, is very significant from a geopolitical standpoint. The potential collapse or instability of Pakistan’s economy could have significant repercussions for its neighbors and the global community.

Solutions to the Crisis

To address the economic crisis in Pakistan, the government and international community must act urgently and comprehensively. The following are some possible solutions:

1 – Debt relief

Pakistan may think about asking for debt relief from its creditors to lessen payback pressure and spend resources for growth. The government can negotiate a favorable debt rescheduling or restructuring with its creditors. Pakistan might also receive crucial financial aid and policy direction by asking the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for help in restarting the halted bailout program.

2 – Structural reforms

It is essential to put structural changes into place to address the underlying causes of Pakistan’s economic problems. To lower inflation, the budget deficit, and the national debt, the government should implement responsible fiscal and monetary policies. To increase revenue production and boost efficiency, it is essential to improve tax collection and expense management. Additionally, expanding export markets and encouraging the export sector can increase foreign exchange revenues. Reduced reliance on imported oil and gas can be achieved by making investments in the energy sector and the development of renewable energy.

3 – Political dialogue

Pakistan must resolve its political crisis through constructive dialogue and consensus-building. The government and the opposition should engage in a peaceful and productive dialogue to end their confrontation and find a mutually acceptable solution to their differences. The government and the opposition should also work together to address the economic challenges and implement the necessary reforms. Both parties must respect the rule of law, the constitution, and the democratic process to ensure the legitimacy and stability of the political system.

4 – International collaboration

By enlisting the aid of its allies and partners, including China, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Iran, and the United States, Pakistan can improve its international collaboration. This may result in financial support, business opportunities, easier commerce, and technological breakthroughs. The government should also improve ties with its neighbors, especially with India and Afghanistan, to promote regional peace and cooperation. By taking part in regional initiatives, Pakistan can gain from regional connection and integration.

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Dr. Ali Sajjad is currently working as an Assistant Professor at Chaudhary Abdul Rehman Business School, Superior University. From the University of Utara Malaysia, he obtained a PhD in Banking and Finance. Moreover, he is a researcher having years of teaching and research experience. He has several publications and his area of research is accounting, finance, entrepreneurship and Islamic finance.

Please note that all opinions, views, statements, and facts conveyed in the article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of Chaudhry Abdul Rehman Business School (CARBS). CARBS assumes no liability or responsibility for any errors or omissions in the content. When interpreting and applying the information provided in the article, readers are advised to use their own discretion and judgement.

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Education System of Pakistan: Issues, Problems and Solutions

Introduction

It is mandated in the Constitution of Pakistan to provide free and compulsory education to all children between the ages of 5-16 years and enhance adult literacy. With the 18th constitutional amendment the concurrent list which comprised of 47 subjects was abolished and these subjects, including education, were transferred to federating units as a move towards provincial autonomy.

The year 2015 is important in the context that it marks the deadline for the participants of Dakar declaration (Education For All [EFA] commitment) including Pakistan. Education related statistics coupled with Pakistan’s progress regarding education targets set in Vision 2030 and Pakistan’s lagging behind in achieving EFA targets and its Millennium Development Goals(MDGs) for education call for an analysis of the education system of Pakistan and to look into the issues and problems it is facing so that workable solutions could be recommended.

What is Education System?

The system of education includes all institutions that are involved in delivering formal education (public and private, for-profit and nonprofit, onsite or virtual instruction) and their faculties, students, physical infrastructure, resources and rules. In a broader definition the system also includes the institutions that are directly involved in financing, managing, operating or regulating such institutions (like government ministries and regulatory bodies, central testing organizations, textbook boards and accreditation boards). The rules and regulations that guide the individual and institutional interactions within the set up are also part of the education system.

Education system of Pakistan:

The education system of Pakistan is comprised of 260,903 institutions and is facilitating 41,018,384 students with the help of 1,535,461 teachers. The system includes 180,846 public institutions and 80,057 private institutions. Hence 31% educational institutes are run by private sector while 69% are public institutes.

Analysis of education system in Pakistan

Pakistan has expressed its commitment to promote education and literacy in the country by education policies at domestic level and getting involved into international commitments on education. In this regard national education policies are the visions which suggest strategies to increase literacy rate, capacity building, and enhance facilities in the schools and educational institutes. MDGs and EFA programmes are global commitments of Pakistan for the promotion of literacy.

A review of the education system of Pakistan suggests that there has been little change in Pakistan’s schools since 2010, when the 18th Amendment enshrined education as a fundamental human right in the constitution. Problems of access, quality, infrastructure and inequality of opportunity, remain endemic.

A)    MDGs and Pakistan

Due to the problems in education system of Pakistan, the country is lagging behind in achieving its MDGs of education. The MDGs have laid down two goals for education sector:

Goal 2 : The goal 2 of MDGs is to achieve Universal Primary Education (UPE) and by 2015, children everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to complete a full course of primary schooling. By the year 2014 the enrolment statistics show an increase in the enrolment of students of the age of 3-16 year while dropout rate decreased. But the need for increasing enrolment of students remains high to achieve MDGs target. Punjab is leading province wise in net primary enrolment rate with 62% enrolment. The enrolment rate in Sindh province is 52%, in Khyber Pakhtunkhawa (KPK) 54% and primary enrolment rate in Balochistan is 45%.

Goal 3: The goal 3 of MDGs is Promoting Gender Equality and Women Empowerment. It is aimed at eliminating gender disparity in primary and secondary education by 2005 and in all levels of education not later than 2015. There is a stark disparity between male and female literacy rates. The national literacy rate of male was 71% while that of female was 48% in 2012-13. Provinces reported the same gender disparity. Punjab literacy rate in male was 71% and for females it was 54%. In Sindh literacy rate in male was 72% and female 47%, in KPK male 70% and females 35%, while in Balochistan male 62% and female 23%.

B)    Education for All (EFA) Commitment

The EFA goals focus on early childhood care and education including pre-schooling, universal primary education and secondary education to youth, adult literacy with gender parity and quality of education as crosscutting thematic and programme priorities.

EFA Review Report October 2014 outlines that despite repeated policy commitments, primary education in Pakistan is lagging behind in achieving its target of universal primary education. Currently the primary gross enrolment rate stands at 85.9% while Pakistan requires increasing it up to 100% by 2015-16 to fulfil EFA goals.  Of the estimated total primary school going 21.4 million children of ages 5-9 years, 68.5% are enrolled in schools, of which 8.2 million or 56% are boys and 6.5 million or 44% are girls. Economic Survey of Pakistan confirms that during the year 2013-14 literacy remained much higher in urban areas than in rural areas and higher among males.

C)    Vision 2030

Vision 2030 of Planning Commission of Pakistan looks for an academic environment which promotes the thinking mind. The goal under Vision 2030 is one curriculum and one national examination system under state responsibility. The strategies charted out to achieve the goal included:

(i)                  Increasing public expenditure on education and skills generation from 2.7% of GDP to 5% by 2010 and 7% by 2015.

(ii)                Re-introduce the technical and vocational stream in the last two years of secondary schools.

(iii)             Gradually increase vocational and technical education numbers to 25-30% of all secondary enrolment by 2015 and 50 per cent by 2030.

(iv)              Enhance the scale and quality of education in general and the scale and quality of scientific/technical education in Pakistan in particular.

Problems: The issues lead to the comprehension of the problems which are faced in the development of education system and promotion of literacy. The study outlines seven major problems such as:

1)      Lack of Proper Planning: Pakistan is a signatory to MDGs and EFA goals. However it seems that it will not be able to achieve these international commitments because of financial management issues and constraints to achieve the MDGs and EFA goals.

2)      Social constraints: It is important to realize that the problems which hinder the provision of education are not just due to issues of management by government but some of them are deeply rooted in the social and cultural orientation of the people. Overcoming the latter is difficult and would require a change in attitude of the people, until then universal primary education is difficult to achieve.

3)      Gender gap: Major factors that hinder enrolment rates of girls include poverty, cultural constraints, illiteracy of parents and parental concerns about safety and mobility of their daughters. Society’s emphasis on girl’s modesty, protection and early marriages may limit family’s willingness to send them to school. Enrolment of rural girls is 45% lower than that of urban girls; while for boys the difference is 10% only, showing that gender gap is an important factor.

4)      Cost of education: The economic cost is higher in private schools, but these are located in richer settlements only. The paradox is that private schools are better but not everywhere and government schools ensure equitable access but do not provide quality education.

5)      War on Terror: Pakistan’s engagement in war against terrorism also affected the promotion of literacy campaign. The militants targeted schools and students; several educational institutions were blown up, teachers and students were killed in Balochistan, KPK and FATA. This may have to contribute not as much as other factors, but this remains an important factor.

6)      Funds for Education: Pakistan spends 2.4% GDP on education. At national level, 89% education expenditure comprises of current expenses such as teachers’ salaries, while only 11% comprises of development expenditure which is not sufficient to raise quality of education.

7)      Technical Education: Sufficient attention has not been paid to the technical and vocational education in Pakistan. The number of technical and vocational training institutes is not sufficient and many are deprived of infrastructure, teachers and tools for training. The population of a state is one of the main elements of its national power. It can become an asset once it is skilled. Unskilled population means more jobless people in the country, which affects the national development negatively. Therefore, technical education needs priority handling by the government.

Poverty, law and order situation, natural disasters, budgetary constraints, lack of access, poor quality, equity, and governance have also contributed in less enrolments.

An analysis of the issues and problems suggest that:

The official data shows the allocation of funds for educational projects but there is no mechanism which ensures the proper expenditure of those funds on education.

• The existing infrastructure is not being properly utilized in several parts of the country.
• There are various challenges that include expertise, institutional and capacity issues, forging national cohesion, uniform standards for textbook development, and quality assurance.
• The faculty hiring process is historically known to be politicized. It is because of this that the quality of teaching suffers and even more so when low investments are made in teachers’ training. As a result teachers are not regular and their time at school is not as productive as it would be with a well-trained teacher.
• Inside schools there are challenges which include shortage of teachers, teacher absenteeism, missing basic facilities and lack of friendly environment.
• Out of school challenges include shortage of schools, distance – especially for females, insecurity, poverty, cultural norms, parents are reluctant or parents lack awareness.

There is a need for implementation of national education policy and vision 2030 education goals. An analysis of education policy suggests that at the policy level there are several admirable ideas, but practically there are some shortcomings also.

It may not be possible for the government at the moment to implement uniform education system in the country, but a uniform curriculum can be introduced in educational institutes of the country. This will provide equal opportunity to the students of rural areas to compete with students of urban areas in the job market.

Since majority of Pakistani population resides in rural areas and the access to education is a major problem for them, it seems feasible that a balanced approach for formal and informal education be adopted. Government as well as non-government sector should work together to promote education in rural areas.

The government should take measures to get school buildings vacated which are occupied by feudal lords of Sindh, Balochistan and Punjab. Efforts should be made to ensure that proper education is provided in those schools.

The federal government is paying attention to the vocational and technical training, but it is important to make the already existing vocational and technical training centres more efficient so that skilled youth could be produced.

Since education is a provincial subject, the provincial education secretariats need to be strengthened. Special policy planning units should be established in provinces’ education departments for implementation of educational policies and formulation of new policies whenever needed. The provincial education departments need to work out financial resources required for realising the compliance of Article 25-A.

Federal Government should play a supportive role vis-à-vis the provinces for the early compliance of the constitutional obligation laid down in Article 25-A. Special grants can be provided to the provinces where the literacy rate is low.

Pakistan is not the only country which is facing challenges regarding promotion of literacy and meeting EFA and MDGs commitments. Education remains a subject which is paid least attention in the whole South Asian region. UNDP report 2014 suggests that there has been an improvement in other elements of human development such as life expectancy, per capita income and human development index value (in past 3 years); but there has been no progress in the number of schooling years. The expected average for years of schooling in 2010 was 10.6 years but the actual average of schooling remained 4.7 for all South Asian countries. In the year 2013 the expected average of number of years increased to 11.2 but the actual average of years of schooling of South Asian countries remained 4.7.  Regional cooperation mechanism can also be developed to promote literacy in South Asian region. Sharing success stories, making country-specific modifications and their implementation can generate positive results.

Recommendations

• Technical education should be made a part of secondary education. Classes for carpentry, electrical, and other technical education must be included in the curriculum.
• Providing economic incentives to the students may encourage the parents to send their children to school and may help in reducing the dropout ratio.
• Local government system is helpful in promoting education and literacy in the country. In local government system the funds for education would be spent on a need basis by the locality.
• Corruption in education departments is one of the factors for the poor literacy in the country. An effective monitoring system is needed in education departments.
• For any system to work it is imperative that relevant structures are developed. Legislation and structure should be framed to plan for the promotion of education in the country. After the 18 th amendment the education has become a provincial subject, therefore, the provinces should form legislations and design educational policies which ensure quality education.
• Unemployment of educated men and women is a major concern for Pakistan. There should be career counselling of the pupils in schools so that they have an understanding of job market and they can develop their skills accordingly.
• Counselling of parents is required, so that they can choose a career for their child which is market friendly.
• There are two approaches to acquiring education: First, which is being followed by many in Pakistan is to get education to earn bread and butter. The second approach is to get education for the sake of personal development and learning. This approach is followed by affluent and economically stable people who send their children to private schools and abroad for education. The problem arises when non-affluent families send their children to private schools, and universities. This aspiration for sending children for higher education is wrong, because the country does not need managers and officers only. There are several other jobs where people are needed. Hence the mind-set of sending one’s children to university only for becoming officers and managers needs to be changed.

Conclusion:                                                        

The reforms required in the education system of Pakistan cannot be done by the government alone, public-private participation and a mix of formal as well as non-formal education can pull out majority of country’s population from illiteracy. Similarly, to make the youth of the country an asset, attention should also be paid to vocational and technical training.

References:

Human Development Report 2014 “Sustaining Human Progress: Reducing Vulnerabilities and Building Resilience,” United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) (New York: UNDP, 2014).

Mehnaz Aziz et al, “Education System Reform in Pakistan: Why, When, and How?” IZA Policy Paper No. 76, January 2014 (Institute for the Study of Labor, 2014), P 4.

Annual Report: Pakistan Education Statistics 2011-12, National Education Management Information System Academy of Educational Planning and Management, Ministry of Education, Trainings & Standards in Higher Education, Government of Pakistan, (Islamabad, AEPAM, 2013).

Economic Survey of Pakistan 2014, Ministry of Finance, Government of Pakistan.

Pakistan: Education for All 2015 National Review , Ministry of Education, Trainings and Standards in Higher Education Academy of Educational Planning and Management Islamabad, Pakistan June, 2014 (available at : http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0022/002297/229718E.pdf).

Maliha Naveed, Reasons of Low Levels of Education in Pakistan, Pakistan Herald, January 03, 2013 (available at: http://www.pakistanherald.com/articles/reasons-of-low-levels-of-education-in-pakistan-3065 ).

“Pakistan may miss EFA goals by 2015-16: Report,” Daily Nation , October, 3, 2014.

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Pakistan and its Politics Essay

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Introduction

Reason for move towards islamic state, impact of islamic state on democracy, works cited.

Pakistan was established as a state in 1947 after a separation from the Indian British Empire. From its beginning, the country has had a turbulent life with political instability and ethnic disputes characterizing its existence. While Pakistan was established as a secular state with a Muslim majority, the country has exhibited over the decades showed signs of evolving into an Islamic State. Such an outcome would have dire consequences for democratization.

The prevailing economic conditions have increased the popularity of Islamic movements all over the country. Farhat notes that most Pakistanis blame bad government policies for the high unemployment, inflation, and lack of access to education and healthcare in the country (121).

Islamists express skepticism over the ability of the secular leadership, which is blamed for Pakistan’s problems. Saudi influence has also been a contributing factor to the evolution of Pakistan into an Islamic state.

Due to the lack of financial opportunities in Pakistan, Saudi Arabia has been a major destination for Pakistanis working abroad since the 1970s. When the Pakistani workers return home from this Islamic state, they are influenced by the religious teachings of Saudi clerics (Farhat 122).

Western dominance has also accelerated the move towards Islamic reform in Pakistan. After the events of 9/11, the cooperation between the Pakistani government and the United States has increased with Pakistan becoming a key strategic ally. Radical Islamists see this as a corruption of Islam by the West.

Farhat points out that this challenge of the West has become the single most important factor promoting the renewal of Islamic movements in Pakistan today (129). Western dominance has fueled nationalistic sentiments and many people are in support of an Islamic renewal.

Evolution to an Islamic State will hurt democracy in Pakistan. Politicians have been known to employ religious criteria to justify their actions in Islamic states. This will be to the disadvantage of Pakistanis of other religions and Islamic sub-sects.

Ishtiaq observes that While Pakistan has a Muslim majority with 96% of Pakistanis being Muslims, the Muslim community is not monolithic and it contains different sub-sects (195). An Islamic state would therefore threaten democracy since it would give rise to sectarianism in Pakistani territories.

By adopting an Islamic character, Pakistan has enacted many laws that are discriminatory to non-Muslims. For example, the third constitution of 1973 required the president and the prime minister to be Muslims (Ishtiaq 198). Such laws are not in line with the democratic principles that give each person equal opportunity in the state.

The Islamic state will ensure that only practicing Muslims can take up key leadership positions in the country. An Islamic state will also hurt democracy since the ruling elite may resort to Islamic rhetoric to undermine the opposition. Farhat demonstrates that Islamic symbolism may be used to legitimize leadership that would otherwise be voted out in a true democracy (127).

Pakistan is a country with a rich Islamic history spanning centuries and the country was created with these religious and cultural bearings in mind. However, Pakistan was created as a Muslim state and not an Islamic State. The trends articulated in this paper are moving Pakistan towards becoming an Islamic State. If this happens, the democratic values currently enjoyed by the country will suffer as Islamic laws becomes adapted all over the land.

Farhat, Haq. “A state for the Muslims or an Islamic state?” Religion and Politics in South Asia . Ed. Ali Riaz. NY. Routledge, 2010. 119-145. Print.

Ishtiaq, Ahmed. “The Pakistan Islamic State Project: A secular Critique.” Religion and Politics in South Asia . Ed. Ali Riaz. NY. Routledge, 2010. 185-211. Print.

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Terrorism in Pakistan has declined, but the underlying roots of extremism remain

Subscribe to the center for middle east policy newsletter, madiha afzal madiha afzal fellow - foreign policy , center for middle east policy , strobe talbott center for security, strategy, and technology , center for asia policy studies.

January 15, 2021

This piece is part of a series titled “ Nonstate armed actors and illicit economies: What the Biden administration needs to know ,” from Brookings’s  Initiative on Nonstate Armed Actors .

According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, Pakistan saw 319 terrorism-related incidents in 2020, and 169 associated deaths of civilians. That represents a decline, from a high of nearly 4,000 such incidents in 2013, with over 2,700 civilian deaths (see figure below).

This fall is largely due to the Pakistani army’s kinetic operations against the Pakistani Taliban — also known as the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) — which had been responsible for the majority of deaths of civilians and security forces since 2007, the year it formed officially as an umbrella organization of various militant groups. Over the years, American drone strikes targeted and killed successive TTP leaders, including Baitullah Mehsud in 2009, Hakimullah Mehsud in 2013, and Mullah Fazlullah in 2018. The Pakistani military’s Zarb-e-Azb operation (named for the sword of the Prophet Muhammad) began in 2014 — after a TTP attack on the Karachi airport that June — and increased in intensity after the Peshawar Army Public School attack of December that year, which killed more than 130 schoolchildren. Since 2017, having largely routed the TTP (because of limited information access to the area, there are questions about how many terrorists were killed, versus simply displaced across the Pakistan-Afghanistan border), the military’s operation entered a new phase of “elimination” of militant groups. The operation is called Radd-ul-Fasaad, which literally means elimination of all strife.

Figure: Terrorism-related fatalities in Pakistan

While this top-line picture in terms of number of attacks and casualties is clearly a positive one, the TTP has been regrouping since last summer. Various breakaway factions pledged allegiance to the group last July, and there are reports of it making a comeback in at least six districts in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa “ with the intimidation of locals, targeted killings, and attacks on security forces .” The TTP is reported to have killed at least 40 security forces between March and September 2020. Official Pakistani sources blamed India as “behind” the revival. On the other end, the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement, an ethnic protest movement that claims human rights violations against civilians by the Pakistani military during its operations against the Taliban, has alleged (without systematic proof) that “the Taliban are being allowed to return” to the tribal areas in a “secret deal with the military.”

The TTP, of course, maintains ties with the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaida. Some have speculated that the TTP comeback may be linked with the Afghan peace process and Pakistan’s fencing of the border with Afghanistan, both of which threaten the group’s sanctuary in Afghanistan. (A U.N. report from July 2020 stated there were 6,000 Pakistani fighters in Afghanistan, most affiliated with the TTP.) There has also been some speculation that the Afghan peace process might include, at some point, a separate Afghan-Pakistan deal, with Afghanistan denying safe haven to the TTP potentially in return for Pakistan denying sanctuary to the Haqqanis (though it is unclear whether that will be possible, or acceptable to Pakistan). Pakistan has already raised questions about Afghanistan’s sanctuary for the TTP.

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Madiha Afzal

January 2, 2018

The Islamic State in Khorasan (ISIS-K), which operates in Afghanistan and is the Afghan Taliban’s rival, has been responsible for recent attacks in Baluchistan, including of 11 Shia Hazara coal miners this January — complicating Pakistan’s already violent sectarian landscape. In discussing this attack, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Imran Khan again blamed India for “backing ISIS” to “spread unrest” in Pakistan. (Pakistan has also long claimed that India uses Afghan soil — on which ISIS-K is based — to destabilize Pakistan.)

Anti-India militant groups continue to have a foothold in Pakistan, but Pakistan has begun taking action against the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) in recent years, especially in the wake of its enhanced monitoring by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) in 2018 for terrorism financing; it is a key goal of Khan’s government to have Pakistan removed from this “grey list,” because it hurts the country’s image and causes it financial harm. Most notably, Pakistan has sentenced Hafiz Saeed, the leader of the LeT, to 11 years in prison for terrorism financing. Another LeT leader, Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi, was also recently sentenced to five years for terrorism financing. The United States has acknowledged these steps, but has argued that Pakistan needs to hold these LeT leaders accountable for more than terrorism financing. Pakistan has taken less action against Jaish-e-Mohammad, the terrorist group responsible for the Pulwama attack of February 2019; its leader, Masood Azhar, is at large. Notably, Pakistan-based militant groups have not been responsible for any violence in Kashmir since the Pulwama attack; in an interview later in 2019, Khan asked Pakistanis not to engage in any violence or “jihad” in India, because it would be blamed on Pakistan and would harm it. That signal seems to have worked.

Placing the blame on India for terrorism in Pakistan is something the country has long done, although not always in as direct a manner as in 2020. Beyond linking the recent ISIS-K attack with India, Pakistan also linked the Baluch Liberation Army’s June 2020 attack on the Karachi Stock Exchange with its eastern neighbor (Pakistan has longed argued India supports the Baluch insurgency). In November, the Pakistani foreign minister, in a splashy press conference, released details of the “ dossier ” Pakistan has compiled linking India to funding, arming, and training terrorists (including the TTP) against Pakistan. Only the summary — not the full dossier — discussed in that meeting has been made public. It found a receptive audience in a Pakistani population already wary of the Narendra Modi government for its actions in Kashmir and the alarming rise in intolerance toward Muslims in India. The Pakistani government says it has shared the dossier with the U.N. and various governments, but those parties have not publicly acknowledged it.

Pakistan’s strategy toward militant groups has long been two-pronged, as it were: to take overt (and successful) action against groups targeting the Pakistani state and citizenry — the TTP — without taking action against the groups it has considered “strategic assets,” including the Afghan Taliban that have sought sanctuary on its soil and anti-India militants that its intelligence agencies have covertly supported. Underlying this approach has been an effort to hedge bets: regarding the Taliban’s possible influence in Afghanistan after an international withdrawal, and regarding militant proxies who may give Pakistan parity on an otherwise lopsided conventional military footing with India. There are signs some of this is changing. For instance, Pakistan has developed a good relationship with Kabul, especially in recent months, but it also knows its leverage over the Taliban keeps it relevant to the Afghan peace process. The FATF listing has induced Pakistan to take its strictest action to date on militant groups, especially LeT. It also helps that Pakistan is keen to shed an image associated with terrorism. Yet the long-term sustainability of actions Pakistan has taken in response to pressure from FATF remains to be seen; will they be reversed when the FATF grey-listing is lifted? And what happens after the international withdrawal from Afghanistan is complete?

The central issue is not one of state capacity, but an unwillingness of the Pakistani state to paint all jihadist groups with the same brush, to recognize the linkages in ideology that connect them all — and to acknowledge how those ideologies find fodder in Pakistan’s laws, educational curricula, politics, and indeed the very nature of how Pakistan has defined itself, as I detailed in my book . This issue holds for Pakistan’s military, and also across its spectrum of major political parties, as has been demonstrated over the last 12 years with all three of them successively holding power. That lack of recognition of how terrorism and extremism are connected, and of the very roots of extremism, is the crux of the problem: Militant groups can always find recruits, from other groups or from the general population. Non-armed right-wing fundamentalist groups, notably the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), share these ideologies, glorify violence (the TLP, after all, celebrated the murder of Salmaan Taseer for daring to propose reform in Pakistan’s blasphemy laws), and enjoy growing support and sympathy.

For a brief time after the Peshawar school attack of 2014, there was some clarity in recognizing the homegrown nature of the Pakistan Taliban, and the country devised a National Action Plan to tackle extremism and terrorism. While it was incomplete and never acknowledged the deeper roots of extremism, it was a start. But it has gone by the wayside as the Pakistani state has turned back once again to blaming India for terrorism in the country. Meanwhile, the underlying roots of extremism — the country’s curricula, the way its politics works, and its laws, which have all primed its citizenry to buy into and sympathize with the propaganda of extremist groups — remain intact. Pakistan’s claims about India deserve to be heard and investigated, as the international community ignoring them only worsens Pakistan’s sense of victimhood, but that does not absolve the state of its own policies that have fostered extremism and allowed terror groups to proliferate on its soil.

As the Biden administration takes office, it is worth recognizing the effectiveness of the FATF tool, and the limited leverage of the United States to effect real change on security matters in Pakistan, at least initially. Ultimately, Pakistan must be the one to connect the dots linking all the terrorist groups on its soil and their ideologies, acknowledge how it has contributed to extremism within its borders, and decide on addressing the roots of that extremism. I would argue that the best way to encourage it to do so is for America to develop a relationship with the country that is separate from Afghanistan, and separate from India: to deal with Pakistan on its own terms. Meanwhile, security concerns in Pakistan are more or less contained, with the FATF listing and the Pakistani state’s action against the TTP being the primary mechanisms for that control, and the Biden administration need not make them the center of its Pakistan policy.

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Pakistan’s Healthcare System: A Review of Major Challenges and the First Comprehensive Universal Health Coverage Initiative

Salman j khan.

1 Hematology and Oncology, Mayo Clinic, Jacksonville, USA

2 Public Health, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, USA

Muhammad Asif

3 Internal Medicine, Avera McKennan Hospital and University Health Center, Sioux Falls, USA

Sadia Aslam

Wahab j khan.

4 Internal Medicine, University of South Dakota Sanford School of Medicine, Sioux Falls, USA

Syed A Hamza

5 Cardiology, Punjab Institute of Cardiology, Lahore, PAK

Each country's healthcare system has a different structure and functioning designed to meet the needs of its people utilizing the available resources. Due to ever-growing population needs and constantly emerging public health problems, it is vital for any healthcare system to be ready to adapt, recognize its limitations, and improve its flaws by learning from other healthcare models across the globe. In this article, we analyzed the significant challenges faced by Pakistan's healthcare system (PHS) and the first comprehensive initiative taken for universal health coverage in Pakistan. Inequitable distribution of resources, inadequate healthcare spending, non-adherence to preventative healthcare and brain drain are the major problems in the PHS. On the other hand, the recently introduced universal health coverage initiative, the Sehat Sahulat Program (SSP), can be considered one of the biggest achievements of the country’s healthcare system.

Introduction

No healthcare system can be labeled as perfect because of the growing needs of people, constantly emerging new public health challenges, and the diversity of population demographics around the globe. Every system needs continuous pruning to fulfill the needs of its people through analysis of its shortcomings and strengths. Pakistan's healthcare system (PHS) is not an exception to this principle. PHS comprises private and public sectors, catering to a huge population of more than 220 million [ 1 ]. There are many challenges faced by PHS including inadequate funding, infrastructural limitations, brain drain of health professionals, limited focus on preventive healthcare (PHC), and inequitable resource allocation. Among these issues, Pakistan's first comprehensive universal health coverage (UHC) initiative, Sehat Sahulat Program (SSP), can be considered the most outstanding achievement of the PHS.

PHS faces many challenges that hinder its ability to provide adequate and efficient healthcare services to its citizens. One of the significant challenges is insufficient funding. Pakistan spends around 38 US Dollars (USD) per capita on healthcare, which is much lower than other developing countries [ 2 ]. As compared to Pakistan, India, the Philippines, and Ghana spend 57, 165, and 85 USD per capita on healthcare, respectively [ 2 ]. Pakistan spent 1.2% of its gross domestic product (GDP) on the public health sector in 2020-2021 as compared to 1.1 in 2019-2020, which is not a significant increase when viewed in terms of GDP percentage [ 3 ]. The lack of sufficient investment in the PHS has led to another challenge which is a shortage of health infrastructure, medicines, medical equipment, and qualified healthcare professionals. Although there is an increase in human resources from 2014 to 2021, this growth is not enough to cater to the needs of the population growing at 2% per annum (Table ​ (Table1) 1 ) [ 3 ]. Around 32,879 physicians graduate every year in Pakistan and 40% of them go abroad for better opportunities citing low income, long hours of job, and inequality as the main reasons [ 4 ]. According to a study conducted at two different medical colleges, 33% of medical students plan to leave the country to practice healthcare abroad. This brain drain puts undue pressure on the PHS resulting in inadequate provision of health facilities to people.

Open access source: Pakistan Economic Survey 2021-22 [ 3 ]

Limited focus on PHC is another significant issue PHS faces. PHC includes measures to prevent diseases and promote health, such as immunizations, screenings, and health education. Pakistan's government has taken several steps over the years to promote PHC which include the Lady Health Workers (LHW) programme, the expanded programme on immunization (EPI), the Polio Eradication Initiative (PEI) Programme, the Malaria Control Programme (MCP), Tuberculosis (TB), Control Programme, and establishment of basic health units (BHUs) and rural health units and rural health units (RHUs). In 2021, there were 1,276 hospitals, 5,558 BHUs, 736 RHCs, 5,802 Dispensaries, 780 Maternity and Child Health Centers, and 416 TB centers in Pakistan [ 3 ]. However, all these initiatives have not been able to drastically improve the health indicators of Pakistan, which are much worse than its peers (Table ​ (Table2). 2 ). These initiatives are not enough for a population of more than 220 million [ 1 ]. There is still a scarcity of resources in the PHC realm and the people do not have access to these services because of less developed PHC centers or even the absence of these centers nearby. Even with access to these facilities, the population does not get involved in preventive health because of a lack of awareness and education regarding its importance to their own health. Many people in Pakistan lack basic health literacy, which means they do not have the knowledge and skills to access and use healthcare services effectively.

Open access source: Economic Survey of Pakistan [ 3 ]

The inequitable distribution of healthcare resources is a serious threat to the PHS. The healthcare resources, including hospitals, clinics, and healthcare professionals, are concentrated in the urban areas, leaving rural areas with inadequate healthcare facilities. It leads to a significant disparity in healthcare access and outcomes between urban and rural populations [ 5 ]. The Community Health Index (CHI) reflects the unequal distribution of healthcare resources. CHI measures the disparities between different regions based on health and well-being. Pakistan scored an inequality ratio of 16.59 CHI, which means that the upper-tier districts are 16.59 times healthier than the lower-tier districts. The disparity ratio differs by approximately 10 points between the urban and rural areas (7.78 and 17.54, respectively) showing a huge disparity in resources. This data reveals the inequitable distribution of resources in the healthcare domain in Pakistan [ 5 ]. Consequently, the rural healthcare system lacks basic medical equipment, diagnostic facilities, and medications, leading to a lack of proper patient diagnosis and treatment. All these shortages increase the burden on the infrastructure in cities and, in turn, lead to inadequate provision of health facilities, physician shortages, and dissatisfaction among patients.

Sehat Sahulat Program: UHC Initiative

UHC is a concept coined by the WHO that aims to ensure essential health services to everyone without any financial hardship. UHC is a part of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) adopted by the United Nations (UN) in 2015. Pakistan is a signatory of the SDGs. The goal of UHC is expressed in the UN 2030 agenda as part of the SDGs in Goal 3, which focuses on health (target 3.8). UHC is the primary step toward providing health as a fundamental right of citizens [ 2 ]. The biggest achievement of the PHS is the UHC initiative in the form of the SSP.

SSP is a public sector-funded health insurance initiative of the federal and provincial governments working to provide financial health protection to all citizens against extraordinary healthcare expenditure. SSP is a landmark healthcare initiative that is considered an important step toward UHC. SSP was implemented first by the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) provincial government in 2015 to provide free health insurance coverage to the poor and vulnerable populations only. Then, the federal government of Pakistan in cooperation with the provincial governments rolled out the SSP in other provinces in 2019. The program is funded by the government of Pakistan and is managed by the Ministry of National Health Services, Regulations, and Coordination. The program has two main components: (i) free health insurance coverage for eligible households and (ii) a network of participating hospitals and clinics where eligible households can access healthcare services. The SSP initially provided social insurance only to families living below the poverty line but is now gradually moving toward every citizen. As of 2022, the SSP has been implemented in 36 districts of Punjab, 35 districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 10 districts of Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK), 10 districts of Gilgit Baltistan (GB), Islamabad Capital Territory (ICT) and Hardaker district of Sindh, reaching approximately 44.6 million households. The Public Sector Development Program (PSDP) is responsible for contributing premiums from ICT, AJK, GB, Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), and Thar Parker districts. However, Punjab and KP fund 100% premium contributions from various sources [ 3 ].

Under the SSP, households receive health insurance cards, which can be used to access healthcare services up to one million rupees per year at participating hospitals and clinics. The program covers a wide range of inpatient services, including cardiac procedures, cancer management, burn management, dialysis, complications of diabetes mellitus, trauma management, neurosurgical procedures, abdominal surgeries, fracture management, and other medical and surgical interventions [ 3 ]. The program has a tiered benefit structure with higher benefits for households with more vulnerable members, such as women, children, and older people. The SSP has a vast network of more than 1030 paneled hospitals across Pakistan. Beneficiaries from any district can get treatment from any of these paneled hospitals. The program has also positively impacted the financial protection of marginalized communities. Transgender people and persons with disabilities registered with the National Database Regulatory Authority (NADRA) were also enrolled in this program. They have given access to UHC, a giant leap in the inclusion of the ignored community [ 3 ]. In Pakistan, out-of-pocket (OOP) expenditures on health are more than 60% of the total health expenditure [ 3 ]. The SSP has shared this cost at every level of healthcare. Moreover, it serves 154 million people in Pakistan, which is the first-ever health insurance initiative in the history of Pakistan [ 3 ]. Till March 8, 2022, over 3.2 million hospital visits have been recorded under the SSP's health cards [ 1 ]. The shared health expenditure has also facilitated people's access to medical services which they used to avoid in the past due to high healthcare costs, thus promoting health and wellness.

There are a few limitations to this program. Many families have complained about the incompatibility between the cost of treatment in private-sector hospitals and the limits set by the program. Patients are expected to pay the difference. In some instances, patients were turned away without any medical services due to the inability to pay [ 1 ]. Another issue is the interrupted continuity of the SSP due to recent political and economic instability in Pakistan. It is still functional in some parts of the country while being suspended in others.

As Pakistan is a developing country, its healthcare system must make many improvements to meet the needs of its population. The challenges faced by Pakistan's healthcare system include insufficient funding, inadequate healthcare workforce and infrastructure, less focus on preventive health, and inequitable distribution of resources. These challenges need comprehensive policy formulation focused on increases in healthcare funding and allocation of equity-based resources. The most significant achievement of PHS is the initiative toward UHC through the SSP. This initiative has decreased the burden of healthcare expenses and increased access to healthcare services for people, including marginalized communities.

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

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Education in Pakistan: The key issues, problems and the new challenges

2007, Journal of Management and Social …

The purpose of this research article is to investigate the key issues, problems and the new challenges in Pakistan. Education plays the role of leadership in the society. The functions of the educational institutions are to develop the people physically, mentally, psychologically, socially, and ...

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Bilal Yousaf

This study was meant to explore and report the problems being confronted by the education in Pakistan and suggest for the resolution of these problems. Education plays the role of leadership in the society. The functions of the educational institutions are to develop the people physically, mentally, psychologically, socially and spiritually. It improves and promotes the economic, social, political and cultural life of the nation. There is no doubt in accepting the fact that education brings about a change in the social, political and cultural scenario of the country; though the change remains slow but it does have an impact on the society at large. Until now the role of secondary and college education in Pakistan has been simply preparation for tertiary education, which in the minds of most people means strictly a university education. All over the world universities are guiding and co-operating with the industrial and agricultural development organizations and they are developing their economics rapidly and meaningfully. There is a close link between education and development. In Pakistan, after more than five decades, the developmental indicators are not showing positive results. The participation rate at higher education is low comparatively to other countries of the region. There are problems of quality of staff, students, library and laboratory. Considering the gigantic problems of education in Pakistan, I select this topic for research.

This paper reviews the current key issues and problems in the education system of Pakistan that pose a challenge for the future growth of the country. The paper uses documentary analysis as the research methodology for data collection. The paper attempts to understand which factors have contributed to the downfall of Pakistani education system. The first part of the paper explains how the system is operated by the government. Moving on, the problems be them external or internal in nature are highlighted and it is delineated how these problems have contributed to greater social demise. The paper further looks into some solutions to the problems aforementioned and urges the government to contribute in due diligence what is required to the education system.

Dr. Z U B A I D A ZAFAR

Education is a key to political stability and socio-economic development of a nation. Unfortunately, there are diverse systems of education providing different types of education leading to stratified education system. The researchers investigated education system of Pakistan, its functioning and problems and used mixed method approach. In quantitative section researchers adopted survey method and questionnaire as tool for a sample of 210 respondents through multi-stage systematic sampling and SPSS for analysis. In qualitative part researchers used interview guide as a tool for 35 respondents (university level teaching faculty and students) and adopted Domain Analysis technique for qualitative data analysis. The results of present study indicate that education brings political stability by realizing the people their national rights and duties and thus through such awareness leads to harmony, participation and cooperation. Education shapes the personality of the people to play part i...

The Pakistan Development Review

Nadia Tahir

After six decades of its existence, Pakistan finds itself in an educational quagmire. There is not much to show in terms of national, provincial and local indicators of a standard variety. At the international level, the country has earned the notoriety of being regularly lower down on all known indices and league tables on human development, competitiveness and governance. Neglect of education lies at the heart of the problem. This is surprising because the thinking on the nature of the educational system required for the newly emerging country had started quite early. An All Pakistan Educational Conference was held on November 27, 1947 in Karachi. Education thus was the subject of the very first professional conference held in the country, bringing together all the stakeholders. The Father of the Nation set the guidelines in his detailed message: “Under foreign rule for over a century, in the very nature of things, I regret, sufficient attention has not been paid to the education ...

Saadat Rana

Pakistan is a rapidly growing economy, with a strategy of reducing poverty and generating prosperity for all through industrial development by technology up-gradation and greater export orientation. Such circumstances define the relevance of a robust education sector in Pakistan, which would allow it to meet its human resource requirements. Pakistan needs to produce more workers, technicians, supervisors, managers, and researchers. It needs to expand its education base by improving the retention rate of students at primary, secondary and tertiary levels and by establishing more educational institutions across the country. Further, the quality of education needs considerable improvement by inducting better qualified teachers, adopting better education techniques and implementing effective examination mechanisms.

intzar butt , ashiq hussain dogar , Tahir Mahmood Butt

Pakistan Education System is not according to the Constitution of Pakistan 1973. It is moulding youth in divergent matrixes that cause injustice and disappointment in society. Therefore, it a barrier in achieving the goal of national harmony and social cohesion; and also, it is one of the contributory factors in dispersing the nation from its ideals. This paper discusses the key flaw in the educational structure of Pakistan, and suggests the ways to achieve the goal of " uniform, equitable and effective system of education " through a " national education system " as ensured in the Constitution of Pakistan.

Shamaila Hasan , Eresearch Journal ISSN: 2706-8242

This paper aimed to look at present education system of Pakistan. There exists an inherent promise and intensive potential in educational policies of Pakistan for revolutionizing socioeconomic change in the country through education. Pakistan since its independence in 1947 has faced the insufficient educational institutions and lack of qualified teachers which resulted in challenges of access and quality. To deal with educational problems, a number of educational policies were released. The policies came at different times, during different regimes, in with diverse policy document. They varied in their size, intention and seriousness. The existing education system in Pakistan is considered not being adequately responsive to the demand of quality education. There is a wide range of issues and concerns related to the teaching and learning setup. To improve the existing education system of Pakistan development of any strategy should give due consideration to these issues and concerns. Introduction:

Usman Amjad

Usman Muhammad

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The Problem With Saying Suicide Is Preventable

W hen I left my father’s condo for the airport on a sunny March day in 2018, I did not once think that he might kill himself. Yes, his depression had returned, dense and unsteadying. But he had just come home from a week of voluntary inpatient care at the psychiatric hospital. He had a psychiatrist, an acupuncturist, and a sunlamp. During my visit, I drove him to his outpatient group therapy. We played Scrabble and listened to 80s dance hits.

What I saw when I spent that week with my father was a man doing everything he could to shrug the mantle of depression from his shoulders. But within 48 hours of me leaving, my father ended his life.

He was one of more than 48,000 Americans who died by suicide in 2018, a then-record that has since been surpassed by steadily rising suicide rates in the midst of a mental health crisis the surgeon general called “ the defining public health crisis of our time .”

As this crisis rages on, we have made strides in fighting suicide, like the 988 lifeline and increased barriers on bridges and high structures throughout the United States. This spring, the Biden administration released a new 10-year strategy for suicide prevention . These improvements bolster the declaration that now feels ubiquitous in mental health messaging: suicide is preventable . But that phrase masks a nuanced, persistent reality of suicide that we must acknowledge.

Read More: America Has Reached Peak Therapy. Why Is Our Mental Health Getting Worse?

Though well-intentioned, the truth is that not all suicides can be stopped, even with the best efforts. But right after my father’s death, everywhere I looked I read that suicide is preventable. This instilled an immediate, unconscious conviction in me of a double failure: my father, who had not done enough to save himself, and those of us who loved him most, who had not done enough, either. Collectively we could have deterred his death. But we did not.

In the months following my father’s death, I channeled my guilt into an obsessive energy toward understanding and advocating for suicide prevention. I fundraised for the American Foundation for Suicide Prevention , lobbied for policy change in Tennessee, and charted my father’s risk factors against his protective factors , certain I would find the tipping point where he should have gone left instead of right—where I should have stayed, instead of left him.

Alongside the insistence that suicide can be stopped lie reminders for survivors not to feel guilty or blame themselves, a request that feels impossible, as you’re handed checklists of preventative measures. But it is not only for the sake of those left behind that we should add nuance to what we mean when we say suicide is preventable.

The crux of the issue with blanketing suicide as something that can be stopped is that it flattens one of the most confounding psychological, medical, and philosophical questions of being human into something simpler than its reality. Perhaps one day we will be able to say that, with the right blueprint, suicide is preventable. But we do not have the knowledge, let alone the resources, to make that true now.

Today I imagine my father on a precipice, teetering between life and death. I will never know exactly why he fell one way and not the other, in the same way we do not know what causes one person to take their life and another to not. We do not know whether the seeds of suicidality are planted moments before a person decides to die, or decades. For each individual, it is different. But it is not something we can cut open on the autopsy table, tracing its progression and tearing it out at the root.

This does not mean suicide prevention efforts are futile. One of the few, but most encouraging, empirically backed strategies to reduce suicide deaths is limiting access to lethal means —hence the importance of bridge barriers, firearms safety, and safe medication storage. But as my therapist reminded me after my father’s death, people have still found ways to end their lives while in the middle of inpatient mental health treatment. There were no guarantees that anything I might have done would have stopped my father’s death. 

At first, I interpreted his reminder as bleak. But over time, I started to see the way that my obsession with what could have gone differently dehumanized my father. It was both more painful and more honest when I began to accept that my father’s reality was different from my own. I would have given anything for him to still be alive, but I also did not want to deny what life was like for him. In a world still riddled with stigma against mental illness, those who die by and attempt suicide deserve the dignity of us acknowledging their pain as real.

This is a scary thing to admit, to both validate the severity of psychological crisis without dismissing suicide deaths as inevitable. And though I want us to add nuance to our language around suicide prevention, I do not believe the suicide epidemic is unstoppable. But we need more than better quality and access to mental health care (which, we do need)—we also must frame mental health as something inclusive of trauma, poverty, substance abuse, and economic, food, and housing insecurity. We need to intercept suicide far before the crisis moment.

Take, for instance, Italy’s community-centered Trieste model , where people in mental health crisis are directed to short-term stays in peer-managed housing that is more similar to a home than a hospital. The Trieste model also focuses on meeting patients’ basic needs, like food, clothing, housing, and jobs. In the U.S., California awarded $116 million to launch a pilot program replicating the Trieste model in Los Angeles. But the program has been stalled since it received funding in 2019, and remains under revision. More concentrated efforts, like free school lunch programs that have been shown to improve student mental health, can help address some destabilizing factors with more immediacy as larger systemic changes take hold.

We can also expand therapeutic interventions in a system that does not have enough clinicians to meet the needs of a worsening mental illness epidemic. Earlier in 2024, Alaska passed a law requiring mental health curricula in public schools, following in the wake of states like New York and Virginia. Alabama high-schoolers have been testing a self-guided pilot program to improve mental health literacy before crisis, which research has shown works .  These kinds of approaches contribute to a broader ecosystem of knowledge and resources that help reduce how many people reach a crisis point to begin with.

Acknowledging that, currently, suicide is not always preventable alleviates the burden for survivors wondering what we did wrong. It also honors that what the world is like for those who die by suicide is real to them, rather than implying that they failed in not doing more to help themselves. And it allows us to admit how much we still don’t know, giving us space to create more holistic, expansive solutions for all that mental health care can be.

When I stopped focusing over what might have prevented my father’s suicide, my perception of his life burst open into so much more than how he died. His death had made me question whether any of the joy and laughter and car sing-a-longs I’d shared with him in the days before were real. But once I accepted that his suicide was both his choice to make, and just one part of his story, I recognized that his depression did not invalidate all the other things that drove him. Like showing up for the people he loved, solving problems, and creating beauty around him. The way he died does not diminish how dedicated he was to growth and evolution, and it does not invalidate the countless ways he chose to live.

I have hope that, with continued research, interventions, and destigmatization, suicide deaths will decline. But I also have peace knowing that my father’s death is not defined by what he or I did wrong, but instead is one of the many continuing unknowns we must make space for in how we speak about mental health.

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